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卷一百四十九 列傳第九十九: 于休烈 令狐峘 歸崇敬 奚陟 張薦 蔣乂 柳登 沈傳師

Volume 149 Biographies 99: Yu Xiulie, Ling Huhuan, Gui Chongjing, Xi Zhi, Zhang Jian, Jiang Yi, Liu Deng, Shen Chuanshi

Chapter 153 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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1
Yu Xiulie
2
殿
Yu Xiulie came from Henan. His great-grandfather Zhining had served as Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs under Zhenguan and was numbered among the Eighteen Scholars. His father Mocheng had been magistrate of Pei County and died young. Xiulie was upright by nature, with a sharp and discerning mind. From boyhood he loved study and wrote well. With He Chao of Kuaiji, Wan Qirong, and Bao Rong of Yanling he formed a circle of literary friends, and for a time their names were linked together. He passed the jinshi examination and also placed on the decree examination, then was appointed a proofreader in the Secretariat. He rose through Right Remonstrator, Diarist, and Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, then served as Vice Director and then Director in the Ministry of Revenue. When Yang Guozhong dominated the government, he pushed aside those who would not follow him and sent Xiulie out as prefect of Zhongbu Commandery.
3
祿
When Lushan rebelled and Suzong took the throne, Xiulie came from Zhongbu to the imperial camp and was promoted to Supervising Censor. He was made Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, placed in charge of ritual affairs, and concurrently assigned to compile the national history. When Suzong returned from Fengxiang to the capital, he applied himself diligently to governance and once said to Xiulie, "You record every action— you are a fine historian. If I commit faults, will you write them down too?" He replied, "Yu and Tang blamed themselves, and their rise was swift. A ruler of virtue never forgets to be corrected. Your subject is filled with joy at this." At that time the Central Plain lay in ruins and canonical institutions were nearly lost; there were no historical records to consult. Xiulie memorialized, "The National History in one hundred six juan, the Veritable Record of the Kaiyuan Reign in forty-seven juan, the Diaries of Activity and Rest, and other books totaling three thousand six hundred eighty-two juan are all in the Historiography Office of the Xingqing Palace. After the capital fell to the rebels, all were burned. Moreover the National History and Veritable Records are great canonical works of the sacred dynasty, compiled over many years, and now there are no originals at all. I respectfully ask that the Censorate investigate those responsible in the Historiography Office and have prefectures and counties seek the books out. If anyone has separately recovered the National History or Veritable Records and delivers them to the authorities, let a heavy reward be added. If a historiographer recovered them, still pardon his offense. For recovering one complete work, grant an extraordinary promotion; for one juan, reward ten bolts of silk." Within a few months only one or two juan were recovered. The former historiographer and Vice Director of the Ministry of Works Wei Shu, who had fallen into rebel hands and entered the Eastern Capital, at this time sent the National History in one hundred thirteen juan from his family collection to the authorities.
4
調 殿
Suzong, regarding the bells and chimes of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, held that since Sui times the five tones handed down had at times been out of tune; at the beginning of the Qianyuan era he said to Xiulie, "In antiquity the sages made music to accord with the harmony of Heaven and earth and to fit the order of yin and yang, so that people did not die young and things were not afflicted. Metal, stone, silk, and bamboo are the instruments of music. Recently, whenever I personally performed the suburban and ancestral sacrifices and listened to the suspended music, the pitch modes were incomplete or the bells and chimes were off pitch. Bring all the bells and chimes here; I shall set the pitch myself within the palace." The Court of Imperial Sacrifices assembled music masters to test them; after several days the errors were identified, and then new casting, carving, and polishing were ordered. When the work was finished, the emperor personally tested them in the hall; all matched the five tones, and the officials congratulated him.
5
Xiulie was soon transferred to Vice Director of the Ministry of Works and compiler of the national history; he presented An Essay on the Five Dynasties' Emperors, and the emperor greatly praised it. The chancellor Li Kuo, proud of his talent and jealous of the worthy, resented that Xiulie compiled the national history on equal footing with himself; he memorialized to make Xiulie Director of the Directorate of Education while retaining him in the Historiography Office to compile, thereby demoting him. Xiulie remained calm and self-possessed and did not mind at all. By old practice, on New Year's Day and the winter solstice officials did not attend court at Guangshun Gate to congratulate the empress; in the first year of Qianyuan, Empress Zhang carried out this rite. Xiulie memorialized, "The Rites of Zhou provide that titled husbands attend the ruler and titled wives attend the lady. Since the Xianqing era, Empress Wu began this practice. On that day titled wives also attended at Guangshun Gate and mingled with officials— a grave breach of ritual." Suzong issued an edict stopping it.
6
使 祿
When Daizong ascended the throne and ranked officials by quality, the chancellor Yuan Zai praised Xiulie; he was appointed Right Regular Attendant and continued to compile the national history, then added Master of Ceremonies. He was transferred to Vice Director of the Ministry of Works. He was then changed to Acting Director of the Ministry of Works and concurrently judged affairs of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, formally appointed Director of the Ministry of Works, enfeoffed as Duke of Donghai Commandery, and granted the Grand Master of the Gold Seal and Purple Ribbon. In court for more than thirty years, he repeatedly held prestigious posts, yet his household had no store of even a few pecks of grain. Respectful, frugal, and gentle, he never showed joy or anger in his face. Yet he honored the worthy and treated inferiors well, promoting later generations; though high in rank and advanced in years, he never showed weariness. He deeply loved the classics and never put books down, even to the end. In the seventh year of Dali he died at age eighty-one. A collection in ten juan circulated in his age.
7
His heir Yi and second son Su both served in succession as Hanlin Academicians.
8
簿
That spring Xiulie's wife, Lady Wei, died. Because the emperor considered the Confucian conduct of Xiulie and his sons renowned, he specially ordered Lady Wei enfeoffed as Lady of the State, and on the day of burial granted an honor guard and musical escort. When he heard Xiulie had died, he mourned him for a long time, posthumously granted him Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, gave one hundred bolts of silk and fifty bolts of cloth as funeral gifts, and sent Palace Usher and Inner Attendant Wu Chengqian to his private residence to convey consolation. Few Confucians had such honor.
9
Su rose to Supervising Censor. Su's son Ao.
10
使 使使 殿
Ao, styled Daozhong, was famed for his family's literary and historical tradition. In youth he was praised by men of the age for his conduct and was careful in word and deed. He passed the jinshi examination and on leaving office was appointed collator in the Secretariat. The Hunan Observation Commissioner Yang Ping recruited him as aide; when that office closed, the Fengxiang Military Commissioner Li Yong and the E-Yue Observation Commissioner Lü Yuanying recruited him in succession. From Director of Music, Grand Court Assessor, and Acting Investigating Censor, in the sixth year of Yuanhe he was formally appointed Investigating Censor, transferred to the Palace Secretariat, served as Vice Director in the Granaries and Merits ministries, magistrate of Wannian County, appointed Right Director in the Secretariat, and went out as prefect of Shang Prefecture. In the fourth year of Changqing he entered court as Director in the Ministry of Personnel. That year he was transferred to Supervising Censor.
11
使
When Emperor Muzong of Zhaomin first ascended the throne, Li Fengji held power; he and Hanlin Academician Li Shen had long been at odds, so he falsely charged Shen with an unforeseeable crime and banished him beyond the Ling mountain range. Shen's colleagues, Drafting Director of the Transport Bureau and Drafter of Edicts Pang Yan, and Vice Director in the Ministry of Rites and Drafter of Edicts Jiang Fang, were demoted as Shen's faction to prefects of Xin, Ting, and other prefectures. When the demotion edict was issued, Ao sealed and returned the edict. People at the time thought he was on good terms with Yan and were protesting their innocence, all saying, "Supervising Censor Yu has offended the chief minister yet speaks up for Pang and Jiang's wrong— is that not humane?" When the rebuttal memorial came out, it in fact argued that Pang Yan's demotion was too light; inside and outside the court there was great ridicule, yet Fengji therefore rewarded him. He was soon transferred to Vice Director of the Ministry of Works, then Minister of Justice, and went out as Observation Commissioner of Xuan and She and Concurrent Censor-in-Chief.
12
Ao was mild and long-suffering and got along with no one; in office he never took a stand. For years he passed through the central offices and three times served as Vice Director of a ministry, merely keeping himself unobtrusive. In the eighth month of the fourth year of Taihe he died at age sixty-six and was posthumously granted Minister of Rites.
13
Four sons: Qiu, Gui, Gui, and Cong— all passed the jinshi examination.
14
調
Cong was unrestrained and had great ambition; though he entered office through family standing, for a long time he was not employed. In the Dazhong era, the Emperor's Son-in-law Commandant Zheng Hao, because of Cong's family background, alone regarded his capacity as extraordinary. When there was an edict to select talent from the gentry to marry a princess, many in official dress avoided it. Hao said to Cong, "Your talent is excellent, but you do not guard small conduct and are suppressed by public reputation; long without promotion— can you answer this appointment?" Cong agreed. When Li Fan supervised the examination, Hao secured his passing; that year he rose to the remonstrance ranks, married Princess Guangde, and was appointed Emperor's Son-in-law Commandant. He repeatedly passed through the central offices and served in succession in provincial administrations. In the Qianfu era he served as Co-Director of the Secretariat.
15
When the Yellow Bandits invaded the capital and Emperor Xizong fled, Cong was ill and could not follow. After they usurped the title, they raised Cong as chancellor. Cong declined on grounds of illness. When coercion did not cease, Cong said, "My illness is grave and death is near at hand. Moreover, as kin of the Tang house, by principle I cannot accept the appointment; if I die, I accept it willingly." In the end he was killed by the bandits, and the princess was pardoned. Seeing Cong suffer calamity, the princess said to the bandits, "I am a daughter of the Li house; by principle I cannot live alone. I wish to die together with Lord Yu." The bandits would not allow it; the princess entered her chamber and hanged herself to death. Princess Guangde's household observed ritual propriety; in the Xian Tong and Qianfu eras her reputation was on everyone's lips. Within and outside the clan at weddings, funerals, and sacrifices, the princess always attended in person to perform the rites; the wives lined up to see her, and superiors and inferiors exchanged courtesies and labor— all with proper forms, and she was praised by the age. Gui and Qiu both reached clear and prominent rank.
16
Ling Huhuan
17
祿
Ling Huhuan was a great-great-grandson of Defen. He passed the jinshi examination. In the chaos of Lushan's rebellion he hid in Leopard Forest Valley in the Southern Mountains; in the valley was the Gen villa. Minister Yang Wan, before he took office, fled the chaos to the Southern Mountains and stayed at Huhuan's lodge. Huhuan was broadly learned, mastered all books, and was eloquent; Wan greatly praised him. When Wan became Vice Director of the Ministry of Rites and compiled the national history, he brought Huhuan into the Historiography Office. From Magistrate of Huayuan he was appointed Right Remonstrator, repeatedly promoted to Diarist, all concurrently historiographical posts, compiling the Veritable Record of Emperor Xuanzong in one hundred juan and the Veritable Record of Emperor Daizong in forty juan. Though he wrote diligently, it fell after great chaos when the Diaries of Activity and Rest were lost; Huhuan compiled Kaiyuan and Tianbao events and, though he obtained collected works of various houses and edited their edicts and policies, biographies of eminent ministers were three or four in ten; later men, because of many omissions, did not call him a fine historian. In the eighth year of Dali he was changed to Vice Director in the Ministry of Justice.
18
When Dezong ascended the throne and was about to lavishly supply Yuanling, Huhuan submitted a remonstrance memorial:
19
Your subject has heard the Commentary says, "Close ministers fully remonstrate," and the Book of Rites says, "In serving the ruler there is offense but no concealment." Your subject has fortunately met a prosperous age and wrongly holds a close post; I dare exhaust my rash foolishness, hoping it may help in the least; I respectfully ask Your Majesty to examine it closely.
20
· 使
Your subject read the Han Annals biography of Liu Xiang and saw the discussion of warnings regarding imperial tombs; fine historians praised it and its fragrance lasts through ten thousand ages. Why? The minds of sages and worthies take frugality as their task and surely seek the Way, making nothing without benefit. Therefore Shun was buried at Cangwu without changing its marketplace; Yu was buried at Kuaiji without changing its rows. King Wu of Zhou was buried at Bimo with no mound or tomb; Emperor Wen of Han was buried at Baling following the terrain of valley and hill. Yu was not disloyal, Qi was not unfilial, the Duke of Zhou was not undutiful to younger brothers, and Emperor Jing was not unfilial; in serving ruler and parent they all followed modest practice. Formerly Duke Wen of Song first made lavish burial, using clam charcoal and adding chariots and horses; his ministers Hua Yuan and Yue Ju were recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals as disloyal ministers. The First Emperor of Qin was buried at Mount Li with fish fat for lamps and mercury for rivers and seas; treasures stored were beyond counting, and for a thousand years he has been condemned. Huan Tui of Song made a stone outer coffin; the Master said, "Better to decay quickly." Ziyou asked about funeral equipment; the Master said, "Match what the family has." Zhang Shizhi replied to Emperor Xiaowen, "If inside there is nothing desirable, though there be no stone outer coffin, what sorrow is there?" Emperor Wen of Han's Baling tomb all used earthenware and did not use gold or silver as ornament. From this it is seen that the burial of the virtuous grows ever more modest and that of the unvirtuous grows ever more lavish— plainly visible!
21
Since Your Majesty personally governs the realm, sacred governance grows daily new. You advance the loyal and remove the corrupt, reduce meals and economize expense, do not prize auspicious clouds and objects, and do not draw near to hawk and hound amusements. When offices supply goods, all follow original estimates— benefiting the people. Tribute from distant regions supplies only sacrificial affairs— sparing yourself. Therefore when Ze Prefecture reported auspicious clouds, the edict said, "Take timely harmony as auspicious omen;" when Yong Prefecture reported a gold mine, the edict said, "Take not being greedy as treasure." Respectfully considering the sacred mind, nothing is not ultimate principle. Yet alone in the regulation text of the first day of the sixth month it says, "Because of the tomb system, strive for generous treatment and exhaust the treasury to supply expense"— this is truly virtue of benevolence and filial piety, pressing on the sacred heart. I respectfully consider that the meaning of honoring parents values conforming to ritual. Whenever Your Majesty issues bright edicts and sends forth virtuous words, you always trace Tang and Yu and surpass Zhou and Han. Would you please common eyes and go against the mind of sages and worthies, competing in extravagance with rulers who lost virtue? Your subject also respectfully read the testamentary edict: "Its funeral rites and system should strive for frugality and not use gold, silver, brocade, or colored silk as ornament." Your Majesty respectfully follows the prior will and in action never violates it. If the system is generous, how is that the meaning of the dying command?
22
I respectfully ask Your Majesty to look far to the systems of Yu, Xia, Zhou, and Han, deeply weigh the warnings of the Master and Zhang Shizhi, reverently follow the prior intent, defer to the ritual classics, and make a law for ten thousand generations— great fortune for the realm! Though the amnesty edict has already been promulgated, the various articles have not yet come out; at this time to follow the testamentary system and spread sacred principle is still not late. I respectfully hope you will quickly order the responsible offices to follow entirely the ancient rites. Your subject has heard that the words of foolish men are chosen by a bright ruler. Moreover your subject disgracefully holds the post of historiographer and personally met enlightened virtue; ashamed to be like Hua Yuan and Yue Ju in disloyalty, I wish to record the principle of Shun and Yu in the sacred plan. Day and night in urgent pleading I dare not fail to speak; offending the sacred brightness, I truly fear punishment. If words are heeded though the person is dismissed, though one dies one still lives.
23
A gracious reply answered, "I recently deliberated on the imperial tomb and my mind was confused and mistaken; forgetting to follow the prior intent, there came the generous text. You are comprehensive in knowledge and far-reaching in judgment, deeply knowing it cannot be done, and expressed it in utmost words. Citing past and present and relying on the classics and rites, you not only hit my fault but also completed my person. Spared me the name of an unfilial son— all your power. How dare I not hear righteousness and move, gather it at sunset, and follow it to the end, expecting no lapse! How can the upright men of antiquity be surpassed!"
24
使
Formerly in the Dali era Liu Yan was Director of the Ministry of Personnel and Yang Yan was Vice Director; Yan used Huhuan to judge southern bureau affairs in the Ministry of Personnel. Huhuan, obliged by Liu Yan's recommendation, whenever dividing vacancies always sent the best candidates to Liu Yan and the weaker ones to Yang Yan; Yang Yan was displeased. At the beginning of the Jianzhong era Gen was Vice Director of the Ministry of Rites and Yan was chancellor; he did not remember old affairs. There was a scholar named Du Feng, son of the former chancellor Hongjian, who sought appointment as a student of the Hongwen Institute. Yan had once been a client of the Du house and entrusted Feng to Huhuan. Huhuan said to the messenger, "If the chancellor truly pities Feng and wishes to make a name for him, please sign one character below Feng's name so Huhuan may record it." Yan did not expect Huhuan's trick and at once signed, entrusting Feng. Huhuan submitted a memorial with Yan's signature, saying the chancellor forced your subject for private reasons; if your subject followed, then he failed Your Majesty; if he did not follow, Yan would harm your subject. Dezong issued the memorial to question Yan; Yan fully explained the matter, and Dezong was greatly angry and said, "This is a treacherous man— nothing can be done!" He wished to have him beaten with the rod and banished; Yan bitterly pleaded for mercy and Huhuan was demoted Assistant Administrator of Heng Prefecture. He was transferred to Prefect of Heng Prefecture.
25
忿
In the Zhenyuan era Li Mi assisted in governance and summoned him as Right Subordinate and Historiography Compiler. By nature he was eccentric and often failed in human harmony. In the Historiography Office he quarreled over small matters with colleagues such as Kong Shurui and repeatedly offended Shurui. Shurui was a man of forbearance and yielded without quarreling. Before long Mi died and Dou Can held power; he hated Huhuan's conduct and demoted him Assistant Administrator of Ji Prefecture. After a long time he was appointed Prefect of Ji Prefecture.
26
西 使
Qi Ying inspected Jiangxi and on tour passed through Ji Prefecture. By precedent, when a prefect first met an observation commissioner he all wore military dress and hastened to the court to perform ritual; though Ying had once been chancellor, he had suddenly risen as a later arrival; Huhuan relied on being a senior and looked down on Ying and did not wish to meet in military dress. He told his wife Lady Wei and was ashamed to smear his head and hasten to court. He said to Huhuan, "What sort of man do you take yourself for— white-haired, running before a junior? If you do not meet Ying with this rite, though demoted to death, I have no regret."
27
Huhuan said, "Agreed," and met him with guest rites. Though Ying did not speak of it, he deeply resented it. When Ying reached the prefecture he memorialized that Huhuan had investigated faults of the prior administration; investigation found no basis, and he was unsuitable to inspect the region and govern people; Huhuan was demoted Assistant Administrator of Qu Prefecture. Prefect Tian Dun of Qu Prefecture was a jinshi disciple when Huhuan supervised the examination. When Huhuan first supervised the Ministry of Rites, on the day the list was posted he was demoted and banished and never met Dun face to face. When Dun heard Huhuan was coming he rejoiced and said, "At last I see my examiner." The welcoming and audience rites were very generous. Each month Dun gave half his salary to support Huhuan. Huhuan was in Qu Prefecture for nearly ten years. When Emperor Shunzong ascended the throne he was summoned as Vice Director of the Secretariat; once he arrived he died.
28
In the third year of Yuanhe Huhuan's son Pi, Assistant Director of the Court of the Imperial Stud, first presented the Veritable Record of Emperor Daizong in forty juan that Huhuan had compiled. Formerly Gen was demoted because of Li Mi; the supervising compiler of the national history memorialized one copy of the Veritable Record Huhuan had compiled and asked that he finish the work at his place of demotion. Only then was it submitted; for the achievement he was posthumously granted Director of the Ministry of Works.
29
Gui Chongjing
30
Gui Chongjing, styled Zhengli, came from Wu Commandery in Suzhou. His great-grandfather Ao, because of Chongjing, was posthumously granted Vice Director of the Secretariat. His grandfather Le was posthumously granted Prefect of Fang Prefecture. His father Daipin was also posthumously granted Vice Director of the Secretariat.
31
調 殿
Chongjing from youth studied diligently and was selected by classical learning. When he encountered mourning he was destroyed in grief and was famed for filial piety; he was appointed Assistant Instructor of the Four Gates. Near the end of the Tianbao era, he placed at the top of the policy-response examination, was appointed Left Reminder, and was reassigned as Secretary Gentleman. He was promoted to Diarist and Mentor to the Heir Apparent, served concurrently as a History Office compiler, and was also made collator of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Seeking an outside appointment because his family was poor, he served successively as chief administrator of Tong and Run Prefectures; when the tombs of Emperors Xuanzong and Suzong were prepared, he helped manage the rites, and was promoted to Assistant Director of the Bureau of Receiving Guests. He again served concurrently as a History Office compiler and was reassigned as Director of the Bureau of Food and Drink.
32
Gui Chongjing argued that having officials wear trousers and short jackets at the new- and full-moon court audiences was not ancient practice, and submitted a memorial, "Examining the canonical rites of the Three Dynasties and the historical records of the two Han, one finds no institution of trousers and short jackets, nor any clear account of when it began. Only since the Sui dynasty have people begun to wear them. Because this does not follow antiquity, I humbly ask that it be abolished." His request was granted.
33
He also remonstrated, "The Eastern Capital Ancestral Temple ought not to keep wooden spirit tablets. According to canonical ritual, the mourning tablet is made of mulberry, and the refined tablet of chestnut. When a mulberry tablet is made, the chestnut tablet is buried; when a chestnut tablet is made, the mulberry tablet is buried—so that the spirit has no two masters, Heaven no two suns, and the land no two kings. The Eastern Capital Ancestral Temple was built by Empress Wu to install wooden tablets for the Wu clan. Emperor Zhongzong removed her tablets but preserved the temple, evidently to keep a reserve for imperial tours and possible relocation of the capital. Moreover, the Yin moved their capital repeatedly—eight times before and five after, thirteen relocations in all—so one cannot set up separate spirit tablets at every capital. Some object, 'The Eastern Capital spirit tablets were once reverently served in ritual—how can they be cast aside overnight?' Yet at the yu sacrifice a mulberry tablet is erected and reverently worshipped, and at the lian sacrifice a chestnut tablet is erected while the mulberry tablet is buried—surely the mulberry tablet was reverently worshipped before it was buried? And for the tablets that are lacking, why must new ones be made at all? To make them at the wrong time, I fear, would not be ritual."
34
He also submitted an opinion, "In the spring and autumn sacrifices to Confucius, after the prayer board is signed by the emperor the officiant bows facing north; I consider this excessively solemn. According to the Greater Dai Book of Rites, Military Instructor Shangfu presented King Wu with the Red Book, and Wu stood facing east. When the prayer board is signed today, I humbly ask that the east-facing rite of King Wu be taken as the standard, so that the ceremony's weight may be properly balanced."
35
At that time the adept Ju Pengzu submitted a memorial, "The Great Tang possesses the virtue of Earth and the thousand-year tally is fulfilled—I ask that Heaven and Earth be sacrificed to in all four seasons." An edict ordered ritual officials and Confucian scholars to discuss the proposal. Gui Chongjing submitted an opinion, "According to the old rites, on the day of Beginning of Spring one welcomes spring at the eastern suburb and sacrifices to the Green Emperor. On the day of Beginning of Summer one welcomes summer at the southern suburb and sacrifices to the Red Emperor. Eighteen days before Beginning of Autumn one welcomes the Yellow Spirit at the central region and sacrifices to the Yellow Emperor. Autumn and winter each have their own directional rites. The Yellow Emperor, as sovereign of Earth among the Five Phases, arises at the end of Fire's season; therefore he is sacrificed at the close of Fire's dominion, but not in the other three seasons. Han, Wei, Zhou, and Sui all followed this rite. Our state, inheriting the virtue of Earth, likewise each year on the day of the Earth sovereign in the sixth month sacrifices to the Yellow Emperor at the southern suburb with Hou Tu as associate—this is true conformity to ritual. Now Pengzu asks to sacrifice in all four seasons, relying heavily on apocryphal prognostications and yin-yang theory. The proposal is uncanonical, and I fear it would be difficult to carry out." He also argued against calling oneself subject when sacrificing to the Five Human Sovereigns, "Taihao and the Five Sovereigns are human sovereigns; toward the state they are only predecessors in ritual sequence, not rulers in a relationship of subject and sovereign. If one calls oneself subject to human sovereigns, then what title does one use before the Sovereign of Heaven? Some object, 'The Five Human Sovereigns are listed in the Monthly Ordinances and assigned to the five seasons.' In that case the five spirits, five tones, five sacrifices, five creatures, five odors, and five grains are all complete, supplying the colors and numbers of each season—not meaning that they receive separate exalted worship." He also requested that Founding Emperor Jing be associated with Heaven; the matter is fully recorded in the Treatise on Ritual. Thereafter, in the great rites of state, Gui Chongjing regularly took part in deliberation.
36
使 使貿 使
At the beginning of the Dali era, when the king of Silla died, Gui Chongjing was appointed Director of the Bureau of Granaries and Concurrent Censor-in-Chief, granted the purple robe and gold fish tally, and dispatched as envoy to mourn, invest, and install the new king of Silla. Midway across the sea the waves surged violently, the ship was damaged and leaking, and everyone was terrified. The boatmen asked to carry Gui Chongjing off in a small boat to escape disaster. Gui Chongjing said, "There are several dozen or a hundred people in this vessel—how can I alone be saved?" Before long the waves gradually subsided, and they ultimately escaped harm. By precedent, envoys to Silla often made many demands once they reached the eastern sea; some carried silks and goods to trade for profit. Gui Chongjing refused all of this, and the eastern barbarians greatly respected his integrity. On his return he was appointed Vice Director of the Directorate of Education and Concurrent Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Together with the various Confucian officials he revised the Comprehensive Treatises; Gui Chongjing was in charge of the Treatise on Ritual, which all praised as appropriate.
37
At that time the Crown Prince wished to perform the capping-and-enfeoffment rite at the Directorate of Education in mid-autumn. Gui Chongjing held that the directorate and its official titles were improperly named, and requested reform of its institutions and a change of name, arguing,
38
·
The "Royal Regulations" chapter of the Book of Rites says the Son of Heaven's academy is called "Piyong." The Exegesis of the Five Classics also says: "Piyong is the place where the aged are cared for and teaching is carried out." In terms of form, yong means "to dam"; pi means "jade disk"—water is dammed around it, round as a disk. In terms of meaning, pi means "to illumine"; yong means "harmony"—that is, to harmonize the realm through ritual and music. The Book of Rites also calls it the Marsh Palace. The Archery Rites says: before the Son of Heaven sacrifices, he must first practice archery at the Marsh Palace. Therefore scholars of former ages also called it the Cloud Disk Pool, the Disk Marsh, and the Academy Office. Emperor Guangwu of Later Han built the Bright Hall, Piyong, and Spirit Terrace—the Three Yong Palaces. By the time of Emperor Ming he personally performed the rite of caring for the aged there. Emperor Wu of Jin also built the Bright Hall, Piyong, and Spirit Terrace, personally attended Piyong, and performed the district drinking rite. He also separately established the Directorate of the Sons of the State to distinguish them from commoners. When the court moved south at Yongjia, only the Directorate of the Sons of the State remained; Piyong was not built. Northern Qi established the Directorate of the Sons of the State as a temple; early Sui did likewise. In the thirteenth year of Daye under Emperor Yang it was changed to the Directorate of Education. Now the state possesses all within the four seas, and in the splendor of culture and ritual only Piyong is lacking—I humbly ask that the Directorate of Education be renamed the Piyong Office.
39
He also argued,
40
·
The title Director of Sacrifices is unsuitable for an academic official. According to the Rites of Zhou: "The Director of Masters is charged to instruct the king in righteousness and to teach the sons of the state." I ask that Director of Sacrifices be changed to Grand Director of Masters, with rank of regular third grade. As for Vice Director, the meaning appears in the Book of Rites, which speaks of the "Music Master Vice Director." Zheng means "chief"—the chief of the music officials who presides over this work. The Erya says: "A large board is called ye." According to the Zhou Odes of the Book of Poetry: "They set up the ye and the ju, with high teeth and planted feathers." Thus ye is the crossbeam from which bells and chime-stones are suspended. Since the Grand Academy no longer teaches music, the title has no real meaning—I ask that the two Vice Director posts be changed to Left Master and Right Master, with rank of regular fourth grade.
41
He also argued,
42
使
The Five Classics and Six Books are the models by which the ancient sage-kings brought order. When the state was founded it established methods for selecting the worthy, instituted the Mingjing examination, drew subtle meaning from the many schools, refined the coarse and elevated the fine, and selected the worthy and able. Since the times of hardship, selection has become too easy; examinations no longer test textual meaning, and passing depends first on reciting passages by heart—thus specialized study has collapsed, instruction has withered, the teacher's ritual is impaired, and the transmission of meaning is broken. Now I ask that the Book of Rites and the Zuo Commentary be made major classics; the Rites of Zhou, Ceremonial Rites, and Mao Odes be made middle classics; the Book of Documents and Book of Changes be made minor classics, with one erudite appointed for each. The Gongyang and Guliang commentaries have sparse exegeses—I ask that together they be treated as one middle classic, with one erudite appointed for both. The erudites chosen should also be thoroughly versed in the Classic of Filial Piety and Analects, able to explain clearly according to chapter and commentary, cite broadly in answer, and answer nine of ten questions correctly; and also pure in conduct, elegant in literary expression, and correct in bearing—fit to serve as models for teachers. Let all officials of fourth rank and above each recommend those they know. Those from outside the capital should be given post horses; those seventy years of age and above should receive rush-wheeled carts. The Directorate of the Sons of the State, Grand Academy, Four Gates, and Three Halls should each establish erudites of the Five Classics, with ranks and numbers of students varying by grade. The old erudites, assistant instructors, lecturers, scripture directors, and the assistant instructors of the Law Hall and Arithmetic Hall—I ask that all be abolished.
43
As for the method of instruction: when a student arrives at the directorate, he calls on the master of his specialty. The gifts he presents are one bundle of dried meat, one jar of clear wine, and one length of shirt cloth, the color matching the master's dress. When the master goes out the middle gate, the student is invited in to sit; meat is cut, wine poured, and three cups offered before stopping. Then the chest is opened and the classic brought out; the student gathers his robe and steps forward to request instruction. The master explains according to the text, briefly opening one corner of meaning, and then the student withdraws to his room. Morning and afternoon he twice requests further instruction; the master also twice sits in the lecture hall, explaining meaning, clarifying the great principles, and teaching the Way of culture, conduct, loyalty, and faith, showing the meaning of filial piety, brotherhood, harmony, and friendship. Each ten-day period is reviewed, each month tested, and each year tribute is assessed. The number of students who pass determines whether an erudite's performance review is rated high or low. Those who do not follow instruction are beaten with rods and paddled. Those in the Directorate of the Sons of the State who do not follow instruction are reported to the Ministry of Rites and transferred to the Grand Academy. Those in the Grand Academy who do not reform are transferred to the Four Gates. Those in the Four Gates who do not reform are returned to their home prefecture's school. Those in the prefecture school who do not reform are returned to corvée duty and for life are not ranked among peers. Even if they follow instruction for nine years yet fail to complete their studies, they too are returned to the prefecture school.
44
As for the Ministry of Rites examination method, I ask that recitation by heart be abolished; instead, from the classic studied one should be asked twenty questions on great meaning, and answering eighteen correctly counts as passing; on the Analects and Classic of Filial Piety ten questions each with eight correct answers, and one must also read aloud the text, commentary, and exegesis asked about and be thoroughly fluent—this counts as one pass. Also ask three policy questions on current affairs from the classic studied; answering two correctly counts as passing. If any have filial conduct renowned in their village, let the recommendation fully state this beneath the record of their study. On the day of the provincial examination, observe the facts; if they fall short by two policy answers, I still ask that they be admitted. Provincial tribute throughout the realm should follow the same rule. Study and examination should both be called Mingjing. Those who pass should receive appointment qualifications equal to jinshi graduates. If this is done, teaching and meaning will deepen daily, and ritual and deference will rise; when ritual and deference rise, the strong will not violate the weak, and the many will not oppress the few. This is what comes from the Grand Academy.
45
An edict ordered the Ministry of Revenue to gather the hundred officials, settle deliberation, and report. Those in debate held that "office" means "prohibition," and is not a name outer departments should use. The Rites of Zhou calls one who acts in another's stead shi; the Directorate of the Sons of the State is not a substitute post, and should not be called Grand Director of Masters. On the rest, they mostly held that custom was long established and reform would be difficult; the proposal was not carried out.
46
祿 祿 使
It happened that clerks of the Directorate of the Sons of the State had errors in meal money; the Censorate investigated, and he was demoted to military advisor of Rao Prefecture. At the beginning of Jianzhong he was again appointed Vice Director of the Directorate of Education. Soon he was selected as Academician of the Hanlin Academy, promoted to Regular Attendant of the Left, and granted the silver-blue robe and Grand Master of the Palace. Soon he also served as staff adviser to Prince Pu the Marshal, and was repeatedly promoted to Grand Master of the Palace. When the rebel bands of the two He regions first received imperial orders, Gui Chongjing was ordered to serve in his existing post as Concurrent Censor-in-Chief, bearing the staff of office as pacification envoy; he fulfilled the mission to the emperor's satisfaction. On his return he submitted a memorial requesting leave to return and worship at his ancestors' tombs; permission was granted, and silks were bestowed—a honor rare among Confucians. Soon he was specially promoted to Specially Advanced, Acting Director of the Department of Public Works, then Director of the Department of Public Works, while still serving as Hanlin Academician and tutor to the Crown Prince. Repeatedly submitting memorials declining office on account of old age and requesting retirement, he was reassigned as Director of the Department of War and retired. In the fifteenth year of Zhenyuan he died, aged eighty; court was suspended for one day, and he was posthumously granted Left Vice Director of the Department of State. His son Gui Deng succeeded him.
47
退
Gui Deng, styled Chongzhi. Elegant and solid in character, he was famed for filial service to his stepmother. In the seventh year of Dali he placed at the top in the Filial and Incorrupt examination and was appointed assistant instructor of the Four Gates. At the beginning of Zhenyuan he again passed the Exemplary Talent examination, and from assistant magistrate of Meiyuan was appointed Right Reminder. At that time Pei Yanling, through treachery and flattery, had the emperor's favor and sought to become chancellor; Remonstrance Grandee Yang Cheng submitted a blunt, direct memorial, and Dezong was furious. Right Supplementation Censor Xiong Zhiyi and others also spoke harsh truths and offended the emperor's intent. When Xiong Zhiyi first finished drafting his memorial and showed it to Gui Deng, Gui Deng was startled and said, "I wish to add my name. Under heaven's thunder and lightning, how can I bear to let you bear it alone!" From then on his colleagues remonstrated together. Gui Deng each time joined his name to their memorials without evasion, and people of the time respected him. He was transferred to Right Supplementation Censor and Diarist, serving three terms over fifteen years. Colleagues who had once ranked below Gui Deng often rose through ambition to eminent posts, while Gui Deng and Right Reminder Jiang Wu quietly kept themselves and did not mind whether advancement was slow or fast. Later he was promoted to Assistant Director of the Department of War, served as tutor to the princes, and soon was additionally made History Office compiler.
48
At the beginning of Shunzong's reign, because of old favor from his days in the Eastern Palace, he was abruptly promoted to Supervising Censor, soon granted the gold-purple robe, and also given robe and court tablet. He was promoted to Vice Minister of the Department of Public Works. Together with Meng Jian, Liu Bochou, and Xiao Mian he received orders to translate the Mahayana Sutra of the Mind-Ground from the Great Vehicle. He also served as tutor to the Eastern Palace and the various princes, and presented the "Admonition of the Dragon Tower" as remonstrance. After a long time he was changed to Regular Attendant of the Left. When he came to offer thanks at court, Xianzong asked what was most urgent at the time; Gui Deng answered with accepting remonstrance, and opinion of the time praised him. He was transferred to Vice Minister of the Department of War, concurrently judged affairs as Director of Sacrifices of the Directorate of Education, and was promoted to Director of the Department of Public Works. In the fifteenth year of Yuanhe he died, aged sixty-seven, and was posthumously granted Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent.
49
使
Gui Deng had literary talent and was skilled in cursive and clerical script. He was broad and tolerant in bearing toward others. Once Gui Deng sent a servant to feed a horse; the horse kicked, and in anger the servant struck and broke the horse's leg. Gui Deng knew of it yet did not punish him. In his later years Gui Deng greatly favored taking medicines; someone offered him a mineral drug and claimed he had already tried it himself—Gui Deng took it without doubt. When the drug's poison nearly killed him, he then learned the man had not tried it; others were angry on Gui Deng's behalf, yet Gui Deng showed no sign of resentment. He always admired the conduct of Lu Xiangxian; commentators also held him close to that model. His son Gui Rong succeeded him.
50
使
Gui Rong passed the jinshi examination, entered the Secretariat from investigating censor and reminder, was appointed Assistant Director of the Department of Public Works, and was promoted to Assistant Director of the Bureau of Appointments. In the sixth year he was transferred to Director of the Department of Public Works and appointed Academician of the Hanlin Academy. In the eighth year he was formally appointed Drafter. In the ninth year he was transferred to Vice Minister of the Department of Revenue. In the first year of Kaicheng he was additionally made Censor-in-Chief. Hunan observation commissioner Lu Zhouren, violating an edict, submitted surplus funds of one hundred thousand strings. Gui Rong submitted, "Under Heaven all is one family—what is not the sovereign's soil? Revenues within and without are all stored in Your Majesty's treasury. Lu Zhouren rashly presents a small profit and presumptuously sets up a separate category, alleging that fire disaster in the south may reduce all to ash, and that sending funds to the capital is merely private loyalty. He brings wealth to seek favor—how shallow his regard for the court! I fear the realm will imitate him, using surplus funds as a pretext to extort and strip the people, who will suffer harm. I ask that Lu Zhouren receive heavy punishment as a warning to the other circuits. As for the funds he submitted, I ask that they be returned to Hunan to replace taxes owed by the poor." An edict ordered that Lu Zhouren's submission be stored at the Heyin depot to prepare for flood and drought. Han Yi, Assistant Director of the Bureau of Coinage, judged revenue cases; his younger relatives accepted bribes of more than three thousand strings, half of which counted as embezzlement. The emperor asked Gui Rong, "Between what Han Yi committed and what Lu Yuanzhong and Yao Kang did, which is the graver?" Gui Rong replied, "Lu Yuanzhong and Yao Kang improperly disbursed more than thirty thousand strings of official funds; what Han Yi accepted as bribes from others is comparatively much lighter." Han Yi was then demoted to registrar of Wuzhou.
51
西使
Soon Gui Rong was promoted to metropolitan magistrate. At that time the metropolitan office lacked sufficient supplies; a special edict bestowed fifty thousand strings; the office returned half the grant to the Ministry of Agriculture as vegetable money, and Gui Rong spoke of this when answering at court. Since Gui Rong was a scholar, the emperor asked, "'Shu li'—does the character have a reading as 'lai'? Why? Is 'li' the coarsest grade of rice?'" Gui Rong answered by analogy of meaning. At that time two princesses were being married off, and the metropolitan office's provisioning was heavy; moreover, as Shangsi Festival drew near, a memorial requested postponing the Qujiang imperial banquet. The emperor said, "Last year for Double Ninth we chose the nineteenth of the ninth month, without losing the intent of Double Ninth; this year the thirteenth day will suffice." Soon afterward Li Guyin became chancellor; he had never liked Gui Rong, and Gui Rong was removed as magistrate. After more than a month he was appointed Director of the Secretariat. Before long Li Guyin was dismissed, Yang Sifu took power as chancellor, and Gui Rong was appointed acting Vice Minister of the Department of War. Within one year he was appointed Director of the Department of Personnel. In the third year he was made Acting Director of the Department of Rites, metropolitan magistrate of Xingyuan, Concurrent Censor-in-Chief, and military commissioner of the Shannan West Circuit.
52
Gui Rong's sons Renhui, Renhan, Renxian, Renzhao, and Renze all passed the jinshi examination. In the Xiantong era they all reached high office.
53
Xi Zhi
54
使 使
Xi Zhi, styled Yinqing, was a native of Bozhou. His grandfather Han Yi served as prefect of Yiyang Commandery during the Tianbao era. From youth Zhi loved reading. He passed the jinshi examination and then the decree examination in refined literary diction, was appointed collator in the Hongwen Institute, and soon became an evaluating official in the Court of Judicial Review. He was assigned as aide to the envoy to Tibet but did not go, and was appointed Left Remonstrance Official. Upon the deaths of his parents he mourned with such grief and self-mortification that he exceeded ritual propriety, and relatives and friends pitied him. When the emperor traveled to Xingyuan, Zhi was summoned and appointed Master of Ceremonial for the Emperor's Movements and Hanlin Academician. He declined on grounds of illness, long failed to report to duty, and was reassigned as Secretary for Discussion in the Heir Apparent's Household. He served successively as Vice Director in the Ministries of Revenue and Personnel and as Director in the Left Department of the Secretariat, handling affairs within the imperial secretariat. He also undertook repeated missions, all of which pleased the emperor.
55
西 便
In the eighth year of Zhenyuan he was promoted to Secretariat Drafter. That year heavy rains brought disaster to Jiangnan and Huaixi; Zhi was ordered to tour the regions offering consolation, and wherever he went the people were reassured and grateful. By Secretariat precedent, clerks and runners were indulged because they were always at the chancellors' side; Zhi treated them all with impartial justice. Previously, miscellaneous allowances in the Right Secretariat were generally apportioned by rank according to the acreage of official fields, so that chief clerks received the same share as right historians. Zhi then set the standard according to stipend funds, and from that time the chief clerks' share was reduced below that of the remonstrance officials. At the time the paper, brushes, and miscellaneous supplies requested by Chief Councilor Li Sheng were all refused; he only told the miscellaneous-affairs drafter to store them temporarily, and later gave them all to the drafters. By former precedent the miscellaneous-affairs drafter brought in private goods; Zhi divided what he received equally among officials within the secretariat. He also personally attended to routine affairs down to garden vegetables, inspecting everything himself; people thought it arduous, but Zhi handled it without tiring. He was transferred to Vice Minister of Justice.
56
Pei Yanling hated Jingzhao Intendant Li Chong for his capable administration and deliberately set out to entrap him, falsely memorializing that Chong had allied with Lu Zhi and repeatedly sent him lavish gifts of gold and silk. After Chong was demoted, Yanling further memorialized that Chong had recently misappropriated vast sums from the Jingzhao Metropolitan Government's treasury, requesting an audit by the Audit Bureau; he used Audit Bureau Director Cui Yuanhan to entrap Chong, motivated by hatred for Zhi. The emperor approved the request. Yuanhan curried favor with Yanling and prosecuted the metropolitan clerks. Clerks who were summoned, though guilty of no offense, were all flogged to establish authority, and public opinion was in uproar. Zhi then personally reviewed the metropolitan records and established the facts, memorializing: "According to the Finance Commission's memorial, surplus funds from the Jingzhao Metropolitan Government's two-tax levies of the ninth year of Zhenyuan and earlier miscellaneous items totaled more than 680,000 strings of cash, all of which Li Chong was alleged to have misappropriated without authorization. The present audit shows that amounts of 1,200 strings and below were additional expenditures by various counties for relay stations and posthouses, and grain to be collected within miscellaneous household quotas, totaling 320,000 bushels; only more than 300 bushels involved shortages in delivery by the responsible parties for miscellaneous tax items. The remainder was fully disbursed in accordance with imperial edicts and Finance Commission directives." Zhi's leniency, fairness, and fidelity to law were mostly of this kind. Yuanhan, unable to achieve his aim, died in anger and resentment.
57
Zhi soon oversaw selection affairs in the Ministry of Personnel in his existing office; his evaluations were fair and even and he gained a reputation for ability, and he was transferred to Vice Minister of Personnel. Every office he held was regarded at the time as a good fit. He died in the fifteenth year of Zhenyuan at the age of fifty-five and was posthumously awarded Minister of Rites.
58
Zhang Jian
59
調 退 使 使
Zhang Jian, styled Xiaoju, was a native of Luzhe in Shen Prefecture. His grandfather Xuan, styled Wencheng, was exceptionally quick-witted and brilliant; there was no book he did not read. As a child he dreamed of a great purple bird with five-colored patterned plumage descending into the family courtyard. His grandfather told him: "Five-colored red writing is the phoenix; purple writing is Yue Xuan, the phoenix's assistant. My boy will bring literary glory to the bright court through his writings." On this basis his name and style were chosen. When he first passed the jinshi examination, his policy response was especially accomplished; Evaluation Officer Jian Weidao praised him: "Such a young man — there is no peer under Heaven!" He was appointed aide in the household of the Prince of Qi. He also entered the examinations for Instant Composition, High Talent with Low Rank, and Literary Excellence in the Garden of Letters. Xuan entered eight examinations in all and each time passed in the top grade. He was again appointed bailiff of Chang'an and transferred to Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. He participated in four selection rounds in all; his graded policy responses ranked highest in the selection office. Vice Director Yuan Banqian told others: "Master Zhang's writings are like green cash coins — ten thousand selections, ten thousand hits; never have I heard of a miss." Men of the age esteemed him and called him the "Green Cash Academician." Yet his nature was narrow and impetuous; he did not maintain the conduct of a gentleman, and upright men especially detested him; Yao Chong held him in very low regard. In the early Kaiyuan era, when customs were being rectified, Xuan was impeached by Censor Li Quanjiao, who charged that his words were mostly sarcastic and cutting; at the time he was demoted to Lingnan. Minister of Justice Li Rizhi memorialized in his defense, and an edict was then sent recalling him to a nearer place. In the Kaiyuan era he entered the capital as Vice Director in the Ministry of Justice and died in office. Xuan wrote with quick fluency and produced especially many works; his language was quite humorous. At that time he was famous throughout the realm; whether worthy or unworthy, all memorized his writings. In the era of Empress Wu, when the palace envoy Ma Xiantong was trapped by Mohe, Mohe asked Xiantong: "Is Zhang Wencheng still alive?" He replied: "Recently he was demoted from censor." Mohe said: "A state that has such a man and does not employ him — the Han are incapable." Silla, Japan, and the various eastern barbarian tribes especially prized his writings; whenever they sent envoys to court they would bring out gold and shells to purchase his works — his literary fame spread so far.
60
西使 簿 使殿 使
Jian from youth was skilled in history and biography; Yan Zhenqing sighed in admiration at first sight of him. In the Tianbao era, Zhexi Observation Commissioner Li Han memorialized that Jian's talent was fit for historiographical duty; an edict then appointed him Military Affairs Clerk in the Left Bureau of the Imperial Guard. After he reached the capital, because his mother was old and ill, he ultimately did not accept the appointment. When the period of mourning for his mother ended, Vice Minister of Rites Yu Shao reported the earlier matter to the throne; he was summoned to serve as historiographer in the History Institute, concurrently as bailiff of Yangdi. During Zhu Ci's rebellion he changed his name and hid within the city, and accordingly wrote the "Biography of Master Shitun." When Dezong returned to the palace, he was promoted and appointed Left Remonstrance Official. In the winter of the first year of Zhenyuan, the emperor personally performed the suburban sacrifice. At that time, just after recovery, registers were mostly lost and ritual texts were in disorder; Jian was therefore made Doctor of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to assist in managing ceremonial protocol. In the fourth year, when the Uyghurs made a marriage alliance, Acting Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and Minister of Justice Guan Bo was made envoy to escort Princess Xian'an into the frontier; Jian served as aide and was transferred to Attending Censor. After the mission returned, he was transferred to Vice Director in the Ministry of Public Works and reassigned as Director in the Ministry of Revenue in his home ministry. In the eleventh year he was appointed Remonstrance Official and continued to serve as historiographer in the Central Institute.
61
使 使 歿
At the time Pei Yanling relied on imperial favor and slandered scholar-officials. Jian wished to submit a memorial discussing this and repeatedly announced his intent, but never carried it through. Yanling heard of this and was angry; he memorialized: "Remonstrance officials discuss the gains and losses of court governance, and historiographers record the ruler's good and evil — therefore one who holds historiographical office should not concurrently hold remonstrance office." Dezong thought this correct. Jian had been Remonstrance Official for little more than a month when he was reassigned as Vice Director of the Palace Library. Yanling kept pressing him out; when missions were assigned to invest the Uyghur Qaghan Pijia Huaixin and to offer condolences, Jian was ordered to serve concurrently as Imperial Censor and enter the Uyghur lands. In the twentieth year, when the Tibetan tsenpo died, Jian was made Vice Minister of Public Works and Concurrent Imperial Censor and sent as envoy to Tibet to offer condolences. He crossed more than two thousand li of Tibetan territory, fell ill east of Chiling, and died at Hewall Post Station; the Tibetans conveyed his coffin back. When Shunzong took the throne and news of his death arrived, an edict posthumously awarded him Minister of Rites.
62
使
From Remonstrance Official to Vice Minister — barely twenty years — he always concurrently served as historiographer in the History Institute. On three missions to distant regions he always concurrently held censorial office. He was selected because he was broadly learned and multitalented and quick in extemporaneous response. He had a collected works in thirty juan, and works he compiled such as the "Diagram of Five Ranks of Mourning Garments," "Brief Account of Chancellors," "Collection of Marvels," and "Record of Residence in the Lower Yangtze," all circulated in his time. His sons Youxin and Xifu both passed the jinshi examination.
63
Youxin from childhood was skilled in letters and adept at ingratiating himself. In the Changqing era, Chancellor Li Fengji held power; Hanlin Academician Li Shen was deeply favored by Muzong; Fengji hated him; he sought among court officials those fierce and daring in speech to seize upon Shen's private affairs and expose them among the gentry. Youxin, together with Remonstrance Officials Li Xuzhi and Liu Qichu, was especially favored by Fengji and designated his hawk and hound. When Muzong died and Zhaomin first took the throne, Youxin and the others framed Shen; he was defeated and made prefectural aide at Duanzhou; court officials submitted congratulations, and they again went to the Secretariat to congratulate the chancellor. Upon reaching the gate, the gatekeeper stopped them: "Please wait a moment — Remonstrance Official Zhang is in the study talking with the Chancellor." Soon Youxin came out waving sweat and bowed to the assembled officials: "As for the affair at Duanxi, Youxin dares not claim much credit." All shrank back and feared him. Together with Xuzhi and six others, they were at the time called the "Eight Passes and Sixteen Sons."
64
使使 祿 滿
In the third year of Baoli, Fengji went out as military commissioner of Shannan East Circuit and requested Youxin as vice commissioner and Li Xuzhi as campaigning staff officer. When Fengji was chancellor he employed Chief Clerk Tian Si of the Gate Department. Si committed corruption and fled as a fugitive; Fengji sheltered him outside. When he was removed as chancellor, Pei Du exposed the matter; Fengji was punished by forfeiture of salary. Another edict stated: "I stand above hundreds of millions of people; that the people are transformed without my issuing orders and trust me without my speaking — this is law. When law is enforced the ruler's weight is heavy; when law is abandoned the court is light. Tian Si long bore the mark of a fugitive, stealthily requesting the stipend meant to nurture talent; though sought in arrest, he walked openly among the people, yet further presumed upon selection in the clerical bureau and was openly nominated as a prefectural aide. When the Yellow Pivot reviewed and verified, and the Censorate pursued and seized him, the evidence and arrests were all clear and the wicked conduct fully established. Three times the censorial warrant was sent; not once was there a reply. Charges filled the fore, public discussion overflowed the ears — yet in the end no swift steps arrived and only empty clanking came. He scorned discipline and regulation, much like mockery; considering this counsel, he failed my high platform. Reviewing the linked names — you two — Youxin may be made Prefect of Tingzhou, and Li Xuzhi may be made Prefect of Fu Prefecture." When Fengji retired, Li Xun held power and again summoned the two sons as directors in the ministries. When Xun was demoted, they were again demoted and died.
65
Xifu's son Du passed the jinshi examination and had outstanding talent. He rose through repeated offices to Secretariat Drafter and Vice Minister of Rites, directed the examinations, and at the time was praised for obtaining good men. He ended his career as Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs.
66
Jiang Yi
67
殿 便
Jiang Yi, styled Deyuan, was a native of Yixing in Chang Prefecture. His grandfather Gui served as Groom of the Heir Apparent's Stables and was a Hanlin academician in the Hongwen Institute in the Kaiyuan era. His father Jiangming rose through repeated offices to Director in the Left Department of the Secretariat, Vice Director of the Directorate of Education, academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, and deputy director of the institute — generation after generation a famous Confucian scholar. Yi was the maternal grandson of historiographer Wu Jian; because the maternal household was rich in historical documents, from childhood he memorized and reviewed without tiring. At age seven he recited Yu Xin's "Lament for the South of the River"; after several repetitions he could recite it by heart, and for keen intelligence and strength he was known among kin and neighbors. In his weak year he broadly mastered the classics, and his talent for history was especially outstanding. When his father was at the Hall of Assembled Worthies, after the military chaos books and registers were mixed in disorder; he reported to those in power and requested to bring Yi into the institute and have him put them in order. Chancellor Zhang Yi saw him and marveled; he was appointed to a minor post in the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Yi compiled and arranged them for more than a year; amid the chaos he completed the sets and obtained more than twenty thousand juan; he was twice transferred to bailiff of Wangwu and served as compiler in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Ritual Office. In the ninth year of Zhenyuan he was transferred to Right Remonstrance Official and served as historiographer in the History Institute.
68
使祿 使
In the thirteenth year, because the younger brother of the former military commissioner of Hezhong, Zhang Maozhao — the Honorary Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Entertainments with Concurrent Regular Appointment Maozong — was to marry Princess Yizhang, and Maozong was then in mourning for his mother, an edict ordered his recall from mourning as Cloud Banner General to complete the marriage. When the edict was issued, Yi submitted a memorial remonstrating: "The ritual of ink mourning garments originally arose from metal and leather warfare. From antiquity to the present, there has never been an imperial son-in-law recalled from mourning to marry a princess. It both violates canonical ritual and goes against human feeling; I deeply fear it cannot be done." The emperor ordered a palace envoy to proclaim: "Maozong's mother on her deathbed made a request; to heavily violate her heart would be wrong." Yi again submitted a memorial bowing, his words increasingly forceful. Dezong specially summoned him for audience in the Yanying Hall; the emperor said: "What you speak is ancient ritual. I hear that in households nowadays people often borrow auspicious days for marriage — why must you be so stubborn?" He replied: "I hear that in village custom there are those not very knowing in ritual law: sometimes a daughter is within mourning for her parents, the family is poor and destitute, and with no close kin nearby, there are those who borrow auspicious days to complete the rites. A man borrowing auspicious days to marry — I have never heard of it. Moreover, since Your Majesty has held the throne, in every matter you have upheld canonical ritual. In the Jianzhong era when commandery and county princesses married down, edicts all ordered the responsible offices to follow ritual and not use vulgar ceremonies; the realm rejoiced and revered this. Suddenly now having the imperial son-in-law recalled from mourning to complete marriage truly fears it will startle and alarm all who hear. I have also heard the princess is very young; if she waits one more year to marry down, the time will not yet be lost and it will accord with ritual canon — it would truly be the realm's great fortune!" The emperor said: "Your words are very good; we will wait further for deliberation." Soon memorials of remonstrance from Wei Tong and Pei Kan followed; the emperor was displeased and urgently ordered the previous edict carried out, yet in his heart he greatly valued Yi.
69
The emperor once ascended Lingyan Pavilion and saw the left wall peeling and decayed, the characters incomplete — each line had only three or five characters; he ordered them copied and used to question the chancellors. The chancellors hastily received the command and had nothing with which to reply; they then ordered Yi summoned, and he replied: "This is the 'Portraits and Encomia of Attending Ministers' from the Shengli era; I remember them all." He then recited before the throne from memory to fill the gaps, not missing a single character. The emperor sighed: "Yu Shinan copied the 'Biographies of Exemplary Women' from memory in the dark — this cannot surpass it." In the eighteenth year he was transferred to Master of Ceremonial for the Emperor's Movements and then to Vice Director in the Ministry of Personnel, all while concurrently holding historiographical office. At the time the Hall of Assembled Worthies had very many academicians; an edict then asked the origin of the establishment of the Divine Strategy Army. The chancellery sought it but did not know where it came from; all the academicians could not answer, and they then consulted Yi. Yi cited origins and sources; the matter was very detailed; chancellors Gao Ying and Zheng Xunyu said to each other: "The Hall of Assembled Worthies has its man!" The next day an edict ordered him to serve concurrently as acting director of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Father and son served as academicians in succession; Confucian scholars took it as an honor. At the time Shunzong was to be enshrined in the ancestral temple; the rite of removing a distant ancestor was to be performed; an edict ordered the high ministers to discuss it. All said: "Zhongzong was a restoration sovereign; he should not be removed." Yi proposed: "Zhongzong, having already taken the throne before the coffin, then received the usurpation of his mother the empress dowager; the Five Princes supported and raised him, and only then did he restore the great enterprise. This was a case of losing it through ourselves and gaining it through others; he may only be classed with returning to legitimacy and may not be styled a restoration." The assembled discussion was contentious; in the end they followed what Yi held.
70
In the second year of Yuanhe he was transferred to Director in the Ministry of War. Together with Xu Mengrong, Wei Guanzhi, and others he received an edict to revise and fix regulations and edicts; thirty juan were completed, submitted, and put into use. He was reassigned as Vice Director of the Palace Library and again served concurrently as historiographer in the History Institute. Soon he received an edict together with Dugu Yu and Wei Chuhou to revise the Veritable Records of Dezong. In the fifth year the book was completed and submitted to the throne; for this service he was appointed Right Remonstrance Official. The next year Pei Ji, supervising editor of the national history, was removed as chancellor; Li Jifu entered again; because Yi was Ji's compiler, he was reassigned as Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. After a long time he was transferred to Director of the Palace Library.
71
沿
Yi's nature was plain and upright; he could not serve men; when he encountered powerful ministers monopolizing government, he would go several years without transfer. In court for nearly thirty years, whenever there were great state affairs or great debates that the chancellors could not decide, he was always summoned for consultation. Yi cited canonical precedents to compare with current affairs; mostly they fit what was fitting, yet he also on this account stagnated himself. Yet he loved learning without tiring; in old age he became only more earnest; even in extreme cold and heat his hand did not release his scroll. He broadly mastered the hundred schools and was especially expert in the changes of successive dynasties. His household collection held fifteen thousand juan of books. His original name was Wu; because Xianzong summoned him for audience, in memorial he stated: "Your Majesty has already executed the bandit rebels and is now laying down arms to cultivate culture — my name no longer suits the meaning; I request to change it to Yi." The emperor gladly assented. At the time the emperor was just then using troops on the two He regions; Yi also on this account offered indirect counsel. Yi held historiographical office for twenty years; works he authored include the "Record of Tang Chancellors" in seventy juan, biographies of the Lingyan Pavilion meritorious ministers, the eighteen scholars of the Prince of Qin's household, and historiographers — forty juan in all. He died in the first year of Changqing at the age of seventy-five; he was posthumously awarded Minister of Rites and given the posthumous title Yi. His sons were Xi, Shen, Xie, Xian, and Ji.
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婿使 殿 使 使 使
Xi, in the early Taihe era, was appointed bailiff of Zhaoying and served directly in the History Institute. In the second year he was appointed Right Remonstrance Official and historiographer in the History Institute; in handling substance he had his father's manner. Together with colleagues Shen Chuanshi, Zheng Huan, Chen Yixing, and Li Han he received an edict to compile the Veritable Records of Xianzong. In the fourth year the book was completed and submitted to the throne; he was transferred to Vice Director in the Ministry of Public Works in the Ministry of Works, then to Director in his home ministry, still concurrently holding historiographical office. When Chancellor Song Shenxi was framed by the Northern Armies and his guilt was uncertain, Xi together with remonstrance officials Cui Xuanliang wept and remonstrated below the jade steps; Shenxi also had his death sentence reduced, and public opinion praised this. In the Kaicheng era he was transferred to Remonstrance Official. In the Wuzong era Li Deyu held power and hated Li Han; because Xi was son-in-law to Han's colleague, he was sent out as Military Commissioner, Surveillance Commissioner, and Defense Commissioner of Guiguan. When Zhongzong took the throne, he was summoned and appointed Supervising Secretary, academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, and acting director of the institute. He was transferred to Vice Minister of Personnel and reassigned as Left Vice Director. He went out as military commissioner of Xingyuan and entered as Minister of Justice. Soon he was made Acting Minister of Revenue, Intendant of Fengxiang, and Military Commissioner of Fengxiang and Long, and entered as Minister of War. Because his younger brother Shen became chancellor, he earnestly declined court rank and was made Acting Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, Prefect of Xiang Prefecture, and Military Commissioner of Shannan East Circuit, enfeoffed as Duke of Huaiyang County with a fief of five hundred households.
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使
Shen passed the jinshi examination and successively served as staff officer in commissioner offices. In the early Dazhong era he entered court as Right Supplementation Official and historiographer in the History Institute, was transferred to Secretariat Drafter, and was summoned into the Hanlin Academy as academician. From vice director and director he rose to Vice Minister of Revenue and chief academician, then was transferred to Vice Minister of War. At the end of Dazhong he was Vice Director of the Secretariat and Associate Councilor of State.
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Xian and Ji both rose to prefect.
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Xie had talent for history; through his father's office he successively served as Left Remonstrance Official and historiographer in the History Institute, and was transferred to Supplementation Official. In the Xiantong era he together with colleagues Lu Dan and Niu Cong received an edict to revise the Veritable Records of Wenzong.
76
The Jiang clan for generations was famed for Confucian learning and historiography and did not make literary ornament their business; only Shen and Xi's son Zhao had literary talent and passed the jinshi examination, yet they were not praised by literary men. Along with the Liu and Shen families, father and son in succession edited the national history and veritable records; contemporaries hailed them as exemplary historians. In the capital the work was known as the Chiang Family Calendar, and every gentry household kept a copy.
77
Liu Deng
78
Liu Deng, styled Chengbi, was from Hedong. His father Fang served as a historiographer under Emperor Suzong and, with his colleague Wei Shu, was ordered to supplement and revise Wu Jing's National History; before the final editing was complete Wei Shu died; Fang followed Shu's outline and completed the National History in one hundred thirty scrolls. It covered the reign from Gaozu down to the Qianyuan era, but its account of events after the Tianbao period lacked all order and proportion, and its editorial choices were poor; historians did not commend it. Yet Fang was tireless in recording and annotating, never wearying at his desk. During the An and Shi rebellions the national history was scattered and lost, and what he pieced together from hearsay was largely incomplete. In the Shangyuan era he was punished and exiled to Qianzhong; on the road he met the inner-palace eunuch Gao Lishi, likewise demoted to Wuzhou. Fang asked Lishi about matters of the inner palace that puzzled him. Lishi recounted political affairs of the Kaiyuan and Tianbao eras, and Fang recorded them as he spoke. Since the National History was already complete and had been presented to the throne, it could not be revised; he therefore separately compiled the Tang Annals in forty scrolls, recording Lishi's account under the yearly entries. Fang rose from aide of Yongning and direct appointment to the Historiography Institute through remonstrance and reviser and external official—all historiographical posts—and ended as Right Director in the Ministry of Revenue and Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies.
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Deng loved learning from youth; he and his younger brother Mian were both renowned for encyclopedic learning. Deng was over sixty before he took up office on the circuit; he rose through repeated promotions to Director in the Ministry of Rites. At the opening of Yuanhe he served as Vice Director of the Court of Judicial Review and, with Vice Minister of Justice Xu Mengrong and six others, was ordered to abridge and codify statutes and regulations issued after Kaiyuan. Promoted again to Right Vice Director of the Crown Prince's Household, he declined transfer to Director of the Palace Library on account of age and illness and was granted retirement as Right Regular Palace Attendant. He died in the second year of Changqing, aged over ninety; the court suspended audiences for one day and posthumously honored him as Minister of Works. His younger brother was Mian.
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Mian was accomplished in both letters and history and excelled in administrative affairs. At the opening of Zhenyuan he served as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. In the second year, at the mourning for Empress Zhaode, the question arose of what mourning the crown prince should wear. Left Reviser Mu Zhi asked that mourning be removed after the ritual period; Mian, together with Zhang Jian and others of the same office, submitted a memorial stating:
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According to the Kaiyuan Rites, a son wears unhemmed sackcloth mourning for his mother for three years—this is the mourning prescribed for kings and dukes downward. The state rites say nothing about mourning dress for the crown prince at an empress's funeral. In former times, when Empress Yuan of Emperor Wu of Jin died, there was likewise doubt about the crown prince's mourning dress. Du Yuankai submitted a memorial stating, "In antiquity the Son of Heaven observed three years of mourning and removed mourning garments after the burial. When Wei transformed the mandate, it likewise took burial as the limit. Thus the rites for Son of Heaven and feudal lords had once been fully established, but rulers hated the burden on themselves and cut away the limits. What survives now is only the one scroll of Rites of the Scholar's Mourning, with Dai Sheng's records jumbled within it, and it is hard to take as authoritative. The crown prince is paired with two exalted persons and is one body with the state; he should indeed end wailing and remove mourning dress." Thereupon Shan Tao and Wei Shu both agreed, and the Jin court followed their view. Successive dynasties observed it, and it has endured ever since.
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Your subjects respectfully examine the veritable record: Empress Wende died in the ninth month of the tenth year of Zhenguan and was buried in the eleventh month; by the first month of the eleventh year the Prince of Jin was released from mourning and appointed concurrently as Governor-General of Bing. The Prince of Jin was the title Gaozong held in the fief; he was Empress Wende's youngest son, and from his appointment to office it is clear he had already been released from mourning. We now request that the crown prince follow Wei and Jin precedent in mourning for the late empress: burial, then the offering rite; the offering rite, then the end of wailing; the end of wailing, then removal of dress—with inner mourning carried through the full period, thus preserving the rite of suppressed mourning.
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The matter was referred to the Secretariat; the chief ministers summoned the ritual officials and asked, "The Analects says, 'When the Master ate beside someone in mourning, he never ate his fill.' How can we now have the crown prince serve meals in sackcloth mourning until after the burial? According to statute, when officials wear unhemmed sackcloth, they are granted thirty days' leave and then publicly released from mourning. Measured against this regulation, reconsider the matter." Zhang Jian said, "I ask that we follow the Song and Qi precedent, when the empress mourned her parents with thirty days of public mourning followed by removal of dress, to set the crown prince's mourning periods." On the thirtieth day of public removal he would proceed to the inner court in dark mourning dress; on returning to his own residence he would wear sackcloth as before. Mu Zhi said, "Du Yuankai's argument for removing mourning dress after burial is not fit to serve as law. I believe that following the three-year system would be too heavy, while adopting the thirty-day variation would be too light; only by following the ancient way and fixing one year as the standard can it be settled." An edict ordered the chief ministers and ritual officials to determine what was acceptable. The chief ministers questioned the erudites on Mu Zhi's submission; Mian replied, "According to the Rites, three years of mourning make no distinction between noble and humble. How could mourning dress be graded according to whether one's parents were noble or humble? Moreover the Rites provide for removing unhemmed sackcloth at the public gate; the Kaiyuan Rites prescribe thirteen months of mourning when the empress mourns her parents, and following court instruction mourning is removed on the thirteenth day; the crown prince wears five months of mourning for maternal grandparents, and following court instruction it is removed on the fifth day. The reason is fear that serving in mourning dress would wound the supreme person's sensibilities. Therefore expedient regulations were adopted and clearly set forth in state statutes; removing sackcloth at the public gate has its meaning here too—surely it is not all because of military exigency? If the crown prince now suppresses grief, publicly removes mourning and attends court in dark dress, and on returning to his residence wears sackcloth as before, this balance of adaptation can be handed down." The chief ministers approved this opinion and ordered Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Zheng Shuzhe to draft the memorial, taking Mian's opinion as correct. But Mu Zhi firmly held to his earlier view and asked to follow the ancient rites, without preventing the crown prince from wearing dark mourning within. Chief ministers Qi Ying and Liu Zi weighed the various opinions and asked to follow Shuzhe's opinion; the regulation was adopted. When Dong Jin became Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Dezong told him, "The full-year mourning the crown prince is observing is not my original intent; remonstrance officials argued forcefully against it. On mature consideration, following the ritual officials' request to observe Wei and Jin precedent is a very balanced compromise." The next winter, because the crown prince had long been in mourning and should by the last day of the first month receive auspicious dress, the emperor wished to release sackcloth in the eleventh month so the new year could be celebrated. All the relevant offices argued it was impermissible, and the plan was abandoned.
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沿
In the eleventh month of the sixth year the emperor personally performed the suburban sacrifice. The emperor treated the sacrificial canon with great care and followed ritual in every detail. At that time Mian was Director in the Ministry of Appointments and acting Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; together with Director in the Ministry of Seals Xu Dai, Director in the Ministry of Revenue Lu Zhi, and Director in the Ministry of Works Zhang Jian—all acting ritual officials—he jointly revised the suburban sacrifice protocol for consultation. Initially an edict asked whether the crown prince, as secondary and final offerer, should receive the oath of abstinence; Mian replied, "The Kaiyuan Rites provide for it, yet the oath text says, 'If one fails in his duty, the state has fixed punishments.' Since the crown prince receives the oath, I request changing it to read, 'Each shall perform his duty and reverently observe the regular rites.'" The emperor also asked about removing sword and shoes on ascending to the suburban altar and temple, the dimensions of ceremonial swords, and the proper weight of prayer texts; Mian reported according to the changes and continuities in the ritual classics, and the emperor greatly praised him.
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便 使
Mian's statements on affairs were quite pointed; the chief ministers found them inconvenient and sent him out as prefect of Wu. In the thirteenth year he was concurrently Vice Censor-in-Chief and prefect of Fuzhou, serving as defense commissioner and circuit supervisor of Fujian. While in Fuzhou, Mian memorialized to establish the Wan'an supervisory pasture; within Quanzhou he set up five group pastures, requisitioning throughout his jurisdiction five thousand seven hundred horses, eight hundred donkeys, mules, and cattle, and three thousand sheep as capital for the pasture. Popular sentiment was greatly disturbed; after a year there was no increase at all, and an edict abolished the project. Because his governance was without merit, an edict replaced him with Yan Jimei; he died on the return journey. His son Jing passed the jinshi examination and was also known for literary composition.
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Jing passed the jinshi examination at the opening of Baoli and was thrice promoted to Investigating Censor. At that time when suburban and temple sacrifices were announced, the acting officials assigned to perform the rites as the Three Dukes were mostly men of mixed rank; Jing, then an investigating censor, memorialized, "According to the edict of the twenty-third year of Kaiyuan, for great sacrifices at the ancestral temple the Left and Right Chancellors, heir apparent kings, specially advanced officials, Junior Guardian, Junior Mentor, ministers, guest of honor, and censor-in-chief should be assigned. Again, the edict of the twenty-fifth year: for the five offerings at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, the chancellor, mentor, minister, heir, and commandery kings should serve in general substitution; other offices are outside the limit of assignment. Again, the edict of the fourth year of Yuanhe: for announced sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, the acting Grand Marshal is filled by the chancellor; acting Minister of Works and Minister of Education are filled by vice directors, ministers, and mentors; other offices are outside the limit of assignment. Recently the Ministry of Appointments has followed routine and not observed the earlier and later edicts; the men appointed have been somewhat unworthy. I request that from this winter onward the Ministry of Appointments be ordered to assign officials according to Kaiyuan and Yuanhe edict precedent." The request was adopted. He was promoted again to External Official in the Ministry of Revenue and transferred to the Ministry of Appointments. At the opening of Kaicheng he was transferred to External Official in the Ministry of Treasury and charged with drafting imperial documents; soon afterward he served in that office as Academician of the Hanlin Academy.
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Initially Jing's grandfather Fang was expert in genealogy; in the Yongtai era he examined the genealogical registers of the Court of the Imperial Clan, traced the imperial branches and generations from Wude onward, and compiled the Imperial Clan Genealogy in twenty scrolls, titled the New Yongtai Genealogy; afterward no one continued it.
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When Jing was summoned for audience and spoke of genealogical matters, Wenzong said, "Your grandfather once compiled the imperial genealogy; I read it yesterday and found it very detailed. Examine events after Yongtai and try to continue it." Jing followed Fang's old format, continued events after Dezong, and completed ten scrolls to append to the earlier genealogy; an edict also ordered the Ministry of Revenue to supply paper, brushes, and pantry provisions. In the fifth year he was appointed Secretariat Drafter and continued in that office. In the Wuzong reign he was transferred to Vice Minister of Rites and twice supervised the examination registry; at the time he was praised for selecting capable men. His son Tao also passed the jinshi examination.
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Shen Chuanshi
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Shen Chuanshi, styled Ziyan, was from Wu. His father Ji Ji was broadly versed in all books and especially skilled with the historiographer's brush; Vice Minister of Appointments Yang Yan saw him and praised him. At the opening of Jianzhong Yan became chancellor and recommended Ji Ji's talent for historiographical duty; he was summoned and appointed Left Remonstrance and Reviser and Compiler in the Historiography Institute. Because Wu Jing had compiled the National History and established a basic annal for Empress Wu Zetian's reign, Ji Ji submitted a memorial objecting:
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使 仿
The historiographer's work is rooted in admonition and encouragement—to correct ruler and subject and to sustain family and state. It takes the front of a thousand ages and makes law for ten thousand generations, so that while living they dare not err and in death they dare not presume. It weaves human relations and threads the way of the world, serving as the standard for a hundred kings; it is not merely arranging words and comparing events, month following month. Thus the way of good and evil lies in admonition and warning; the handle of admonition and warning rests in praise and blame. Therefore the meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals—in raising and lowering noble and humble, light and heavy, in the slightest shades—is that even in one or two characters a subtle intent must be preserved. How much more when it is a great name and supreme succession—can that be lent out?
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使
I respectfully observe that Empress Wu Zetian, by her intelligence and sagacity at first, assisted in governing from within, and her achievements were abundant. At the time of the Hongdao transition, Xiaozong as the elder sovereign succeeded to the throne, yet the empress dowager held sole rule over the court; soon she deposed the emperor, imprisoning or banishing him. Then she grasped the chart and claimed the succession, shifted the mandate and changed the dynastic name; the traces of a hen ruling and a swallow usurping are hard to recount in full. Afterward the Five Princes devised policy and the imperial fortune was revived; at the moment of deciding the name, could there be no lowering or reduction? If righteousness requires concealing kin and ritual follows state taboo, if it cannot reach the point of injury it should remain as usual—how can one recklessly sever the constant canon and leap above the register of emperors? Confucius once said, "One must rectify names"; thus though Xia and Shang had thirty generations of rulers called emperors, the Zhou uniformly named them kings; the rulers of Wu, Chu, and Yue were kings for more than a hundred years, yet the Spring and Autumn Annals records them as sons. High and low depend on them, but right and wrong are judged by us. Where there is excess, suppress it; where there is deficiency, support it—neither diminishing the weak nor seizing from the presumptuous. Holding the center level, neither stirring nor tilting, so that what is sought cannot be obtained yet what is covered cannot be hidden—this is how the ancient gentleman was careful with names.
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退
Empress Wu by nature followed Kun's yielding yet occupied Qian's summit, using softness to overcome hardness; heaven's order was overturned, advancing by forcible possession and retreating without virtuous yielding. Now when historiographers write in retrospect they should call her Empress Dowager and should not say "Sovereign." Though Xiaozong was compelled by his mother's command and demoted to a princely residence, he embodied the origin and succeeded to the age—he is fundamentally our sovereign; historiographers writing in retrospect should call him "Emperor" and should not say "Prince of Luling." Before Jinglong Ruizong's mandate was not yet gathered; he merely received the empress dowager's command and temporarily held the great treasure—out of order in human relations and without name in righteousness; historiographers writing of him should say "Prince Regent" and should not yet say "Emperor." If because gain and loss are already past one lets it pass and does not raise it, then how are right and wrong, praise and blame, to be distinguished and corrected—what does it mean to hold the brush and keep the record? Empress Wu abolished the state's dynastic succession, adopted Zhou's calendar, abolished the state's Imperial Ancestral Temple, and established Zhou's seven temples. The mandate of the tripod was changed, imperial titles were altered, banners, robes, and colors of dress were already different! How can one now use Zhou's yearly chronology and list it as an imperial annal in the Book of Tang? Consulting the ritual classics, this is called disordering names. Moreover Xiaozong succeeded to heaven and took the throne before the empress dowager, yet in arranging years and fixing annals he is placed below the empress dowager; compared to elevating Duke Xi, this is called unwise. Examining the present against antiquity, none of it is acceptable.
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歿
Some say: Ban and Sima were fine historians; in compiling Han affairs they established Empress Gao to continue the imperial record—was there anyone who objected? The reply: In former times Empress Gao held sole rule because the heir's line was vacant; she alone enfeoffed the various Lüs, betraying Han's covenant—there was nothing so grave as shifting the tripod and transforming the mandate. Moreover at that time Emperor Xiaohui was already dead and Emperor Xiaowen was below; the two sons in the palace were not of the Liu clan—if Empress Lü were not recorded, whom would one record? Though one may say it was so, debaters still held it impermissible—how much more when the tripod is shifted and the mandate transformed?
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Some say: If the empress dowager is not recorded, the imperial line is broken—then to what are twenty-two years of actions attached? The answer: Xiaozong at the first year ascended the great throne and at the last year restored the former enterprise; though his honored name was seized in the middle, the mandate of heaven was not changed—sufficient to head affairs and sufficient to mark the year; what constraint requires splitting it into two annals? In former times when Duke Zhao of Lu went into exile, the Spring and Autumn Annals each year recorded where he was, saying, "The Duke was at Ganhou." Moreover while the ruler lives, though he loses position, he is not abolished. I now request merging the Empress Dowager Annal with the Xiaozong Annal; at the head of each year one must record where Xiaozong was to unify it, writing: In such-and-such year, spring, first month, the emperor was at Fangling; the empress dowager performed such-and-such affair and changed such-and-such regulation, and so on. Then the annal would be titled Xiaozong while affairs would narrate the empress dowager, so that the name would not lose rectitude and ritual would not violate the constant; name and ritual both obtained, and no one would find fault! Her surname, personal name, taboo, the reason for entering the palace, qualifications for successive offices, talent, wisdom, and stratagem, year of birth, death, and burial should be separately compiled into the Biography of the Empress, placed below the deposed empress and commoner consorts, with the chapter title "Empress Zetian Shunsheng Wu."
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Though the proposal was not adopted, historians praised it.
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When Dezong first ascended the throne he was keen to seek good governance. In summer of the second year of Jianzhong an edict ordered the Secretariat and Chancellery to each establish thirty awaiting-edict posts, drawn from former officials of rank nine and above in regular, probationary, and acting status who were skilled in letters, principles, military arts, and law—each receiving salary according to rank, with pantry provisions, laborers, utensils, and lodging established from public funds as capital, collecting interest to support expenses. Public opinion held that both bureaus already had attendant ministers sufficient for consultation and there was no need separately to establish superfluous posts. Ji Ji submitted a memorial arguing:
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Your subject respectfully observes that in Your Majesty's governance today the worry is that offices are too numerous, not that posts are too few; the worry is that inquiry is not made, not that there are no men. Moreover the Secretariat and Chancellery together have forty regular attendants, remonstrance and reviser, and remonstrance and reviser posts, and two officials on regular court attendance each day—all sufficient for consultation and not few. Among them twenty-one posts still lack men to fill them; other offices lack incumbents by many times that number. If Your Majesty thinks the current officials lack talent and are unfit for deliberation, then capable men should be sought to replace them. If Your Majesty wishes to extend intelligence widely and gather all the overlooked, then among those fit the vacancies should first be filled. Then the court would have no vacant offices and salaries would not be wasted. Moreover establishing capital to collect interest is an expedient of the relevant offices, not Your Majesty's method of governance. Now thirty posts all receive salaries, laborers, and pantry provisions, utensils, and construction of halls—estimated for one month not less than one million cash; measured against interest rates in other offices, capital of twenty million cash would be required to obtain one million in profit. If the capital were distributed per person, two hundred households would again have to be exempted, or they might be permitted entry into the official stream. Reckoned back and forth, the harm grows ever greater. Today the great illness of the capital region is that every office lends money at interest, injuring people and ruining households, accumulating in prefectures and counties. I truly wish for reform to rectify the root source. Moreover your subject once calculated the greatest drains on the empire's revenue and expenditure: of two matters, the most is military supplies, the next is official salaries. All other miscellaneous expenses do not equal one of these two. Therefore the common people are heavily afflicted and the loom is still empty. When one expects order and brilliance, one must rely on cutting and reducing. Now in the four directions the military situation has not yet ceased and expenses are broad—this is surely unavoidable. Your Majesty personally practices frugality, economizes expenditure, and cherishes the people—how can idle offices again become superfluous eaters? To establish them from the old registers could still be reduced—how then add more? If Your Majesty must hold that the regulation once issued cannot be changed, I request weighing the difficulty carefully, choosing with care, and deferring until it is abandoned.
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The matter in the end was not carried out. Soon afterward Yang Yan was punished and banished; Ji Ji was implicated and demoted to Registrar of Chuzhou. Later he reentered court and ended as External Official in the Ministry of Rites.
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退 使 西使使
Chuanshi passed the jinshi examination and ranked in the second class of the decree examination; he was appointed Proofreader of the Crown Prince and aide of E County, direct appointment to the Historiography Institute, transferred to Left Remonstrance and Reviser and Left Reviser—all concurrently historiographical posts. He was promoted to External Official in the Ministry of Justice and charged with drafting imperial documents, and was summoned to serve as Academician of the Hanlin Academy. He served successively as Director in the Ministries of Merit and War and was promoted to Secretariat Drafter. By nature retiring and without contention, at that time the Hanlin Academy had no chief drafter and Chuanshi was next in line; he firmly pleaded illness, would not rise when summoned by imperial order, and begged to hold his current office concurrently with historiographical duty. Soon he was concurrently Vice Censor-in-Chief and sent out as prefect of Tan and circuit supervisor of Hunan. He returned to court as Right Vice Director of the Ministry of Revenue. He was sent out as prefect of Hong and circuit supervisor of Jiangxi, transferred to prefect of Xuan and circuit supervisor of Xuan, She, and Chi. He returned to court as Vice Minister of Appointments. In the first year of Taihe he died, aged fifty-nine; posthumously honored as Minister of Appointments.
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稿
Initially Chuanshi's father Ji Ji compiled the Jianzhong Veritable Record in ten scrolls, praised at the time. While Chuanshi was in the Historiography Institute he participated in compiling the Xianzong Veritable Record, which was unfinished; when he was made supervisory commissioner of Hunan, a special edict sent him one portion of the historiographical draft, and he completed it in his prefecture.
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He had sons Shu and Xun; both passed the jinshi examination.
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使
Xun held clear and eminent posts: Secretariat Drafter, Academician of the Hanlin Academy, and Vice Minister of Rites. In the Xiantong era he served as acting Minister of Revenue, Chief Administrator of Lu Prefecture, and military commissioner of Zhaoyi. His governance was simple and easy; by nature he was fundamentally mild and harmonious. A slave named Gui Qin had relations with Xun's attendants; Xun intended to execute him but did not succeed; the slave joined with the garrison officers to raise disorder, attacked the prefectural residence by night, and Xun's entire household was killed.
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The historiographer comments
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The historiographer comments: Scholars who took history as their study in former ages mostly did not meet with fortune in their times and often suffered banishment—why is this? Truly because praise and blame, right and wrong, rest in the hand, and the weight of worthy and unworthy hangs on words—when the gentleman's way is slight and the vulgar are full of taboo, one word that cuts to the self is hated like an enemy. Therefore Han and Zhang suffered hardship on the official road, and Shen and Liu did not reach eminent rank—later men who hold the brush and keep the record may grieve for them! The Way must extend; things do not end in denial—their descendants relied on their remaining blessing and many reached the rank of chief minister; surely the Way of Heaven is preserved therein!
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In praise it is said: Praise and blame lie in words; the way of Confucius is the model. To punish disorder with the brush—there is also a Dong Hu. The great canon of state and family—what wrong did Ban and Sima commit? To punish evil and encourage good—history cannot be absent.
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