1
梁書卷第四十列傳第三十四
Book of Liang, Volume 40, Biography 34
2
司馬褧到漑劉顯劉之遴弟之享許懋
Sima Jiong; Dao Gai; Liu Xian; Liu Zhilin; his brother Zhixian; Xu Mao
3
司馬褧字元素，河內溫人也。 曾祖純之，晉大司農高密敬王。 祖讓之，員外常侍。 父燮，善《三禮》，仕齊官至國子博士。
Sima Jiong, styled Yuansu, came from Wen in Henei. His great-grandfather Chunzhi had been Jin’s Minister of Finance and Prince Jing of Gaomi. His grandfather Rangzhi served as External Regular Attendant. His father Xie mastered the Three Rites and, under Qi, rose to Erudite of the National University.
4
褧少傳家業，強力專精，手不釋卷，其禮文所涉書，略皆遍睹。 沛國劉曁獻爲儒者宗，嘉其學，深相賞好。 少與樂安任昉善，昉亦推重焉。 初爲國子生，起家奉朝請，稍遷王府行參軍。 天監初，詔通儒治五禮，有司舉褧治嘉禮，除尚書祠部郎中。 是時創定禮樂，褧所議多見施行。 除步兵校尉，兼中書通事舍人。 褧學尤精於事數，國家吉凶禮，當世名儒明山賓、賀蒨等疑不能斷，皆取決焉。
From boyhood Jiong carried on the family learning, drove himself without relent, and scarcely set a book down; among ritual writings, there was scarcely one he had not read through. Liu Yun of Pei, hailed as doyen of the Confucian scholars, admired his erudition and became his warm friend. As a young man he was intimate with Ren Fang of Le’an, who also prized him highly. He began as a National University student, took his first post as Supporter of the Court, and soon became an administrative officer on a princely staff. When Tianjian opened, the throne ordered learned men to shape the Five Rites; Jiong was put forward for the ceremonial canon and made Attendant Gentleman in the Ministry of Rites. While the court was founding its ritual music, much of what Jiong proposed was adopted. He was made Commandant of Footsoldiers and also Master of Documents for Palace Affairs. Jiong excelled above all in the arithmetic of ceremony; when eminent ritualists such as Mingshan Bin and He Qian could not settle a point of state rite, they took his word as final.
5
累遷正員郎、鎮南諮議參軍，兼舍人如故。 遷尚書右丞。 出爲仁威長史、長沙內史。 還除雲騎將軍，兼御史中丞，頃之卽真。 十六年，出爲宣毅南康王長史、行府國並石頭戍軍事。 褧雖居外官，有敕預文德、武德二殿長名問訊，不限日。 十七年，遷明威將軍、晉安王長史，未幾卒。 王命記室庾肩吾集其文爲十卷，所撰《嘉禮儀注》一百一十二卷。
He rose in turn to Regular Attendant and military advisor to the Defender of the South, keeping his palace secretariat post. He was moved to Right Vice Director of the Ministry of Works. He left the capital as chief clerk to Renwei and magistrate of Changsha. Recalled, he became General of Clouded Cavalry and acting Censor-in-Chief; soon the acting post was confirmed. In year sixteen he served as chief clerk to Prince Xuanyi of Nankang, directing both the princely household and the Shitou garrison. Even while posted abroad, he was ordered to present himself for roster greeting at the Wende and Wude halls whenever summoned. Year seventeen brought him the rank of General of Illustrious Might and chief clerk to the Prince of Jin’an; he died not long after. The prince had Yu Jianyi compile his writings in ten scrolls; Jiong himself had composed Ceremonial Rites with Commentary in one hundred twelve scrolls.
6
到漑字茂灌，彭城武原人。 曾祖彥之，宋驃騎將軍。 祖仲度，驃騎江夏王從事中郎。 父坦，齊中書郎。
Dao Gai, styled Maoguan, came from Wuyuan in Pengcheng. His great-grandfather Yanzhi had been Song’s Cavalry General. His grandfather Zhongdu served the King of Jiangxia, Cavalry General, as attendant. His father Tan was a Secretariat Gentleman under Qi.
7
漑少孤貧，與弟洽俱聰敏有才學，早爲任昉所知，由是聲名益廣。 起家王國左常侍，轉後軍法曹行參軍，歷殿中郎。 出爲建安內史，遷中書郎，兼吏部，太子中庶子。 湘東王繹爲會稽太守，以漑爲輕車長史、行府郡事。 高祖敕王曰：「到漑非直爲汝行事，足爲汝師，間有進止，每須詢訪。」 遭母憂，居喪盡禮，朝廷嘉之。 服闋，猶蔬食布衣者累載。 除通直散騎常侍，御史中丞，太府卿，都官尚書，郢州長史、江夏太守，加招遠將軍，入爲左民尚書。
Gai lost his parents early and grew up poor; he and his brother Qia were both bright and learned, noticed early by Ren Fang, and his name rang farther still. He began as left regular attendant in a princely fief, became acting administrative officer of the Rear Army, and rose to palace attendant. He served as magistrate of Jian’an, then became Secretariat Gentleman, joint director of the Ministry of Personnel, and attendant to the heir apparent. When Prince Yi of Xiangdong governed Kuaiji, Gai was made chief clerk of light chariots with full charge of prefecture and princely affairs. The Founding Emperor told the prince, “Dao Gai is not simply your agent—he is fit to be your teacher. On every matter you should seek his counsel.” At his mother’s death he mourned to the last propriety, and the court commended him. When mourning was done, he kept to vegetables and plain cloth for years on end. He became Regular Attendant with unimpeded access, Censor-in-Chief, Director of the Palace Treasuries, Minister Director of Justice, chief clerk and governor of Jiangxia in Yingzhou, then General Who Attracts from Afar, and finally returned as Minister of the Left Household.
8
漑身長八尺，美風儀，善容止，所蒞以清白自脩。 性又率儉，不好聲色，虛室單床，傍無姬侍。 自外車服，不事鮮華，冠履十年一易，朝服或至穿補，傳呼清路，示有朝章而已。
Eight feet in stature, with striking presence and measured grace, he kept his conduct white wherever he was posted. He was spare by temperament, caring nothing for music or women; his chamber held a single bed and no attendant concubine. Carriage and garments he kept unadorned; cap and shoes he replaced once a decade, court robes sometimes patched through, yet when runners cleared the way it was only to honor the dignity of office.
9
頃之，坐事左遷金紫光祿大夫，俄授散騎常侍、侍中、國子祭酒。
Shortly he was demoted to Grand Master for the Imperial Clan with the Golden Ornament for an offense; soon he was again Regular Attendant, Chamberlain for Attendants, and Grand Master of Sacrifices.
10
漑素謹厚，特被高祖賞接，每與對棊，從夕達旦。 漑第山池有奇石，高祖戲與賭之，幷《禮記》一部，漑並輸焉，未進，高祖謂朱异曰； 「卿謂到漑所輸可以送未？」 漑斂板對曰：「臣旣事君，安敢失禮。」 高祖大笑，其見親愛如此。
Steadfast and decorous, he won unusual favor from the Founding Emperor, who would play go with him from dusk until daybreak. Among the hills and pools at Gai’s house stood a curious stone; the emperor wagered it against a complete Book of Rites, and Gai lost both—yet before he could send them over, the emperor said to Zhu Yi: “Do you suppose Dao Gai’s losses are ready to be delivered?” Gai folded his memorial tablet and answered, “Having become your servant, how dare I be remiss in ritual?” The emperor laughed heartily—such was the warmth between them.
11
後因疾失明，詔以金紫光祿大夫、散騎常侍，就第養疾。
Later illness took his sight; he was ordered to keep his titles as Grand Master for the Imperial Clan and Regular Attendant while nursing himself at home.
12
漑家門雍睦，兄弟特相友愛。 初與弟洽常共居一齋，洽卒後，便舍爲寺，因斷腥膻，終身蔬食，別營小室，朝夕從僧徒禮誦。 高祖每月三致淨饌，恩禮甚篤。 蔣山有延賢寺者，漑家世創立，故生平公俸，咸以供焉，略無所取。 性又不好交遊，惟與朱异、劉之遴、張綰同志友密。 及臥疾家園，門可羅雀，三君每歲時常鳴騶枉道，以相存問，置酒敘生平，極歡而去。 臨終，托張、劉勒子孫以薄葬之禮，卒時年七十二。 詔贈本官。 有集二十卷行於世。 時以漑、洽兄弟比之二陸，故世祖贈詩曰：「魏世重雙丁，晉朝稱二陸，何如今兩到，復似淩寒竹。」
The Dao family lived in concord; the brothers loved one another with uncommon devotion. Once he and Qia had shared a single study; when Qia died he made it a temple, renounced flesh for life, ate only vegetables, and built a small room where dawn and dusk he joined the monks in chant. On the third of each month the Founding Emperor sent him pure fare—his kindness ran that deep. On Mount Jiang stood Yanxian Monastery, founded by the Dao line; in life he poured his official salary into it and kept almost nothing. He cared little for society, counting only Zhu Yi, Liu Zhilin, and Zhang Chuan as intimate friends. Ill at home, his gate might have been hung with nets for sparrows; yet each year the three would ride with official escort out of their way, bring wine, talk over old times, and part in full joy. Near death he asked Zhang and Liu to press his sons toward a plain funeral; he died at seventy-two. An edict restored his last office posthumously. His collected works, twenty scrolls, circulated abroad. Men compared Gai and Qia to the two Lu brothers, and Emperor Shizong wrote, “Wei honored the twin Dings, Jin praised the two Lus—what of two Daos today, bamboo standing through the cold?”
13
子鏡，字圓照，安西湘東王法曹行參軍，太子舍人，早卒。
His son Jing, styled Yuanzhao, served as acting law officer to the Prince of Western Xiangdong and attendant to the heir apparent, and died young.
14
鏡子藎，早聰慧，起家著作佐郎，歷太子舍人，宣城王主簿，太子洗馬，尚書殿中郎。 嘗從高祖幸京口，登北顧樓賦詩，藎受詔便就，上覽以示漑曰：「藎定是才子，翻恐卿從來文章假手於藎。」 因賜漑《連珠》曰：「研磨墨以騰文，筆飛毫以書信。 如飛蛾之赴火，豈焚身之可吝。 必耄年其已及，可假之於少藎。」 其見知賞如此。 除丹陽尹丞。 太清亂，赴江陵卒。
Jing’s son Shen was precocious; he began in the Palace Library, became attendant to the heir apparent, secretary to the Prince of Xuancheng, groom of the heir apparent, and chancellery attendant. Once, when the Founding Emperor visited Jingkou and improvised a poem on the Northern Prospect Tower, Shen was told to answer on the spot; the emperor showed Gai the result: “Shen is surely a talent—I suspect your essays have been his work all along.” He then gave Gai a Linked Pearls poem: “Grind ink till the words take flight; let the brush-tip race in loyal script. Like the moth that flies to flame—what body would it not burn? When old age arrives, one may borrow from young Shen.” Such was the depth of his esteem. He was made assistant magistrate of Danyang. In the Taiqing turmoil he went to Jiangling and died there.
15
劉顯字嗣芳，沛國相人也。 父鬷，晉安內史。
Liu Xian, styled Sifang, came from Xiang in Pei. His father Kan had been interior magistrate of Jin’an.
16
顯幼而聰敏，當世號曰神童。 天監初，舉秀才，解褐中軍臨川王行參軍，俄署法曹。 顯好學，博涉多參通，任昉嘗得一篇缺簡書，文字零落，歷示諸人，莫能識者，顯云是《古文尚書》所刪逸篇，昉檢《周書》，果如其說，昉因大相賞異。 丁母憂，服闋，尚書令沈約命駕造焉，於坐策顯經史十事，顯對其九。 約曰：「老夫昏忘，不可受策； 雖然，聊試數事，不可至十也。」 顯問其五，約對其二。 陸倕聞之歎曰：「劉郎可謂差人，雖吾家平原詣張壯武，王粲謁伯喈，必無此對。」 其爲名流推賞如此。 及約爲太子少傅，乃引爲五官掾，俄兼廷尉正。 五兵尚書傅昭掌著作，撰國史，引顯爲佐。 九年，始革尚書五都選，顯以本官兼吏部郎，又除司空臨川王外兵參軍，遷尚書儀曹郎。 嘗爲《上朝詩》，沈約見而美之，時約郊居宅新成，因命工書人題之於壁。 出爲臨川王記室參軍。 建康平，復入爲尚書儀曹侍郎，兼中書通事舍人。 出爲秣陵令，又除驃騎鄱陽王記室，兼中書舍人，累遷步兵校尉、中書侍郎，舍人如故。
Xian was bright from childhood; men of his day called him a prodigy. When Tianjian opened he was presented as a cultivated talent, entered service as staff officer to the Prince of Linchuan in the Central Army, and soon headed the law bureau. Xian loved study and ranged across many disciplines; once Ren Fang had a bamboo slip with characters broken and faded, showed it around, and no one could read it—Xian said it was a lost passage cut from the Old Text Documents; Fang checked the Documents of Zhou and found it exact, and from then held him in wonder. After his mother’s mourning, Minister Shen Yue came by carriage to call on him and, seated, examined him on ten points of canon and history—Xian answered nine. Yue said, “This old man is dim and forgetful; I cannot sit for your test— Still, try me on a few—you must not make it ten.” Xian put five questions to him; Yue answered two. Lu Zuo heard and sighed, “Master Liu is a man apart—even when our Lu Ji sought out Zhang Hua, or Wang Can called on Cai Yong, there was never such an exchange.” So the leading men of the age honored him. When Yue became mentor to the heir apparent, he drew Xian in as aide in the Five Offices; soon Xian also served as director under the Court of Judicial Review. Fu Zhao, Minister of the Five Armies and overseer of historiography, was compiling the national history and took Xian as his assistant. In year nine the five selection directorates were first reformed; Xian kept his post while also serving as director in the Ministry of Personnel, was made external military officer to the Prince of Linchuan, Minister of Ceremonies, and then Attendant Gentleman for Ceremonial Affairs. He once wrote a poem on the morning audience; Shen Yue admired it, and when Yue’s suburban house was newly finished he had a scribe brush it on the wall. He left the capital as recorder to the Prince of Linchuan. After Jiankang was pacified he returned as vice director of ceremonial affairs and again Master of Documents for Palace Affairs. He served as magistrate of Moling, then recorder to the Prince of Poyang, Cavalry General, again Master of Documents, and rose to Commandant of Footsoldiers and Secretariat gentleman, keeping the palace post throughout.
17
顯與河東裴子野、南陽劉之遴、吳郡顧協，連職禁中，遞相師友，時人莫不慕之。 顯博聞強記，過於裴、顧，時魏人獻古器，有隱起字，無能識者，顯案文讀之，無有滯礙，考校年月，一字不差，高祖甚嘉焉。
Xian, Pei Ziye of Hedong, Liu Zhilin of Nanyang, and Gu Xie of Wu served together within the palace gates, learning from one another as teacher and friend—men of the age envied them. Xian’s erudition and memory surpassed Pei and Gu; when Wei sent an antique with raised script no one could decipher, Xian read it straight through, fixed the dates without one mistake, and the Founding Emperor was delighted.
18
遷尚書左丞，除國子博士。 出爲宣遠岳陽王長史，行府國事，未拜，遷雲麾邵陵王長史、尋陽太守。 大同九年，王遷鎮郢州，除平西諮議參軍，加戎昭將軍。 其年卒，時年六十三。 友人劉之遴啓皇太子曰：「之遴嘗聞，夷、叔、柳惠，不逢仲尼一言，則西山餓夫，東國黜士，名豈施於後世。 信哉！ 生有七尺之形，終爲一棺之土。 不朽之事，寄之題目，懷珠抱玉，有歿世而名不稱者，可爲長太息，孰過於斯。 竊痛友人沛國劉顯，韞櫝藝文，研精覃奧，聰明特達，出類拔羣。 闔棺郢都，歸魂上國，卜宅有日，須鐫墓板。 之遴已略撰其事行，今輒上呈。 伏願鴻慈，降茲睿藻，榮其枯骴，以慰幽魂。 冒昧塵聞，戰慄無地。」 乃蒙令爲誌銘曰：「繁弱挺質，空桑吐聲，分器見重，播樂傳名。 誰其均之？ 美有髦士。 禮著幼年，業明壯齒。 厭飫典墳，研精名理。 一見弗忘，過目則記。 若訪賈逵，如問伯始。 穎脫斯出，學優而仕。 議獄旣佐，芸蘭乃握。 摶鳳池水，推羊太學。 內參禁中，外相籓岳。 斜光已道，殞彼西浮； 百川到海，還逐東流。 營營返魄，泛泛虛舟。 白馬向郊，丹旒背鞏。 野埃興伏，山雲輕重。 呂掩書墳，揚歸玄塚。 爾其戒行，途窮土壟。 弱葛方施，叢柯日拱。 鹆遂柳荑春，禽寒斂氄。 長空常暗，陰泉獨湧。 祔彼故塋，流芬相踵。」
He became Left Vice Director of the Ministry of Works and Erudite of the National University. He was named chief clerk to Prince Xuanyuan of Yueyang with charge of the princely household, but before he assumed the post was shifted to chief clerk to Prince Yunhui of Shaoling and governor of Xunyang. In Datong year nine the prince was reassigned to garrison Yingzhou; Xian became military advisor for pacifying the west with the rank of General of Martial Brilliance. That year he died, at sixty-three. His friend Liu Zhilin wrote to the crown prince: “Zhilin has heard that Boyi, Shuqi, and Liuxia Hui—without a word from Confucius—would have been starving men on the western hills, humbled scholars in the eastern state; would their names have lived on? Truly so! A body seven feet high is born; in the end it fills but one coffin of earth. Immortality is left to what is written; those who hold pearl and jade may still die without a name—what grief is deeper? And who deeper than this? I mourn my friend Liu Xian of Pei, who hoarded learning like gems in a casket, plumbed the deepest texts, and with rare brilliance stood above his peers— His coffin was closed in the capital of Ying, his soul returning to the upper land; the day to choose his grave is near, and the tomb stone must be cut. Zhilin has already drafted his life’s record and now respectfully presents it. I beg that your vast mercy may grant luminous words, to grace these dry bones and comfort a shade in the dark. Daring to trouble your hearing with this dust, I tremble and know not where to stand. He received an order to compose the epitaph: “When the strong bow drew substance from the void, the hollow mulberry gave forth its sound—once the vessel was allotted, it was prized; once the music spread, its name endured. Who held the balance? There was a splendid gentleman. Ritual showed itself in his youth, mastery in his prime. He drank deep from the classics and refined his grasp of principle. What he saw once he did not forget; a single glance was enough to lodge it in mind. To consult him was like seeking out Jia Kui or putting a question to Bo Shi. He broke from the sheath of the crowd; his learning was first-rate, and then he served. He assisted at the Court of Judicial Review, then held the scholar’s orchid at the National University. He roiled the Phoenix Pool’s waters and guided the herd at the Imperial University. Inside the palace he advised; beyond it he served the great fiefs. The oblique rays have spent their road; yonder sun on the western float has set; A hundred streams find the sea, then turn again toward the eastern current. The returning soul flutters without rest; he drifts like an empty boat on the flood. The white horse faces the outskirts; the crimson pennants turn their backs on Gong. Dust on the plain lifts and subsides; clouds on the hills thicken and thin. Like Lü, he buries learning in the tomb; like Yang, he goes home to the hidden barrow. Guard your steps on the way; the path runs out at the heaped earth. Weak vines are just now put forth; clustered boughs daily bow and close. Spring comes with willow down; in the chill, birds tuck their feathers close. The wide heavens remain dim; in the underworld spring alone still surges. Lay him by that ancient mound; let fragrance pass from hand to hand.”
19
顯有三子：莠，荏，臻。 臻早著名。
Xian had three sons—You, Ren, and Zhen. Zhen was famed from early on.
20
劉之遴字思貞，南陽涅陽人也。 父虯，齊國子博士，諡文範先生。
Liu Zhi’li, styled Sizhen, came from Nieyang in Nanyang. His father Qiu had been Qi’s Erudite of the National University and was honored after death as Master Wenfan.
21
之遴八歲能屬文，十五舉茂才對策，沈約、任昉見而異之。 起家寧朔主簿。 吏部尚書王瞻嘗候任昉，值之遴在坐，昉謂瞻曰：「此南陽劉之遴，學優未仕，水鏡所宜甄擢。」 瞻卽辟爲太學博士。 時張稷新除尚書僕射，托昉爲讓表，昉令之遴代作，操筆立成。 昉曰：「荊南秀氣，果有異才，後仕必當過僕。」 御史中丞樂藹，卽之遴舅，憲臺奏彈，皆之遴草焉。 遷平南行參軍，尚書起部郎，延陵令，荊州治中。 太宗臨荊州，仍遷宣惠記室。 之遴篤學明審，博覽羣籍。 時劉顯、韋稜並強記，之遴每與討論，咸不能過也。
At eight he could write essays; at fifteen he was recommended as a cultivated talent for court examination—Shen Yue and Ren Fang marveled when they met him. He began service as Supporter of the Army for Pacifying the North. Wang Zhan, Minister of Personnel, once visited Ren Fang and found Zhi’li there; Fang told him, “This is Liu Zhi’li of Nanyang—learned and still without a post; the court’s mirror should single him out.” Zhan immediately summoned him as Erudite of the National University. Zhang Ji had just become Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and asked Fang to draft a memorial declining the post; Fang had Zhi’li write it, and he finished at once. Fang said, “The Jing south breeds bright minds—here is real talent; in time he will outrank me.” Yue Ai, Censor-in-Chief, was his uncle on his mother’s side; every memorial of impeachment from the Inspectorate was Zhi’li’s hand. He rose through aide on the Pacifying-the-South staff, Gentleman for Establishing Offices, magistrate of Yanling, and administrator of Jingzhou. When the future emperor held Jingzhou, he became Recorder of the Prince’s Household for Propagating Favor. Zhi’li studied with fierce devotion and clear discernment, and read broadly in every book. Liu Xian and Wei Ling were both famed for recall; in every disputation with Zhi’li, neither could prevail.
22
還除通直散騎侍郎，兼中書通事舍人。 遷正員郎，尚書右丞，荊州大中正。 累遷中書侍郎，鴻臚卿，復兼中書舍人。 出爲征西鄱陽王長史、南郡太守，高祖謂曰：「卿母年德並高，故令卿衣錦還鄉，盡榮養之理。」 後轉爲西中郎湘東王長史，太守如故。 初，之遴在荊府，嘗寄居南郡廨，忽夢前太守袁彖謂曰：「卿後當爲折臂太守，卽居此中。」 之遴後果損臂，遂臨此郡。 丁母憂，服闋，徵秘書監，領步兵校尉。 出爲郢州行事，之遴意不願出，固辭，高祖手敕曰：「朕聞妻子具，孝衰於親； 爵祿具，忠衰於君。 卿旣內足，理忘奉公之節。」 遂爲有司所奏免。 久之，爲太府卿，都官尚書，太常卿。
Recalled, he became Regular Attendant with unimpeded access and also a palace secretariat attendant for general affairs. He was made Regular Attendant, Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, and chief evaluator of Jingzhou. He rose in turn to Secretariat gentleman, Minister of Ceremonies, and again palace secretariat attendant. He left the capital as chief clerk to the Pacifying-the-West Prince of Poyang and governor of Nan Commandery; the Founding Emperor told him, “Your mother is high in years and in virtue—so I send you home in glory to perform every rite of filial nurture.” Later he became chief clerk to the Western Central Prince of Xiangdong, retaining the governorship. Once, on Jingzhou staff, he lodged in the Nan Commandery offices and dreamed the former governor Yuan Can said, “You will one day be the broken-armed governor and live here.” He later lost the use of an arm and in fact took that post. At his mother’s death he mourned; when the mourning was done he was called back as Director of the Palace Library and Commandant of Footsoldiers. He was sent out as acting governor of Yingzhou; Zhi’li did not wish to go and refused firmly—the Founding Emperor wrote by his own hand, “We hear that when wife and children are complete, love for parents wanes; when rank and stipend are complete, loyalty to one’s lord wanes. You are already full within—and so, it seems, you have set aside the duty of public service.” The authorities memorialized against him and he was removed. Long afterward he became Minister of the Palace Treasuries, Minister Director of Justice, and Minister of Ceremonies.
23
之遴好古愛奇，在荊州聚古器數十百種。 有一器似甌，可容一斛，上有金錯字，時人無能知者。 又獻古器四種於東宮。 其第一種，鏤銅鴟夷榼二枚，兩耳有銀鏤，銘云「建平二年造」。 其第二種，金銀錯鏤古樽二枚，有篆銘云「秦容成侯適楚之歲造」。 其第三種，外國澡灌一口，銘云「元封二年，龜茲國獻」。 其第四種，古制澡盤一枚，銘云「初平二年造」。
Zhi’li loved the old and cherished the rare; in Jingzhou he collected scores of antique vessels. One piece resembled a bowl, held a hu in volume, and bore gold-inlaid script no contemporary could decipher. He also offered four antiquities to the crown prince’s palace. The first: two openwork bronze owl goblets with silver-inlaid ears, inscribed “Made in the second year of Jianping.” The second: two antique urns with gold and silver inlay and seal script reading “Made in the year the Lord of Rongcheng of Qin went south to Chu.” The third: one foreign bathing ewer, inscribed “Second year of Yuanfeng, presented by Kucha.” The fourth: one antique bathing basin, inscribed “Made in the second year of Chuping.”
24
時鄱陽嗣王範得班固所上《漢書》真本，獻之東宮，皇太子令之遴與張纘、到漑、陸襄等參校異同。 之遴具異狀十事，其大略曰：「案古本《漢書》稱『永平十六年五月二十一日己酉，郎班固上』； 而今本無上書年月日字。 又案古本《敘傳》號爲中篇； 今本稱爲《敘傳》。 又今本《敘傳》載班彪事行； 而古本云『稚生彪，自有傳』。 又今本紀及表、志、列傳不相合爲次，而古本相合爲次，總成三十八卷。 又今本《外戚》在《西域》後； 古本《外戚》次《帝紀》下。 又今本《高五子》、《文三王》、《景十三王》、《武五子》、《宣元六王》雜在諸傳秩中； 古本諸王悉次《外戚》下，在《陳項傳》前。 又今本《韓彭英盧吳》述云『信惟餓隸，布實黥徒，越亦狗盜，芮尹江湖，雲起龍驤，化爲侯王』； 古本述云『淮陰毅毅，杖劍周章，邦之傑子，實惟彭、英，化爲侯王，雲起龍驤』。 又古本第三十七卷，解音釋義，以助雅詁，而今本無此卷。」
The heir to Poyang had obtained Ban Gu’s authentic submission of the Book of Han and sent it to the crown prince, who ordered Zhi’li, Zhang Zuan, Dao Gai, and Lu Xiang to compare variants. Zhi’li listed ten discrepancies in full; in summary: “The ancient Book of Han reads, ‘On jiwei, the twenty-first day of the fifth month of Yongping year sixteen, Gentleman Ban Gu submitted’; but the present text has no characters for the year, month, and day of submission. Again, the ancient Author’s Treatise is called the Middle Treatise; the present text calls it simply the Treatise on the Author. Again, the present Treatise on the Author gives Ban Biao’s career; but the ancient text says, ‘Zhi begot Biao, who has his own biography.’ Again, the present text does not place Annals, Tables, Treatises, and Biographies in one sequence; the ancient text does, thirty-eight scrolls in all. Again, the present text places the Biography of the Empresses after the Western Regions; in the ancient text it follows directly after the Annals. Again, the present text scatters the Five Sons of Gaozu, the Three Kings of Wen, the Thirteen Kings of Jing, the Five Sons of Wu, and the Six Kings of Xuan and Yuan among the other ranks of biography; in the ancient text all the kings follow the Empresses, before Chen Sheng and Xiang Yu. Again, the present summary for Han Xin, Peng Yue, Ying Bu, Lu Wan, and Wu Rui reads, “Xin was a starving menial, Bu a branded convict, Yue a dog-thief, Rui of the rivers and lakes—clouds rose, dragons soared, and they became kings and marquises”; the ancient summary reads, “The Marquis of Huaiyin was bold with sword in hand; Peng and Ying were the realm’s champions; cloud and dragon raised them to kings and marquises.” Again, the ancient thirty-seventh scroll gives readings and glosses to aid the lexicon; the present text has no such scroll.”
25
之遴好屬文，多學古體，與河東裴子野、沛國劉顯常共討論書籍，因爲交好。 是時《周易》、《尚書》、《禮記》、《毛詩》並有高祖義疏，惟《左氏傳》尚闕。 之遴乃著《春秋大意》十科，《左氏》十科，《三傳同異》十科，合三十事以上之。 高祖大悅，詔答之曰：「省所撰《春秋》義，比事論書，辭微旨遠。 編年之教，言闡義繁，丘明傳洙泗之風，公羊稟西河之學，鐸椒之解不追，瑕丘之說無取。 繼踵胡母，仲舒云盛，因循《穀梁》，千秋最篤。 張蒼之傳《左氏》，賈誼之襲荀卿，源本分鑣，指歸殊致，詳略紛然，其來舊矣。 昔在弱年，乃經研味，一從遺置，迄將五紀。 兼晚冬晷促，機事罕暇，夜分求衣，未遑搜括。 須待夏景，試取推尋，若溫故可求，別酬所問也。」
Zhi’li loved composition and favored archaic forms; with Pei Ziye of Hedong and Liu Xian of Pei he debated texts until they became intimate friends. The Changes, Documents, Record of Rites, and Mao Odes all had imperial commentaries; only the Zuo Commentary still lacked one. He then wrote ten topics on the Great Meaning of the Spring and Autumn, ten on the Zuo Tradition, and ten on agreements and differences among the three commentaries—thirty in all—and presented them. The Founding Emperor was delighted and replied by edict: “We have read your Spring and Autumn exegesis—events set side by side, books weighed, language fine and purpose far-reaching. Annalistic teaching is wide in utterance and rich in meaning; Qiu Ming carried the breath of Zhu and Si, Gongsun drew the learning of the western river—Duo and Jiao cannot catch up, Xiqiu’s sayings have nothing worth taking. After Humu, Dong Zhongshu rose; along the Guliang line, Gongsun Qian was most firm. Zhang Cang handed on the Zuo Tradition; Jia Yi took up Xun Qing—the springs forked, the bearings differed, detail and summary in disarray, as it has long been. In my youth I once studied and tasted it, but once set aside it has now neared five twelve-year cycles. Moreover late winter shortens the day and affairs leave little leisure; at midnight I reach for my robe and have no time to hunt and collate. Wait till summer light, then I shall try review and inquiry—if the old learning can be found by warming, I shall answer your question another way.”
26
太清二年，侯景亂，之遴避難還鄉，未至，卒於夏口，時年七十二。 前後文集五十卷，行於世。
In Taqing year two, as Hou Jing’s rebellion spread, Zhi’li fled home but died at Xiakou before he arrived, at seventy-two. His collected works, fifty scrolls in all, circulated abroad.
27
之亨字嘉會，之遴弟也。 少有令名。 舉秀才，拜太學博士，稍遷兼中書通事舍人，步兵校尉，司農卿。 又代兄之遴爲安西湘東王長史、南郡太守。 在郡有異績。 數年卒于官，時年五十。 荊士至今懷之，不忍斥其名，號爲「大南郡」、「小南郡」云。
Zhiheng, styled Jiahui, was Zhi’li’s younger brother. He was famed from youth. Presented as a cultivated talent, he became Erudite of the National University, then palace secretariat attendant, Commandant of Footsoldiers, and Minister of the Imperial Granaries. He also succeeded his brother as chief clerk to the Pacifying-the-West Prince of Xiangdong and governor of Nan Commandery. In office his record was exceptional. Within a few years he died in office, at fifty. The people of Jing still honor them and will not speak their personal names, calling them only “the Greater Nan Commandery” and “the Lesser Nan Commandery.”
28
許懋字昭哲，高陽新城人，魏鎮北將軍允九世孫。 祖珪，宋給事中，著作郎，桂陽太守。 父勇惠，齊太子家令，冗從僕射。
Xu Mao, styled Zhaozhe, came from Xincheng in Gaoyang, ninth in descent from Xu Yun, Wei’s General Who Pacifies the North. His grandfather Gui had been Song’s secretariat attendant, palace library gentleman, and governor of Guiyang. His father Yonghui was Qi’s household steward to the heir apparent and supernumerary attendant of the suite.
29
懋少孤，性至孝，居父憂，執喪過禮。 篤志好學，爲州黨所稱。 十四入太學，受《毛詩》，旦領師說，晚而覆講，座下聽者常數十百人，因撰《風雅比興義》十五卷，盛行於世。 尤曉故事，稱爲儀注之學。
Mao was orphaned young and filial to the bone; in mourning for his father he went beyond the prescribed rites. He devoted himself to learning and was praised throughout his district. At fourteen he entered the National University to study the Mao Odes; by day he heard the master, by night he lectured in turn, with scores of listeners below—and so he wrote Parallels of Style and Meaning in fifteen scrolls, widely read in his day. He knew precedent especially well and was styled a master of ritual protocol.
30
起家後軍豫章王行參軍，轉法曹，舉茂才，遷驃騎大將軍儀同中記室。 文惠太子聞而召之，侍講于崇明殿，除太子步兵校尉。 永元中，轉散騎侍郎，兼國子博士。 與司馬褧同志友善，僕射江祏甚推重之，號爲「經史笥」。 天監初，吏部尚書范雲舉懋參詳五禮，除征西鄱陽王諮議，兼著作郎，待詔文德省。 時有請封會稽禪國山者，高祖雅好禮，因集儒學之士，草封禪儀，將欲行焉。 懋以爲不可，因建議曰：
He began as aide on the Rear Army staff of the Prince of Yuzhang, moved to the law bureau, was presented as a cultivated talent, and rose to recorder in the secretariat of the General of Agile Cavalry with Equal Protocol. Crown Prince Wen Hui summoned him to lecture at Chongming Hall and made him Commandant of Footsoldiers to the Heir Apparent. Under Yongyuan he became Regular Attendant and also Erudite of the National University. He was intimate with Sima Jiong; Vice Director Jiang Shi prized him and called him “the casket of canon and history.” When Tianjian opened, Fan Yun, Minister of Personnel, recommended Mao to help shape the Five Rites; he became advisor to the Pacifying-the-West Prince of Poyang, also palace library gentleman, awaiting edicts at the Wende Secretariat. Some then petitioned to enfeoff Mount Kuaiji and perform Feng and Shan on Mount Guoshan; the Founding Emperor, a lover of ritual, gathered Confucian scholars to draft the ceremonies and meant to perform them. Mao judged it impossible and memorialized:
31
臣案舜幸岱宗，是爲巡狩，而鄭引《孝經鉤命決》云「封于泰山，考績柴燎，禪乎梁甫，刻石紀號」。 此緯書之曲說，非正經之通義也。 依《白虎通》云，「封者，言附廣也； 禪者，言成功相傳也」。 若以禪授爲義，則禹不應傳啓至桀十七世也，湯又不應傳外丙至紂三十七世也。 又《禮記》云：「三皇禪奕奕，謂盛德也。 五帝禪亭亭，特立獨起於身也。 三王禪梁甫，連延不絕，父沒子繼也。」 若謂「禪奕奕爲盛德者，古義以伏羲、神農、黃帝，是爲三皇。 伏羲封泰山，禪云云，黃帝封泰山，禪亭亭，皆不禪奕奕，而云盛德，則無所寄矣。 若謂五帝禪亭亭，特立獨起於身者，顓頊封泰山，禪云云，帝嚳封泰山，禪云云，堯封泰山，禪云云，舜封泰山，禪云云，亦不禪亭亭，若合黃帝以爲五帝者，少昊卽黃帝子，又非獨立之義矣。 若謂三王禪梁甫，連延不絕，父沒子繼者，禹封泰山，禪云云，周成王封泰山，禪社首，舊書如此，異乎《禮說》，皆道聽所得，失其本文。 假使三王皆封泰山禪梁甫者，是爲封泰山則有傳世之義，禪梁甫則有揖讓之懷，或欲禪位，或欲傳子，義旣矛盾，理必不然。
I find Shun’s visit to Dai was a royal tour of inspection; yet Zheng Xuan cites the apocryphal Hooking Life Decisions on the Classic of Filial Piety: “Enfeoffment at Mount Tai, merit reviewed with a firewood offering, Shan at Mount Liangfu, stone carved to record the title.” That is a forced reading from weft apocrypha, not the plain meaning of the canonical classics. The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall says, “Feng means to enlarge what is joined; Shan means to transmit achievement.” If Shan meant abdication, Yu would not have passed the throne from Qi to Jie across seventeen reigns, nor Tang from Wai Bing to Zhou across thirty-seven. The Record of Rites also says: “The Three Sovereigns’ Shan was exuberant ease”—that is, overflowing virtue. The Five Emperors’ Shan was lofty uprightness”—they stood alone and rose by their own merit. The Three Kings’ Shan was at Mount Liangfu”—unbroken succession, father dead and son following.” If “exuberant ease” meant overflowing virtue, antiquity counted Fuxi, Shennong, and the Yellow Emperor as the Three Sovereigns. Fuxi enfeoffed at Mount Tai and performed Shan at such-and-such a hill; the Yellow Emperor enfeoffed at Mount Tai and Shan with lofty uprightness—neither used “exuberant ease,” so “overflowing virtue” has nowhere to lodge. If the Five Emperors’ “lofty uprightness” meant standing alone, Zhuanxu, Ku, Yao, and Shun all enfeoffed at Mount Tai and performed Shan at such-and-such hills—none with “lofty uprightness.” Count the Yellow Emperor among the Five and Shaohao was his son—hardly “standing alone.” If the Three Kings’ Shan at Mount Liangfu meant unbroken father-to-son succession, Yu enfeoffed at Mount Tai and performed Shan elsewhere; Zhou King Cheng enfeoffed at Mount Tai and Shan at Mount Sheshou—so the old books say, unlike the Ritual Explanations: hearsay all, the originals lost. Suppose every Three King enfeoffed at Mount Tai and performed Shan at Mount Liangfu: Feng would mean handing on the realm, Shan at Liangfu would mean yielding the throne—abdicate or bequeath to a son, the senses clash; it cannot stand.
32
又七十二君，夷吾所記，此中世數，裁可得二十餘主：伏羲、神農、女媧、大庭、柏皇、中央、栗陸、驪連、赫胥、尊盧、混沌、昊英、有巢、硃襄、葛天、陰康、無懷、黃帝、少昊、顓頊、高辛、堯、舜、禹、湯、文、武，中間乃有共工，霸有九州，非帝之數，云何得有七十二君封禪之事？ 且燧人以前至周之世，未有君臣，人心淳樸，不應金泥玉檢，升中刻石。 燧人、伏羲、神農三皇結繩而治，書契未作，未應有鐫文告成。 且無懷氏，伏羲後第十六主，云何得在伏羲前封泰山禪云云？
Guan Zhong’s seventy-two rulers, counted soberly, yield barely twenty-odd names—Fuxi through Wu, with Gonggong hegemon of the Nine Provinces in between, no emperor’s tally: whence seventy-two Feng-and-Shan kings? Before the Fire-Drillers through Zhou there was no ruler-and-minister order and hearts were plain—gold paste, jade cases, ascent of the central peak, and carved stone do not belong there. The Three Sovereigns—Fire-Drillers, Fuxi, Shennong—ruled by knotted cords before script existed; carved characters proclaiming completion are out of place. Wuhuai was Fuxi’s sixteenth successor—how could he enfeoff at Mount Tai and perform Shan before Fuxi?
33
夷吾又曰：「惟受命之君然後得封禪。」 周成王非受命君，云何而得封泰山禪社首？ 神農與炎帝是一主，而云神農封泰山禪云云，炎帝封泰山禪云云，分爲二人，妄亦甚矣！ 若是聖主，不須封禪； 若是凡主，不應封禪。 當是齊桓欲行此事，管仲知其不可，故舉怪物以屈之也。
Guan Zhong also said, “Only a mandate-bearing ruler may perform Feng and Shan.” King Cheng of Zhou did not receive the mandate—how could he enfeoff at Mount Tai and perform Shan at Mount Sheshou? Shennong and the Flame Emperor were one sovereign, yet the record splits them into two who each enfeoffed at Mount Tai and performed Shan—an egregious fiction. Sage rulers had no need of Feng and Shan; ordinary rulers ought not to attempt them. Duke Huan of Qi wished to do it; Guan Zhong knew it impossible and piled up marvels to turn him aside.
34
秦始皇登泰山中阪，風雨暴至，休松樹下，封爲五大夫，而事不遂。 漢武帝宗信方士，廣召儒生，皮弁搢紳，射牛行事，獨與霍嬗俱上，旣而子侯暴卒，厥足用傷。 至魏明，使高堂隆撰其禮儀，聞隆沒，歎息曰：「天不欲成吾事，高生舍我亡也。」 晉武泰始中欲封禪，乃至太康議猶不定，意不果行。 孫皓遣兼司空董朝、兼太常周處至陽羨封禪國山。 此朝君子，有何功德？ 不思古道而欲封禪，皆是主好名於上，臣阿旨於下也。
Qin Shihuang climbed halfway up Mount Tai when wind and rain burst upon him; he sheltered under a pine, enfeoffed it as a Great Officer of the fifth rank, and still the rite failed. Han Wudi believed the recipe masters, summoned Confucians in leather caps and pinned sashes, shot the ox in the rite, and ascended with Huo Shang alone; soon Zihou died suddenly and the emperor hurt his foot. Wei Mingdi had Gao Tanglong draft the rites; when Long died the emperor sighed, “Heaven will not let me finish—Gao has left me.” Jin Wudi in Taishi meant to perform Feng and Shan; debate still ran at Taikang, and the rite never came off. Sun Hao sent Acting Minister of Works Dong Chao and Acting Minister of Rites Zhou Chu to Yangxian to enfeoff Mount Guoshan and perform Feng and Shan. What merit had these gentlemen of Wu? To spurn the ancient way and seek Feng and Shan is always the ruler’s hunger for fame above and the ministers’ flattery below.
35
夫封禪者，不出正經，惟《左傳》說「禹會諸侯於塗山，執玉帛者萬國」，亦不謂爲封禪。 鄭玄有參、柴之風，不能推尋正經，專信緯候之書，斯爲謬矣。 蓋《禮》云「因天事天，因地事地，因名山升中于天，因吉土享帝于郊」。 燔柴岱宗，卽因山之謂矣。 故《曲禮》云「天子祭天地」是也。 又祈穀一，報穀一，禮乃不顯祈報地，推文則有。 《樂記》云：「大樂與天地同和，大禮與天地同節； 和故百物不失，節故祀天祭地。」 百物不失者，天生之，地養之。 故知地亦有祈報，是則一年三郊天，三祭地。 《周官》有員丘方澤者，總爲三事，郊祭天地。 故《小宗伯》云「兆五帝於四郊」，此卽《月令》迎氣之郊也。 《舜典》有「歲二月東巡狩，至于岱宗」，夏南，秋西，冬北，五年一周，若爲封禪，何其數也！ 此爲九郊，亦皆正義。 至如大旅於南郊者，非常祭也。 《大宗伯》「國有大故則旅上帝」，《月令》云「仲春玄鳥至，祀于高禖」，亦非常祭。 故《詩》云「克禋克祀，以弗無子」。 幷有雩禱，亦非常祭。 《禮》云「雩，頠水旱也」。 是爲合郊天地有三，特郊天有九，非常祀又有三。 《孝經》云：「宗祀文王於明堂，以配上帝。」 雩祭與明堂雖是祭天，而不在郊，是爲天祀有十六，地祭有三，惟大禘祀不在此數。 《大傳》云：「王者禘其祖之所自出，以其祖配之。」 異于常祭，以故云大於時祭。 案《繫辭》云：「《易》之爲書也，廣大悉備。 有天道焉，有地道焉，有人道焉，兼三才而兩之，故六。 六者非佗，三才之道也。」 《乾·彖》云：「大哉乾元，萬物資始，乃統天。 雲行雨施，品物流形，大明終始，六位時成。」 此則應六年一祭，坤元亦爾。 誠敬之道，盡此而備。 至於封禪，非所敢聞。
Feng and Shan are not in the orthodox classics; only the Zuo Commentary has Yu assembling the lords at Mount Tu with ten thousand states bearing jade and silk—and even that is not called Feng and Shan. Zheng Xuan had Shen and Zhai’s sacrificial manner yet could not search the classics and trusted only weft apocrypha and prognostic books—there he went wrong. The Rites say: “Because of Heaven, serve Heaven; because of Earth, serve Earth; because of famous mountains, ascend the central peak toward Heaven; because of auspicious earth, enjoy the Emperor in the suburbs.” Burning firewood at Dai is precisely “because of mountains.” So the Summary of the Rites: “The Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and Earth”—that is it. There is also one prayer for grain and one thanksgiving for grain; the rites do not spell out prayer and thanksgiving to Earth, yet the text implies them. The Record of Music says, “Great music harmonizes with Heaven; great rites keep rhythm with Earth; in harmony the hundred things are not lost; in rhythm Heaven is sacrificed to and Earth is sacrificed to.” “The hundred things are not lost” means Heaven gives birth and Earth nourishes. So Earth too has prayer and thanksgiving: three suburban sacrifices to Heaven and three to Earth in a year. The Offices of Zhou have the round mound and the square marsh—three rites in all, suburban sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. The Minister of the Lesser Ancestral Temple says, “Take omens for the Five Emperors in the four suburbs”—the seasonal suburban receptions of the Monthly Ordinances. The Canon of Shun: “In the second month, tour east to Dai”—then south in summer, west in autumn, north in winter, one circuit in five years; if that were Feng and Shan, how neat the count! That makes nine suburban sacrifices, each orthodox in sense. The great procession to the southern suburb is not a regular sacrifice. The Greater Ancestral Temple Minister: “When the state has a great affair, process to the Supreme God”; the Monthly Ordinances: “Mid-spring, the dark bird comes—sacrifice at the High Mound”—also irregular. The Odes say, “Able in sacrifice, able in worship, that he may not be without sons.” The Yu prayer and the rain prayer are also irregular sacrifices. The Rites say, “Yu—prayer in drought.” Combined suburban sacrifices to Heaven and Earth number three; special suburban sacrifices to Heaven alone, nine; irregular sacrifices, three more. The Classic of Filial Piety says, “In the Bright Hall, perform the ancestral sacrifice to King Wen to match the Supreme God.” The Yu and Bright Hall rites sacrifice to Heaven but not in the suburbs; Heaven sacrifices total sixteen, Earth sacrifices three, and only the great Di sacrifice lies outside this tally. The Great Tradition says, “The king performs Di to the ancestor from whom his line sprang, matching him with that ancestor.” It differs from regular sacrifice and is therefore called greater than the seasonal rites. The Appended Remarks say, “The Changes as a book is broad and great, complete in every respect. There is the Way of Heaven, the Way of Earth, and the Way of Man; joining the three powers and doubling them yields six. The six are nothing but the ways of the three powers.” The Qian Commentary says, “Great indeed is the originating power of Qian! All things owe their beginning to it, and it unifies Heaven. Clouds move, rain falls; things take shape; the great brightness runs start to finish; the six positions complete themselves in season.” That answers to sacrifice once in six years; the Kun origin is the same. Sincerity and reverence are fully provided here. Of Feng and Shan, your servant dares not speak.
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高祖嘉納之，因推演懋議，稱制旨以答，請者由是遂停。
The High Ancestor praised and accepted it, developed Mao’s argument, answered in the imperial voice, and the petitioners stopped.
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十年，轉太子家令。 宋、齊舊儀，郊天祀帝，皆用袞冕，至天監七年，懋始請造大裘。 至是，有事於明堂，儀注猶云「服袞冕」。 懋駮云：「《禮》云『大裘而冕，祀昊天上帝亦如之。』 良由天神尊遠，須貴誠質。 今泛祭五帝，理不容文。」 改服大裘，自此始也。 又降敕問：「凡求陰陽，應各從其類，今雩祭燔柴，以火祈水，意以爲疑。」 懋答曰：「雩祭燔柴，經無其文，良由先儒不思故也。 按周宣《雲漢》之詩曰：『上下奠瘞，靡神不宗。』 毛注云：『上祭天，下祭地，奠其幣，瘞其物。』 以此而言，爲旱而祭天地，並有瘞埋之文，不見有燔柴之說。 若以祭五帝必應燔柴者，今明常之禮，又無其事。 且《禮》又云『埋少牢以祭時』，時之功是五帝，此又是不用柴之證矣。 昔雩壇在南方正陽位，有乖求神； 而已移于東，實柴之禮猶未革。 請停用柴，其牲牢等物，悉從坎瘞，以符周宣《雲漢》之說。」 詔並從之。 凡諸禮儀，多所刊正。
In year ten he became Director of the Household of the Heir Apparent. Song and Qi used the dragon robe for suburban sacrifice to Heaven and for enfeoffing the Emperor; only in Tianjian year seven did Mao first ask that the great fur garment be made. When the Bright Hall rite came due, the protocol still said, “Wear the dragon robe.” Mao objected: “The Rites say, ‘Great fur garment and cap—sacrifice to the August Heaven above is also like this.’ Heaven’s spirits are remote; one must honor sincerity and plainness. A general sacrifice to the Five Emperors cannot permit ornament.” The great fur garment began here. An edict also asked: “Seeking yin and yang should follow each kind; the Yu sacrifice burns firewood—fire to pray for water—your servant doubts this.” Mao answered: “Burning firewood at the Yu sacrifice has no classical text; the former scholars simply never thought it through. The ode “Vast Heaven” in King Xuan’s reign says, “Above and below, set out offerings and bury victims;” Mao’s commentary: “Above, sacrifice to Heaven; below, sacrifice to Earth—set out silks, bury victims.” So in drought one sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, with burial rites for both and no mention of burning firewood. If the Five Emperors’ sacrifice must burn firewood, the regular Bright Hall rites have no such thing either. The Rites also say, “Bury a young ox to sacrifice to the season”—the season’s work is the Five Emperors’; again, no firewood. Formerly the Yu altar stood due south in the yang position, ill-suited to seeking spirits; though moved eastward, the firewood rite was still unreformed. Your servant asks that firewood be discontinued and oxen and the rest buried in the pit, to match King Xuan’s “Vast Heaven.” Edicts accepted everything. In ritual matters of every kind he corrected much.
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以足疾出爲始平太守，政有能名。 加散騎常侍，轉天門太守。 中大通三年，皇太子召諸儒參錄《長春義記》。 四年，拜中庶子。 是歲卒，時年六十九。 撰《述行記》四卷，有集十五卷。
Foot ailment sent him out as Grand Administrator of Shiping, where his rule won a name for competence. He was given Regular Cavalier Attendant and became Grand Administrator of Tianmen. In Zhongdatong year three the crown prince summoned Confucians to compile the Record of the Meaning of the Everlasting Spring. In year four he was appointed Attendant of the Heir Apparent. That year he died, aged sixty-nine. He wrote A Record of Conduct in four scrolls and left collected works in fifteen scrolls.
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陳吏部尚書姚察曰：司馬褧儒術博通，到漑文義優敏，顯、懋、之遴強學浹洽，並職經便繁，應對左右，斯蓋嚴、朱之任焉。 而漑、之遴遂至顯貴，亟拾青紫； 然非遇時，焉能致此仕也。 [1]
Yao Cha, Chen’s Minister of Personnel, said: Sima Jiong mastered Confucian learning; Dao Gai was quick and fine in letters; Xian, Mao, and Zhilin studied hard and knew their fields through— all served amid the classics at the ruler’s elbow, the office of Yan and Zhu. Yet Gai and Zhilin rose to great wealth and repeatedly took the blue and purple. Without the times on their side, how could they have reached such posts? Editorial footnote marker in the source text.
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全文以中華書局、一九七三年五月版《梁書》爲本校。
The full text has been collated against the Zhonghua Shuju edition of 《Book of Liang》, May 1973.