1
禮志上 〈（案：《禮志序》，原本闕佚。）〉
Rites Treatise, Part One (Editor's note: The preface to the 《Treatise on Rites》 is no longer extant in the original.)〉
2
梁開平元年夏四月，太祖初受禪，乃立四廟於西京，從近古之制也。
In the fourth month of summer in the first year of Kaiping (907), after the Founding Emperor first accepted the imperial mandate, he established four ancestral temples in the Western Capital, in accordance with recent ancient practice.
3
唐同光二年六月，太常禮院奏：「國家興建之初，已於北都置廟，今克復天下，遷都洛陽，卻復本朝宗廟。 按禮無二廟之文，其北都宗廟請廢。」 乃下尚書省集議。 禮部尚書王正言等奏議曰：「伏以都邑之制，宗廟為先。 今卜洛居尊，開基禦宇，事當師古，神必依人。 北都先置宗廟，不宜並設。 況每年朝享，禮有常規，時日既同，神何所據。 竊聞近例，亦有從權。 如神主已修，迎之藏於夾室； 若廟宇已崇，虛之以為恒制。 若齊桓公之廟二主，禮無明文，古者師行，亦無遷於廟主。 昔天後之崇鞏、洛，禮謂非宜； 漢皇之戀豐、滕，事無所法。 況本朝故事，禮院具明，洛邑舊都，嵩高正位，豈宜遠宮闕之居，建祖宗之廟。 事非可久，理在從長。 其北都宗廟，請準太常禮院申奏停廢。」 從之。
In the sixth month of the second year of Tongguang (924), the Ministry of Ceremonies' Court of Imperial Rites submitted a memorial: "When the state was first founded, temples were set up in the Northern Capital. Now that the empire has been recovered and the capital relocated to Luoyang, our dynasty's ancestral temples have been restored. According to ritual precedent, there is no provision for maintaining two ancestral temples; we request that the Northern Capital temples be discontinued." The court then ordered the Secretariat to convene a collective discussion. Minister of Rites Wang Zhengyan and others submitted their opinion: "We respectfully note that in the establishment of a capital, the ancestral temple must come first. Now that Luoyang has been chosen by divination and the foundation laid to rule the realm, precedent should be followed—and the spirits will surely dwell where the people are. The ancestral temple previously established in the Northern Capital ought not to be maintained alongside the new one. Moreover, the annual court sacrifices follow established ritual schedules; if the dates are identical, which temple would the spirits attend? We understand that recent precedents have sometimes allowed expedient arrangements as well. If the spirit tablets have already been prepared, they may be received and stored in the side chambers; if the temple buildings have already been erected, they may be left standing empty as a standing practice. As when Duke Huan of Qi kept two ancestral lords in one temple—ritual offers no explicit rule; in antiquity, when armies took the field, spirit tablets were not moved with them either. In former times Empress Wu's elevation of Gong and Luo was judged improper by ritual standards; and the Han emperor's fondness for Feng and Teng offered no precedent worth following. Moreover, our dynasty's precedents have been fully set forth by the Court of Rites. Luoyang is the ancient capital, with Mount Song in its proper place—how could it be fitting to build the ancestral temple far from the palace? This arrangement cannot endure; reason favors the more lasting course. We request that the Northern Capital ancestral temple be discontinued, as proposed in the Court of Imperial Rites' memorial." The request was approved.
4
天成二年，中書門下又上奏：「伏以兩漢以諸侯王入繼帝統，則必易名上謚，廣孝稱皇，載於諸王故事，孝德皇、孝仁皇、孝元皇是也。 伏乞聖慈，俯從人願，許取皇而薦號，兼上謚以尊名，改置圓陵，仍增兵衛。」 遂詔太常禮院定其儀制焉。 太常博士王丕等引漢桓帝入嗣，尊其祖河間孝王曰孝穆皇帝、父蠡吾侯曰孝崇皇帝為例，請付太常卿定謚。 刑部侍郎、權判太常卿馬縞復議曰：「伏準兩漢故事，以諸侯王宗室入承帝統，則必追尊父祖，修樹園陵，西漢宣帝、東漢光武，孝饗之道，故事具存。 自安帝入嗣，遂有皇太后令，別崇謚法，追曰某皇，所謂孝德、孝穆之類是也。 前代惟孫皓自烏程侯繼嗣，追父和為文皇帝，事出非常，不堪垂訓。 今據禮院狀，漢安帝以下，若據本紀，又不見「帝」字。 伏以謚法「德象天地曰帝」。 伏緣禮院已曾奏聞，難將兩漢故事，便述尊名，請詔百官集議。」 時右僕射李琪等議曰：「伏睹歷代已來，宗廟成制，繼襲無異，沿革或殊。 馬縞所奏，禮有按據，乞下制命，令馬縞虔依典冊，以述尊名。」 時明宗意欲兼加「帝」字，乃下詔曰：「朕聞開國承家，得以制禮作樂，故三皇不相襲，五帝不相沿，隨代創規，於禮無爽。 矧或情關祖禰，事系烝嘗。 且追謚追尊，稱皇與帝，既有減增之字，合陳褒貶之辭。 大約二名俱為尊稱，若三皇之代故不可加帝，五帝之代不可言皇。 爰自秦朝，便兼二號。 至若玄元皇帝，事隔千祀，宗追一源，猶顯冊於鴻名，豈須遵於漢典。 況朕居九五之位，為億兆之尊，不可總二名於眇躬，惜一字於先代，茍隨執議，何表孝誠！ 可委宰臣與百官詳定，集兩班於中書，逐班各陳所見。」 惟李琪等請於祖禰二室先加「帝」字。 宰臣合眾議奏曰：「恭以朝廷之重，宗廟為先，事系承祧，義符致美。 且聖朝追尊之日，即引漢氏舊儀，在漢氏封崇之時，復依何代故事？ 理關凝滯，未協聖謨； 道合變通，方為民則。 且王者功成治定，制禮作樂，正朔服色，尚有改更，尊祖奉先，何妨沿革。 若應州必立別廟，即地遠上都。 今據開元中追尊臯陶為德明皇帝，涼武昭王為興聖皇帝，皆立廟於京都。 臣等商量所議追尊四廟，望依御劄並加皇帝之號，兼請於洛京立廟。」 敕：「宜於應州舊宅立廟，餘依所奏。」 〈（案《文獻通考》：後唐之所謂七廟者，以沙陀之獻祖國昌、太祖克用、莊宗存勖而上繼唐之高祖、太宗、懿宗、昭宗。 此所謂四廟者，又明宗代北之高、曾、祖、父也。）〉
In the second year of Tiancheng (927), the Secretariat again submitted a memorial: "We respectfully note that in both Han dynasties, when a feudal prince succeeded to the throne, his forebears were given new names and posthumous titles, honoring them with the designation Huang in the name of filial piety—as recorded in the precedents on princes, such as Xiaode Huang, Xiaoren Huang, and Xiaoyuan Huang. We humbly ask Your Majesty, in accord with the people's wishes, to permit the title Huang in the conferred designations, together with posthumous titles to honor their names, to relocate their tombs to round burial mounds, and to increase the military guard." An edict was then issued directing the Court of Imperial Rites to establish the appropriate ritual procedures. Court of Ceremonies Doctor Wang Pi and others cited as precedent how Emperor Huan of Han, upon succeeding to the throne, honored his grandfather the Filial King of Hejian as Emperor Xiaomu and his father the Marquis of Liwu as Emperor Xiaochong, and asked that the Director of Ceremonies be entrusted with determining the posthumous titles. Vice Minister of Justice and Acting Director of Ceremonies Ma Gao submitted a further opinion: "We respectfully follow Han precedent: when a feudal prince of the imperial clan succeeded to the throne, his father and grandfather were invariably honored posthumously and garden tombs established—as with Emperor Xuan of Western Han and Emperor Guangwu of Eastern Han. The practice of filial sacrifice is fully documented in precedent. From Emperor An's succession onward, empress dowager edicts established a separate elevated posthumous-title system, posthumously styled as a certain Huang—such as Xiaode and Xiaomu. In earlier ages only Sun Hao, succeeding from the rank of Marquis of Wucheng, posthumously honored his father He as Emperor Wen—an exceptional case, unfit to serve as a model for posterity. According to the Court of Rites' report, from Emperor An of Han onward, the basic annals likewise do not use the character Di. We respectfully note that according to posthumous-title law, "virtue resembling Heaven and Earth is called Di." Because the Court of Rites has already reported on this matter, it is difficult to apply Han precedent directly in conferring honored titles. We request that Your Majesty order the officials to deliberate collectively." At that time Right Vice Director Li Qi and others submitted their opinion: "We respectfully observe that through the ages the ancestral temple has been an established institution; succession has followed a consistent pattern, though details have sometimes varied. Ma Gao's proposal has grounding in ritual precedent; we ask that a decree be issued directing Ma Gao to follow the canonical records faithfully in conferring the honored titles." At that time Emperor Mingzong wished also to add the character Di, and issued an edict: "We have heard that founding a state and continuing a family lineage permit the establishment of ritual and music; thus the Three Sovereigns did not imitate one another, nor the Five Emperors follow one another's ways—each age created its own regulations without violating ritual propriety. How much more so when the matter concerns one's forefathers and the seasonal sacrifices offered to them! Moreover, in posthumous titles and honors, both Huang and Di are used; since these titles involve characters of addition and reduction, they ought to convey words of praise and assessment. Broadly speaking, both titles are honorific designations; in the age of the Three Sovereigns Di could not be added, and in the age of the Five Emperors Huang could not be used. From the Qin dynasty onward, both titles were used together. As for the Mysterious Origin Emperor, though a thousand years intervene and the lineage traces to a single source, he still received a grand title in the glorious record—why must one rigidly follow Han precedent? Moreover, We occupy the supreme throne, sovereign over the hundred million—We cannot reserve both titles for Our own person while withholding a single character from our forebears; if We merely follow rigid deliberation, how would Our filial devotion be expressed! Let the chief ministers and all officials deliberate in detail; assemble both court ranks at the Secretariat, and let each rank state its views in turn." Li Qi and others alone requested that the character Di be added first to the two chambers of the grandfather and the recent forefather. The chief ministers, combining the collective deliberation, submitted: "We respectfully observe that in the weight of the court, the ancestral temple comes first; the matter concerns continuing the sacrificial line, and the principle accords with achieving the highest excellence. Moreover, when our sage court posthumously honors forebears, it immediately cites Han ritual precedent—yet when the Han themselves conferred such honors, upon what earlier dynasty's precedent did they rely? Rigid adherence to precedent does not accord with Your Majesty's wise design; flexible adaptation accords with the Way and alone can serve as a standard for the people. Moreover, when a ruler's merit is accomplished and order established, ritual and music are instituted; the calendar, regalia, and ceremonial colors may still be revised—how could honoring ancestors and serving forefathers forbid adaptation? If a separate temple must be established at Ying Prefecture, the location would be far from the capital. According to Kaiyuan-era precedent, when Gao Yao was posthumously honored as Emperor Deming and the Martial Illustrious King of Liang as Emperor Xingsheng, temples were established in the capital for both. We your subjects, deliberating on the four temples proposed for posthumous honor, ask that in accordance with Your Majesty's rescript the title of emperor be added to all, and that temples be established in the Luoyang capital as well." Edict: "A temple shall be established at the old residence in Ying Prefecture; the remainder shall follow what was submitted." (Editor's note from the Comprehensive Examination of Documents: The so-called seven temples of Later Tang comprised the Shatuo Ancestor Guochang, Taizu Keyong, and Zhuangzong Cunxu, continuing upward with Tang's Gaozu, Taizong, Yizong, and Zhaozong. The so-called four temples referred to Mingzong's great-grandfather, great-great-grandfather, grandfather, and father from north of the frontier.)〉
5
其年八月，太常禮院奏：「莊宗神主以此月十日祔廟，七室之內，合有祧遷。」 中書門下奏議，請祧懿祖一室。 後下百僚集議，禮部尚書蕭頃等奏，請從中書所奏，從之。
In the eighth month of that year, the Court of Imperial Rites memorialized: "Zhuangzong's spirit tablet is to be enshrined in the ancestral temple on the tenth day of this month; among the seven chambers, a removal to the side altars is required." The Secretariat submitted its opinion, requesting that the Yizu chamber be removed to the side altars. The court then convened the officials for collective deliberation; Minister of Rites Xiao Qing and others memorialized in favor of the Secretariat's proposal. The request was approved.
6
應順元年正月，中書門下奏：「太常以大行山陵畢祔廟。 今太廟見饗七室，高祖、太宗、懿宗、昭宗、獻祖、太祖、莊宗，大行升祔，禮合祧遷獻祖，請下尚書省集議。」 太子少傅盧質等議曰：「臣等以親盡從祧，垂於舊典，疑事無質，素有明文。 頃莊宗皇帝再造寰區。 復隆宗廟，追三祖於先遠，復四室於本朝，式遇祧遷，旋成沿革。 及莊宗升祔，以懿祖從祧，蓋非嗣立之君，所以先遷其室。 光武滅新之後，始有追尊之儀，比只在於南陽，元不歸於太廟，引事且疏於故實，此時須稟於新規。 將來升祔先廟，次合祧遷獻祖，既協隨時之義，又符變體之文。」 從之。 時議以懿祖賜姓於懿宗，以支庶系大宗例，宜以懿祖為始祖，次昭宗可也，不必祖神堯而宗太宗。 若依漢光武，則宜於代州立獻祖而下親廟，其唐廟依舊禮行之可也，而議謚者忘咸通之懿宗，又稱懿祖，父子俱「懿」，於理可乎！ 將朱耶三世與唐室四廟連敘昭穆，非禮之甚也。 議祧者不知受氏於唐懿宗而祧之，今又及獻祖。 以禮論之，始祧昭宗，次祧獻祖可也，而懿祖如唐景皇帝，豈可祧乎？
In the first month of the first year of Yingshun (934), the Secretariat memorialized: "The Court of Ceremonies reports that upon completion of the late emperor's burial mound, his spirit tablet will be enshrined in the ancestral temple. The Grand Temple currently maintains seven active chambers: Gaozu, Taizong, Yizong, Zhaozong, Xianzu, Taizu, and Zhuangzong. With the late emperor's enshrinement, ritual requires removing Xianzu to the side altars. We request that the Secretariat convene collective deliberation." Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent Lu Zhi and others submitted their opinion: "We hold that when close kinship is exhausted, removal to the side altars applies—this is established in ancient canon; doubtful matters without clear precedent have always been addressed by explicit ritual texts. Not long before, Emperor Zhuangzong had restored the empire. He restored the ancestral temple to prominence, tracing three ancestors to remote antiquity and restoring four chambers to the present dynasty; when removal to the side altars arose, this soon became a precedent for modification. When Zhuangzong was enshrined, Yizu was removed to the side altars—because he was not a monarch who had directly succeeded to the throne, his chamber was moved first. After Guangwu destroyed the Xin dynasty, posthumous honors were first instituted, but only at Nanyang and never in the Grand Temple; citing this precedent is loose regarding established fact, and the present circumstances require following the new regulations. When the late emperor is enshrined in the ancestral temple, Xianzu should next be removed to the side altars—this accords both with adapting to the times and with the ritual texts on flexible modification." The request was approved. Contemporary opinion held that since Yizu received his surname from Yizong, following the precedent of a collateral line attaching to the major line, Yizu ought to be taken as the founding ancestor, with Zhaozong next—there was no need to take the Divine Yao as ancestor and Taizong as temple founder. If one followed Han Guangwu's precedent, collateral temples from Xianzu downward should be established at Dai Prefecture, while the Tang temples could follow established ritual—yet those who deliberated on posthumous titles forgot Yizong of the Xiantong era while also styling him Yizu; father and son both bearing Yi—is this reasonable! To link three generations of the Zhuaye clan with four Tang temples in continuous zhao-mu sequence is a grave violation of ritual propriety. Those who deliberated on removal did not realize that Yizu received his clan name from Tang Yizong yet removed his chamber; now they have reached Xianzu as well. By ritual propriety, Zhaozong should be removed first, and then Xianzu would be acceptable—but Yizu is like Tang's Jing Emperor; how could his chamber be removed?
7
晉天福二年正月，中書門下奏：「皇帝到京，未立宗廟，望令所司速具制度典禮以聞。」 從之。 二月，太常埔士段颙議曰：
In the first month of the second year of Tianfu (937), the Secretariat memorialized: "The emperor has arrived at the capital but the ancestral temple has not yet been established; we ask that the responsible offices promptly prepare the institutional regulations and ritual protocols and report back." The request was approved. In the second month, Court of Ceremonies Doctor Duan Yong submitted his opinion:
8
夫宗廟之制，歷代為難，須考禮經，以求故事。 謹按《尚書·舜典》曰：「正月上日，受終於文祖。」 此是堯之廟也，猶未載其數。 又按《郊祀錄》曰：夏立五廟，商立六廟，周立七廟。 漢初立祖宗廟於郡國，共計一百六十七所。 後漢光武中興後，別立六廟。 魏明帝初立親廟四，後重議依周法立七廟。 晉武帝受禪，初立六廟，後復立七廟。 宋武帝初立六廟，齊朝亦立六廟。 隋文帝受命，初立親廟四，至大業元年，煬帝欲遵周法，議立七廟。 次屬傳禪於唐，武德元年六月四日，始立四廟於長安，至貞觀九年，命有司詳議廟制，遂立七廟，至開元十一年後，創立九廟。 又按《禮記·喪服小記》曰：「王者禘其祖之所自出，以其祖配之，而立四廟。」 鄭玄註云：高祖巳下至禰四世，即親盡也，更立始祖為不遷之廟，共五廟也。 又按《禮記·祭法》及《王制》、《孔子家語》、《春秋穀梁傳》並云：天子七廟，諸侯五廟，大夫三廟，士一廟。 此是降殺以兩之義。 又按《尚書·咸有一德》曰：「七世之廟，可以觀德。」 又按《疑義》云：天子立七廟，或四廟，蓋有其義也。 如四廟者，從禰至高祖已下親盡，故有四廟之理。 又立七廟者，緣自古聖王，祖有功，宗有德，更封立始祖，即於四親廟之外，或祖功宗德，不拘定數，所以有五廟、六廟，或七廟、九廟，欲後代子孫觀其功德，故《尚書》云「七世之廟，可以觀德」矣。 又按周舍論云：「自江左已來，晉、宋、齊、梁相承，多立七廟。」 今臣等參詳，唯立七廟，即並通其理。 伏緣宗廟事大，不敢執以一理定之，故檢七廟、四廟二件之文，俱得其宜，他所論者，並皆勿取。 請下三省集百官詳議。
The institution of the ancestral temple has posed difficulties through the ages; one must examine the ritual classics to seek precedents. We respectfully cite the Canon of Shun in the Documents: "On the first day of the first month, he received the mandate at the temple of his cultured ancestor." This refers to Yao's temple, yet the number of temples is still not recorded. We further cite the Record of Suburban Sacrifices: Xia established five temples, Shang six, and Zhou seven. At the beginning of Han, ancestral temples were established in commanderies and kingdoms, totaling one hundred sixty-seven in all. After Emperor Guangwu of Later Han restored the dynasty, six temples were separately established. Emperor Ming of Wei first established four collateral temples, then after renewed deliberation established seven temples according to Zhou ritual law. Emperor Wu of Jin accepted the abdication, first establishing six temples, then later establishing seven. Emperor Wu of Song first established six temples; the Qi dynasty also established six. Emperor Wen of Sui received the mandate, first establishing four collateral temples; by the first year of Daye (605), Emperor Yang wished to follow Zhou ritual law and deliberated on establishing seven temples. Next the mandate passed to Tang; on the fourth day of the sixth month of the first year of Wude (618), four temples were first established at Chang'an; by the ninth year of Zhenguan (635), the responsible offices were ordered to deliberate in detail on the temple system, and seven temples were established; after the eleventh year of Kaiyuan (723), nine temples were created. We further cite the Record of Mourning Garments, Minor Accounts in the Book of Rites: "The king performs the di sacrifice to the source from which his ancestor sprang, pairing his ancestor with it, and establishes four temples." Zheng Xuan's commentary states: From Gaozu down to Mi for four generations—that is, when close kinship is exhausted—one further establishes the founding ancestor as the immovable temple, making five temples in all. We further cite the Law of Sacrifice in the Book of Rites, the Royal Regulations, the Kongzi Jiayu, and the Guliang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, all stating: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five, grand masters three, and officers one. This reflects the principle of descending reduction by twos. We further cite the Consistent Virtue chapter in the Documents: "The temple of seven generations can display virtue." We further cite the Doubtful Points: "The Son of Heaven establishes seven temples, or four—each surely has its rationale. As for four temples, from Mi down to Gaozu close kinship is exhausted, hence the rationale for four temples. As for establishing seven temples, since ancient sage-kings honored ancestors for merit and temple founders for virtue, and further enfeoffed founding ancestors beyond the four collateral temples—whether for ancestral merit or temple-founder virtue, not bound to a fixed number—there arose five, six, seven, or nine temples, so that later descendants might observe their merit and virtue; hence the Documents says, "The temple of seven generations can display virtue." We further cite Zhou She's treatise: "Since the establishment of the southern dynasties east of the Yangzi, Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang in succession have mostly established seven temples." We your subjects, having examined this in detail, hold that establishing seven temples alone comprehends the rationale in both cases. We respectfully note that the ancestral temple is a weighty matter; we dare not fix it by a single rationale alone. Therefore we have examined texts on both seven temples and four temples, finding both appropriate; other proposals should all be set aside. We request that the Three Departments convene all officials for detailed deliberation.
9
敕旨宜依。 左僕射劉句等議曰：
Imperial rescript: Approved as proposed. Left Vice Director Liu Gou and others submitted their opinion:
10
臣等今月八日，伏奉敕命於尚書省集議太常博士段颙所議宗廟事。 伏以將敷至化，以達萬方，克致平和，必先宗廟。 故《禮記·王制》云：「天子七廟，諸侯五廟，大夫三廟。」 疏云：「周制之七者，太祖廟及文王、武王之祧，與親廟四。 太祖，後稷也。 商六廟，契及湯與二昭、二穆。 夏則五廟，無太祖，禹與二昭、二穆而已。 自夏及周，少不減五，多不過七。」 又云：「天子七廟，皆據周也。 有其人則七，無其人則五。 若諸侯廟制，雖有其人，則不過五。 此則天子、諸侯七、五之異明矣。」 至於三代已後魏、晉、宋、齊、隋及唐初，多立六廟或四廟，蓋於建國之始，不盈七廟之數也。 今欲請立自高祖已下四親廟，其始祖一廟，未敢輕議，伏俟聖裁。
We your subjects, on the eighth day of this month, respectfully received the edict ordering collective deliberation at the Secretariat on the ancestral temple matter proposed by Court of Ceremonies Doctor Duan Yong. We humbly consider that to spread the highest virtue to every quarter of the realm and achieve peace and harmony, the ancestral temple must come first. Therefore the 《Record of Rites: Royal Regulations》 states: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five temples, and grand officers three temples." The commentary states: "The seven temples of the Zhou system comprise the Taizu temple and the side altars of King Wen and King Wu, together with four collateral-line temples. The Taizu is Hou Ji. The Shang had six temples: Qi and Tang, together with two zhao and two mu chambers. The Xia had five temples, with no Taizu—only Yu together with two zhao and two mu chambers. From the Xia through the Zhou, the number was never fewer than five and never more than seven." It also states: "The Son of Heaven's seven temples are all based on the Zhou system. If the requisite figures exist, there are seven; if they do not, there are five. In the feudal lords' temple system, even when the requisite figures exist, the number does not exceed five. Thus the distinction between seven temples for the Son of Heaven and five for feudal lords is clear." As for the Wei, Jin, Song, Qi, Sui, and early Tang after the Three Dynasties, many established six or four temples—at the founding of a state the number did not yet reach seven. We now propose to establish four collateral-line temples from Gaozu downward; as for a separate founding-ancestor temple, we dare not discuss it lightly and humbly await Your Sacred Majesty's decision.
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御史中丞張昭遠奏議曰：
Vice Censor-in-Chief Zhang Zhaoyuan submitted his memorial and deliberation:
12
臣前月中預都省集議宗廟事，伏見議狀於親廟之外，請別立始祖一廟，近奏中書門下牒，再令百官於都省議定聞奏者。
Last month I participated when the Capital Secretariat convened collective deliberation on the ancestral temple; I saw in the submitted deliberation that, beyond the collateral temples, a separate founding-ancestor temple was proposed. The Secretariat has recently issued a dispatch ordering all officials again to deliberate at the Capital Secretariat and report back.
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臣讀十四代史書，見二千年故事，觀諸家宗廟，都無始祖之稱，唯商、周二代，以稷、契為太祖。 《禮記》曰：「天子七廟，三昭、三穆，與太祖之廟而七。」 鄭玄註：「此周制也。 七者，太祖後稷及文王、武王與四親廟。」 又曰：「商人六廟，契及成湯與二昭、二穆也。 夏後氏立五廟，不立太祖，惟禹與二昭、二穆而已。」 據《王制》鄭玄所釋，即商、周以稷、契為太祖，夏後無太祖，亦無追謚之廟。 自商、周以來，時更十代，皆於親廟之中，以有功者為太祖，無追崇始祖之例。 具引今古，即恐詞繁，事要證明，須陳梗概。 漢以高祖父太上皇執嘉無社稷功，不立廟號，高帝自為高祖。 魏以曹公相漢，垂三十年，始封於魏，故為太祖。 晉以宣王輔魏有功，立為高祖，以景帝始封晉，故為太祖。 宋氏先世，官閥卑微，雖追崇帝號，劉裕自為高祖。 南齊高帝之父，位至右將軍，生無封爵，不得為太祖，高帝自為太祖。 梁武帝父順之，佐佑齊室，封侯，位至領軍、丹陽尹，雖不受封於梁，亦為太祖。 陳武帝父文贊，生無名位，以武帝功，梁室贈侍中，封義興公，及武帝即位，亦追為太祖。 周閔帝以父泰相西魏，經營王業，始封於周，故為太祖。 隋文帝父忠，輔周室有大功，始封於隋，故為太祖。 唐高祖神堯祖父虎為周八柱國，隋代追封唐公，故為太祖。 唐末梁室朱氏有帝位，亦立四廟，朱公先世無名位，雖追冊四廟，不立太祖，朱公自為太祖。 此則前代追冊太祖，不出親廟之成例也。
I have read the histories of fourteen dynasties and reviewed two thousand years of precedent; in every dynasty's ancestral temples there is no title of founding ancestor—only in the Shang and Zhou were Ji and Qi taken as Taizu. The 《Record of Rites》 states: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, and the Taizu temple—seven in all." Zheng Xuan's annotation: "This is the Zhou system. The seven are the Taizu Hou Ji, Kings Wen and Wu, and the four collateral-line temples." It further states: "The Shang had six temples: Qi and Cheng Tang, together with two zhao and two mu chambers. The Xia Hou clan established five temples and did not establish a Taizu—only Yu together with two zhao and two mu chambers." According to Zheng Xuan's explanation of the 《Royal Regulations》, the Shang and Zhou took Ji and Qi as Taizu; the Xia Hou had no Taizu and also no posthumously enshrined temple. Since the Shang and Zhou, ten dynasties have passed; all, within the collateral temples, took the meritorious figure as Taizu—there is no precedent for posthumously honoring a founding ancestor. To cite ancient and modern cases in full would make the language prolix; since the matter requires proof, I must set forth the outline. The Han, because the great-grandfather the Supreme Emperor Zhijia had no merit for the state, did not establish a temple title; the High Emperor himself served as Gaozu. The Wei, because Duke Cao served as chancellor of Han for nearly thirty years and was first enfeoffed in Wei, made him Taizu. The Jin, because the Xuan King assisted Wei with merit, established him as Gaozu; because the Jing Emperor was first enfeoffed in Jin, he was made Taizu. The Song clan's earlier generations were of humble official standing; although imperial titles were posthumously conferred, Liu Yu himself served as Gaozu. The Southern Qi Gaodi's father rose to Right General; in life he received no enfeoffment and could not be Taizu—the Gaodi himself served as Taizu. Liang Wudi's father Shunzhi assisted the Qi court, was enfeoffed as marquis, and rose to Area Commander and Danyang Intendant; although he received no enfeoffment from Liang, he was made Taizu. Chen Wudi's father Wenzan had no rank in life; because of the Wudi's merit, the Liang court posthumously granted him Palace Attendant and enfeoffed him as Duke of Yixing; when the Wudi ascended the throne, he was also posthumously made Taizu. Northern Zhou Emperor Min, because his father Tai served as chancellor of Western Wei, built the royal enterprise, and was first enfeoffed in Zhou, made him Taizu. Sui Wendi's father Zhong assisted the Zhou court with great merit and was first enfeoffed in Sui; therefore he was made Taizu. Tang Gaozu Shenyao's grandfather Hu was one of the Zhou Eight Pillars; the Sui dynasty posthumously enfeoffed him as Duke of Tang; therefore he was made Taizu. At the end of Tang the Liang Zhu clan held the imperial throne and also established four temples; the Zhu lord's earlier generations had no rank; although four temples were posthumously enrolled, no Taizu was established—the Zhu lord himself served as Taizu. This shows that in former ages posthumous enrollment as Taizu did not depart from the established precedent of the collateral temples.
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王者祖有功而宗有德，漢、魏之制，非有功德不得立為祖宗，商、周受命，以稷、契有大功於唐、虞之際，故追尊為太祖。 自秦、漢之後，其禮不然，雖祖有功，仍須親廟。 今亦粗言往例，以取證明。 秦稱造父之後，不以造父為始祖； 漢稱唐堯、劉累之後，不以堯、累為始祖； 魏稱曹參之後，不以參為始祖； 晉稱趙將司馬卬之後，不以卬為始祖； 宋稱漢楚元王之後，不以元王為始祖； 齊、梁皆稱蕭何之後，不以蕭何為始祖； 陳稱太丘長陳寔之後，不以實為始祖； 元魏稱李陵之後，不以陵為始祖； 後周稱神農之後，不以神農為始祖； 隋稱楊震之後，不以楊震為始祖； 唐稱臯陶、老子之後，不以臯陶、老子為始祖。 唯唐高宗則天武後臨朝，革唐稱周，又立七廟，仍追冊周文王姬昌為始祖，此蓋當時附麗之徒，不諳故實，武立姬廟，乖越已甚，曲臺之人，到今嗤誚。 臣遠觀秦、漢，下至周、隋，禮樂衣冠，聲明文物，未有如唐室之盛。 武德議廟之初，英才間出，如溫、魏、顏、虞通今古，封、蕭、薛、杜達禮儀，制度憲章，必有師法。
The king takes as ancestor one with merit and as temple founder one with virtue; in the Han and Wei systems, without merit and virtue one could not be established as ancestor or temple founder. When the Shang and Zhou received the Mandate, because Ji and Qi had great merit in the era of Tang and Yu, they were posthumously honored as Taizu. From the Qin and Han onward, the rite was not so; even when one was taken as ancestor for merit, one still had to be within the collateral temples. I will now briefly state former precedents to serve as proof. The Qin claimed descent from Zaofu but did not take Zaofu as founding ancestor; the Han claimed descent from Tang Yao and Liu Lei but did not take Yao and Lei as founding ancestors; the Wei claimed descent from Cao Shen but did not take Shen as founding ancestor; the Jin claimed descent from Zhao general Sima Ang but did not take Ang as founding ancestor; the Song claimed descent from Han's Prince Yuan of Chu but did not take the Prince Yuan as founding ancestor; the Qi and Liang both claimed descent from Xiao He but did not take Xiao He as founding ancestor; the Chen claimed descent from Taqiu Prefect Chen Shi but did not take Shi as founding ancestor; Northern Wei claimed descent from Li Ling but did not take Ling as founding ancestor; Later Zhou claimed descent from Shennong but did not take Shennong as founding ancestor; the Sui claimed descent from Yang Zhen but did not take Yang Zhen as founding ancestor; the Tang claimed descent from Gao Yao and Laozi but did not take Gao Yao and Laozi as founding ancestors. Only when Empress Wu held court during the reigns of Tang Gaozong and herself—changing the dynasty from Tang to Zhou, establishing seven temples, and posthumously enfeoffing King Wen of Zhou, Ji Chang, as Founding Ancestor—did such a thing occur. This was the work of sycophants ignorant of historical precedent; Empress Wu's establishment of a temple to the Ji clan was egregiously irregular, and ritual scholars of the Quetai still mock it to this day. Looking back from Qin and Han down through Northern Zhou and Sui, in ritual, music, vestments, renown, and cultural splendor, nothing matched the magnificence of the Tang dynasty. At the outset of the Wude-era deliberations on temple rites, outstanding talents emerged in succession—Wen, Wei, Yan, and Yu mastered past and present learning; Feng, Xiao, Xue, and Du were versed in ritual; institutions and statutes must surely have had authoritative precedents to follow.
15
夫追崇先王、先母之儀，起於周代。 據《史記》及禮經云：「武王纘太王、王季、文王之緒，一戎衣而有天下，尊為天子，宗廟饗之。 周公成文、武之德，追王太王、王季，祀先公以天子之禮。」 又曰「郊祀後稷以配天。」 據此言之，周武雖祀七世，追為王號者，但四世而已。 故自東漢以來，有國之初，多崇四廟，從周制也。 況商因夏禮，漢習秦儀，無勞博訪之文，宜約已成之制。 請依隋、唐有國之初，創立四廟，推四世之中名位高者為太祖。 謹議以聞。
The rites of posthumously honoring former kings and former mothers originated in the Zhou dynasty. According to the Records of the Grand Historian and the ritual classics: "King Wu continued the lineage of Grand King, King Ji, and King Wen; clad in armor he seized the realm, was enthroned as Son of Heaven, and received sacrifice in the ancestral temple. The Duke of Zhou fulfilled the virtue of Wen and Wu, posthumously honoring Grand King and King Ji as kings, and sacrificed to the former lords with the rites of Son of Heaven." It also says, "In suburban sacrifice, Hou Ji was offered as counterpart to Heaven." From this it follows that although King Wu of Zhou sacrificed to seven generations, only four generations received posthumous royal titles. Therefore, from the Eastern Han onward, dynasties at their founding mostly established four temples, following Zhou practice. Moreover, the Shang adopted Xia ritual and the Han inherited Qin ceremony—there is no need for exhaustive textual inquiry; we should adhere to institutions already established. We request that, following the practice of Sui and Tang at their founding, four temples be established, with the most eminent figure among the four generations designated as Great Ancestor. We respectfully submit this opinion for the emperor's consideration.
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敕：宜令尚書省集百官，將前議狀與張昭遠所陳，速定奪聞奏。 左僕射劉句等再議奏曰：
Edict: The Secretariat shall assemble the officials, take the previous deliberation together with Zhang Zhaoyuan's submission, and promptly reach a decision and report back. Left Vice Director Liu Gou and others submitted a further deliberation, saying:
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臣等今月十三日，再於尚書省集百官詳議。 夫王者祖武宗文，郊天祀地，故有追崇之典，以申配饗之儀。 初詳太常禮院議狀，唯立七廟四廟，即並通其理。 其他所論，並皆勿取。 七廟者，按《禮記·王制》曰：「天子七廟，三昭、三穆與太祖之廟而七。」 鄭玄註云：「此周制也。」 詳其禮經，即是周家七廟之定數。 四廟者，謂高、曾、祖、禰四世也。 按《周本紀》及《禮記·大傳》皆曰：「武王即位，追王太王、王季、文王。 以後稷為堯稷官，故追尊為太祖。」 此即周武王初有天下，追尊四廟之明文也。 故自嘆、魏已降，迄於周、隋，創業之君，追謚不過四世，約周制也。 此禮行之已久，事在不疑。 今參詳都省前議狀，請立四廟外，別引始祖，取裁未為定議。 續準敕據御史中丞張昭遠奏，請創立四廟之外，無別封始祖之文。 況國家禮樂刑名，皆依唐典，宗廟之制，須約舊章。 請依唐朝追尊獻祖宣皇帝、懿祖光皇帝、太祖景皇帝、代祖元皇帝故事，追尊四廟為定」
On the thirteenth day of this month, we again convened the officials at the Secretariat for detailed deliberation. Kings take martial achievement as their ancestral model and cultural virtue as their object of veneration; in sacrificing to Heaven and earth, there are thus rites of posthumous honor to express the ceremony of matched sacrifice. Upon first examining the Court of Imperial Rites deliberation, its proposals regarding seven temples and four temples both accord with established principle. All other points raised shall be set aside. As for seven temples, the Record of Rites, "Royal Regulations" states: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao, three mu, and the Great Ancestor's temple, making seven." Zheng Xuan commented: "This is the Zhou institution." A close reading of the ritual classics shows this to be the fixed number of seven temples for the Zhou house. As for four temples, these are the four generations of great-great-grandfather, great-grandfather, grandfather, and father. The "Basic Annals of Zhou" and the Record of Rites, "Great Tradition" both state: "When King Wu took the throne, he posthumously honored Grand King, King Ji, and King Wen as kings. Because Hou Ji had served Yao as Minister of Agriculture, he was posthumously honored as Great Ancestor." This is explicit textual evidence that when King Wu of Zhou first obtained the realm, he posthumously honored four temples. Therefore, from Han and Wei onward through Northern Zhou and Sui, founding rulers posthumously honored no more than four generations—a practice modeled on Zhou institutions. This rite has long been established; there should be no doubt about it. In reviewing the Metropolitan Secretariat's earlier deliberation, apart from proposing four temples, it also separately invoked a Founding Ancestor—a point on which imperial decision has not yet been settled. Subsequently, in accordance with the edict and Zhang Zhaoyuan's memorial as Vice Censor-in-Chief, beyond proposing four temples, there was no provision for separately enfeoffing a Founding Ancestor. Moreover, our state's ritual, music, penal law, and regulations all follow Tang precedent; the ancestral temple system must conform to established statutes. We request that, following Tang precedent in posthumously honoring Xianzu Emperor Xuan, Yizu Emperor Guang, Taizu Emperor Jing, and Daizu Emperor Yuan, the enshrinement of four temples be established as fixed policy."
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從之。
The proposal was approved.
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七年七月，太常禮院奏：「國朝見饗四廟：靖祖、肅祖、睿祖、憲祖。 今大行皇帝將行升祔，按《會要》：唐武德元年，立四廟於長安； 貞觀九年，高祖神堯皇帝崩，命有司詳議廟制，議以高祖神主並舊四室祔廟。 今先帝神主，請同唐高祖升祔。」 從之。
In the seventh month of the seventh year, the Court of Imperial Rites memorialized: "Our dynasty currently maintains four active temples: Jingzu, Suzu, Ruizu, and Xianzu. The late emperor is about to be enshrined. According to the Institutional Essentials: in the first year of Wude (618), Tang established four temples in Chang'an; In the ninth year of Zhenguan (635), Gaozu the Divine and Yao Emperor died; officials were ordered to deliberate on temple rites in detail, and it was decided that Gaozu's spirit tablet would be enshrined alongside the existing four chambers. We request that the late emperor's spirit tablet be enshrined by the same procedure as Tang Gaozu." The request was approved.
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漢天福十二年閏七月，時漢高祖已即位，尚仍天福之號。 太常博士段颙奏議曰：「伏以宗廟之制，歷代為難，須按禮經，旁求故實，又緣禮貴隨時，損益不定。 今參詳歷代故事，立高、曾、祖、禰四廟，更上追遠祖光武皇帝為始祖百代不遷之廟，居東向之位，共為五廟，庶符往例，又合禮經。」 詔尚書省集百官議。 吏部尚書竇貞固等議云：「按《禮記·王制》云：「天子七廟，諸侯五廟，大夫三廟。」 疏云：「周制之七廟者，太祖及文王、武王之祧，與親廟四。 太祖，後稷也。」。 又云：「天子七廟，皆據周也。 有其人則七，無其人則五。」 至於光武中興及歷代多立六廟或四廟，蓋建國之始，未盈七廟之數。 又按《郊祀錄》王肅云：「德厚者流澤廣，天子可以事六代之義也。」 今欲請立高祖已下四親廟。 又自古聖王，祖有功，宗有德，即於四親廟之外，祖功宗德，不拘定數。 今除四親廟外，更請上追高皇帝、光武皇帝，更立六廟。」 從之。 〈（《文獻通考》：莊宗、明宗既舍其祖而祖唐之祖矣，及敬瑭、知遠崛起而登帝位，俱欲以華胄自詭，故於四親之外，必求所謂始祖而祖之。 張昭之言，議正而詞偉矣。 至漢初，則段颙、竇貞固之徒，曲為諂附，乃至上祖高、光，以為六廟雲。）〉
In the intercalary seventh month of the twelfth year of Tianfu (947), Han Gaozu had already ascended the throne but still used the Tianfu era name. Ritual specialist Duan Yong submitted his opinion: "We respectfully note that ancestral temple rites have posed difficulties in every age; one must follow the ritual classics and consult historical precedent. Moreover, ritual values timely adaptation, so additions and subtractions are not fixed. Having reviewed precedents from successive dynasties, we propose establishing four temples for the four immediate generations, and further posthumously honoring the remote ancestor Emperor Guangwu as Founding Ancestor in an immovable temple facing east—a total of five temples—which would accord with past practice and conform to the ritual classics." The emperor ordered the Secretariat to convene the officials for deliberation. Minister of the Civil Office Dou Zhengu and others submitted their opinion: "According to the Record of Rites, "Royal Regulations": "The Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five, and grand masters three. The commentary states: "The seven temples of Zhou comprise the Great Ancestor, the side altars of King Wen and King Wu, and four close-kin temples. The Great Ancestor is Hou Ji. It also states: "The Son of Heaven's seven temples all follow the Zhou model. If the requisite ancestors exist, there are seven; if not, five." As for Emperor Guangwu's restoration and successive dynasties that established six or four temples—at a state's founding, the full complement of seven temples was usually not yet reached. Moreover, according to the Record of Suburban Sacrifices, Wang Su stated: "Those of profound virtue extend their beneficence widely; the Son of Heaven may sacrifice to six generations." We now propose establishing four close-kin temples from Gaozu downward. Moreover, from antiquity sage kings have enshrined those who achieved merit and honored those who possessed virtue; beyond the four close-kin temples, such honors of merit and virtue were never confined to a fixed count. Apart from the four close-kin temples, we further request posthumously honoring the Supreme Emperor and Emperor Guangwu, bringing the total to six temples." The proposal was approved. (From the 《Comprehensive Examination of Documents》: Zhuangzong and Mingzong had already abandoned their own forebears to honor Tang's ancestors; when Jingtang and Zhiyuan seized the throne, each sought to disguise himself as scion of a great Chinese house, and so beyond the four close-kin temples they always hunted out a so-called Founding Ancestor to enshrine. Zhang Zhao's argument was sound and his language magnificent. By the opening of Han, men such as Duan Yong and Dou Zhengu bent the rites into sycophancy, even enshrining Gaozu and Guangwu above the rest to make six temples.)〉
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周廣順元年正月，中書門下奏：「太常禮院議，合立太廟室數。 若守文繼體，則魏、晉有七廟之文； 若創業開基，則隋、唐有四廟之議。 聖朝請依近禮，追謚四廟。 伏恐所議未同，請下百官集議。」 太子太傅和凝等議：「請據禮官議，立四親廟。」 從之。 〈（《五代會要》：和凝議曰：「恭以肇啟洪圖，惟新黃屋。 左宗廟而右社稷，率由舊章； 崇祖禰而辨尊卑，載於前史。 雖質文互變，義趣各殊，或觀損益之規，或系興隆之始。 陛下體元立極，本義祖仁，開變家成國之基，遵奉先思孝之道，合據禮官議，立四親廟，以葉前文。」 從之。）〉 其年四月，中書門下奏：「太常禮院申，七月一日，皇帝御崇元殿，命使奏冊四廟。 準舊儀，服兗冕即座，太尉引冊案入，皇帝降座，引立於御座前南向，中書令奉冊案進，皇帝搢珪捧授，冊使跪受，轉授舁冊官，其進寶授寶儀如冊案。 臣等參詳，至時請皇帝降階授冊。」 從之。
In the first month of the first year of Guangshun (951), the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "The Court of Imperial Rites has deliberated on how many chambers the imperial ancestral temple should contain. For rulers who inherit an established order, Wei and Jin provide precedent for seven temples; For founders who rise from nothing, Sui and Tang offer deliberations on four temples. Our dynasty proposes to follow recent practice and posthumously enshrine four temples. We fear the deliberations may not yet be unanimous and request that all officials be convened to discuss the matter." Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent He Ning and others argued: "We ask that four close-kin temples be established according to the rites officials' recommendation." The proposal was approved. (From the 《Institutional Essentials of the Five Dynasties》: He Ning argued: "Reverently, Your Majesty has opened a great enterprise and renewed the imperial throne. The ancestral temple placed to the left and the altars of soil and grain to the right—all according to ancient statute; Honoring forebears and fathers while distinguishing rank and precedence is recorded in the histories of old. Though substance and ornament shift with the ages and each case has its own rationale, sometimes one reads rules of addition and reduction, sometimes the very origin of a dynasty's rise. Your Majesty embodies the primal origin and stands as supreme pole, taking righteousness as root and benevolence as guide, laying the foundation by which a household became a realm and honoring forebears in filial devotion. It is altogether fitting to follow the rites officials' recommendation, establish four close-kin temples, and harmonize with earlier precedent." The proposal was approved.)〉 In the fourth month of that year, the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "The Court of Imperial Rites reports that on the first day of the seventh month the emperor will preside in the Hall of Glorious Origins and commission envoys to present the enshrinement registers for the four temples. Under the old protocol, the emperor wears the nine-linked crown and takes his seat; the Grand Commandant leads in the register table; the emperor descends and is conducted to stand facing south before the throne; the Director of the Secretariat advances the register table; the emperor inserts his scepter and presents it; the register envoy kneels to receive it and passes it to the bearers; the ceremony for presenting and conferring the seal follows the same procedure as for the register. We have reviewed the matter in detail and request that, when the time comes, the emperor descend the steps to confer the register himself." The proposal was approved.
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三年九月，將有事於南郊，議於東京別建太廟。 時太常禮院言：「準洛京廟室一十五間，分為四室，東西各有夾室，四神門，每方屋一間，各三門，戟二十四，別有齋宮神廚屋宇。 準禮，左宗廟，右社稷，在國城內，請下所司修奉。」 從之。 其月，太常禮院奏：「迎太廟社稷神主到京，其日未審皇帝親出郊外迎奉否。 檢討故事，元無禮例，伏請召三省官集議。」 敕：「宜令尚書省四品以上、中書門下五品已上同參議。」 司徒竇貞固、司空蘇禹珪等議：「按吳主孫休即位，迎祖父神主於吳郡，人祔太廟，前一日出城野次，明日常服奉迎，此其例也。」 遂署狀言車駕出城奉迎為是，請下禮儀使草定儀註。 至十月，禮儀使奏：「太祖神主將至，前一日儀仗出城掌次，於西禦莊東北設神主行廟幄幕，面南。 其日放朝，群臣早出西門，皇帝常服出城詣行宮，群臣起居畢，就次。 神主將至，群臣班定，皇帝立於班前。 神主至，太常卿請皇帝再拜，群臣俱拜。 神主就行廟幄幕座，設常饌，群臣班於神幄前。 侍中就次，請皇帝謁神主。 既至，群臣再拜，皇帝進酒畢再拜，群臣俱拜。 皇帝還幄，群臣先赴太廟門外立班，俟皇帝至起居。 俟神主至，群臣班於廟門外，皇帝立於班前，太常卿請皇帝再拜，群臣俱拜。 皇帝還幄，群臣就次，宮闈令安神主於本室訖，群臣班於廟庭。 太常卿請皇帝於四室奠饗，逐室皇帝再拜，群臣俱拜。 四室祔饗畢，皇帝還宮。 前件儀註，望付中書門下宣下。」 從之。
In the ninth month of the third year, with a southern-suburb sacrifice impending, officials deliberated building a separate imperial ancestral temple at the Eastern Capital. The Court of Imperial Rites reported: "According to the Luoyang model, the temple comprises fifteen bays divided into four main chambers, with side chambers on east and west, four spirit gates, one bay per cardinal direction with three gates each, twenty-four halberds, and separate buildings for the fasting palace and spirit kitchen. By rite the ancestral temple stands to the left and the altars of soil and grain to the right, within the capital walls; we request that the responsible offices be ordered to restore and maintain them." The proposal was approved. That same month, the Court of Imperial Rites memorialized: "When the spirit tablets of the imperial ancestral temple and the altars of soil and grain are brought to the capital, it remains undecided whether the emperor should personally go out beyond the city to receive them. A search of precedents turns up no established ritual; we humbly request that officials of the Three Departments be convened to deliberate." An edict ordered: "Officials of the fourth rank and above in the Secretariat, together with officials of the fifth rank and above in the Secretariat and Chancellery, shall jointly deliberate." Minister over the Masses Dou Zhengu, Minister of Works Su Yugui, and others argued: "When Sun Xiu of Wu took the throne, he welcomed his grandfather's spirit tablet from Wu Commandery for enshrinement in the ancestral temple; the day before he went out of the city and encamped in the open country, and the next day received the tablet in ordinary dress. That is the precedent." They then signed a memorial recommending that the emperor go out of the city to receive the tablets, and requested that the Commissioner of Ritual Protocol draft the ceremonial regulations. In the tenth month, the Commissioner of Ritual Protocol memorialized: "When Taizu's spirit tablet is about to arrive, on the preceding day the guard of honor will go out of the city to prepare the encampment, and a traveling-temple canopy for the spirit tablet shall be erected northeast of the Western Imperial Estate, facing south. On that day court is suspended; the officials assemble early at the Western Gate; the emperor goes out of the city in ordinary dress to the traveling palace; after the officials have paid their respects, they take their stations. As the spirit tablet approaches, the officials form their ranks and the emperor stands before them. When the spirit tablet arrives, the Director of the Court of Imperial Rites asks the emperor to bow twice, and all the officials bow with him. The spirit tablet is conducted to its seat in the traveling-temple canopy; ordinary offerings are laid out, and the officials form ranks before the spirit canopy. The Palace Attendant takes his station and asks the emperor to approach the spirit tablet. When he arrives, the officials bow twice; after the emperor presents wine and bows again, all the officials bow with him. The emperor returns to the canopy; the officials go ahead to form ranks outside the ancestral temple gate and wait for the emperor to arrive and pay his respects. When the spirit tablet arrives, the officials form ranks outside the temple gate; the emperor stands before them; the Director of the Court of Imperial Rites asks the emperor to bow twice, and all the officials bow with him. The emperor returns to the canopy and the officials take their stations; the Director of the Inner Palace installs the spirit tablet in its proper chamber; when this is done, the officials form ranks in the temple courtyard. The Director of the Court of Imperial Rites asks the emperor to offer sacrifice in each of the four chambers; at every chamber the emperor bows twice and all the officials bow with him. When the enshrinement offerings in all four chambers are complete, the emperor returns to the palace. We request that these ritual regulations be issued through the Secretariat and Chancellery." The proposal was approved.
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顯德六年七月，詔以大行皇帝山陵有期，神主將祔太廟，其廟殿室宇合添修否？ 國子司業兼太常博士聶崇義奏議曰：「奉敕，為大行皇帝山陵有期，神主祔廟，恐殿室間數少，合重添修。 今詣廟中相度，若是添修廟殿一間至兩間，並須移動諸神門及角樓宮墻仗舍，及堂殿正面檐栿階道，亦須東省牲立班位，直至齋宮，漸近迫窄。 今重拆廟殿，續更添修，不唯重勞，兼恐未便。 竊見廟殿見虛東西二夾室，況未有祧遷之主，欲請不拆廟殿，更添間數，即便將夾室重安排六室位次。 所有動移神主，若準舊禮，於殿庭權設行廟幕殿，即恐雨水猶多，難於陳設。 伏請權於太廟齋宮內奉安神主，至修奉畢日，庶為宜稱。 又，按《禮記》云：廟成則於中屋刲羊以釁之，夾室則用雞。 又，《大戴禮》及《通典》亦有夾室，察文觀義，乃是備廟之制。 況新主祔廟，諸經有遷易之文，考古沿今，庶合通禮。 伏請遞遷諸室奉安大行皇帝神主，以符禮意。」 敕依典禮。
In the seventh month of the sixth year of Xiande (959), an edict asked: with the late emperor's tomb already scheduled and his spirit tablet about to be enshrined in the ancestral temple, should the temple halls and chambers be expanded or renovated? Nie Chongyi, Vice Director of the Directorate of Education and concurrent Erudite of the Court of Imperial Rites, memorialized: "By imperial order: with the late emperor's tomb already scheduled and his spirit tablet to be enshrined, we fear the temple lacks sufficient chambers and should be expanded or renovated. Having inspected the temple, we find that adding even one or two bays to the main hall would require relocating the spirit gates, corner towers, palace walls, guard quarters, and the hall's front eaves, beams, and steps; the eastern slaughtering ground and the officials' standing ranks would also have to be moved, right up to the fasting palace—making the whole precinct ever more cramped. Demolishing the hall again for further expansion would not only impose great labor but may prove impracticable. I note that the main hall already has vacant side chambers on east and west, and that no ancestor has yet been removed by distant enshrinement; I propose leaving the hall intact, adding no new bays, and instead rearranging the six chamber positions within the side chambers. To move the spirit tablets, old rite would set up a provisional traveling-temple canopy in the courtyard—but rain is still frequent at this season, making that arrangement difficult. We humbly propose temporarily installing the spirit tablets in the temple's fasting palace until renovations are complete, which would be the most suitable course. Moreover, the 《Record of Rites》 states: when a temple is completed, a sheep is slaughtered in the central chamber to consecrate it; side chambers require a chicken. The 《Records of the Elder Dai》 and the 《Comprehensive Institutions》 likewise mention side chambers; read in context, these belong to the institution of reserve temple chambers. When a new spirit tablet is enshrined, the classics provide for rearrangement and transfer; weighing antiquity against present practice, this would accord with established ritual. We humbly request that the chambers be rearranged in sequence to install the late emperor's spirit tablet, in keeping with ritual propriety." An edict ordered compliance with the canonical rites.