1
鄭覃，故相珣瑜之子。 以父廕補弘文校理，歷拾遺、補闕、考功員外郎、刑部郎中。 元和十四年二月，遷諫議大夫。 憲宗用內官五人為京西北和糴使，覃上疏論罷。 穆宗不恤政事，喜遊宴； 即位之始，吐蕃寇邊，覃與同職崔玄亮等廷奏曰：「陛下即位已來，宴樂過多，畋遊無度。 今蕃寇在境，緩急奏報，不知乘輿所在。 臣等忝備諫官，不勝憂惕，伏願稍減遊縱，留心政道。 伏聞陛下晨夜昵狎倡優； 近習之徒，賞賜太厚。 凡金銀貨幣，皆出自生靈膏血，不可使無功之人，濫沾賜與。 縱內藏有余，亦乞用之有節，如邊上警急，即支用無闕。 免令有司重斂百姓，實天下幸甚。」 帝初不悅其言，顧宰相蕭俛曰：「此輩何人？」 俛對曰：「諫官也。」 帝意稍解，乃曰：「朕之過失，臣下盡規，忠也。」 乃謂覃曰：「閣中奏事，殊不從容。 今後有事面陳，朕與卿延英相見。」 時久無閣中奏事，覃等抗論，人皆相賀。
Zheng Tan was a son of the late Chancellor Zheng Xunyu. By his father's yin privilege he entered service as collator at the Hongwen Institute, then served in turn as remonstrance reminder, supplementation official, assistant director in the Ministry of Personnel, and director in the Ministry of Justice. In the second month of Yuanhe 14 he was promoted to grand censor. When Emperor Xianzong appointed five eunuchs as commissioners for grain purchases northwest of the capital, Tan memorialized urging that the arrangement be abolished. Emperor Muzong neglected state affairs and delighted in pleasure outings and feasts. Early in his reign, when Tibetans raided the frontier, Tan and his fellow remonstrators including Cui Xuanliang addressed the throne: "Since Your Majesty took the throne, feasting and music have been excessive, and hunting has known no bounds. Now the enemy is at the border, yet for urgent and routine reports we do not know where the imperial carriage may be found. We who hold the post of remonstrating officials are overcome with anxiety and humbly beg that Your Majesty slightly curb these excursions and turn your attention to the business of government. We have heard that day and night Your Majesty keeps close company with actors and musicians. Those in your immediate entourage receive rewards far too lavish. All gold, silver, and currency come from the lifeblood of the people; men without merit must not be allowed to share lavishly in gifts and grants. Even if the inner treasury has surplus, we beg that it be spent with restraint, so that if the frontier faces sudden alarm, funds will not run short. Spare the responsible officials from imposing heavy levies on the people—this would truly be the good fortune of the realm." The emperor at first took offense at their words and turned to Chancellor Xiao Mian: "Who are these people?" Xiao replied: "They are remonstrating officials." The emperor's mood eased somewhat, and he said: "When my subjects fully remonstrate with me about my faults, that is loyalty." He then said to Tan: "Memorials submitted through the chamber offices lack all composure. Hereafter when there are matters, present them in person; I shall meet with you in the Yanying Hall." Memorials through the chamber offices had long been absent; Tan and the others had spoken boldly, and everyone congratulated one another.
2
鎮冀節度使王承宗死，其弟承元聽朝旨，移授鄭滑節度。 鎮之三軍留承元，以難不能赴鎮； 承元乞重臣宣諭，乃以覃為宣諭使，起居舍人王璠副之。
Wang Chengzong, military governor of Zhenji, died; his younger brother Chengyuan obeyed the court and was transferred to the post of military governor of Zheng and Hua. The three armies of the garrison detained Chengyuan, and he could not take up his post because of the difficulty. Chengyuan asked that a senior minister be sent to proclaim the imperial will; Tan was appointed imperial envoy for proclamation, with court diarist Wang Fan as his deputy.
3
初，鎮卒辭語不遜，覃至宣詔，諭以大義，軍人釋然聽命。 長慶元年十一月，轉給事中。 四年，遷御史中丞，十一月，權知工部侍郎。 寶歷元年，拜京兆尹。 文宗即位，改左散騎常侍。 三年，以本官充翰林侍講學士。 四年四月，拜工部侍郎。
At first the garrison soldiers spoke insolently; when Tan arrived to proclaim the edict and instructed them in the greater principles, the troops calmly accepted the command. In the eleventh month of Changqing 1 he was transferred to supervisor of the chancellery. In the fourth year he was promoted to vice censor-in-chief; in the eleventh month he was given provisional charge as vice minister of public works. In Baoli 1 he was appointed metropolitan prefect of Jingzhao. When Emperor Wenzong took the throne, he was reassigned as left regular attendant of the palatial insignia. In the third year he served in his existing rank as Hanlin lecturer. In the fourth year, fourth month, he was appointed vice minister of public works.
4
覃長於經學，稽古守正，帝尤重之。 覃從容奏曰：「經籍訛謬，博士相沿，難為改正。 請召宿儒奧學，校定六籍； 準後漢故事，勒石於太學，永代作則，以正其闕。」 從之。
Tan excelled in classical learning, investigated antiquity and held to rectitude, and the emperor especially valued him. Tan calmly submitted: "The canonical texts contain errors that the erudites have handed down one after another, and they are difficult to correct. I ask that venerable scholars of profound learning be summoned to collate the Six Classics. Following the precedent of Later Han, have them carved on stone at the Imperial Academy as a standard for all generations and to rectify their lacunae." The request was approved.
5
五年，李宗閔、牛僧孺輔政。 宗閔以覃與李德裕相善，薄之。 時德裕自浙西入朝，復為閔、孺所排，出鎮蜀川。 宗閔惡覃禁中言事，奏為工部尚書，罷侍講學士。 文宗好經義，心頗思之。 六年二月，復召為侍講學士。 七年春，德裕作相。 五月，以覃為御史大夫。 文宗嘗於延英謂宰相曰：「殷侑通經學，為人頗似鄭覃。」 宗閔曰：「覃、侑誠有經學，於議論不足聽覽。」 李德裕對曰：「殷、鄭之言，他人不欲聞，唯陛下切欲聞之。」 覃嘗嫉人朋黨，為宗閔所薄故也。 八年，遷戶部尚書。 其年，德裕罷相，宗閔復知政，與李訓、鄭註同排斥李德裕、李紳。 二人貶黜，覃亦左授秘書監。 九年六月，楊虞卿、李宗閔得罪長流，復以覃為刑部尚書。 十月，遷尚書右僕射，兼判國子祭酒。 訓、註伏誅，召覃入禁中草制敕，明日以本官同平章事，封滎陽郡公，食邑二千戶。
In the fifth year Li Zongmin and Niu Sengru assisted in government. Zongmin held Tan in low esteem because Tan was on good terms with Li Deyu. At that time Deyu had come to court from Zhexi and was again pushed aside by Zongmin and Sengru and sent out to govern Shuchuan. Zongmin disliked Tan's speaking on affairs within the inner palace and had him appointed minister of public works, removing him from his Hanlin lectureship. Wenzong loved the meaning of the Classics and greatly missed him. In the second month of the sixth year he was again summoned as Hanlin lecturer. In the spring of the seventh year Deyu became chancellor. In the fifth month Tan was appointed censor-in-chief. Wenzong once said to the chancellors in the Yanying Hall: "Yin You is versed in classical learning and in character is rather like Zheng Tan." Zongmin said: "Tan and You truly have classical learning, but their discourse is not worth listening to." Li Deyu replied: "The words of Yin and Zheng are what others do not wish to hear, yet Your Majesty earnestly wishes to hear them. Tan had often detested factional cliques—hence Zongmin's disdain for him. In the eighth year he was transferred to minister of revenue. That year Deyu was dismissed as chancellor; Zongmin again took charge of government and, together with Li Xun and Zheng Zhu, jointly pushed aside Li Deyu and Li Shen. When the two were demoted and banished, Tan too was demoted and appointed director of the palace library. In the sixth month of the ninth year Yang Yuqing and Li Zongmin were found guilty and banished to distant places; Tan was again appointed minister of justice. In the tenth month he was promoted to right vice director of the secretariat and concurrently given charge of chancellor of the directorate of education. When Xun and Zhu were executed, Tan was summoned into the inner palace to draft edicts; the next day, retaining his existing office, he was made associate counselor, enfeoffed as Duke of Xingyang with a fief of two thousand households.
6
覃雖精經義，不能為文。 嫉進士浮華。 開成初，奏禮部貢院宜罷進士科。 初，紫宸對，上語及選士，覃曰：「南北朝多用文華，所以不治。 士以才堪即用，何必文辭？」 帝曰：「進士及第人已曾為州縣官者，方鎮奏署即可之，余即否。」 覃曰：「此科率多輕薄，不必盡用。」 帝曰：「輕薄敦厚，色色有之，未必獨在進士。 此科置已二百年，亦不可遽改。」 覃曰：「亦不可過有崇樹。」 帝嘗謂宰臣曰：「百司弛慢，要重條舉。」 因指香爐曰：「此爐始亦華好，用之既久，乃無光彩。 若不加飾，何由復初？」 覃對曰：「丕變風俗，當考實效。 自三十年已來，多不務實，取於顏情。 如嵇、阮之流，不攝職事。」 李石云：「此本因治平，人人無事，安逸所致。 今之人俗亦慕王夷甫，恥不能及之。」 上曰：「卿等輔朕，在振舉法度而已。」
Although Tan was expert in the meaning of the Classics, he could not compose literary prose. He detested the flamboyance of jinshi graduates. At the beginning of Kai Cheng he memorialized that the Ministry of Rites examination grounds should abolish the jinshi examination. Early on, during an audience in the Zichen Hall, the emperor spoke of selecting officials; Tan said: "The Northern and Southern Dynasties relied heavily on literary ornament, and that is why they failed to achieve good governance. Officials should be employed as soon as their talent qualifies them—why must there be literary polish?" The emperor said: "Jinshi who have passed the examination and have already served as officials in prefectures and districts—for these, when military governors recommend them for appointments, I may approve; for the rest, no." Tan said: "This examination track is mostly frivolous men—not all need be employed." The emperor said: "Frivolity and solid character exist in every sort—not necessarily only among jinshi. This examination has been established for two hundred years—it cannot be abruptly changed." Tan said: "Nor should it be excessively honored and promoted." The emperor once said to the chancellors: "The hundred offices are lax and sluggish—we must seriously enforce regulations." Pointing to an incense burner, he said: "This burner was at first splendid and fine, but after long use it has lost its luster. If it is not refurbished, how can it return to its original state?" Tan replied: "To greatly transform customs, one should examine actual results. For more than thirty years most have not pursued substance but have sought to please the eye. Men like Ji Kang and Ruan Ji did not attend to their official duties." Li Shi said: "This originally arose because under a peaceful reign everyone had nothing to do—leisure and ease brought it about. Today's popular customs also admire Wang Yifu and shame themselves for failing to match him." The emperor said: "You who assist me need only rouse and uphold the laws and standards."
7
時太學勒石經，覃奏起居郎周墀、水部員外郎崔球、監察御史張次宗、禮部員外郎溫業等，校定《九經》文字，旋令上石。 加門下侍郎、弘文館大學士、監修國史。 上嘗於延英論古今詩句工拙，覃曰：「孔子所刪，三百篇是也。 降此五言七言，辭非雅正，不足帝王賞詠。 夫《詩》之《雅》、《頌》，皆下刺上所為，非上化下而作。 王者采詩，以考風俗得失。 仲尼刪定，以為世規。 近代陳後主、隋煬帝皆能章句，不知王者大端，終有季年之失。 章句小道，願陛下不取也。」 覃以宰相兼判國子祭酒，奏太學置五經博士各一人，緣無職田，請依王府官例，賜祿粟。 從之。 又進《石壁九經》一百六十卷。
At that time the Imperial Academy was inscribing stone classics; Tan memorialized that Attendant Zhou Chi, assistant director of the Ministry of Water Cui Qiu, investigating censor Zhang Cizong, assistant director of the Ministry of Rites Wen Ye, and others should collate the text of the Nine Classics and then have it carved on stone. He was further appointed vice director in the secretariat, grand academician of the Hongwen Institute, and supervisor of the compilation of the national history. The emperor once in the Yanying Hall discussed the skill or clumsiness of ancient and modern poetic lines; Tan said: "What Confucius edited—the three hundred pieces—is it. Beneath these, the five-character and seven-character forms—their wording is not elegant and correct and are not worthy of imperial appreciation and recitation. As for the Ya and Song sections of the Odes—they were all made by subjects below to admonish the ruler above; they were not composed by the ruler to transform those below. The king collected songs to examine whether customs were flourishing or failing. Confucius edited and fixed them to serve as a standard for the age. In recent times Emperor Houzhu of Chen and Emperor Yang of Sui could both parse verses line by line, yet did not understand the great essentials of kingship, and in the end met the failures of their declining years. Parsing verses is a petty path—I beg Your Majesty not to pursue it. As chancellor Tan also concurrently supervised the directorate of education; he memorialized that the Imperial Academy should establish one erudite for each of the Five Classics, and because they had no official field allotments, requested that grain and salary be granted following the precedent for officials of the princely establishments. The request was approved. He also presented the Stone Wall Nine Classics in one hundred sixty juan.
8
其年，李固言復為宰相。 固言與李宗閔、楊嗣復善，覃憎之。 因起居郎闕，固言奏曰：「周敬復、崔球、張次宗等三人，皆堪此任。」 覃曰：「崔球遊宗閔之門，且赤墀下秉筆，為千古法，不可朋黨。 如裴中孺、李讓夷，臣不敢有纖芥異論。」 乃止。 三年，楊嗣復自西川入拜平章事，與覃尤相矛盾； 加之以固言、李玨，入對之際，是非蜂起。 二月，覃進位太子太師。
That year Li Guyan again became chancellor. Guyan was on good terms with Li Zongmin and Yang Sifu, and Tan detested him. When the post of attendant of the gazette fell vacant, Guyan memorialized: "Zhou Jingfu, Cui Qiu, and Zhang Cizong—all three are fit for this office." Tan said: "Cui Qiu frequents Zongmin's circle, and moreover beneath the Red Terrace he holds the brush—this sets the standard for a thousand generations; factional ties cannot be allowed. As for Pei Zhongru and Li Rangyi, your subject would not venture the slightest dissent. Thereupon the matter stopped. In the third year Yang Sifu entered court from Xichuan and was appointed associate counselor; he was especially at odds with Tan. With Guyan and Li Jue added in, whenever they entered to respond to the throne, disputes swarmed like hornets. In the second month Tan was promoted to grand tutor of the heir apparent.
9
文宗以旱放系囚，出宮人劉好奴等五百余人，送兩街寺觀，任歸親戚。 紫宸對，李玨曰：「陛下放宮女數多，德邁千古。 漢制，八月選人，晉武平吳，亦多采擇。 仲尼所謂『未見好德如好色』。 今陛下以為無益放之，微臣敢賀。」 覃曰：「晉武帝以采擇之失，中原化為左衽； 陛下以為殷鑒，放去攸宜。」 其年十二月，三上章求罷，詔落太子太師，余如故。 仍三五日一入中書，商量政事。 四年五月，罷相，守左僕射。
Because of drought Wenzong released prisoners in custody and released more than five hundred palace women including Liu Haonu, sending them to Buddhist and Daoist temples on the two avenues to return to their kin as they wished. At an audience in the Zichen Hall, Li Jue said: "Your Majesty has released a great many palace women—your virtue surpasses a thousand ages. Under Han institutions, in the eighth month women were selected; when Jin Wu pacified Wu, he also took many in selection. Confucius said, 'I have not seen one who loved virtue as he loved beauty.' Now Your Majesty holds them of no benefit and releases them—this humble subject dares to offer congratulations." Tan said: "Jin Wudi because of the fault of excessive selection—the Central Plains were transformed to wearing garments buttoned on the left. Your Majesty takes this as a mirror of warning—how fitting to release them. That year, in the twelfth month, he thrice submitted memorials requesting to resign; an edict removed him from grand tutor of the heir apparent while the rest of his offices remained as before. He still came to the Secretariat every few days to discuss government business. In the fifth month of the fourth year he left the chancellorship and remained as left vice director of the secretariat.
10
武宗即位，李德裕用事，欲援為宰相。 固以足疾不任朝謁。 會昌二年，守司徒致仕，卒。
When Emperor Wuzong came to the throne, Li Deyu was in charge and wanted to bring him back as chancellor. He firmly pleaded a foot ailment that left him unable to attend court audiences. In Huichang 2 he retired as minister of works and died.
11
子裔綽，以廕授渭南尉，直弘文館。
His son Yichuo entered service by yin privilege as wei of Weinan and served on duty at the Hongwen Institute.
12
覃少清苦貞退，不造次與人款狎。 位至相國，所居未嘗增飾，才庇風雨。 家無媵妾，人皆仰其素風。 然嫉惡太過，多所不容，眾憚而惡之。
From youth Tan lived in plain poverty and upright seclusion and did not casually become familiar with others. Even after he rose to chancellor, his home was never improved beyond what barely kept out wind and rain. His household kept no concubines, and everyone admired his unadorned way of life. Yet he hated evil to excess and would tolerate little; many feared and resented him.
13
覃弟朗、潛。
Tan's younger brothers were Lang and Qian.
14
朗，字有融。 長慶元年，登進士甲科，再遷右拾遺。 開成中，為起居郎。 初，太和末風俗稍奢，文宗恭勤節儉，冀革其風。 宰臣等言曰：「陛下節儉省用，風俗已移，長裾大袂，漸以減損。 若更令戚屬絕其侈靡，不慮下不從教。」 帝曰：「此事亦難戶曉，但去其泰甚，自以儉德化之。 朕聞前時內庫唯二錦袍，飾以金鳥，一袍玄宗幸溫湯禦之，一即與貴妃。 當時貴重如此，如今奢靡，豈復貴之？ 料今富家往往皆有。 左衛副使張元昌便用金唾壺，昨因李訓，已誅之矣。」 時朗執筆螭頭下，宰臣退，上謂朗曰：「適所議論，卿記錄未？ 吾試觀之。」 朗對曰：「臣執筆所記，便名為史。 伏準故事，帝王不可取觀。 昔太宗欲覽國史，諫議大夫硃子奢云：『史官所述，不隱善惡。 或主非上智，飾非護失，見之則致怨，所以義不可觀。』 又褚遂良曰：『今之起居郎，古之左右史也； 記人君言行，善惡必書，庶幾不為非法，不聞帝王躬自觀史。』」 帝曰：「適來所記，無可否臧，見亦何爽？」 乃宣謂宰臣曰：「鄭朗引故事，不欲脫見起居註。 夫人君之言，善惡必書。 朕恐平常閑話，不關理體，垂諸將來，竊以為恥。 異日臨朝，庶幾稍改，何妨一見，以誡醜言。」 朗遂進之。 朗轉考功郎中。 四年，遷諫議大夫。
Lang, whose style was Yourong. In Changqing 1 he passed the jinshi examination in the top tier and was promoted twice to right remonstrance reminder. During Kai Cheng he served as attendant of the gazette. At first, toward the end of Taihe, customs had grown somewhat extravagant; Wenzong was respectful, diligent, and frugal, hoping to change the trend. The chancellors said: "Your Majesty's thrift and restraint have already begun to shift customs; long skirts and wide sleeves are gradually disappearing. If you further require your kin to abandon extravagance, there is no reason to fear that those below will not follow your teaching." The emperor said: "This is also hard to explain to every household; one need only remove what is excessive and transform people through the virtue of frugality. I have heard that in former times the inner treasury held only two brocade robes adorned with golden birds—one that Emperor Xuanzong wore when he visited the hot springs, and one that he gave to the Noble Consort. At that time they were prized so highly—now, with such extravagance everywhere, how could they still be prized? I expect that wealthy families today often have them as well. Deputy commander of the Left Guard Zhang Yuanchang casually used a golden spittoon; yesterday, because of Li Xun, he was already executed. At that time Lang held the brush beneath the imperial seat; after the chancellors withdrew, the emperor said to Lang: "The discussion just now—have you recorded it? Let me see it." Lang replied: "What I record with the brush is called history. According to precedent, an emperor may not take and view it. Formerly when Emperor Taizong wished to read the national history, remonstrance grand censor Zhu Zixia said: 'What the historiographers record does not conceal good or evil. If a ruler is not of the highest wisdom, he may gloss over faults and shield errors; seeing the record would provoke resentment—therefore by principle it may not be viewed.' Chu Suiliang also said: 'Today's attendant of the gazette is the ancient left and right historiographer; he records the ruler's words and deeds, and good and evil must be written, so that the ruler may not act unlawfully—I have never heard of an emperor personally viewing the history. The emperor said: "What was just recorded has no approval or blame—what harm would there be in seeing it?" He then announced to the chancellors: "Zheng Lang cited precedent and did not wish to let me see the Daily Record. A ruler's words—good and evil must be written down. I fear that ordinary idle talk, unrelated to principle, if handed down to future generations, would be a private shame. On another day when I hold court I may reform myself slightly—what harm in one viewing, to warn against ugly speech? Lang then presented it. Lang was transferred to director in the Ministry of Personnel. In the fourth year he was promoted to grand censor.
15
會昌初，為給事中。 出為華州刺史，入為御史中丞、戶部侍郎，判本司事。 大中朝，出為定州刺史、義武軍節度、易定觀察、北平軍等使。 尋遷檢校戶部尚書、汴州刺史、宣武軍節度、宋亳汴潁觀察等使。 入為工部尚書，判度支。 遷御史大夫，改禮部尚書。 以本官同平章事，加中書侍郎、集賢殿大學士，修國史。
At the beginning of Huichang he served as supervisor of the chancellery. He went out as prefect of Hua Province, then entered court as vice censor-in-chief and vice minister of revenue, with charge of that ministry's affairs. During the Dazhong reign he went out as prefect of Ding, military governor of the Yiwu Army, observation commissioner of Yi and Ding, commissioner of the Beiping Army, and related posts. Soon he was transferred as acting minister of revenue, prefect of Bian, military governor of the Xuanwu Army, and observation commissioner of Song, Bo, Bian, and Ying, and related posts. He entered court as minister of public works with charge of the directorate of the treasury. He was promoted to censor-in-chief and then changed to minister of rites. Retaining his existing office he became associate counselor, was further appointed vice director in the secretariat and grand academician of the Jixian Hall, and compiled the national history.
16
大中十年，以疾辭位。 進加檢校右僕射、守太子少師。 十一年十月卒。 詔曰：
In Dazhong 10 he resigned his office because of illness. He was further promoted as acting right vice director and retained junior tutor of the heir apparent. In the tenth month of the eleventh year he died. An edict said:
17
故通議大夫、檢校尚書右僕射、兼太子少師、上柱國、賜紫金魚袋鄭朗，植操端方，稟氣莊重； 藹若瑞玉，淡如澄川。 智略合乎蓍龜，誠信服於僚友。 自膺寵寄，頗負全才，竭匪躬於諫垣，彰盡瘁於瑣闥。 載踐方嶽，亟登師壇。 觀風推惠愛之心，訓士得撫循之術。 政溢聞聽，念茲征還，位冠冬卿，職重邦計。 經費有節，財用不虧。 繄彼休功，明我推擇。 爰嘉峭峻，俾總紀綱。 公望益隆，典彜具舉； 式諧註意，且沃深衷。 俄參化源，以提政柄。 三事仰清廉之節，百度見損益之能。 近煦和風，遠浹膏雨。 方俟坐鎮雅俗，表率庶官，頤養或乖，腠理生疾，屢陳章疏，乞遂退閑。 既堅乃誠，式允其請。 每圖懿績，唯冀有瘳。 何竟至於彌留，而遽聞於捐代。 閱奏興悼，臨軒載懷。 將輟視朝之儀，兼列上公之秩。 慰茲幽壞，期爾有知，可贈司空。
The late grand master for discussion, acting right vice director of the secretariat, concurrent junior tutor of the heir apparent, pillar of state of the upper rank, granted the purple-gold fish tally—Zheng Lang—upheld upright conduct and was endowed with a solemn bearing; gentle as auspicious jade, calm as a clear stream. His wisdom and strategy accorded with divination by yarrow and tortoise; his sincerity and trust won over colleagues and friends. From the time he received imperial favor he bore full talent, exhausted himself in the remonstrance offices, and showed complete devotion in the inner gates. He repeatedly served in regional command and quickly rose to military authority. In inspecting local customs he promoted kindness and love; in training soldiers he mastered the art of soothing and guiding. His governance overflowed into public report; mindful of this he was recalled, placed at the head of the winter ministry, and charged with the weight of the state's accounts. Expenditures were kept within bounds and finances did not suffer loss. Because of those fine achievements, I clearly chose him for promotion. I then praised his stern uprightness and had him oversee the laws and standards. His public reputation grew ever higher and canonical rites were fully upheld; he harmonized with my intent and nourished my inmost heart. Soon he joined the source of transformation and took up the handle of government. The Three Excellencies looked up to his integrity; the hundred offices saw his capacity for improvement and reduction. Near at hand he warmed like a gentle breeze; far away he moistened like nourishing rain. Just as he was awaited to settle customs and serve as a model for all officials, his nourishment went awry and illness arose; he repeatedly submitted memorials begging to retire in leisure. Since his sincerity was firm, I granted his request. Each time I recalled his fine achievements, I only hoped for recovery. How did it come to lingering illness, and then so suddenly to news of his death? Reading the memorial I was moved to mourning; facing the hall I was filled with grief. I shall suspend the ceremony of holding court and also confer the rank of upper duke. To comfort him in the dark realm, expecting that he has awareness, he may be posthumously granted minister of works.
18
潛，字無悶，亦登進士第。
Qian, whose style was Wumen, also passed the jinshi examination.
19
陳夷行，字周道，潁川人。 祖忠，父邑。 夷行，元和七年登進士第，累辟使府。 寶歷末，由侍御史改虞部員外郎，皆分務東都。 太和三年，入為起居郎、史館修撰，預修《憲宗實錄》。 四年獻上，轉司封員外郎。 五年，遷吏部郎中。 四月，召充翰林學士。 八年，兼充皇太子侍讀，詔五日一度入長生院侍太子講經。 上召對，面賜緋衣牙笏，遷諫議大夫、知制誥，余職如故。 九年八月，改太常少卿，知制誥、學士侍講如故。
Chen Yixing, whose style was Zhou Dao, was a native of Yingchuan. His grandfather was Zhong and his father was Yi. Yixing passed the jinshi examination in Yuanhe 7 and was repeatedly summoned to commissioner offices. At the end of Baoli he was changed from attending censor to assistant director of the Ministry of Parks, and all served in the Eastern Capital. In Taihe 3 he entered court as attendant of the gazette and compiler in the History Institute, participating in the compilation of the Veritable Records of Emperor Xianzong. In the fourth year it was submitted; he was transferred to assistant director in the Ministry of Honors. In the fifth year he was promoted to director in the Ministry of Personnel. In the fourth month he was summoned to serve as Hanlin academician. In the eighth year he was additionally appointed lecturer to the heir apparent; an edict ordered him once every five days to enter the Changsheng Courtyard to lecture the heir on the Classics. The emperor summoned him for audience and personally granted him scarlet robes and an ivory tablet; he was promoted to grand censor and given charge of drafting edicts, with his other offices unchanged. In the eighth month of the ninth year he was changed to vice director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; his charge of drafting edicts and his lectureship in the academy remained as before.
20
開成二年四月，以本官同平章事。 三年，楊嗣復、李玨繼入輔政。 夷行介特，素惡其所為，每上前議政，語侵嗣復，遂至往復。 性不能堪，上表稱足疾辭位； 不許，詔中使就第宣勞。 七月，以王彥威為忠武節度使，史孝章為邠寧節度使，皆嗣復擬議。 因延英對，上問夷行曰：「昨除二鎮，當否？」 夷行對曰：「但出自聖心即當。」 楊嗣復曰：「若出自聖心當，即人情皆愜。 如事或過當，臣下安得無言？」 帝曰：「誠如此，朕固無私也。」 夷行曰：「自三數年來，奸臣竊權，陛下不可倒持太阿，授人钅尊柄。」 嗣復曰：「齊桓用管仲於讎虜，豈有太阿之慮乎？」 上不悅。
In Kai Cheng 2, fourth month, retaining his existing office he became associate counselor. In the third year Yang Sifu and Li Jue successively entered to assist in government. Yixing was upright and exceptional and had always detested their conduct; whenever he discussed government before the emperor his words encroached on Sifu, and disputes went back and forth. Unable to endure it, he submitted a memorial claiming foot ailment and requesting to resign his office. This was not permitted; an edict sent a palace envoy to his residence to proclaim consolation. In the seventh month Wang Yanwei was appointed military governor of Zhongwu and Shi Xiaozhang was appointed military governor of Binning—both were proposals of Sifu. During an audience in the Yanying Hall the emperor asked Yixing: "Yesterday's appointments to the two garrisons—were they appropriate?" Yixing replied: "So long as they issued from Your Majesty's own decision, they are appropriate." Yang Sifu said: "If they are appropriate because they issued from Your Majesty's own decision, then popular sentiment is all satisfied. If the matter is perhaps excessive, how could subjects below not speak?" The emperor said: "If it is truly so, I am indeed without private motive." Yixing said: "For the past several years treacherous ministers have stolen power; Your Majesty must not hold the sword Tai'e reversed and hand the handle to others." Sifu said: "Duke Huan of Qi employed Guan Zhong from among his enemies—was there any worry about the sword Tai'e? The emperor was displeased.
21
仙韶院樂官尉遲璋授王府率，右拾遺竇洵直當衙論曰：「伶人自有本色官，不合授之清秩。」 鄭覃曰：「此小事，何足當衙論列！ 王府率是六品雜官，謂之清秩，與洵直得否？ 此近名也。」 嗣復曰：「嘗聞洵直幽，今當衙論一樂官，幽則有之，亦不足怪。」 夷行曰：「諫官當衙，只合論宰相得失，不合論樂官。 然業已陳論，須與處置。 今後樂人每七八年與轉一官，不然，則加手力課三數人。」 帝曰：「別與一官。」 乃授光州長史，賜洵直絹百疋。 夷行尋轉門下侍郎。
Yuchi Zhang, a musician of the Xian Shao Court, was granted captain of the princely establishment; right remonstrance reminder Dou Xunzhi argued at court saying: "Entertainers have their own proper offices—it is not fitting to grant them pure ranks." Zheng Tan said: "This is a small matter—what need to argue it at court! Captain of the princely establishment is a sixth-rank miscellaneous office—calling it a pure rank—is Xunzhi correct? This borders on seeking fame." Sifu said: "I have heard that Xunzhi is reclusive; now he argues at court over one musician—reclusiveness he certainly has, and that is hardly surprising." Yixing said: "When remonstrating officials speak at court, they should discuss the chancellor's merits and faults, not entertainers. Yet since the matter has already been raised, it must be dealt with. Henceforth musicians should be promoted one rank every seven or eight years; otherwise, add three or four personal attendants to their staff." The emperor said: "Give him a different office instead. Zhang was then appointed chief administrator of Guang Prefecture, and Xunzhi was granted one hundred bolts of silk. Yixing was soon transferred to vice director in the secretariat.
22
文宗用郭薳為坊州刺史，右拾遺，宋邧論列，以為不可。 既而薳坐贓。 帝謂宰相曰：「宋邧論事可嘉，邧授官來幾時？」 嗣復曰：「去年。」 因曰：「諫官論事，陛下但記其姓名，稍加優獎。 如不當，亦須令知。」 夷行曰：「諫官論事，是其本職。 若論一事即加一官，則官何由得，不免有情。」 帝曰：「情固不免，理平之時，亦不可免。」 上竟以夷行議論太過，恩禮漸薄。 尋罷知政事，守吏部尚書。
Wenzong appointed Guo Fan as prefect of Fang Prefecture; right remonstrance reminder Song Kua argued against it, deeming it inappropriate. Soon afterward Fan was found guilty of corruption. The emperor said to the chancellors: "Song Kua's remonstrance was commendable—how long has Kua held his office?" Sifu said: "Last year." He then said: "When remonstrating officials speak on affairs, Your Majesty need only note their names and grant slight rewards. If they are wrong, they must also be told so." Yixing said: "For remonstrating officials to speak on affairs is their proper duty. If one office is granted for each matter raised, how would offices be obtained? Partiality cannot be avoided." The emperor said: "Partiality indeed cannot be avoided—even in times of good order it cannot be avoided. The emperor ultimately considered Yixing's discourse excessive, and imperial favor gradually grew thin. Soon he was dismissed from charge of government affairs and retained as minister of personnel.
23
四年九月，檢校禮部尚書，出為華州刺史。 五年，武宗即位，李德裕秉政。 七月自華召入，復為中書侍郎、平章事。
In the ninth month of the fourth year he was appointed acting minister of rites and went out as prefect of Hua Province. In the fifth year Emperor Wuzong took the throne and Li Deyu held the reins of government. In the seventh month he was summoned from Hua and again became vice director in the secretariat and associate counselor.
24
會昌三年十一月，檢校司空、平章事、河中尹、河中晉絳節度使。 卒，贈司徒。
In the eleventh month of Huichang 3 he was appointed acting minister of works, associate counselor, prefect of Hezhong, and military governor of Hezhong, Jin, and Jiang. He died and was posthumously granted minister over the masses.
25
弟玄錫、夷實，皆進士擢第。 玄賜又制策登科。
His younger brothers Xuanxi and Yishi both passed the jinshi examination. Xuanci also passed the decree examination.
26
李紳，字公垂，潤州無錫人。 本山東著姓。 高祖敬玄，則天朝中書令，封趙國文憲公，自有傳。 祖守一，成都郫縣令。 父晤，歷金壇、烏程、晉陵三縣令，因家無錫。
Li Shen, whose style was Gongchui, was a native of Wuxi in Run Prefecture. His clan was originally a prominent surname of Shandong. His great-grandfather Jingxuan served as director in the secretariat under Empress Wu and was enfeoffed as Duke Wenxian of Zhao; he has his own biography. His grandfather Shouyi was magistrate of Pi County in Chengdu. His father Wu successively served as magistrate of Jintan, Wucheng, and Jinling, and the family settled in Wuxi.
27
紳六歲而孤，母盧氏教以經義。 紳形狀眇小而精悍，能為歌詩。 鄉賦之年，諷誦多在人口。 元和初，登進士第，釋褐國子助教，非其好也。 東歸金陵，觀察使李锜愛其才，辟為從事。 紳以锜所為專恣，不受其書幣； 锜怒，將殺紳，遁而獲免。 锜誅，朝廷嘉之，召拜右拾遺。
Shen was orphaned at six; his mother, Lady Lu, taught him the meaning of the Classics. Shen was small in stature yet keen and vigorous, and could compose songs and poems. In the year of the local examination, his recited compositions were on many people's lips. At the beginning of Yuanhe he passed the jinshi examination and upon first appointment became assistant instructor at the directorate of education—not to his liking. Returning east to Jinling, observation commissioner Li Qi admired his talent and summoned him as an aide. Shen, because Qi's conduct was arbitrary and willful, would not accept his letters and gifts. Qi grew angry and was about to kill Shen; Shen fled and escaped. When Qi was executed, the court praised him and summoned him as right remonstrance reminder.
28
歲餘，穆宗召為翰林學士，與李德裕、元稹同在禁署，時稱「三俊」，情意相善。 尋轉右補闕。 長慶元年三月，改司勛員外郎、知制誥。 二年二月，超拜中書舍人，內職如故。
After more than a year Muzong summoned him as Hanlin academician; together with Li Deyu and Yuan Zhen he served in the inner offices, and at the time they were called the 'Three Outstanding Men,' on friendly terms. He was soon transferred to right supplementation official. In the third month of Changqing 1 he was changed to assistant director in the Ministry of Honors and given charge of drafting edicts. In the second month of the second year he was exceptionally promoted to secretariat drafter, with his inner-court duties unchanged.
29
俄而稹作相，尋為李逢吉教人告稹陰事； 稹罷相，出為同州刺史。 時德裕與牛僧孺俱有相望，德裕恩顧稍深。 逢吉欲用僧孺，懼紳與德裕沮於禁中。 二年九月，出德裕為浙西觀察使，乃用僧孺為平章事，以紳為御史中丞，冀離內職，易掎摭而逐之。 乃以吏部侍郎韓愈為京兆尹，兼御史大夫，放臺參。 知紳剛褊，必與韓愈忿爭。 制出，紳果移牒往來，論臺府事體。 而愈復性訐，言辭不遜，大喧物議，由是兩罷之。 愈改兵部侍郎，紳為江西觀察使。 天子待紳素厚，不悟逢吉之嫁禍，為其心希外任，乃令中使就第宣勞，賜之玉帶。 紳對中使泣訴其事，言為逢吉所排，戀闕之情無已。 及中謝日，面自陳訴，帝方省悟，乃改授戶部侍郎。
Soon Zhen became chancellor, and then Li Fengji had men report Zhen's secret affairs. Zhen was dismissed as chancellor and sent out as prefect of Tong Prefecture. At that time both Deyu and Niu Sengru enjoyed high repute, but Deyu's imperial favor was somewhat deeper. Fengji wished to employ Sengru but feared that Shen and Deyu would obstruct this within the inner palace. In the ninth month of the second year Deyu was sent out as observation commissioner of Zhexi; Sengru was then employed as associate counselor and Shen as vice censor-in-chief, hoping to remove him from inner duties and make it easier to seize on faults and drive him out. Han Yu, vice minister of personnel, was appointed metropolitan prefect of Jingzhao and concurrently censor-in-chief, with censorate attendance released. Knowing Shen's rigidity and narrowness, they were certain he would quarrel angrily with Han Yu. When the appointment was issued, Shen indeed exchanged memorials back and forth, debating the protocol of the censorate. Yet Yu was also contentious by nature and his words were insolent, causing great public clamor; because of this both were dismissed. Yu was changed to vice minister of war and Shen became observation commissioner of Jiangxi. The emperor had always treated Shen generously and did not perceive Fengji's scheme to shift blame; thinking Shen wished for an outer appointment, he sent a palace envoy to his residence to proclaim consolation and granted him a jade belt. Shen wept before the palace envoy and explained the matter, saying he had been pushed aside by Fengji and his longing for the court was unending. On the day of his court thanks he personally stated his grievance; the emperor then came to understand and changed his appointment to vice minister of revenue.
30
中尉王守澄用事，逢吉令門生故吏結托守澄為援以傾紳，晝夜計畫。 會紳族子虞，文學知名，隱居華陽，自言不樂仕進，時來京師省紳。 虞與從伯耆、進士程昔範，皆依紳。 及耆拜左拾遺，虞在華陽寓書與耆求薦，書誤達於紳。 紳以其進退二三，以書誚之。 虞大怨望。 及來京師，盡以紳嘗所密話言逢吉奸邪附會之語告逢吉。 逢吉大怒，問計於門人張又新、李續之，咸曰：「搢紳皆自惜毛羽，孰肯為相公搏擊！ 須得非常奇士出死力者。 有前鄧州司倉劉棲楚者，嘗為吏。 鎮州王承宗以事繩之。 棲楚以首觸地固爭，而承宗竟不能奪，其果銳如此。 若相公取之為諫官，令伺紳之失，一旦於上前暴揚其過，恩寵必替。 事茍不行，過在棲楚，亦不足惜也。」 逢吉乃用李虞、程昔範、劉棲楚，皆擢為拾遺，以伺紳隙。
Chief eunuch Wang Shoucheng held power; Fengji had his students and former subordinates cultivate Shoucheng as support to topple Shen, plotting day and night. It happened that Shen's clansman Yu, renowned in letters, lived in seclusion at Huayang, saying he took no joy in pursuing office, and from time to time came to the capital to visit Shen. Yu, together with his elder clansman Qi and jinshi Cheng Xifan, all relied on Shen. When Qi was appointed left remonstrance reminder, Yu from Huayang sent a letter to Qi requesting recommendation, and the letter mistakenly reached Shen. Shen, because his going and coming was inconsistent, rebuked him in a letter. Yu was deeply resentful. When he came to the capital he told Fengji everything Shen had once said in confidence about Fengji's treachery and factional collusion. Fengji was greatly angered and asked his students Zhang Youxin and Li Xuzhi for a plan; all said: "Officials all cherish their own reputations—who would be willing to strike blows for the chancellor! One must have an extraordinary man who will exert himself to the death. There was a former warehouse clerk of Deng Prefecture, Liu Qichu, who had once served as a clerk. Wang Chengzong of Zhen Prefecture bound him over an affair. Qichu knocked his head on the ground and firmly resisted, and Chengzong in the end could not prevail—so resolute was he. If the chancellor takes him as remonstrating official and has him watch for Shen's faults, then one day before the emperor expose his errors—imperial favor will surely be withdrawn. If the affair fails, the fault lies with Qichu and that is not worth regretting. Fengji then employed Li Yu, Cheng Xifan, and Liu Qichu, all promoted as remonstrance reminders, to watch for openings against Shen.
31
俄而穆宗晏駕。 敬宗初即位，逢吉快紳失勢，慮嗣君復用之。 張又新等謀逐紳。 會荊州刺史蘇遇入朝，遇能決陰事，眾問計於遇。 遇曰：「上聽政後，當開延英，必有次對，官欲拔本塞源，先以次對為慮，余不足恃。」 群黨深然之。 逢吉乃以遇為左常侍。 王守澄每從容謂敬宗曰：「陛下登九五，逢吉之助也。 先朝初定儲貳，唯臣備知。 時翰林學士杜元穎、李紳勸立深王，而逢吉固請立陛下，而李續之、李虞繼獻章疏。」 帝雖沖年，亦疑其事。 會逢吉進擬，進李紳在內署時，嘗不利於陛下，請行貶逐。 帝初即位，方倚大臣，不能自執，乃貶紳端州司馬。 貶制既行，百僚中書賀宰相，唯右拾遺吳思不賀。 逢吉怒，改為殿中侍御史，充入吐蕃告哀使。
Soon Muzong passed away. When Jingzong first took the throne, Fengji rejoiced at Shen's loss of power but feared the succeeding ruler would employ him again. Zhang Youxin and others plotted to drive Shen out. It happened that prefect of Jing Prefecture Su Yu entered court; Yu could resolve secret affairs, and the group asked him for a plan. Yu said: "After the emperor begins hearing government, the Yanying Hall will open and there will certainly be sequential audiences; if you wish to uproot the source, first worry about the sequential audiences—I am not enough to rely on. The faction deeply agreed. Fengji then appointed Yu as left regular attendant. Wang Shoucheng often said casually to Jingzong: "Your Majesty's ascension to the throne was aided by Fengji. When the former court first fixed the heir apparent, I alone know fully. At that time Hanlin academicians Du Yuanying and Li Shen urged establishing Prince Shen, while Fengji firmly requested establishing Your Majesty, and Li Xuzhi and Li Yu successively submitted memorials. Though the emperor was young, he also doubted this matter. When Fengji submitted nominations, he advanced that while Li Shen was in the inner offices he had once been unfavorable to Your Majesty and requested his demotion and banishment. The emperor had just taken the throne and was relying on senior ministers; unable to decide for himself, he demoted Shen to army vice commander of Duan Prefecture. Once the demotion edict was issued, the hundred officials submitted congratulations to the chancellor at the secretariat—only right remonstrance reminder Wu Si did not congratulate. Fengji was angered and changed him to attending palace censor, assigned as envoy to Tibet to announce mourning.
32
紳之貶也，正人腹誹，無敢有言。 唯翰林學士韋處厚上疏，極言逢吉奸邪，誣摭紳罪，語在《處厚傳》。 天子亦稍開悟。 會禁中檢尋舊書，得穆宗時封書一篋。 發之，得裴度、杜元穎與紳三人所獻疏，請立敬宗為太子。 帝感悟興嘆，悉命焚逢吉黨所上謗書，由是讒言稍息，紳黨得保全。
At Shen's demotion, upright men murmured in their hearts but none dared speak. Only Hanlin academician Wei Chuhou submitted a memorial forcefully declaring Fengji treacherous and falsely implicating Shen in crimes—the account is in the Biography of Chuhou. The emperor also gradually came to understand. When the inner palace searched old documents, a sealed box from Muzong's time was found. Opening it, they found memorials submitted by Pei Du, Du Yuanying, and Shen—the three requesting that Jingzong be established as heir apparent. The emperor was moved to sigh with understanding and ordered all slanderous documents submitted by Fengji's faction burned; thereby calumny gradually subsided and Shen's faction was preserved.
33
及寶歷改元大赦，逢吉定赦書節文，不欲紳量移，但雲左降官已經量移者與量移，不言左降官與量移。 韋處厚復上疏論之，語在《處厚傳》。 帝特追赦書，添節文雲「左降官與量移」，紳方移為江州長史。 再遷太子賓客，分司東都。
When Baoli changed the era name and granted a great amnesty, Fengji drafted the amnesty text and did not wish Shen to be transferred closer; it only said that demoted officials already transferred closer would receive further transfer—not that demoted officials would receive transfer. Wei Chuhou again submitted a memorial arguing the point—the account is in the Biography of Chuhou. The emperor specially issued a follow-up amnesty adding the clause 'demoted officials receive transfer,' and Shen was then transferred to chief administrator of Jiang Prefecture. He was again transferred to mentor of the heir apparent, with duty at the Eastern Capital.
34
太和七年，李德裕作相。 七月，檢校左常侍、越州刺史、浙東觀察使。 九年，李訓用事，李宗閔復相，與李訓、鄭註連衡排擯德裕罷相，紳與德裕俱以太子賓客分司。
In Taihe 7 Li Deyu became chancellor. In the seventh month he was appointed acting left regular attendant, prefect of Yue Prefecture, and observation commissioner of Zhedong. In the ninth year Li Xun held power; Li Zongmin again became chancellor and, together with Li Xun and Zheng Zhu in alliance, pushed aside Deyu and dismissed him as chancellor; Shen and Deyu both served as mentors of the heir apparent with duty at the Eastern Capital.
35
武宗即位，加檢校尚書右僕射、揚州大都督府長史，知淮南節度大使事。 會昌元年，入為兵部侍郎、同平章事，改中書侍郎，累遷守右僕射、門下侍郎、監修國史、上柱國、趙國公，食邑二千戶。 四年，暴中風恙，足緩不任朝謁，拜章求罷。 十一月，守僕射、平章事，出為淮南節度使。 六年，卒。
When Wuzong took the throne, Shen was further appointed acting right vice director of the secretariat, chief administrator of the metropolitan prefecture of Yangzhou, and in charge of the military governorship of Huainan. In Huichang 1 he entered court as vice minister of war and associate counselor, was made vice director in the secretariat, and rose through the ranks to right vice director, vice director in the chancellery, supervisor of history compilation, senior pillar of state, and duke of Zhao, with a stipend of two thousand households. In the fourth year he suddenly suffered a stroke; his legs grew weak and he could no longer attend court, so he submitted a memorial asking to resign. In the eleventh month he kept his titles as right vice director and associate counselor while taking up the post of military governor of Huainan. He died in the sixth year.
36
紳始以文藝節操進用，受顧禁中。 後為朋黨所擠，濱於禍患。 賴正人匡救，得以功名始終。 歿後，宣宗即位，李德裕失勢罷相，歸洛陽； 而宗閔、嗣復之黨崔鉉、白敏中、令狐綯欲置德裕深罪。 大中初，教人發紳鎮揚州時舊事，以傾德裕。
Shen had risen through literary talent and moral integrity and enjoyed favor within the inner palace. Later factional rivals pushed him aside and he came to the brink of ruin. Thanks to upright men who stepped in to save him, he preserved his reputation and career to the end. After Shen's death, when Xuanzong came to the throne, Li Deyu lost power, was removed as chancellor, and returned to Luoyang; But Cui Xuan, Bai Minzhong, and Linghu Tao, allies of Zongmin and Sifu, sought to implicate Deyu in grave offenses. Early in the Dazhong era they had men dredge up old incidents from Shen's tenure at Yangzhou to bring Deyu down.
37
初，會昌五年，揚州江都縣尉吳湘坐贓下獄，準法當死，具事上聞。 諫官疑其冤，論之。 遣御史崔元藻覆推，與揚州所奏多同，湘竟伏法。 及德裕罷相，群怨方構，湘兄進士汝納，詣闕訴冤，言紳在淮南恃德裕之勢，枉殺臣弟。 德裕既貶，紳亦追削三任官告。
In Huichang 5, Wu Xiang, assistant magistrate of Jiangdu County in Yang Prefecture, was imprisoned on corruption charges; by law the offense carried the death penalty, and the full case was reported to the throne. Remonstrating officials suspected a miscarriage of justice and spoke out on the matter. The court dispatched censor Cui Yuanzao to reinvestigate; his findings largely matched Yangzhou's report, and Xiang was executed. When Deyu lost the chancellorship, long-smoldering grievances flared up; Xiang's elder brother Ru'na, a jinshi graduate, came to the palace to appeal for justice, claiming Shen had used Deyu's influence in Huainan to have his younger brother killed unjustly. After Deyu was demoted, Shen's credentials for three consecutive offices were also posthumously revoked.
38
吳汝納者，澧州人，故韶州刺史武陵兄之子。 武陵進士登第，有史學，與劉軻並以史才直史館。 武陵撰《十三代史駁議》二十卷。 自尚書員外郎出為忠州刺史，改韶州。 坐贓貶潘州司戶卒。
Wu Ru'na was a native of Li Prefecture and the nephew of the former prefect of Shao, Wuling. Wuling passed the jinshi examination, was versed in historiography, and alongside Liu Ke was appointed directly to the History Office for his historical expertise. Wuling compiled a twenty-juan work titled Critical Discussions on Thirteen Dynasties of History. After serving as an assistant director in a ministry, he was posted as prefect of Zhong Prefecture and later transferred to Shao Prefecture. Convicted of corruption, he was demoted to registrar of Pan Prefecture, where he died.
39
汝納亦進士擢第，以季父贓罪，久之不調。 會昌中，為河南府永寧縣尉。 初，武陵坐贓時，李德裕作相，貶之。 故汝納以不調挾怨，而附宗閔、嗣復之黨，同作謗言。 會汝納弟湘為江都尉，為部人所訟贓罪，兼娶百姓顏悅女為妻，有逾格律。 李紳令觀察判官魏铏鞫之，贓狀明白，伏法。 湘妻顏，顏繼母焦，皆笞而釋之。 仍令江都令張弘思以船監送湘妻顏及兒女送澧州。
Ru'na also passed the jinshi examination, but because of his uncle's corruption conviction he went for years without receiving an appointment. During the Huichang era he served as assistant magistrate of Yongning County in Henan Prefecture. Earlier, when Wuling was convicted of corruption, Li Deyu was serving as chancellor and had him demoted. Bearing a grudge over his stalled career, Ru'na joined the faction of Zongmin and Sifu and helped spread slanderous accusations. Ru'na's younger brother Xiang, then assistant magistrate of Jiangdu, was denounced by subordinates for corruption and had also married a commoner's daughter, Yan Yue, in violation of the regulations. Li Shen had the observation commissioner's aide Wei Xing investigate; the corruption was clearly established, and Xiang was executed. Xiang's wife Yan and Yan's stepmother Jiao were both flogged and then released. Shen also ordered the magistrate of Jiangdu, Zhang Hongsi, to escort Xiang's wife Yan and her children by boat under guard to Li Prefecture.
40
及揚州上具獄，物議以德裕素憎吳氏，疑李紳織成其罪。 諫官論之，乃差御史崔元藻為制使，覆吳湘獄。 ，據款伏妄破程糧錢，計贓準法。 其恃官娶百姓顏悅女為妻，則稱悅是前青州衙推。 悅先娶王氏，是衣冠女，非繼室焦所生，與揚州案小有不同。 德裕以元藻無定奪，奏貶崖州司戶。 及汝納進狀，追元藻覆問。 元藻既恨德裕，陰為崔鉉、白敏中、令狐綯所利誘，即言湘雖坐贓，罪不至死。 又雲，顏悅實非百姓，此獄是鄭亞首唱，元壽協李恪鍛成，李回便奏。 遂下三司詳鞫。 故德裕再貶，李回、鄭亞等皆竄逐。 吳汝納、崔元藻為崔、白、令狐所獎，數年並至顯官。
When Yangzhou submitted the complete dossier, public opinion held that Deyu had long despised the Wu family and suspected Li Shen of having fabricated the charges. Remonstrating officials raised objections, and censor Cui Yuanzao was dispatched as imperial commissioner to reinvestigate the Wu Xiang case. According to the confession, Xiang had improperly depleted travel-ration funds; when the theft was calculated under the law, regarding his abuse of office in marrying the commoner Yan Yue's daughter, it was claimed that Yue had formerly served as a yamen secretary in Qing Prefecture. Yue's first wife had been a woman of the Wang clan, a lady of good family and not a daughter of the stepmother Jiao—a point that differed slightly from the Yangzhou findings. Because Yuanzao had failed to reach a definitive ruling, Deyu memorialized to have him demoted to registrar of Ya Prefecture. When Ru'na submitted his petition, Yuanzao was recalled to court for further questioning. Already resentful of Deyu, Yuanzao was secretly won over by Cui Xuan, Bai Minzhong, and Linghu Tao and then testified that although Xiang had been guilty of corruption, the offense did not warrant death. He also claimed that Yan Yue was not truly a commoner, that Zheng Ya had instigated the case, Yuan Shou had helped Li Ke fabricate it, and Li Hui had promptly memorialized the findings. The case was then referred to the Three Offices for a full inquiry. As a result Deyu was demoted again, and Li Hui, Zheng Ya, and others were all banished. Wu Ru'na and Cui Yuanzao were rewarded by Cui, Bai, and Linghu, and within a few years both rose to prominent offices.
41
會昌三年，劉稹據潞州，邀求旄鉞，朝議不允，加兵問罪。 武宗懼稹陰附河朔三鎮，以沮王師，乃命回奉使河朔。 魏博何弘敬、鎮冀王元逵皆具櫜鞬郊迎。 回喻以朝旨，言澤潞密邇王畿，不同河北，自艱難已來，唯魏、鎮兩籓，列聖皆許襲，而稹無功，欲效河朔故事，理即太悖。 聖上但以山東三郡，境連魏、鎮，用軍便近，王師不欲輕出山東，請魏、鎮兩籓只收山東三郡。 弘敬、元逵俯僂從命。 幽州張仲武與太原劉沔攻回鶻。 時兩人不協，朝廷方用兵，不欲籓帥不和。 回至幽州，喻以和協之旨，仲武欣然釋憾。 乃移劉沔鎮滑臺，命仲武領太原軍攻潞。 賊平，以本官同平章事，累加中書侍郎，轉門下，歷戶、吏二尚書。
In Huichang 3, Liu Zhen seized Lu Prefecture and demanded a military commission; the court refused, and an expedition was launched against him. Wuzong feared Zhen might secretly align with the three Hebei circuits and thwart the imperial campaign, so he dispatched Hui on an embassy to Hebei. He Jing of Weibo and Wang Yuankui of Zhenji both rode out to the suburbs with bow cases and quivers to greet him. Hui explained the court's intent: Ze-Lu lay close to the capital region and was not comparable to Hebei; since the troubled times, only the Wei and Zhen circuits had been granted hereditary succession by successive emperors, yet Zhen, without merit, sought to follow the Hebei precedent—an utterly perverse claim. The emperor asked only that, because the three Shandong commanderies bordered Wei and Zhen and troops could be deployed conveniently from there, the imperial army need not march out of Shandong lightly; the Wei and Zhen circuits should take the three Shandong commanderies alone. Jing and Yuankui bowed low and accepted the order. Zhang Zhongwu of You Prefecture and Liu Mian of Taiyuan were campaigning against the Uyghurs. At the time the two commanders were at odds; with the court already at war, it did not want discord among the frontier governors. When Hui reached You Prefecture, he conveyed the court's call for cooperation, and Zhongwu gladly set aside his grievance. Liu Mian was transferred to Huatai, and Zhongwu was ordered to lead the Taiyuan army against Lu. After the rebellion was suppressed, he retained his post as associate counselor, rose to vice director in the secretariat, moved to the chancellery, and served as minister of revenue and minister of personnel.
42
武宗崩，回充山陵使，祔廟竟，出為成都尹、劍南西川節度。 大中元年冬，坐與李德裕親善，改潭州刺史、湖南觀察使，再貶撫州刺史。 白敏中、令狐綯罷相，入朝為兵部尚書，復出為成都尹、劍南西川節度使。 卒，贈司徒，謚曰文懿。
When Wuzong died, Hui served as director of the imperial tomb; once the ancestral rites were complete, he was posted as prefect of Chengdu and military governor of western Sichuan. In the winter of Dazhong 1, because of his closeness to Li Deyu he was transferred to prefect of Tan and observation commissioner of Hunan, then demoted again to prefect of Fu. After Bai Minzhong and Linghu Tao left the chancellorship, he returned to court as minister of war, then was posted again as prefect of Chengdu and military governor of western Sichuan. He died and was posthumously granted minister over the masses, with the posthumous title Wenyi.
43
李玨，字待價，趙郡人。 父仲朝。 玨進士擢弟，又登書判拔萃科，累官至右拾遺。 穆宗荒於酒色，才終易月之制，即與勛臣飲宴。 玨與同列上疏論之曰：
Li Jue, whose style was Daojia, was a native of Zhao Commandery. His father was Zhongchao. Jue passed the jinshi examination and also the Outstanding in Document Analysis examination, eventually rising to right remonstrance reminder. Muzong indulged in wine and women; scarcely had the abbreviated mourning period ended when he began feasting with his meritorious ministers. Jue and his colleagues submitted a memorial arguing as follows:
44
臣聞人臣之節，本於忠盡，茍有所見，即宜上陳。 況為陛下諫官，食陛下厚祿，豈敢腹誹巷議，辜負恩榮？ 臣等聞諸道路，不知信否，皆云有詔追李光顏、李醖，欲於重陽節日，合宴群臣。 倘誠有之，乃陛下念群臣，敷惠澤之慈旨也。 然元朔未改，園陵尚新。 雖陛下執易月之期，俯從人欲； 而禮經著三年之制，猶服心喪。 今遵同軌之會，適去於中邦； 告遠夷之使，未復其來命。 遏密弛禁，蓋為齊人，合宴內廷，事將未可。 夫明王之舉動，為天下法； 王言既降，其出如綸。 茍玷皇猷，徒章直諫，臣等是以昧死上聞。 且光顏、李愬，久立忠勞，今方盛秋，務拓邊境。 如或召見，詔以謀猷，褒其宿勛，付以疆事，則與歌鐘合宴，酒食邀歡，不得同年而語也。 陛下自纘嗣以來，發號施令，無非孝理因心，形於詔敕，固以感動於人倫。 更在敬慎威儀，保持聖德而已。
We have heard that a minister's duty is rooted in loyal service; whenever one sees something amiss, one should speak up. Moreover, as Your Majesty's remonstrating officials, enjoying Your Majesty's generous salary, how could we grumble in private or gossip in the streets and betray that honor? We have heard along the roads—we do not know whether it is true—that an edict has recalled Li Guangyan and Li Yun for a combined banquet of the assembled ministers on the Double Ninth Festival. If this is indeed so, it reflects Your Majesty's kindly intent to remember the assembled ministers and bestow gracious favor. Yet the era name has not been changed and the imperial tombs are still fresh. Although Your Majesty has shortened the mourning period in deference to public sentiment, the Ritual Classics prescribe three years of mourning, and one still observes mourning in the heart. Now the assembly for unified mourning has only just concluded in the capital; the envoys sent to announce the mourning to distant peoples have not yet returned with their replies. Relaxing the prohibition on music was meant for the people of Qi; holding a combined banquet in the inner court is something that cannot yet be done. The actions of an enlightened ruler set the standard for all under Heaven; once imperial words are issued, they go forth like binding decree. If they tarnish the imperial design, our remonstrance would be pointless; we therefore risk death to bring this to Your Majesty's attention. Moreover Guangyan and Li Su have long rendered loyal service; now, at the height of autumn, they are busy expanding the frontier. If they were summoned to discuss strategy, praised for their long service, and entrusted with frontier affairs—that is not to be compared with summoning them to a convivial banquet of music, wine, and feasting. Since Your Majesty succeeded to the throne, every order and edict has sprung from filial governance of the heart and has indeed moved the hearts of men. What remains is to maintain reverent caution in conduct and preserve sagely virtue—that is all.
45
上雖不用其言，慰勞遣之。
Although the emperor did not accept their advice, he consoled them and sent them away.
46
長慶元年，鹽鐵使王播增茶稅，初稅一百，增之五十，玨上疏論之曰：
In Changqing 1, salt and iron commissioner Wang Bo raised the tea tax from one hundred to one hundred fifty; Jue submitted a memorial arguing as follows:
47
榷率救弊，起自干戈，天下無事，即宜蠲省。 況稅茶之事，尤出近年，在貞元元年中，不得不爾。 今四海鏡清，八方砥平，厚斂於人，殊傷國體。 其不可一也。
Monopoly taxes to remedy fiscal abuses arose from wartime necessity; with the realm at peace, they should be reduced and abolished. Moreover the tea tax is a recent innovation; in Zhenyuan 1 there was no alternative. Now the realm is at peace and the empire is settled; heavy exactions upon the people gravely harm the state. That is the first reason it should not be done.
48
茶為食物，無異米鹽，於人所資，遠近同俗。 既袪竭乏，難舍斯須，田閭之間，嗜好尤切。 今增稅既重，時估必增，流弊於民，先及貧弱。 其不可二也。
Tea is a staple of daily life, no different from rice or salt; people everywhere rely on it equally. It relieves fatigue and is hard to do without even for a moment; in the countryside the craving is especially strong. With the tax increase, market prices will surely rise, and the burden will fall first on the poor and weak. That is the second reason it should not be done.
49
且山澤之饒，出無定數，量斤論稅，所冀售多。 價高則市者稀，價賤則市者廣，歲終上計，其利幾何？ 未見阜財，徒聞斂怨。 其不可三也。
Moreover the yield of mountains and marshes is unpredictable; taxing by weight is meant to encourage greater sales. When prices are high, buyers are scarce; when prices are low, buyers are plentiful—when the year-end accounts are tallied, how much profit will there actually be? The treasury sees no enrichment; one hears only growing public resentment. That is the third reason it should not be done.
50
時禁中造百尺樓，國計不充。 王播希恩增稅，奉帝嗜欲，疏奏不省。 遷吏部員外郎，轉司勛員外郎、知制誥。
At the time the inner palace was constructing a hundred-foot tower, and the treasury could not cover the cost. Wang Bo, seeking imperial favor, raised the tax to indulge the emperor's desires; the memorial went unheeded. Jue was promoted to assistant director in the Ministry of Personnel, then to assistant director in the Ministry of Honors with charge of drafting edicts.
51
四年三月，文宗謂宰臣曰：「朕在位十四年，屬天下無事，雖未至理，亦少有如今日之無事也。」 玨對曰：「邦國安危，亦知人之身。 當四體和平之時，長宜調適，以順寒暄之節。 如恃安自忽，則疾患旋生。 朝廷當無事之時，思省闕失而補之，則禍難不作矣。」
In the third month of the fourth year, Wenzong said to the chancellors: "I have reigned for fourteen years, and the realm has been at peace; though we have not reached perfect order, rarely have times been as untroubled as today." Jue replied: "The safety or danger of the state is like the health of a person. When the body is in harmony, one should continually adjust to follow the changing seasons. If one takes peace for granted and grows careless, illness will soon follow. When the court enjoys peace, it should reflect on its shortcomings and remedy them—then disaster will not arise."
52
文宗以杜悰領度支稱職，欲加戶部尚書，因紫宸言之。 陳夷行曰：「一切恩權，合歸君上。 陛下自看可否？」 玨對曰：「太宗用宰臣，天下事皆先平章，謂之平章事。 代天理物，上下無疑，所以致太平者也。 若拜一官，命一職，事事皆決於君上，即焉用彼相？ 昔隋文帝一切自勞心力，臣下發論則疑，凡臣下用之則宰相，不用是常僚，豈可自保？ 陛下常語臣云：『竇易直勸我，宰相進擬，但五人留三人、兩人，勾一人。 渠即合勸我擇宰相，不合勸我疑宰相。』」 帝曰：「易直此言甚鄙。」 又曰：「韋處厚作相，三日薦六度師，亦大可怪。」 玨曰：「處厚淫於奉佛，不悟其是非也。」
Wenzong, finding Du Cong competent as director of revenue, wished to promote him to minister of revenue and raised the matter at the Zichen Hall. Chen Yixing said: "Every grant of favor and every exercise of power should rest with Your Majesty alone. Let Your Majesty judge each proposal on its merits." Li Jue replied: "When Emperor Taizong relied on his chancellors, state business was first settled through joint deliberation—the origin of the title Grand Councillor, or Pingzhangshi. They stood in for Heaven in ordering the realm, so that ruler and subjects had no doubts— that is how peace was achieved. If every appointment and every decision rests solely with the throne, what need is there for chancellors at all? Emperor Wen of Sui once exhausted himself micromanaging every affair: he doubted ministers who spoke up, elevated anyone he happened to employ to chancellor, and left the rest as ordinary officials—under such conditions, who could feel secure in office? Your Majesty once told me: 'Dou Yizhi urged that when chancellors put forward candidates, I should keep three or two from a list of five and strike one name off. His duty was to help me select good chancellors, not to teach me to suspect the chancellors I already have.' The emperor said: "What Dou Yizhi said was contemptibly small-minded." He went on: "When Wei Chuhou became chancellor, he recommended the monk Liudushi within three days—that was equally astonishing." Li Jue said: "Chuhou was so absorbed in Buddhist observance that he lost sight of what was proper."
53
其年五月，上謂宰臣曰：「貞元政事，初年至好。」 玨曰：「德宗中年好貨，方鎮進奉，即加恩澤。 租賦出自百姓，更令貪吏剝削，聚貨以希恩，理道故不可也。」 上曰：「人君聚斂，猶自不可。 但輕賦節用可也。」 玨又曰：「貞觀中，房、杜、王、魏啟告文皇，意只在此，請不易初心。 自古好事，克終實難。」 上曰：「朕心終不改也。」 尋封贊皇男，食邑三百戶。
In the fifth month of that year the emperor told his chancellors: "Government under the Zhenyuan reign started out well." Li Jue replied: "In his middle years Emperor Dezong grew greedy; whenever a regional commander sent tribute, he showered him with rewards. Taxes are drawn from the people, yet corrupt officials were allowed to squeeze them further, hoarding wealth to curry favor—such a course could never sustain good government." The emperor said: "Even when the ruler himself hoards revenue, that is already wrong. Lightening burdens and practicing frugality is enough." Li Jue added: "During Zhenguan, Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, Wang Gui, and Wei Zheng urged Emperor Taizong along these very lines—I beg Your Majesty not to abandon that first intention. Since ancient times, it has been difficult to see a worthy project through to the finish." The emperor said: "My resolve will never waver." Shortly afterward Jue was created Baron of Zanhuang with an estate of three hundred tax households.
54
武宗即位之年九月，與楊嗣復俱罷相，出為桂州刺史、桂管觀察使。 三年，長流驩州。 大中二年，崔鉉、白敏中逐李德裕，征入朝為戶部尚書。 出為河陽節度使。 入為吏部尚書，累遷金紫光祿大夫、檢校尚書右僕射、揚州大都督府長史、淮南節度使、上柱國、贊皇郡開國公、食邑一千五百戶。 大中七年卒，贈司空。
In the ninth month of the year Emperor Wuzong took the throne, Jue and Yang Sifu were both dismissed from the chancellorship and appointed Governor of Gui Prefecture and Observation Commissioner of the Gui circuit. In the third year he was banished to distant Huan Prefecture. In the second year of the Dazhong era, after Cui Xuan and Bai Minzhong ousted Li Deyu, Jue was recalled to the capital as minister of revenue. He was then posted as military governor of Heyang. He returned as minister of personnel and rose through a string of honors: grand master of splendid happiness with golden seal, acting right vice director of the secretariat, chief administrator of Yangzhou, military governor of Huainan, supporter of the state, and founding Duke of Zanhuang with fifteen hundred tax households. He died in the seventh year of Dazhong and was posthumously created minister of works.
55
李固言，趙郡人。 祖並，父現。 固言，元和七年登進士甲科。 太和初，累官至賀部郎中、知臺雜。 四年，李宗閔作相，用為給事中。 五年，宋申錫為王守澄誣陷，固言與同列伏閣論之。 將作監王堪修奉太廟弛慢，罰俸，仍改官為太子賓客。 制出，固言封還曰：「東宮調護之地，不可令弛慢被罰之人處之。」 改為均王傅。 六年，遷工部侍郎。 七年四月，轉尚書左丞，奉詔定左右僕射上事儀註。 八年，李德裕輔政，出為華州刺史。
Li Guyan was a native of Zhao Commandery. His grandfather was Li Bing and his father Li Xian. In the seventh year of Yuanhe, Guyan passed the jinshi examination with highest honors. In the early Taihe period he advanced to bureau director in the ministry of personnel and took charge of miscellaneous censorate business. In the fourth year Li Zongmin, upon becoming chancellor, appointed him supervising secretary. In the fifth year, when Song Shenxi was framed by Wang Shoucheng, Guyan and his fellow officials lay prostrate in the palace corridor to protest the injustice. Wang Kan, director of palace construction, was punished with a salary fine and reassigned from his negligent care of the ancestral temple to the post of preceptor of the heir apparent. When the appointment edict appeared, Guyan sealed it and sent it back, saying: "The heir's household is where the future ruler is formed; it is no place for an official already censured for negligence. The order was revised to make him tutor to the Prince of Jun instead. In the sixth year he was promoted to vice minister of works. In the fourth month of the seventh year he became left assistant director of the secretariat and was ordered to draft the ceremonial regulations governing the left and right vice directors in office. In the eighth year, after Li Deyu took power, Guyan was posted as governor of Hua Prefecture.
56
其年十月，宗閔復入，召拜吏部侍郎。 九年五月，遷御史大夫。 六月，宗閔得罪，固言代為門下侍郎、平章事，尋加崇文館大學士。 時李訓、鄭註用事，自欲竊輔相之權。 宗閔既逐，外示公體，爰立固言，其實惡與宗閔朋黨。 九月，以兵部尚書出為興元節度使。 李訓自代固言為平章事。 訓、註誅，文宗思其讜正，開成元年四月，復召為平章事，判戶部事。
That October, when Zongmin returned to court, Guyan was recalled and made vice minister of personnel. In the fifth month of the ninth year he was promoted to censor-in-chief. In the sixth month, after Zongmin's disgrace, Guyan succeeded him as vice director of the chancellery and grand councillor, and was soon made grand academician of the Chongwen Hall. Li Xun and Zheng Zhu were then in control and sought to seize the chancellors' power for themselves. With Zongmin gone, they installed Guyan as a show of impartiality, though in fact they resented his association with Zongmin's faction. In the ninth month he left the capital as minister of war and military governor of Xingyuan. Li Xun took Guyan's place as grand councillor. When Xun and Zhu were put to death, Emperor Wenzong remembered Guyan's honest counsel; in the fourth month of the first year of Kaicheng he was recalled as grand councillor with concurrent charge of the ministry of revenue.
57
二年，君臣上徽號，上紫宸言曰：「中外上章，請加徽號。 朕思理道猶郁，實愧嶽牧之請。 如聞州郡甚有無政處？」 固言曰：「人言鄧州王堪衰老，隋州鄭襄無政。」 帝曰：「堪是貞元時御史，只有此一人。」 鄭覃曰：「臣以王堪舊人，舉為刺史。 鄭襄比來守官，亦無敗事。 若言外郡不理，何止二人？」 帝曰：「濟濟多士，文王以寧。 德宗時，班行多閑員，豈時乏才耶？」 李石對曰：「十室之邑，必有忠信。 安有大國無人？ 蓋貞元中仕進路塞，所以有才之人或托跡他所，此乃不敘進人才之過也。」 固言曰：「求才之道，有人保任，便宜獎用。 隨其稱職與否升黜之。」 上曰：「宰相薦人，莫計親疏。 竇易直作相，未嘗論用親情。 若己非相才，自宜引退。 若是公舉，親亦何嫌？ 人鮮全才，但用其所長爾。」
In the second year court and throne jointly proposed an honorific epithet; at the Zichen Hall the emperor said: "Officials throughout the empire have petitioned to add an honorific to my title. Yet I feel that good government is still blocked, and I am ashamed to accept this request from the provinces. I hear that many prefectures and districts are badly governed—is that so?" Guyan replied: "I am told that Wang Kan in Deng Prefecture has grown old and ineffective, and that Zheng Xiang in Sui Prefecture governs poorly." The emperor said: "Wang Kan served as a censor under Dezong; he is the only survivor of that generation." Zheng Tan said: "I recommended Wang Kan for a prefecture because he was a veteran official I knew. As for Zheng Xiang, his recent service has not produced any scandal. If poorly run provinces were the issue, the problem would involve far more than these two men." The emperor quoted: "'With hosts of able men, King Wen found peace. Under Dezong the official roster was padded with idle posts—was there really a shortage of talent in that age?" Li Shi answered: "As the saying goes, even a hamlet of ten households will yield men of loyalty and integrity. How could a great empire lack capable people? The reason is that under Zhenyuan the road to office was blocked, and able men were forced to seek livelihoods elsewhere—that was a failure to promote talent systematically." Guyan said: "The way to find talent is simple: when someone guarantees a candidate, appoint him at once. Then promote or remove him depending on whether he proves equal to the task." The emperor said: "When chancellors recommend officials, kinship should not enter the calculation. Dou Yizhi, during his chancellorship, never once argued for appointing relatives. If a man lacks the talent to be chancellor, he should step down on his own. When the nomination is made in the public interest, what objection can there be to a relative? No one is perfect; employ each man for what he does best."
58
尋進階金紫，判戶部事。 其年十月，以門下侍郎平章事出為成都尹、劍南西川節度使，代楊嗣復。 上表讓門下侍郎，乃檢校左僕射。 會昌初入朝，歷兵、戶二部尚書。 宣宗即位，累授檢校司徒、東都留守、東畿汝都防禦使。 大中末，以太常卿孫簡代之，拜太子太傅，分司東都，卒。
He was soon promoted to the golden-purple grade and again placed in charge of revenue affairs. That October he left the chancellorship as vice director of the chancellery and was sent out as prefect of Chengdu and military governor of Jiannan West, succeeding Yang Sifu. He memorialized to decline the vice directorship of the chancellery and was appointed acting left vice director instead. Early in the Huichang era he returned to court and served in turn as minister of war and minister of revenue. After Emperor Xuanzong took the throne, Guyan received a series of honors: acting minister of education, eastern capital garrison commander, and defense commissioner for the eastern capital and Ruzhou region. Near the end of the Dazhong era Sun Jian, minister of ceremonies, replaced him; Guyan was made grand preceptor of the heir apparent, held a nominal post in the eastern capital, and died there.
59
史臣曰：陳、鄭諸公，章疏議論，綽有端士之風。 天子待以賢能，付之以鼎職。 延英獻納，罕聞康濟之謨； 文陛敷揚，莫副具瞻之望。 加以互生傾奪，競起愛憎。 惟回奉使命而喻籓臣，救危邦而除宿憾。 況昭獻文章可以為世範，德行可以為人師，有啟、誦之上才，非桓、靈之失道，詎可不思己過，只務面欺。 輔弼之宜，安可垂訓？ 若俾韓非之言進矣，子輩安可逃乎？ 土運之衰，斯為魍魎，悲夫！
The historian writes: Chen, Zheng, and their colleagues wrote memorials and held debates that marked them as men of upright character. The emperor treated them as men of talent and entrusted them with the highest offices of state. In the Yanying Hall they offered advice, yet seldom with schemes that truly healed the realm; On the palace steps they held forth, yet failed to live up to the nation's expectations. Worse still, they undermined one another in factional struggle, driven by personal likes and dislikes. Only Li Hui, carrying out his mission to reason with the regional commanders, rescued a state in crisis and laid an old grievance to rest. Emperor Wenzong, posthumously honored as Zhaoxian, offered writings fit to be a model for the age and conduct fit to teach others; he deserved ministers like Qi and Song, not the corrupt age of Emperors Huan and Ling—yet these men refused to examine their own failings and contented themselves with deceiving their ruler to his face. How could such conduct be held up as a model for future chancellors? Had Han Fei's warning about deceitful ministers been heeded, none of you could have escaped blame. When the cosmic age waned, these were the demons it produced—how lamentable!
60
贊曰：愛而知惡，憎不忘善。 平心救非，可居鼎鉉。 吠聲濟惡，結黨專朝。 謀身壞國。 何名燮調？
In praise: to love yet recognize what is wrong, and to dislike yet remember what is good. With impartial judgment and a willingness to set errors right, one is fit to wield the chancellor's authority. Echoing slander to advance wicked ends and forming cliques to dominate the court. They schemed for personal gain and brought the state to ruin. What harmony did they ever achieve?