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禮志下
Treatises on Rites, Part Two
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後唐長興元年九月，太常禮院奏：「來年四月孟夏，禘饗於太廟。 謹按禮經，三年一祫以孟冬，五年一禘以孟夏。 已毀未毀之主，並合食於太祖之廟，逐廟功臣，配饗於太廟之庭。 本朝寶應元年定禮，奉景皇帝為始封之祖。 既廟號太祖，百代不遷，每遇禘祫，位居東向之尊，自代祖元皇帝、高祖、太宗已下，列聖子孫，各序昭穆南北相向，合食於前。 聖朝中興，重修宗廟，今太廟見饗高祖、太宗、懿宗、昭宗、獻祖、太祖、莊宗七廟，太祖景皇帝在祧廟之數，不列廟饗。 將來禘禮，若奉高祖居東向之尊，則禘饗不及於太祖、代祖； 若以祧廟太祖居東向之位，則又違於禮意。 今所司修奉祧廟神主，及諸色法物已備，合預請參詳，事須具狀申奏。」 敕下尚書省集百官詳議。 戶部尚書韓彥惲等奏議曰：「伏以本朝尊受命之祖景皇帝為始封之君，百代不遷，長居廟食，自貞觀至於天祐，無所改更，聖祖神孫，左昭右穆。 自中興國祚，再議宗祊，以太祖景皇帝在祧廟之數，不列祖宗，欲尊太祖之位，將行東向之儀，爰命群臣，同議可否。 伏詳本朝列聖之舊典，明皇定禮之新規，開元十年，特立九廟，子孫遵守，歷代無虧。 今既行定禮之規，又以祧太祖之室。 昔德宗朝，將行禘祫之禮，顏真卿議請奉獻祖居東向之位，景皇帝暫居昭穆之列，考之於貞元，則以為誤，行之於今日，正得其禮。 今欲請每遇禘祫之歲，暫奉景皇帝居東向之尊，自元皇帝以下，敘列昭穆。」 從之。
In the ninth month of the first year of Changxing of Later Tang, the Court of Imperial Rites memorialized: "In the fourth month of next year—the first month of summer—a di offering is to be performed at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The ritual classics prescribe a collective ancestral sacrifice every three years in mid-winter, and a di sacrifice every five years in mid-summer. Tablets of ancestors whose shrines had been closed down and those still active were all to share a meal in the Grand Ancestor's hall, while meritorious officials from each shrine received secondary offerings in the temple courtyard. In Baoying 1 of our dynasty the rites were codified, with Emperor Jing honored as the founding ancestor of the original enfeoffment. With the temple name Grand Ancestor, his place would never be moved; at every di or collective sacrifice he held the seat of honor facing east. From the Yuan Emperor of Dai through the High Ancestor and Great Ancestor and below, successive imperial descendants were arranged in zhao-mu order north and south, sharing the feast before him. After the dynasty's revival the ancestral shrines were rebuilt; the Imperial Temple now served seven halls—the High Ancestor, Great Ancestor, Yizong, Zhaozong, Xianzu, Taizu, and Zhuangzong—while Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing was relegated to the distant-lineage shrine and no longer received regular temple offerings. If the upcoming di rite placed the High Ancestor in the seat of honor facing east, the di offering would not include the Grand Ancestor or the Dai ancestor; yet placing Grand Ancestor from the distant shrine in the east-facing seat would likewise violate ritual propriety. The responsible offices had already prepared the distant-shrine tablets and all ritual implements; advance deliberation was needed, and a full memorial should be submitted. An edict ordered the Department of State Affairs to gather all officials for full deliberation. Minister of Revenue Han Yanhun and others submitted their opinion: "Our dynasty honors Emperor Jing, the ancestor who received the Mandate, as the founding lord of the first enfeoffment—his place unmoved for a hundred generations, with perpetual temple offerings. From Zhenguan through Tianyou nothing was altered; sage forebears and divine descendants were arranged with zhao on the left and mu on the right. Since the dynasty's revival the ancestral shrines had been reconsidered; because Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing was counted among the distant lineage and excluded from the main ancestral roster, the court wished to honor his position with the east-facing rite and ordered the ministers to debate whether this was proper. We have examined the old statutes of our dynasty's successive emperors and the new ritual regulations established under Emperor Ming; in Kaiyuan 10 nine temples were specially established, and descendants have observed this through the generations without lapse. The court now follows the fixed ritual regulations while also drawing on the distant-lineage hall of the Grand Ancestor. In Dezong's reign, when di and collective sacrifices were planned, Yan Zhenqing proposed placing Xianzu in the east-facing seat and Emperor Jing temporarily in the zhao-mu ranks; judged by Zhenyuan standards that had been an error, but applied today it would be exactly proper ritual. We therefore propose that in every year of di or collective sacrifice, Emperor Jing temporarily hold the seat of honor facing east, with the Yuan Emperor and below arranged in zhao-mu order. The proposal was approved.
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周廣順三年冬十月，禮儀使奏：「郊廟祝文，禮例云：古者文字皆書於冊，而有長短之差。 魏、晉郊廟祝文書於冊。 唐初悉用祝版，唯陵廟用玉冊，玄皇親祭郊廟，用玉為冊。 德宗朝，博士陸淳議，準禮用祝版，祭已燔之，可其議。 貞元六年親祭，又用竹冊，當司準《開元禮》，並用祝版。 梁朝依禮行之，至明宗郊天，又用竹冊。 今詳酌禮例，允以祝版為宜。」 詔從之。
In the tenth month of winter, Guangshun 3 of Later Zhou, the Commissioner of Ritual memorialized: "Regarding prayer texts for suburban and temple sacrifices, ritual precedent holds that in antiquity all texts were written on tablets, which varied in length. Under Wei and Jin, suburban and temple prayer texts were written on bound tablets. Early Tang used prayer boards exclusively; only imperial tombs and temples used jade tablets, and when the August Sovereign personally sacrificed at suburban altars and temples, jade tablets were employed. In Dezong's reign, Erudite Lu Chun argued that ritual required prayer boards to be burned after the sacrifice; his proposal was approved. In Zhenyuan 6 bamboo tablets were used again for a personal sacrifice, but the responsible office, following the Kaiyuan Ritual, employed prayer boards throughout. The Liang dynasty followed ritual practice; by Emperor Mingzong's suburban sacrifice to Heaven, bamboo tablets were used again. Having reviewed ritual precedent in detail, prayer boards are deemed appropriate. An edict approved the proposal.
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周廣順三年九月，南郊，禮儀使奏：「郊祀所用珪璧制度，準禮，祀上帝以蒼璧； 祀地祇以黃琮； 祀五帝以珪璋琥璜琮，其玉各依本方正色，祀日月以珪璋，祀神州以兩珪有邸。 其用幣，天以蒼色，地以黃色，配帝以白色，日月五帝各從本方之色，皆長一丈八尺。 其珪璧之狀，譬圓而琮八方，珪上銳而下方，半珪曰璋，琥為虎形，半璧曰璜，其珪璧琮璜皆長一尺二寸四。 珪有邸，邸，本也，珪著於璧而整肅也。 日月星辰以珪璧五寸，前件珪璧雖有圖樣，而長短之說或殊。 按唐開元中，玄宗詔曰：「祀神以玉，取其精潔，比來用瑉，不可行也。 如或以玉難辦，寧小其制度，以取其真。』 今郊廟所修珪璧，量玉大小，不必皆從古制，伏請下所司修制。」 從之。
In the ninth month of Guangshun 3 of Later Zhou, at the southern suburban altar, the Commissioner of Ritual memorialized: "The regulations for gui and bi disks used in suburban sacrifice—according to ritual, the Supreme Lord is worshipped with a green bi disk; the earthly spirits with a yellow cong; the Five Emperors with gui, zhang, hu, huang, and cong, each jade in the proper color of its direction; the sun and moon with gui and zhang; the sacred land with two gui bearing pedestals. Silks used: azure for Heaven, yellow for Earth, white for the paired emperor; sun, moon, and Five Emperors each in the color of their direction—all one zhang and eight chi long. The forms: the bi is round, the cong eight-sided; the gui pointed above and square below; half a gui is a zhang; hu is tiger-shaped; half a bi is a huang; gui, bi, cong, and huang are each one chi, two cun, and four fen long. Gui may bear a pedestal; di means foundation—the gui is set upon the bi to complete the solemn arrangement. For sun, moon, and stars, gui and bi of five cun; although the aforesaid gui and bi have illustrated patterns, accounts of their dimensions differ. In Kaiyuan of Tang, Emperor Xuanzong decreed: "Spirits are worshipped with jade for its purity and refinement; the recent use of min stone cannot be permitted. If jade is hard to obtain, it is better to reduce the prescribed dimensions than sacrifice authenticity. The gui and bi now prepared for suburban and temple sacrifice should be sized according to available jade and need not all follow ancient regulations; we respectfully request that the responsible offices be ordered to manufacture them." Approval was granted.
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顯德四年夏四月，禮官博士等準詔，議祭器、祭玉制度以聞。 時國子祭酒尹拙引崔靈恩《三禮義宗》云：「蒼璧所以祀天，其長十有二寸，蓋法天之十二時。」 又引《江都集》、《白虎通》等諸書所說，云：「璧皆外圓內方。」 又云：「璜琮所以祀地，其長十寸，以法地之數。 其琮外方內圓，八角而有好。」 國子博士聶從義以為璧內外皆圓，其徑九寸。 又按阮氏、鄭玄圖皆云九寸，《周禮·玉人》職又有九寸之璧。 及引《爾雅》云：「肉倍好謂之璧，好倍肉謂之瑗，肉好若一謂之環。」 郭璞註云：「好，孔也； 肉，邊也。」 而不載尺寸之數。 崇義又引《冬官·玉人》云「璧好三寸」，《爾雅》云「肉倍好謂之璧」，兩邊肉各三寸，通好共九寸，則其璧九寸明矣。 崇義又云：「璜琮八方以象地，每角各剡出一寸六分，共長八寸，厚一寸。 按《周禮疏》及阮氏圖並無好。」 又引《冬官·玉人》云：「琮八角而無好。」 崇義又云：「琮璜珪璧，俱是祀天地之器，而《爾雅》唯言璧環瑗三者有好，其餘黃琮諸器，並不言之，則璜琮八角而無好明矣。」 太常卿田敏以下議，以為尹拙所說雖有所據，而崇義援《周禮》正文，其理稍優，請從之。 其諸祭器制度，亦多以崇義所議為定。
In the fourth month of summer, Xiande 4, ritual officials and erudites, by imperial decree, deliberated on regulations for sacrificial vessels and jade and reported their findings. At that time Director of the Imperial Academy Yin Zhuo cited Cui Lin'en's Exegesis of the Three Rites: "The green bi is used to worship Heaven; it is twelve cun long, modeled on Heaven's twelve hours. He also cited the Jiangdu Collected Writings, the Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall, and other works: "Bi disks are round outside and square inside." He also said: "Huang and cong are used to worship Earth; they are ten cun long, modeled on Earth's number. The cong is square outside and round inside, eight-cornered with a central perforation." Erudite of the Imperial Academy Nie Congyi held that the bi is round inside and out, with a diameter of nine cun. Further examination shows that both the Ruan clan diagrams and Zheng Xuan's diagrams specify nine cun, and the Office of Jade Workers in the Rites of Zhou also mentions a nine-cun bi. He also cited the Erya: "When the rim is twice the perforation it is called a bi; when the perforation is twice the rim it is called a yuan; when rim and perforation are equal it is called a huan. Guo Pu annotated: "Hao means the hole; rou means the rim." But it does not record measurements. Chongyi also cited the Winter Office, Jade Workers: "The perforation of the bi is three cun," and the Erya: "When the rim is twice the perforation it is called a bi"; three cun of rim on each side plus a three-cun perforation totaling nine cun—thus the nine-cun bi is established. Chongyi also said: "Huang and cong are eight-sided to represent Earth; each corner is carved one cun and six fen, totaling eight cun long and one cun thick. The Commentary on the Rites of Zhou and the Ruan clan diagrams show no perforation. He also cited the Winter Office, Jade Workers: "The cong is eight-cornered and without a perforation." Chongyi also said: "Cong, huang, gui, and bi are all vessels for worshipping Heaven and Earth, yet the Erya mentions perforations only for bi, huan, and yuan; for the yellow cong and other vessels it is silent—thus huang and cong are clearly eight-cornered and without perforation." Director of the Court of Imperial Rites Tian Min and his colleagues held that although Yin Zhuo's arguments had some basis, Chongyi's citation of the authoritative text of the Rites of Zhou was the stronger reasoning; they requested approval of his view. Regulations for the various sacrificial vessels were also largely fixed according to Chongyi's deliberations.
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顯德二年秋八月，兵部尚書張昭上言：「今月十二日，伏蒙宸慈召對，面奉聖旨，每年祀祭，多用太牢，念其耕稼之勞，更備犧牲之用，比諸豢養，特可湣傷，令臣等討故事，可以佗牲代否。 臣仰稟綸言，退尋禮籍，其三牲八簋之制，五禮六樂之文，著在典彜，叠相沿襲，累經朝代，無所改更。 臣聞古者燔黍捭豚，尚多質略，近則梁武面牲竹脯，不可宗師，雖好生之德則然，於奉先之儀太劣。 蓋禮主於信，孝本因心，黍稷非馨，鬼神饗德，不必牲牢之巨細，籩豆之方圓，茍血祀長保於宗祧，而牲俎何須於繭栗。 但以國之大事，儒者久行，易以佗牢，恐未為便。 以臣愚見，其南北郊、宗廟社稷、朝日夕月等大祠，如皇帝親行事，備三牲； 如有司攝行事，則用少牢已下。 雖非舊典，貴減牲牛。」 是時太常卿田敏又奏云：
In the eighth month of autumn, Xiande 2, Minister of War Zhang Zhao submitted a memorial: "On the twelfth of this month I was graciously summoned for audience and received the sacred command in person: yearly sacrifices mostly use the grand offering; considering the labor of plowing and sowing and the further provision of sacrificial animals, compared with ordinary rearing this is especially pitiable—order us to investigate precedent on whether other victims may be substituted. I received the imperial words and, retiring, searched the ritual records: the regulations for the three victims and eight gui, the texts of the five rites and six music—all recorded in canonical vessels, handed down through successive dynasties without change. I have heard that in antiquity roasted millet and split pig were offered in a largely plain and simple way; recently Emperor Wu of Liang used bamboo effigies of victims and dried meat—this cannot serve as a model; although the virtue of cherishing life is admirable, for rites honoring ancestors it is far too inferior. Ritual chiefly rests on sincerity; filial piety originates in the heart. Grain offerings are not fragrant—the spirits feast on virtue. Victims need not be large or small, nor platters round or square; if blood sacrifice long preserves the ancestral line, what need for silkworm cocoons and chestnuts on the victim table? Yet because this is a great affair of state long practiced by Confucian scholars, changing to another grand offering would perhaps be inconvenient. In my humble view, for great sacrifices such as the southern and northern suburbs, ancestral temple and altars of soil and grain, morning sun and evening moon—if the emperor personally performs the rite, the three victims should be provided; if officials perform the rite by proxy, then the lesser offering or below should be used. Although this departs from the old statute, it would reduce the use of sacrificial oxen. At this time Director of the Court of Imperial Rites Tian Min also memorialized:
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臣奉聖旨為祠祭用犢事。 今太僕寺供犢，一年四季都用犢二十二頭。 《唐會要》武德九年十月詔：「祭祀之意，本以為民，窮民事神，有乖正直，殺牛不如礿祭，明德即是馨香，望古推今，民神一揆。 其祭圜丘、方澤、宗廟已外，並可止用少牢，用少牢者用特牲代。 時和年豐，然後克修常禮。」 又按《會要》天寶六載正月十三日赦文：「祭祀之典，犧牲所備，將有達於虔誠，蓋不資於廣殺。 自今後每大祭祀，應用骍犢，宜令所司量減其數，仍永為恒式。 其年起請以舊料每年用犢二百一十二頭，今請減一百七十三頭，止用三十九頭，余祠饗並停用犢。」 至上元二年九月二十一日赦文：「國之大事，郊祀為先，貴其至誠，不美多品。 黍稷雖設，猶或非馨； 牲牢空多，未為能饗。 圜丘、方澤，任依恒式，宗廟諸祠，臨時獻熟，用懷明德之馨，庶合西鄰之祭。 其年起請昊天上帝、太廟各太牢一，余祭並隨事市供。」 若據天寶六載，自二百一十二頭減用三十九頭； 據武德九年，每年用犢十頭，圜丘四，方澤一，宗廟五； 據上元二年起請只昊天上帝、太廟，又無方澤，則九頭矣。 今國家用牛，比開元、天寶則不多，比武德、上元則過其大半。 案《會要》，太僕寺有牧監，掌孳課之事。 乞今後太僕寺養孳課牛，其犢遇祭昊天前三月養之滌宮，取其蕩滌清潔，余祭則不養滌宮。 若臨時買牛，恐非典故。
I have received the sacred command regarding the use of calves in temple sacrifice. The Court of the Imperial Stud now supplies calves; throughout the four seasons twenty-two calves are used in all. The Tang Huiyao records an edict of the tenth month of Wude 9: "The intent of sacrifice is fundamentally for the people; exhausting the people's resources to serve the spirits violates uprightness. Killing oxen is inferior to the yue sacrifice; bright virtue itself is fragrance. Looking to antiquity and applying it to the present, people and spirits are of one measure. Apart from sacrifices at the Round Mound, the Square Pond, and the Ancestral Temple, all may use only the lesser offering; where the lesser offering is used, a single victim may be substituted. When the seasons are harmonious and the year abundant, only then can the regular rites be fully observed. Examining further the Huiyao, an amnesty of the thirteenth day of the first month of Tianbao 6 states: "In the canon of sacrifice, victims are provided so that sincerity may be reached—it does not rely on extensive slaughter. From now on, for every great sacrifice, the red calves that should be used—the responsible offices should reduce their number as appropriate, and this shall permanently be the constant regulation. The annual requisition according to old materials used two hundred twelve calves per year; it is now requested to reduce by one hundred seventy-three, using only thirty-nine; for the remaining temple offerings calves are altogether discontinued." An amnesty of the twenty-first day of the ninth month of Shangyuan 2 states: "Among the great affairs of state, suburban sacrifice comes first; what is valued is utmost sincerity, not the beauty of many offerings. Although grain offerings are set out, they may still not be fragrant; victims may be plentiful in vain and still not constitute a true feast for the spirits. For the Round Mound and Square Pond, follow the constant regulations; for the Ancestral Temple and various shrines, offer cooked victims at the time of sacrifice, employing the fragrance of bright virtue—thus approximating the sacrifice of the western neighbor. The annual requisition: for the Supreme Lord of the Vast Heaven and the Imperial Ancestral Temple, one grand offering each; for the remaining sacrifices all are supplied by purchase according to the occasion." According to Tianbao 6, from two hundred twelve head the use was reduced to thirty-nine; according to Wude 9, ten calves were used yearly—four for the Round Mound, one for the Square Pond, five for the Ancestral Temple; according to Shangyuan 2 the requisition was only for the Supreme Lord of the Vast Heaven and the Imperial Ancestral Temple, and there was no Square Pond—thus nine head. The state's present use of oxen, compared with Kaiyuan and Tianbao, is not great; compared with Wude and Shangyuan, it exceeds them by more than half. According to the Huiyao, the Court of the Imperial Stud has pasture supervisors who manage breeding and taxation matters. I request that henceforth the Court of the Imperial Stud raise breeding and taxation oxen; calves destined for sacrifice to the Vast Heaven should be raised in the purification palace three months beforehand to obtain thorough cleansing and purity; for other sacrifices they need not be raised in the purification palace. Purchasing oxen at the last moment would perhaps not accord with precedent.
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奉敕：「祭祀尚誠，祝史貴信，非誠與信，何以事神！ 礿祭重於殺牛，黍稷輕於明德，犧牲之數，具載典經。 前代以來，或有增損，宜采酌中之禮，且從貴少之文。 起今後祭圜丘、方澤、社稷，並依舊用犢； 其太廟及諸祠，宜準上元二年九月二十一日制，並不用犢。 如皇帝親行事，則依常式。」
By imperial command: "Sacrifice values sincerity; prayer officials value trustworthiness—without sincerity and trustworthiness, how may one serve the spirits! The yue sacrifice is weightier than killing oxen; grain offerings are lighter than bright virtue; the number of victims is fully recorded in canonical scriptures. From former generations there have been additions and reductions; the middle course of ritual should be adopted, and the text favoring fewer offerings should be followed. From now on, sacrifices at the Round Mound, Square Pond, and altars of soil and grain shall all continue to use calves as before; for the Imperial Ancestral Temple and various shrines, the regulation of the twenty-first day of the ninth month of Shangyuan 2 should be followed, and calves are altogether not to be used. If the emperor personally performs the rite, then follow the regular regulations."
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後唐同光二年三月十日，祠部奏：「本朝舊儀，太微宮每年五存獻，其南郊壇每年四祠祭。 吏部申奏，請差中書門下攝太尉行事，其太廟及諸郊壇，並吏部差三品已上攝太尉行事。」 從之。 至其年七月，中書門下奏：「據尚書祠部狀，每年太微宮五薦獻，南郊壇四祠祭，並宰相攝太尉行事，惟太廟時祭，獨遣庶僚，雖為舊規，慮成闕禮。 臣等商量，今後太廟祠祭，亦望差宰臣行事。」 從之。
On the tenth day of the third month of Tongguang 2 of Later Tang, the Bureau of Sacrifices memorialized: "According to this dynasty's old regulations, the Supreme Subtlety Palace receives five seasonal offerings yearly, and the southern suburban altar four sacrificial rites yearly. The Ministry of Personnel submitted a memorial requesting that the Secretariat and Chancellery perform the rite as acting Grand Commandant; for the Imperial Ancestral Temple and various suburban altars, the Ministry of Personnel should assign officials of the third rank and above to perform the rite as acting Grand Commandant. Approval was granted. By the seventh month of that year, the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "According to the Bureau of Sacrifices, yearly the Supreme Subtlety Palace receives five seasonal offerings and the southern suburban altar four sacrificial rites—all performed by chancellors as acting Grand Commandant; only the seasonal sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple are assigned to ordinary officials. Although this is the old regulation, we fear it may become a lapse in ritual. We have deliberated and hope that henceforth sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple may also be assigned to chief ministers to perform. Approval was granted.
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三年十一月，禮儀使奏：「伏準禮經，喪三年不祭，惟祭天地社稷為越紼行事，此古制也。 爰自漢文，益尊神器，務徇公絕私之義，行以日易月之作制，事久相沿，禮從順變。 今園陵已畢，祥練既除，宗廟不可以乏享，神祇不可以廢祀，宜遵禮意，式展孝思。 伏請自貞簡太后升祔禮畢，應宗廟伎樂及群祀，並準舊施行。」 從之。
In the eleventh month of the third year, the Commissioner of Ritual memorialized: "We have received the ritual classics: during the three years of mourning one does not sacrifice, except that sacrifice to Heaven, Earth, and the altars of soil and grain is performed by stepping over the mourning cord—this is the ancient regulation. From Emperor Wen of Han, the sacred vessel was increasingly honored; striving to embody the principle of serving the public and cutting off the private, the regulation of substituting days for months was instituted—long handed down, ritual followed accommodating change. Now that the imperial tomb rites are complete and the auspicious and lian mourning periods ended, the ancestral temple cannot lack offerings, nor may the spirits be left without sacrifice; ritual intent should be followed and filial reflection fully displayed. We respectfully request that from the completion of the enshrinement rites for Empress Dowager Zhenjian, temple music and all group sacrifices should follow the old practice. Approval was granted.
11
天成四年九月，太常寺奏：「伏見大祠則差宰臣行事，中祠則差諸寺卿監行事，小祠則委太祝、奉禮。 今後凡小祠，請差五品官行事。」 從之。 其年十月，中書門下奏：「太微宮、太廟、南郊壇，宰臣行事宿齋，百官皆預人事。 伏以奉命行事，精誠齋宿，儻遍見於朝官，涉虔於祠祭。 今後宰臣行事，文武兩班，望今並不得到宿齋處者。」 奉敕宜依。 其年十二月，中書門下奏：「今後宰臣致齋內，請不押班，不知印，不起居。 或遇國忌，應行事官受誓戒，並不赴行香，並不奏覆刑殺公事。 及大祠致齋內，請不開宴。」 從之。
In the ninth month of Tiancheng 4, the Court of Imperial Rites memorialized: "We observe that for great sacrifices chancellors are assigned to perform the rite, for medium sacrifices directors of the various courts are assigned, and for minor sacrifices it is entrusted to the Grand Invoker and Ceremonial Attendants. Henceforth for all minor sacrifices, we request that officials of the fifth rank be assigned to perform the rite. Approval was granted. In the tenth month of that year, the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "For the Supreme Subtlety Palace, Imperial Ancestral Temple, and southern suburban altar, when chancellors perform the rite and lodge in purification, all officials participate in the arrangements. We observe that receiving the command to perform the rite and dwelling in sincere purification—if widely witnessed by court officials—would impinge upon the reverence of the sacrifice. Henceforth when chancellors perform the rite, both civil and military cohorts should not be permitted to enter the purification lodging. By imperial command this was approved. In the twelfth month of that year, the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "Henceforth while chancellors are in purification, they should not lead the court formation, affix seals, or attend the imperial audience. If a national mourning anniversary occurs, officials assigned to perform the rite who receive the oath of abstinence shall not attend the incense offering or memorialize on capital punishment affairs. During purification for great sacrifices, banquets should not be held. Approval was granted.
12
長興二年五月，尚書左丞崔居儉奏：「大祠、中祠差官行事，皇帝雖不預祭，其日亦不視朝，伏見車駕其日或出，於理不便。 今後請每遇大祠、中祠，車駕不出。」 從之。
In the fifth month of Changxing 2, Left Assistant Director Cui Jujian memorialized: "For great and medium sacrifices officials are assigned to perform the rite; although the emperor does not participate, he also does not hold court that day. We observe that the imperial carriage sometimes goes out on that day—in principle this is improper. Henceforth whenever great or medium sacrifices occur, the imperial carriage should not go out. Approval was granted.
13
四年二月，太常博士路航奏：「比來小祠已上，公卿皆著祭服行事。 近日唯郊廟、太微宮具祭服，五郊迎氣、日月諸祠，並只常服行事，兼本司執事人等，皆著隨事衣裝，狼藉鞋履，便隨公卿升降於壇墠。 按祠部令，中祠以上，應齋郎等升壇行事者，並給潔服，事畢收納。 今後中祠已上，公卿請具祭服，執事升壇人並著履，具緋衣幘子。 又，臣檢《禮閣新儀》，太微宮使卯時行事。 近年依諸郊廟例，五更初便行事，今後請依舊以卯時。」 從之。
In the second month of the fourth year, Erudite Lu Hang memorialized: "Recently for minor sacrifices and above, dukes and ministers have all worn sacrificial robes when performing the rite. Recently only suburban altars, temples, and the Supreme Subtlety Palace have full sacrificial robes; the five suburbs for receiving the qi, sun and moon, and various shrines all use only ordinary dress. Moreover, attendants of this office wear clothing according to the occasion, with disordered footwear, and ascend and descend the altar terraces alongside dukes and ministers. According to Bureau of Sacrifices regulations, for medium sacrifices and above, purification officers and others who ascend the altar should be provided clean garments, collected after the rite concludes. Henceforth for medium sacrifices and above, dukes and ministers should have full sacrificial robes; attendants who ascend the altar should wear shoes and scarlet garments with caps. Moreover, I have examined the New Ritual Regulations of the Ritual Archive: the Supreme Subtlety Palace performs the rite at the mao hour. In recent years, following suburban altars and temples, the rite has been performed at the beginning of the fifth watch; henceforth we request the old practice of the mao hour. Approval was granted.
14
清泰元年五月，中書門下奏：「據太常禮院申，明宗聖德和武欽孝皇帝今月二十日祔廟，太尉合差宰臣攝行。 緣馮道在假； 李愚十八日私忌，在致齋內； 今劉昭又奏見判三司事煩，請免祀事。 今與禮官參酌，諸私忌日，遇大朝會，入閣宣召，尚赴朝參。 今祔饗事大，忌日屬私，齋日請比大朝會宣召例，差李愚行事。」 從之。
In the fifth month of Qingtai 1, the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "According to the Court of Imperial Rites, the Sagely, Virtuous, Harmonious, Martial, and Filial Emperor Mingzong is to be enshrined in the temple on the twentieth of this month; a chancellor should serve as acting Grand Commandant. Because Feng Dao is on leave; Li Yu's private mourning anniversary falls on the eighteenth, within the purification period; now Liu Zhao has also memorialized that, given the pressing affairs of the Three Departments under his judgment, he requests exemption from the sacrificial duty. Having deliberated with ritual officials: on private mourning anniversaries, when great court assemblies occur or summons to enter the pavilion are issued, attendance at court is still required. The present enshrinement feast is a great affair; the mourning anniversary is private, but the purification day should follow the precedent of great court assembly summons—Li Yu should be assigned to perform the rite. Approval was granted.
15
晉開運三年六月，西京留司監祭使奏：「以祠祭所定行事官，臨日或遇疾病，或奉詔赴闕，留司吏部郎中一人主判，有闕便依次第定名，庶無闕事。」 從之。 《永樂大典》卷一萬七千五十二。
In the sixth month of Kaiyun 3 of Jin, the Western Capital Acting Supervisor of Sacrifices memorialized: "Regarding officials assigned for sacrifices—on the day they may fall ill or receive an edict to proceed to the capital; one Director of the Ministry of Personnel in the acting capital should preside, and when there is a vacancy names should be fixed in order so that no rite lacks personnel. Approval was granted. Yongle Encyclopedia, juan 17052.
16
天成三年十一月，太常定唐少帝為昭宣光烈考皇帝，廟號景宗。 博士呂朋龜奏：「謹按禮經，臣不誄君，稱天以謚之，是以本朝故事，命太尉率百僚奉謚冊告天於圜丘，回讀於靈座前，並在七月之內，謚冊入陵。 若追尊定謚，命太尉讀謚冊於太廟，藏冊於本廟。 伏以景宗皇帝，頃負沈冤，歲月深遠，園陵已修，不祔於廟，則景宗皇帝親在七廟之外。 今聖朝申冤，追尊定謚，重新帝號，須撰禮儀。 又，《禮》云：君不逾年不入宗廟。 且漢之殤、沖、質，君臣已成，晉之惠、懷、湣，俱負艱難，皆不列高食，止祀於園寢。 臣等切詳故實，欲請立景宗皇帝廟於園所，命使奉冊書寶綬，上謚於廟，便奉太牢祀之，其四時委守奉薦。 請下尚書省集三省官詳議施行。」 右散騎常侍蕭希甫等議請依禮院所奏。 奉敕：宜令本州城內選地起廟。 乃於曹州立廟。
In the eleventh month of Tiancheng 3, the Court of Imperial Rites fixed the posthumous title of the Tang Lesser Emperor as the August and Illustrious, Bright and Majestic Imperial Father, with temple name Jingzong. Erudite Lü Penggui memorialized: "According to the ritual classics, subjects do not bestow posthumous titles on their lord; Heaven is invoked to confer the title. Thus our dynasty orders the Grand Commandant to lead the hundred officials in presenting the posthumous tablet to Heaven at the Round Mound, returning to read it before the spirit seat—all within the seventh month, and the tablet enters the tomb. If posthumous elevation and fixing of the title are pursued, the Grand Commandant reads the posthumous tablet at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and stores it in that emperor's temple. We observe that Emperor Jingzong long bore a deep wrong; years have passed and the imperial tomb has been repaired—if he is not enshrined in the temple, he remains outside the seven temples. Now the court redresses the wrong, pursues posthumous elevation, and renews the imperial designation—ritual procedures must be drafted. Moreover, the Rites state: a lord who has not completed a full year does not enter the ancestral temple. Moreover, Han's Shang, Chong, and Zhi—lord and subject relations were already formed; Jin's Hui, Huai, and Min—all bore hardship; none received offerings in the main temple and were worshipped only at the garden mausoleum. We have examined precedent in detail and request establishing Emperor Jingzong's temple at the mausoleum grounds, ordering envoys to present the tablet, writ, seal, and cord, confer the posthumous title at the temple, and offer the grand sacrifice; guardians shall perform seasonal offerings through the four seasons. We request that the Department of State Affairs assemble officials of the Three Departments for detailed deliberation and implementation. Right Regular Attendant Xiao Xifu and others deliberated and requested following the Court of Imperial Rites' memorial. By imperial command: a site within the prefectural city should be selected and a temple erected. A temple was then established in Cao Prefecture.
17
四年五月，中書門下奏：「先據太常寺定少帝謚昭宣光烈孝皇帝，號景宗者。 伏以景宗生曾為帝，饗乃承祧，既號景宗，合入宗廟，如不入宗廟，難以言宗。 於理而論，祧一遠廟，安少帝神主於太廟，即昭穆序而宗祀正。 今或且居別廟，即請不言景宗，但雲昭宣光烈孝皇帝。 兼冊文內有『基』字，是玄宗廟諱，雖尋常詔敕皆不回避，少帝是繼世之孫，不欲斥列聖之諱，今改『基』為『宗』字。」 從之。 〈（《五代會要》：《風俗通》陳孔璋云：尊卑有敘，喪祭哀敬，各有攸終，欲令言著而可遵，事施而不犯。 《禮》云：「卒哭之後，宰執木鐸徇於宮，曰舍故而諱新。」 故，謂毀廟之主也，恩遠屬絕，名不可諱。 今昭宣上去玄宗十四世，奏改冊文，非典故也。）〉
In the fifth month of the fourth year, the Secretariat and Chancellery memorialized: "Previously the Court of Imperial Rites fixed the Lesser Emperor's posthumous title as the August, Illustrious, Bright, and Majestic Filial Emperor, with the designation Jingzong. We observe that Jingzong in life was once emperor; offerings continue the ancestral line—having been called Jingzong, he should enter the ancestral temple; if he does not, the title 'zong' is hard to justify." In principle, removing one distant temple and installing the Lesser Emperor's tablet in the Imperial Ancestral Temple would set zhao-mu order aright and make ancestral worship correct. If for now he dwells in a separate temple, we request not using the name Jingzong but only the August, Illustrious, Bright, and Majestic Filial Emperor. Moreover, the writ contains the character 'ji,' the temple taboo of Emperor Xuanzong; although ordinary edicts do not avoid it, the Lesser Emperor is a descendant in succession and we do not wish to pronounce the taboos of successive sages—'ji' is now changed to 'zong. Approval was granted. (The Wudai huiyao: Chen Kongzhang in the Comprehensive Account of Popular Customs says: High and low have order; mourning and sacrifice have grief and reverence, each with its proper end, wishing that words be set forth so they may be followed and affairs carried out without violation. The Rites say: "After the end of wailing, the steward takes a wooden clapper and announces through the palace, saying 'Abandon the old taboo and observe the new.' Old' means the lord of a destroyed temple; when favor is distant and kinship severed, the name need not be tabooed. From the August and Illustrious up to Emperor Xuanzong are fourteen generations; memorializing a change to the writ text is not according to precedent.")〉
18
八月戊申，明宗服兗冕，禦文明殿，追冊昭宣光烈孝皇帝。 禮畢，冊使兵部尚書盧質押冊出應天門登車，鹵簿鼓吹前導，入都亭驛，翌日，登車赴曹州。 時議者以追尊則可，立之為宗，不入太廟，深為失禮。 夫言宗者，功業纂於祖禰，德澤被於生民，發號申令可也。 且輝王纂嗣之日，國命出於賊臣，君父銜冤，母後塗炭，遭罹放逐，鼎祚覆亡，追謚易名，當循故實。 如漢之沖、質，晉之閔、懷，但尊稱而無廟號； 前代亡國者周赧、漢獻、魏陳留，亦不稱宗； 中興之追謚者孺子嬰，光武竟無追宗之典。 設如自我作古，酌於人情，則謂之為「景宣光烈」，深不稱也。 古之周景、漢景、周宣、漢宣，皆中興再造之主。 至如國朝，太祖曰景皇帝，以受命而有唐室，宣宗皇帝以隔代承運，皇綱復振故也。 今輝王亡國墜業，謂之「宣景」，得無謬乎！ 先是，太常既奏，下尚書省集議，雖有智者，依違不言。 至是，既立為景宗，陵號溫陵，乃於曹州置廟，以時告享，仍以本州刺史以下為三獻官。 後宰臣知其非，奏去廟號。
On the day wushen of the eighth month, Mingzong wore the yan cap and robe, took the throne at the Hall of Civilization, and posthumously enregistered the August, Illustrious, Bright, and Majestic Filial Emperor. When the rite concluded, enregistration envoy Minister of War Lu Zhi escorted the tablet out through the Gate of Responding to Heaven and mounted his carriage; armed escort and music led the way to the Capital Pavilion Post Station, and the next day he proceeded to Cao Prefecture. Contemporary commentators held that posthumous elevation was permissible, but establishing him as 'zong' without entering the Imperial Ancestral Temple was a serious lapse in ritual. To speak of 'zong' means that achievements are gathered upon ancestors and fathers, and virtue and bounty extend over the living people—issuing commands and proclaiming orders is fitting. Moreover, when King Hui succeeded to the throne, the nation's mandate issued from treacherous ministers; father and lord bore wrong, the empress dowager suffered ruin, he met exile, and the dynasty fell—posthumous titles should follow established precedent. Such as Han's Chong and Zhi, Jin's Min and Huai—only honored titles without temple names; former dynasties' fallen rulers—Zhou's Nan, Han's Xian, Wei's Chenliu—were also not called 'zong'; among those posthumously titled at dynastic revival, the Infant Lord Ying—Emperor Guangwu ultimately had no precedent of posthumous 'zong.' Suppose one were to create new precedent and weigh human sentiment—then to call him 'Jing Xuan Guang Lie' would be deeply unfitting. In antiquity Zhou's Jing, Han's Jing, Zhou's Xuan, and Han's Xuan were all rulers of revival who restored their dynasties. In our dynasty, the Grand Ancestor is called Emperor Jing because he received the Mandate and possessed the Tang house; Emperor Xuanzong because he received the fortune across generations and restored the imperial norm. Now King Hui lost the state and let the enterprise fall—calling him 'Xuan Jing'—is this not absurd! Earlier, after the Court of Imperial Rites had memorialized and the matter was sent to the Department of State Affairs for collective deliberation, although there were wise men, they wavered and did not speak. By then he had been established as Jingzong, with tomb designation Wenling; a temple was set up in Cao Prefecture for timely offerings, with the prefect and officials below serving as the three-offering officials. Later the chief ministers knew this was wrong and memorialized to remove the temple name.
19
晉天福四年十一月，太常禮院奏：議立唐朝帝廟，引武德年故事，祀隋三帝。 今請立近朝莊宗、明宗、閔帝三廟，庶合前規。 詔曰：「德莫盛於繼絕，禮莫重於奉先。 莊宗立興復之功，明宗垂光大之業，逮乎閔帝，實繼本枝，然則丕緒洪源，皆尊唐室。 繼周者須崇後稷，嗣漢者必奉高皇，將啟嚴祠，當崇茂典。 宜立唐高祖、太宗及莊宗、明宗、閔帝五廟。」 其月，太常禮院又奏：「唐廟制度，請以至德宮正殿隔為五室，三分之，南去地四尺，以石為坷，中容二主。 廟之南一屋三門，門戟二十有四； 東西一屋一門，門無棨戟。 四仲之祭，一羊一豕，如其中祠，幣帛牲牢之類，光祿主之。 祠祝之文，不進不署，神廚之具，鴻臚督之。 五帝五後，凡十主，未遷者六，未立者四，未謚者三。 高祖、太宗與其後暨莊宗、明宗，凡六主在清化裏之寢宮，祭前二日，以殿中傘扇二十，迎置新廟以享祀。 閔皇帝、莊宗明宗二後及魯國孔夫人神主四座，請修制祔廟，及三後請定謚法。」 從之。
In the eleventh month of Tianfu 4 of Jin, the Court of Imperial Rites memorialized on establishing temples to Tang emperors, citing the Wude-era precedent of sacrificing to the three Sui emperors. We now request establishing three temples to the recent Zhuangzong, Mingzong, and Emperor Min, thus following former regulations. An edict stated: "No virtue is greater than continuing a severed line; no ritual is weightier than honoring ancestors. Zhuangzong established the achievement of revival; Mingzong handed down the enterprise of glorious expansion; reaching Emperor Min, he truly continued the main branch—the great line and vast source all honor the Tang house. He who continues Zhou must honor Hou Ji; he who succeeds Han must serve the High Emperor—about to open solemn sacrifice, the abundant canon should be honored. Five temples should be established to Tang's High Ancestor, Great Ancestor, Zhuangzong, Mingzong, and Emperor Min. That month, the Court of Imperial Rites again memorialized: "For the Tang temple regulations, the main hall of the Zhide Palace should be partitioned into five chambers in thirds; four chi south from the ground, stone platforms—each holding two spirit tablets in the center. The southern chamber of the temple has three doors with twenty-four halberds; the eastern and western chambers each have one door without ceremonial halberds. For sacrifices in the four mid-season months, one sheep and one pig as for medium sacrifices; silks, victims, and the like are managed by the Court of Imperial Commissary. Prayer texts for the sacrifice are not advanced or signed; spirit kitchen implements are supervised by the Court of Imperial Entertainments. Five emperors and five empresses—ten spirit tablets in all: six not yet moved, four not yet established, three not yet given posthumous titles. The High Ancestor, Great Ancestor, and their empresses together with Zhuangzong and Mingzong—six tablets in the sleeping palace at Qinghua Lane; two days before the sacrifice, twenty palace umbrellas and fans welcome and install them in the new temple for the offering. Emperor Min, the two empresses of Zhuangzong and Mingzong, and Lady Kong of Lu—four spirit tablets—we request drafting regulations for enshrinement in the temple, and fixing posthumous title procedures for the three empresses." Approval was granted.