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志第三十六禮十四 〈（凶禮三）〉
Treatise 36: Rites XIV (Mourning Rites, Part Three)〉
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謁祭陵廟忌辰受蕃國王訃奏儀爲王公大臣舉哀儀臨王公大臣喪儀中宮爲父祖喪儀遣使臨吊儀遣使冊贈王公大臣儀賜祭葬喪葬之制碑碣賜諡品官喪禮士庶人喪禮服紀
Visiting and sacrificing at mausoleums and temples; death anniversaries; receiving obituary memorials from tributary kings; raising lamentation for princes and senior ministers; attending the funerals of princes and senior ministers; inner-palace mourning for paternal ancestors; dispatching envoys to offer condolences; dispatching envoys to confer posthumous enfeoffments on princes and senior ministers; grants for sacrifice and burial; regulations on burial and funeral monuments; posthumous titles and ranked officials' funeral rites; scholar-commoner funeral rites; mourning dress and service periods
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○謁祭陵廟
○ On visiting and sacrificing at mausoleums and temples
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八年，詔翰林院議陵寢朔望節序祭祀禮。 學士樂韶鳳等言：「漢諸廟寢園有便殿，日祭於寢，月祭於廟，時祭於便殿。 後漢都洛陽，以關西諸陵久遠，但四時用特牲祀。 每西幸，即親詣。 歲正月祀郊廟畢，以次上洛陽諸陵。 唐園陵之制，皇祖以上陵，皆朔望上食，元日、冬至、寒食、伏臘、社各一祭。 皇考陵，朔望及節祭日進食，又薦新於諸陵。 永徽二年，定獻陵朔望、冬夏至、伏臘、清明、社等節，皆上食。 開元中，敕獻、昭、乾、定、橋、恭六陵，朔望上食，冬至、寒食各設一祭。 宋每歲春秋仲月，遣太常宗正卿朝諸陵。 我朝舊儀，每歲元旦、清明、七月望、十月朔、冬至日，俱用太牢，遣官致祭。 白塔二處，則用少牢，中官行禮，今擬如舊儀，增夏至日用太牢，其伏臘、社、每月朔望，則用特羊，祠祭署官行禮。 如節與朔望、伏臘、社同日，則用節禮。」 從之。
In the eighth year, the throne ordered the Hanlin Academy to draft ritual for offerings at the imperial mausoleum on new and full moons and at seasonal observances. Hanlin academician Yue Shaofeng and others reported: "Under the Han, each temple park-tomb had a side hall: daily offerings were made in the sleeping chamber, monthly in the main temple, and seasonal in the side hall. When the Later Han moved the capital to Luoyang, the Guanxi tombs lay too distant for regular attendance; only the four seasonal sacrifices with a special victim were kept. Whenever the emperor toured west, he went in person. After the first month's suburban and ancestral rites were finished, he visited the Luoyang tombs in sequence. Under Tang park-tomb regulations, tombs of the imperial forebears and above received food on every new and full moon, and one sacrifice each on New Year's Day, the winter solstice, Cold Food, the dog-days and year-end festivals, and the community rite. At the imperial father's tomb, offerings came on new and full moons and festival days; fresh harvest was also presented at the various tombs. In Yonghui year 2, Xian Mausoleum was scheduled for food offerings on new and full moons, both solstices, the dog-days and year-end festivals, Qingming, and the community rite. During Kaiyuan, an edict fixed new- and full-moon offerings and one sacrifice each on the winter solstice and Cold Food for the six tombs: Xian, Zhao, Qian, Ding, Qiao, and Gong. Each year in the second months of spring and autumn, the Song dispatched the Director of Imperial Sacrifices and the Director of the Imperial Clan to attend the tombs. Our former practice: on New Year's Day, Qingming, the fifteenth of the seventh month, the first of the tenth month, and the winter solstice, the great victim was used and officials were sent to sacrifice. At the two White Pagoda sites the lesser victim was offered by eunuchs. It is now proposed to keep the old schedule, add the summer solstice with the great victim, and on the dog-days, year-end festivals, community rite, and each new and full moon use a special sheep, with Sacrificial Office officials performing the rite. When a festival day falls on the same date as a new or full moon or the dog-days, year-end, or community observances, the festival ritual takes precedence." The court approved.
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十六年，孝陵殿成，命皇太子以牲醴致祭。 清晨陳祭儀畢，皇太子、親王由東門入，就殿中拜位，皆四拜。 皇太子少前，三上香，奠酒，讀祝曰：「園陵始營，祭享之儀未具。 今禮殿既成，奉安神位，謹用祭告。」 遂行亞獻、終獻禮，皇太子以下皆四拜，執事行禮皆內官。 二十六年令，車馬過陵，及守陵官民入陵者，百步外下馬，違者以大不敬論。 建文初，定孝陵每歲正旦、孟冬、忌辰、聖節，俱行香，清明、中元、冬至，俱祭祀。 勳舊大臣行禮，文武官陪祀。 若親王之籓，過京師者謁陵。 官員以公事至，入城者謁陵，出城者辭陵。 國有大事，遣官祭告。 懿文太子陵在孝陵左，四孟、清明、中元、冬至、歲暮及忌辰，凡九祭。
In year 16, when Xiaoling's ritual hall was finished, the heir apparent was commanded to sacrifice with victims and libations. When the dawn rites were arranged, the heir apparent and princes entered the east gate, took their places in the hall, and each bowed four times. The heir apparent advanced slightly, offered incense three times, poured wine, and read the prayer: "The mausoleum park was newly laid out and sacrificial rites were not yet in place. Now that the ritual hall stands complete and the spirit seat is enshrined, we respectfully announce it with this offering." The secondary and final offerings followed; the heir apparent and all below bowed four times; eunuchs of the inner palace conducted the rite. In year 26 it was ordered: anyone passing the mausoleum by carriage or on horseback, and any guard or visitor entering it, must dismount a hundred paces away; violation was punished as gross irreverence. Early in Jianwen, Xiaoling was scheduled for incense on New Year's Day, mid-winter, the death anniversary, and the emperor's birthday, and full sacrifice on Qingming, the mid-year ghost festival, and the winter solstice. Meritorious elder ministers led the rite; civil and military officials assisted. Princes en route to their fiefs who passed the capital visited the mausoleum. Officials arriving on state business paid respects at the mausoleum on entering the city and on departure when leaving. On great affairs of state, envoys were sent to report them in sacrificial announcement. Heir apparent Yiwen's tomb lay left of Xiaoling; nine sacrifices were held in the four second months, at Qingming, the mid-year festival, the winter solstice, year-end, and on his death anniversary.
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弘治元年，遣內官監護鳳陽皇陵，凡官員以公事經過者俱謁陵。 十七年，更裕陵神座。 初，議以孝肅太皇太后祔葬裕陵，已遣官分告諸陵及天壽山后土，而欽天監以爲歲殺在北，方向不利。 內官監亦謂英廟陵寢，難以輕動，遂議別建廟，奉安神主。 帝心未慊，卒移英廟居中，孝莊居左，孝肅祔其右云。
In Hongzhi 1, eunuchs of the Directorate were sent to guard Fengyang's imperial mausoleum; every official passing on public business had to visit it. In year 17 the spirit seats at Yuling were replaced. At first it was proposed to bury Empress Dowager Xiaosu at Yuling; envoys had announced at every mausoleum and at Tianshou Mountain's Queen of Earth altar, but the Astronomical Directorate said the year's killing force lay north and the direction was ill-omened. The eunuch directorate also argued that Yingzong's tomb chamber could not lightly be disturbed; they then proposed a separate temple to enshrine the tablet. The emperor was not content; in the end Yingzong was centered, Xiaozhuang placed to his left, and Xiaosu to his right.
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正德間，定長陵以下諸陵，各設神宮監並衛及祠祭署。 凡清明、中元、冬至，俱分遣駙馬都尉行禮，文武官陪祭。 忌辰及正旦、孟冬、聖節，亦遣駙馬都尉行禮。 親王之籓，詣諸陵辭謁。 恭讓章皇后陵，清明、中元、冬至、忌辰內官行禮。 西山景皇帝陵，祭期如上，儀賓行禮。
Under Zhengde, each mausoleum from Changling downward received a Spirit Palace Directorate, guards, and a Sacrificial Office. On Qingming, the mid-year festival, and the winter solstice, imperial sons-in-law were dispatched separately to lead the rite, with civil and military officials assisting. On death anniversaries, New Year's Day, mid-winter, and the emperor's birthday, sons-in-law were likewise dispatched. Princes departing for their fiefs paid respects and took leave at the mausoleums. At Empress Zhangrang's tomb, Qingming, the mid-year festival, the winter solstice, and death anniversaries were conducted by inner-palace eunuchs. At Emperor Jing's Western Hills tomb the calendar matched the above, with ritual guests performing the rite.
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初，成祖易黃土山名天壽山。 嘉靖十年，名祖陵曰基運山，皇陵曰翌聖山，孝陵曰神烈山，顯陵曰純德山，及天壽山，並方澤從祀，所在有司祭告各陵山祇。 禮官因奏：「神祇壇每年秋祭，有鐘山、天壽山之神，今宜增基運等山。」 從之。
Originally Chengzu renamed Huangtu Mountain Tianshou Mountain. In Jiajing year 10, Zuling's mountain was named Jiyun, the imperial tomb's Yisheng, Xiaoling's Shenlie, Xianling's Chunde, and Tianshou Mountain—all joined the square-altar collateral sacrifice, and local officials reported to each mausoleum mountain spirit. Ritual officials memorialized: "The Spirits Altar autumn sacrifice already includes Zhong and Tianshou mountains; Jiyun and the others should now be added." Approved.
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十四年，諭禮部尚書夏言：「清明節既遣官上陵，內殿復祭，似涉煩復。」 言因言：「我朝祀典，如特享、時享、祫享、禘祭，足應經義，可爲世法。 惟上陵及奉先殿多沿前代故事。 上陵之祀，每歲清明、中元、冬至凡三。 中元俗節，事本不經。 往因郊祀在正首，故冬至上陵，蓋重一氣之始，伸報本之義。 今冬至既行大報配天之禮，則陵事爲輕。 況有事南郊，乃輟陪祀臣僚，遠出山陵，恐於尊祖配天之誠未盡。 可罷冬至上陵，而移中元於霜降，惟清明如舊。 蓋清明禮行於春，所謂雨露既濡，君子履之，有怵惕之心者也。 霜降禮行於秋，所謂霜露既降，君子履之，有悽愴之心者也。 二節既遣官上陵，則內殿之祭，誠不宜復。」 遂著爲令。
In year 14 the emperor told Minister of Rites Xia Yan: "On Qingming we already send officials to the mausoleum, yet the inner hall sacrifices again—it seems redundant." Yan replied: "Our sacrificial canon—special, seasonal, collective, and Di offerings—fully meets classical doctrine and can model the age. Only mausoleum visits and the Hall of Ancestors largely follow earlier dynasties. Mausoleum rites were held thrice yearly: Qingming, the mid-year festival, and the winter solstice. The mid-year festival is a folk observance without canonical warrant. Because suburban sacrifice once fell at year's start, winter solstice mausoleum visits honored the beginning of cosmic qi and expressed repayment to one's root. Now the winter solstice already has the great report and matching-Heaven rite, so mausoleum duties weigh less. When the southern suburban rite is underway, pulling assisting ministers away to distant mausoleums may fall short of reverence toward ancestors and Heaven. Winter solstice mausoleum visits may be dropped; move the mid-year rite to Frost's Descent; keep Qingming unchanged. Qingming falls in spring—"when dew and rain have soaked the ground, the gentleman walks upon it with wary reverence." Frost's Descent falls in autumn—"when frost and dew have descended, the gentleman walks upon it with sorrowful grief." Once officials are sent to the mausoleum on both days, inner-hall sacrifice should indeed not be repeated." This was enacted as statute.
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十五年，諭言曰：「廟重於陵，其禮嚴。 故廟中一帝一後，陵則二三後配葬。 今別建奉慈殿，不若奉主於陵殿爲宜。 且梓宮配葬，而主乃別置，近於黜之，非親之也。」 乃遷孝肅、孝穆、孝惠三後神主於陵殿。 又諭言曰：「三後神主稱皇太后、太皇太后者，乃子孫所奉尊稱。 今既遷陵殿，則名實不準。」 言等議曰：「三後神主，禮不祔廟，義當從祧。 遷奉陵殿，深合典禮。 其稱皇太后、太皇太后者，乃子孫所上尊號。 今已遷奉於陵，則當從夫婦之義，改題孝肅神主，不用睿字，孝穆、孝惠神主，俱不用純字，則嫡庶有別，而尊親並隆矣。」 命如擬行。 又諭：「祭告長陵等七陵俱躬叩拜，恭讓章皇后、景皇帝陵亦展拜一次，以慰追感之情。」 十七年，改陵殿曰祾恩殿，門曰祾恩門。 又建成祖聖蹟亭於平臺山，率從官行祭禮。 二十一年，工部尚書顧璘請以帝所上顯陵聖制歌詩，製爲樂章，享獻陵廟。 禮部言：「天壽山諸陵，歲祀皆不用樂。」 已而承天府守備太監傅霖乞增顯陵歲暮之祭。 部議言：「諸陵皆無歲暮祀典。」 詔並從部議。
In year 15 the emperor told Yan: "The temple outweighs the mausoleum; its rites are stricter. Hence the temple holds one emperor and one empress, while the mausoleum may receive two or three consorts in attendant burial. Building a separate Hall of Fond Memory is less fitting than enshrining the tablets in the mausoleum hall. When the coffin shares burial but the tablet is set apart, that nears dismissal and is not kinship." The spirit tablets of Empresses Xiaosu, Xiaomu, and Xiaohui were then moved to the mausoleum hall. The emperor again told Yan: "Titles of Empress Dowager and Grand Empress Dowager on the three tablets are honorifics given by descendants. Now that they rest in the mausoleum hall, title and fact no longer align." Yan and colleagues argued: "These three tablets, not enshrined in the temple by rite, should follow distant-shrine removal. Transfer to the mausoleum hall deeply fits canonical ritual. Empress Dowager and Grand Empress Dowager are descendant-bestowed honorifics. At the mausoleum they should follow husband-and-wife usage: Xiaosu's tablet should drop the character Rui; Xiaomu's and Xiaohui's should drop Chun—distinguishing primary from secondary while honoring both." The court ordered implementation as proposed. The emperor also ordered: "When announcing sacrifice at the seven mausoleums including Changling, I shall kowtow in person; at Empress Zhangrang's and Emperor Jing's tombs perform one extended bow to ease retrospective grief." In year 17 the mausoleum hall was renamed Hall of Blessing and Grace and its gate Blessing and Grace Gate. Chengzu's Holy Traces Pavilion was also built on Pingtai Mountain, where the emperor led attendants in sacrifice. In year 21 Minister of Works Gu Lin asked that the emperor's sacred poems for Xianling be set as ritual hymns for mausoleum offering. The Ministry of Rites replied: "Annual sacrifice at Tianshou mausoleums never employs music." Soon after, the Shuntian guard eunuch Fu Lin asked to add a year-end sacrifice at Xianling. The ministry replied: "No mausoleum has a year-end sacrificial precedent." The throne approved the ministry on both matters.
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隆慶二年，帝詣天壽山春祭。 前一日，告世宗几筵及奉先、弘孝、神霄殿。 駕至天壽山紅門降輿，由左門入，升輿，駐蹕感思殿。 越二日，質明行禮。 帝青袍，乘板輿至長陵門外，東降輿，由殿左門入，至拜位，上香，四拜。 至神御前獻帛、獻爵訖，復位。 亞獻、終獻，令執爵者代，復四拜。 餘如常祭之儀。 隨詣永陵行禮。 是日遣官六員，俱青服，分祭六陵。
In Longqing year 2 the emperor went to Tianshou Mountain for spring sacrifice. The day before he announced at Shizong's spirit seat and at the Ancestors, Hongxiao, and Divine Empyrean halls. At Tianshou Mountain's Red Gate he left the carriage, entered by the left gate, remounted, and halted at the Hall of Reflective Thought. Two days later, at dawn, the rite was performed. In a blue robe he rode a palanquin to Changling's outer gate, descended on the east, entered the hall's left gate, offered incense at the bowing place, and bowed four times. Before the spirit seat he presented silk and libation, then returned to place. Secondary and final offerings were poured by attendants; he bowed four times again. The rest followed ordinary sacrificial form. He then went to Yongling to perform the rite. That day six officials in blue were dispatched to sacrifice at six mausoleums separately.
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萬曆八年，謁陵禮如舊。 十一年，復謁陵。 禮部言：「宜遵世宗彝憲，酌分二日，以次展拜。」 乃定長、永、昭三陵，上香，八拜，親奠帛。 初獻，六陵二寢，上香，四拜。 其奠帛三獻，俱執事官代。 十四年，禮部言：「諸妃葬金山諸處者，嘉靖中俱配享各陵殿，罷本墳祭。 今世廟諸妃安厝西山者，宜從其例。 至陵祭品物，九陵、恭讓、恭仁之陵止於酒果，而越、靖諸王及諸王妃則又有牲果祝文，反從其厚者，蓋以九陵帝后，歲暮已祫祭於廟，旬日內且復有孟春之享，故元旦陵殿止用酒果，非儉也； 諸王諸妃則祫祭春祭皆不與，元旦一祭不宜從簡，故用牲帛祝文，非豐也。 特恭讓、恭仁既不與祫享於廟中，又不設牲帛於陵殿，是則禮文之缺，宜增所未備。 而諸王諸妃祝文，尚仍安厝時所用，宜改敘歲時遣官之意，則情順禮安。」 報可。
In Wanli year 8 mausoleum visits followed the old form. In year 11 mausoleum visits were resumed. The Ministry of Rites said: "Follow Shizong's standing rule: spread over two days and bow in sequence." It was fixed: at Chang, Yong, and Zhao mausoleums, incense with eight bows and the emperor's personal silk offering. At the initial offering, the six mausoleums and two chambers received incense with four bows. Silk presentation and the three libations were all performed by attending officials. In year 14 the Ministry said: "Consorts buried at Jinshan and elsewhere were in Jiajing given collateral enjoyment at each mausoleum hall and their own tomb sacrifices ended. Consorts now enshrined at the Western Hills should follow that precedent. Mausoleum offerings differed: the nine imperial tombs and Zhangrang and Gongren used only wine and fruit, while Yue, Jing princes and consorts received victims, fruit, and prayer text—seemingly richer—because the nine tombs' emperor and empresses already had year-end collective temple rites and mid-spring offering within ten days, so New Year's mausoleum halls used only wine and fruit, not from austerity; princes and consorts had neither collective nor spring temple rites, so one New Year's mausoleum rite should not be reduced—hence victims, silk, and prayer text, not from lavishness. Yet Zhangrang and Gongren had neither temple collective enjoyment nor mausoleum victims and silk—a lacuna in ritual text that should be supplied. The prayer texts for princes and consorts still follow wording from temporary enshrinement; they should be revised to reflect annual official dispatch, so sentiment and ritual align." Approved.
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凡山陵規制，有寶城，長陵最大，徑一百一丈八尺。 次永陵，徑八十一丈。 各陵深廣丈尺有差。 正前爲明樓，樓中立帝廟諡石碑，下爲靈寢門。 惟永陵中爲券門。 左右牆門各一樓。 明樓前爲石几筵，又前爲祾恩殿、祾恩門。 殿惟長陵重檐九間，左右配殿各十五間。 永陵重檐七間，配殿各九間。 諸陵俱殿五間，配殿五間。 門外神庫或一或二，神廚宰牲亭，有聖蹟碑亭。 諸陵碑俱設門外，率無字。 長陵迤南有總神道，有石橋，有石像人物十八對，擎天柱四，石望柱二。 長陵有《神功聖德碑》，仁宗御撰，在神道正南。 南爲紅門，門外石牌坊一。 門內有時陟殿，爲車駕更衣之所。 永陵稍東有感思殿，爲駐蹕之所。 殿東爲神馬廠。
Mausoleum layout includes a treasure city; Changling's is largest, one hundred one zhang eight chi in diameter. Yongling follows at eighty-one zhang diameter. Depth and breadth differ for each tomb. The facade Bright Tower holds the temple posthumous-title stele; below lies the Spirit Sleeping Gate. Only Yongling centers an arched gate. Each side wall gate has its own tower. Before the Bright Tower stand stone offering tables, then the Hall and Gate of Blessing and Grace. Changling alone has double eaves and nine bays, with fifteen-bay side halls each. Yongling has seven bays with double eaves and nine-bay side halls. Other mausoleums use five-bay halls and matching side halls. Outside stand one or two spirit storehouses, spirit kitchens, slaughter pavilions, and Holy Traces stele pavilions. Mausoleum steles sit outside the gate, usually blank. South of Changling runs the collective spirit way with stone bridges, eighteen pairs of stone figures, four heaven pillars, and two watching pillars. Changling bears Renzong's Stele of Divine Merit and Sagely Virtue on the spirit way's south axis. South lies the Red Gate with one stone memorial arch outside. Inside is the Timely Ascent Hall for changing imperial dress. East of Yongling stands the Hall of Reflective Thought as the halting place. East of the hall lies the divine horse depot.
14
○忌辰
○ On death anniversaries
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洪武八年四月，仁祖忌日，太祖親詣皇陵致祭。 永樂元年，禮部尚書李至剛等奏定，高皇帝忌辰前二日，帝服淺淡色衣，御西角門視事。 不鳴鐘鼓，不行賞罰，不舉音樂，禁屠宰。 百官淺淡色衣、黑角帶朝參。 至日，親祀於奉先殿，仍率百官詣孝陵致祭。 高皇后忌辰如之。
In Hongwu year 8, fourth month, on Renzu's death anniversary Taizu sacrificed in person at the imperial mausoleum. In Yongle 1, Minister of Rites Li Zhigang fixed that two days before the High Emperor's death anniversary the emperor wears pale dress and holds court at the West Corner Gate. No bells or drums, rewards or punishments, or music; slaughter is forbidden. Officials attend in pale dress with black horn belts. On the day he sacrifices at the Hall of Ancestors and leads officials to Xiaoling. The High Empress's anniversary followed the same rule.
16
宣德四年令，凡遇忌辰，通政司、禮科、兵馬司勿引囚奏事。 五年，敕百官朝參輟奏事儀。
Xuande year 4: on death anniversaries the Transmission Office, Rites Section, and Horse Patrol must not present prisoners. In year 5 an edict suspended memorials during anniversary attendance.
17
英宗即位，召禮臣及翰林院議忌辰禮。 大學士楊士奇、楊榮，學士楊溥議：「每歲高廟帝后、文廟帝后、仁宗忌辰，服淺淡色服，不鳴鐘鼓，於奉天門視事。 宣宗忌辰，小祥之日，於西角門視事。」 從之。
At Yingzong's accession he summoned ritualists and Hanlin to fix anniversary rites. Shiqi, Rong, and Pu proposed: on High Temple, Wenzong, and Renzong anniversaries wear pale dress, silence bells and drums, and hold court at Fengtian Gate. On Xuandezong's anniversary, on the lesser mourning day, hold court at the West Corner Gate." Approved.
18
弘治十四年令，凡遇忌辰，朝參官不得服糹寧絲紗羅衣。 景皇帝、恭讓皇后忌辰，遇節令，服青絲花樣。 宣宗忌辰，遇祭祀，服紅。 十六年八月，吏部尚書馬文升言：「宣德間，仁宗忌辰，諸司悉免奏事。 自太祖至仁宗生忌，俱輟朝。 其後不知何時，仁宗忌辰，依前奏事。 惟太祖至憲宗忌辰，百官淺淡色服、黑角帶。 朝廷亦出視朝，鳴鐘鼓，奏事。 臣思自仁至憲，世有遠近，服有隆殺。 請自仁宗忌辰、英宗生忌日，視朝，鳴鐘鼓。 若遇憲宗及孝穆皇太后忌日，不視朝，著淺淡服，進素膳，不預他事。 或遵宣宗時例，自太祖至憲宗生忌，俱輟朝一日。 憲宗、孝穆忌日，如臣所擬。」 帝下禮部議。 部臣言：「經傳所載，忌日爲親死之日。 則死日爲忌，非謂生辰也。 其曰忌日不用，不以此日爲他事也。 曰忌日不樂，是不可舉吉事也，此日當專意哀思父母，餘事皆不舉。 但先朝事例，迄今見行，未敢更易。」 帝乃酌定以淺淡服色視事。
Hongzhi year 14: anniversary attendees may not wear silk gauze or damask. On Jing and Zhangrang anniversaries that fall on festivals, wear blue floral silk. On Xuandezong's anniversary during sacrifice, wear red. In year 16, eighth month, Ma Wensheng said: "Under Xuande, Renzong's anniversary halted all memorials. From Taizu through Renzong, birth anniversaries suspended court. Later, at some point, Renzong's death anniversary again allowed memorials. Only from Taizu through Xianzong death anniversaries required pale dress and black horn belts. Court still held audience, bells, drums, and business. Generations from Ren to Xian differ in distance; mourning gradation should differ too. From Renzong's death anniversary and Yingzong's birth anniversary, hold full audience with bells and drums. On Xianzong or Xiaomu anniversaries, skip audience; wear pale dress, plain food, no other business. Or follow Xuande: suspend court one day for Taizu through Xianzong birth anniversaries. Xianzong and Xiaomu death anniversaries per my proposal." The emperor sent it to the Ministry of Rites. The ministry cited classics: taboo day means the day of death. Taboo marks death, not birth. Taboo days forbid other business. Taboo days forbid joyous affairs; one should mourn parents exclusively. Former precedents still run; we dare not change lightly." The emperor fixed pale dress while conducting affairs.
19
嘉靖七年令，忌辰只祭本位。 十八年令，高廟帝后忌辰祭於景神殿，列聖帝后忌辰祭於永孝殿。 二十四年令，仍祭於奉先殿。
Jiajing year 7: anniversary sacrifice only at the principal seat. Jiajing year 18: High Temple anniversaries at Jing Spirit Hall; successive emperors at Eternal Filiality Hall. Jiajing year 24: sacrifice returned to the Hall of Ancestors.
20
○乘輿受蕃國王訃奏儀
○ Protocol for the throne receiving tributary kings' obituaries
21
凡蕃國王薨，使者訃奏至，於西華門內壬地設御幄，皇帝素服乘輿詣幄。 太常卿奏：「某國世子遣陪臣某官某，奏某國王臣某薨。」 承製官至使者前宣制曰：「皇帝致問爾某國王某，得何疾而逝。」 使者答故。 其儀大略如臨王公大臣喪儀，但不舉哀。
When a tributary king dies and the obituary envoy arrives, a canopy is set inside Xihua Gate; the emperor in plain dress proceeds there. The Director announces: "The heir of [state] sent minister [name] to report King [name]'s death." The edict officer asks: "The emperor inquires what illness took your king." The envoy answers regarding the cause. The rite largely matches attendance at princely funerals, without raised lamentation.
22
凡塞外都督等官訃至，永樂間遣官齎香鈔諭祭。 後定例，因其奏請，給與表裏祭文，令攜歸自祭。 來京病故者，遣官諭祭或賜棺賜葬。 後定年終類奏，遣官祭之。 若在邊歿於戰陣者，不拘此例。 凡外國使臣病故者，令所在官司賜棺及祭，或欲歸葬者聽。
For frontier commanders' deaths, Yongle sent officials with incense and paper to announce sacrifice. Later precedent granted robes and sacrificial text on request for home sacrifice. Those dying in the capital received envoy sacrifice or granted coffin and burial. Later year-end collective reports triggered dispatched sacrifice. Death in battle on the frontier was excepted. Foreign envoys dying received local coffin and sacrifice, or permitted repatriation.
23
○乘輿爲王公大臣舉哀儀
○ Protocol for the throne raising lamentation for princes and senior ministers
24
○乘輿臨王公大臣喪儀
○ Protocol for the throne attending princely and senior ministers' funerals
25
凡王公大臣訃奏，太史監擇皇帝臨喪日期。 拱衛司設大次於喪家大門外，設御座於正廳中。 有司設百官次於大次之左右。 侍儀司設百官陪立位於廳前左右，引禮四人位於百官之北，東西向。 設喪主以下拜位於廳前，主婦以下哭位於殯北幔中。 其日，鑾駕至大次，降輅，升輿，入易素服。 百官皆易服，先入就廳前，分班侍立。 御輿出次。 喪主以下免絰去杖，衰服，出迎於大門外。 望見乘輿，止哭，再拜，入於門內之西。 乘輿入門，將軍四人前導，四人後從。 入至正廳，降輿，升詣靈座前，百官班於後。 皇帝哭，百官皆哭。 太常卿奏止哭，三上香，三祭酒。 出至正廳御座，主喪以下詣廳下拜位，再拜。 承製官詣喪主前云：「有制」。 喪主以下皆跪。 宣制訖，皆再拜，退立於廳西。 太常卿奏禮畢，皇帝升輿，出就大次，易服。 御輿出，喪主以下詣前再拜退。 皇帝降輿升輅，喪主杖哭而入。 諸儀衛贊唱，大略如常。
On princely or ministerial obituary, the Astronomical Directorate sets the emperor's attendance date. The Imperial Guard erects a great tent outside the gate and an imperial seat in the main hall. Officials' tents are placed left and right of the great tent. Ceremonies sets officials' flanking positions and four ushers north of them, east-west facing. The chief mourner bows before the hall; the chief wife wails north of the bier within the curtain. That day the procession halts at the great tent, dismounts, mounts the palanquin, and dons plain dress. Officials change dress, enter first, and stand in divided ranks before the hall. The imperial palanquin emerges. Mourners remove headband and staff, don mourning dress, and welcome outside the gate. Seeing the carriage, they cease wailing, bow twice, and wait inside the gate to the west. The carriage enters with four generals before and four behind. At the central hall he descends, ascends to the spirit seat, officials ranked behind. The emperor wails; all officials wail. The Director ends wailing, offers incense three times, pours libation three times. He returns to the hall seat; mourners bow twice below the hall. The edict officer announces: "There is an edict." All mourners kneel. After the edict all bow twice and stand west of the hall. The Director closes the rite; the emperor remounts, returns to the tent, and changes dress. As the palanquin departs, mourners advance, bow twice, and withdraw. The emperor remounts the carriage; the chief mourner enters with staff, wailing. Guards and ushers chant largely as on ordinary occasions.
26
其公、侯卒葬輟朝禮，洪武二十三年定。 凡公、侯卒於家者，聞喪輟朝三日。 下葬，一日。 卒於外者，聞喪，一日。 柩至京，三日。 下葬，仍一日。 凡輟朝之日，不鳴鐘鼓，各官淺淡色衣朝參。 初制，都督至都指揮卒，輟朝二日。 永樂後更定，惟公、侯、駙馬、伯及一品官，輟朝一日。
Court suspension when dukes and marquises die or are buried was fixed in Hongwu year 23. A duke or marquis dying at home suspends court three days on report. Burial suspends court one day. Death abroad suspends court one day on report. Coffin arrival in the capital suspends court three days. Burial again suspends one day. On suspension days no bells or drums; officials attend in pale dress. Originally regional commanders' deaths suspended court two days. After Yongle the rule was revised—only dukes, marquises, imperial sons-in-law, earls, and first-rank officials suspended court one day.
27
○中宮爲父祖喪儀
○ On inner-palace mourning for paternal ancestors
28
凡中宮父母薨，訃報太常寺，轉報內使監。 前期，設薦於別殿東壁下，爲皇后舉哀位及內命婦以下哭位。 皇后出詣別殿，內使監令奏：「考某官以某月某日薨」，母則云：「妣某夫人」，祖考、妣同。 皇后哭，內命婦以下皆哭盡哀。 皇后問故，又哭盡哀。 乃素服，內命婦皆素服，止哭，還宮。
When the empress's parents died, notice went to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and then the Palace Eunuchs Directorate. Beforehand mats were placed under the separate hall's east wall for the empress's lamentation and the palace ladies' wailing stations. The empress proceeded to the separate hall; the eunuch director announced, "Your late father, Official X, died on such-and-such a date," or for the mother, "Your late mother, Lady X," likewise for grandparents. The empress wailed; all palace ladies wailed to the full. The empress asked how the death occurred and wailed again to completion. Then all put on plain dress, ceased wailing, and returned to the palace.
29
內使監令奏聞。 得旨：「皇后奔喪。」 喪家設薦席於喪寢之東，從臨內命婦哭位於其下，主喪以下哭位於喪寢之西，主婦以下哭位於喪寢之北幔下。 至日，內使監進堊車，備儀仗導引。 皇后素服出宮，升輿，三面白布行帷。 至閣外，降輿，升堊車。 至喪家大門內，降車哭入，仍以行帷圍護。 從臨者皆哭入。 喪主以下，降詣西階下立哭。 皇后升自東階，進至屍東，憑屍哭。 從臨者皆哭。 喪主升自西階，俱哭於屍西。 皇后至哭位，內使監令跪請止哭。 應奉慰者詣皇后前，奉慰如常禮。 如皇后候成服，則從臨命婦應還者先還。 如本日未即奔喪，則是晡復哭於別殿。 尚服制皇后齊衰及從臨命婦孝服，俟喪家成服日進之。 詣靈前再拜，上香，復位，再拜。 如爲諸王外戚舉哀，仍於別殿南向，不設薦位。
The eunuch director memorialized the throne. Decree received: "The empress is to rush to the funeral." The mourning house set mats east of the death chamber; accompanying ladies wailed below; chief mourners wailed west; the mistress and other women wailed under the north curtain. On the appointed day the eunuch director brought the white funeral carriage with full escort. The empress left in plain dress by palanquin, screened on three sides with white cloth. Outside the gate pavilion she changed from palanquin to the white funeral carriage. Inside the mourning house gate she descended, entered wailing, still screened by the curtains. All attendants entered wailing. The chief mourner and others descended to wail below the west steps. The empress ascended the east steps, reached the corpse's east side, and wailed leaning upon it. All attendants wailed. The chief mourner ascended the west steps; all wailed west of the corpse. At the wailing station the eunuch director knelt and asked them to cease wailing. Those offering consolation approached the empress by the usual rite. If the empress stayed for the completion of mourning dress, accompanying ladies who were to return did so first. If she did not rush to the funeral that day, wailing resumed at the separate hall in the late afternoon. Imperial Apparel prepared the empress's qi mourning and the ladies' mourning dress, delivered when the mourning house completed its mourning garments. Before the spirit seat they bowed twice, offered incense, returned, and bowed again. Lamentation for princely in-laws used the separate hall facing south, without offering mats.
30
○遣使臨吊儀
○ On dispatching envoys to offer condolences
31
太常司奉旨遣吊。 前期，設宣制位於喪家正廳之北，南向； 喪主受吊位於南，北向； 婦人立哭位於殯北幕下。 其日，使者至。 喪主去杖，免絰衰服，止哭，出迎於中門外。 復先入，就廳前拜位。 內外止哭，使者入，就位稱有制。 喪主以下再拜跪。 宣制曰； 「皇帝聞某官薨，遣臣某吊。」 喪主以下復再拜。 禮畢，內外皆哭。 使者出，喪主至中門外，拜送，杖哭而入。 宮使則稱有令。 至遣使賻贈及致奠，其儀節亦相仿云。 賻贈之典，一品米六十石，麻布六十匹。 二品以五，三品、四品以四，五品、六品以三，公侯則以百。 永樂後定制，公、侯、駙馬、伯皆取上裁。 凡陣亡者全支，邊遠守禦出征及出海運糧病故半支。
The Court of Imperial Sacrifices dispatched condolence envoys by imperial order. Beforehand the edict station was placed north of the central hall, facing south; the chief mourner's reception station was south, facing north; women's wailing stations stood beneath the curtain north of the coffin. On the appointed day the envoy arrived. The chief mourner laid aside staff and mourning bands, ceased wailing, and met the envoy outside the middle gate. He re-entered first and took his bowing station before the hall. Wailing ceased throughout; the envoy entered, took position, and announced, "There is an edict." The chief mourner and others bowed twice and knelt. The envoy proclaimed: "The emperor, learning that Official X has died, sends me to offer condolences." The chief mourner and others bowed twice again. When the rite ended, all within and without resumed wailing. As the envoy left, the chief mourner bowed him out at the middle gate, then re-entered with staff, wailing. Palace envoys announced "There is an order" instead. Envoy missions for funeral gifts and offerings followed much the same procedure. Funeral gifts for first rank were sixty shi of grain and sixty bolts of hemp cloth. Second rank received fifty; third and fourth forty; fifth and sixth thirty; dukes and marquises one hundred. After Yongle dukes, marquises, imperial sons-in-law, and earls received the top allowance. Battle deaths received full payment; illness deaths on frontier garrison, campaign, or sea grain transport received half.
32
其遣百官會王公大臣喪儀。 前期，有司於喪家設位次。 其日，百官應會弔者素服至。 喪主以下就東階哭位，主婦以下就殯北哭位。 百官入，就殯前位哭，主喪主婦以下皆哭。 止哭，再拜，主喪以下答拜。 班首詣喪主前展慰畢，百官出，喪主拜送，杖哭而入。 會葬儀同。
Protocol for dispatching officials to princes' and senior ministers' funerals. Beforehand officials arranged seating at the mourning house. On the day attending officials arrived in plain dress. The chief mourner wailed at the east steps; the mistress and women wailed north of the coffin. Officials entered, wailed before the coffin; all mourners wailed. Wailing ceased; they bowed twice; mourners returned the bows. The lead official offered condolences; officials departed; the chief mourner bowed them out and re-entered wailing with staff. Burial attendance followed the same rite.
33
○遣使冊贈王公大臣儀
○ On dispatching envoys to posthumously enfeoff princes and senior ministers
34
前期，禮部奏請制冊，翰林院取旨制文，中書省禮部奏請某官爲使。 其日，祠祭司設龍亭、香亭於午門前正中，執事於受冊者家設宣制官位於正廳之東北，南向； 喪主代受冊命者位於廳前，北向。 禮部官封冊文，以盝匣盛之，黃袱裹置龍亭中。 儀仗、鼓樂前導，至其家。 代受冊者出迎於大門外。 執事舁龍亭置廳上正中，使者入，立於東北。 代受冊者就拜位，再拜。 使者稍前，稱「有制」。 代受冊者跪。 宣制曰：「皇帝遣臣某，冊贈故某官某爲某勳某爵。」 宣訖，代受冊者復再拜。 使者取冊授之，代受冊者捧置靈座前。 使者出，代受冊者送至大門外。 如不用冊者，吏部用誥命，喪家以冊文錄黃，設祭儀於靈前。 代受冊者再拜，執事者展黃立讀於左。 喪主以下皆再拜，焚黃。
Beforehand Rites memorialized for the patent, Hanlin drafted the text by decree, and the Secretariat and Rites nominated an envoy. That day Sacrificial Administration placed dragon and incense pavilions before the Meridian Gate; at the recipient's home attendants placed the edict station northeast of the central hall, facing south; the chief mourner representing the recipient stood before the hall, facing north. A Rites officer sealed the patent in a lacquer case wrapped in yellow cloth and placed it in the dragon pavilion. Insignia and music escorted the party to the home. The representative met them outside the great gate. Attendants placed the dragon pavilion at the hall's center; the envoy entered and stood to the northeast. The representative took the bowing station and bowed twice. The envoy stepped forward and announced, "There is an edict." The representative knelt. The envoy proclaimed: "The emperor sends me to posthumously enfeoff the late Official X with such merit and such rank." When the proclamation ended, the representative bowed twice again. The envoy handed over the patent; the representative placed it before the spirit seat. The envoy departed; the representative escorted him to the outer gate. Without a patent, Personnel issued a commission; the mourning house copied the text in yellow and set sacrifice before the spirit seat. The representative bowed twice; attendants unfolded the yellow copy and read it standing to the left. All mourners bowed twice and burned the yellow copy.
35
○賜祭葬
○ On grants for sacrifice and burial
36
洪武十四年九月，衍聖公孔希學卒，遣官致祭。 其後，羣臣祭葬，皆有定制。 太祖諭祭羣臣文，多出御筆。 嘉靖中，世宗爲禮部尚書席書、兵部尚書李承勳親制祭文。 皆特典，非常制也。
In Hongwu year 14, ninth month, Kong Xixue, Duke Who Spread the Sage's Teachings, died; officials were sent to sacrifice. Thereafter ministers' sacrificial and burial grants were fixed by regulation. Taizu's sacrificial texts for ministers were mostly in his own hand. In Jiajing the emperor personally wrote sacrificial texts for Xi Shu and Li Chengxun. These were special favors, not standard practice.
37
隆慶元年十二月，禮部議上卹典條例：凡官員祭葬，有無隆殺之等，悉遵《會典》。 其特恩，如侍從必日侍講讀、軍功必躬履行陣、東宮官必出閣講授有勞者。 據嘉靖中事例，祭葬加一等，無祭者與祭一罈，無葬者給半葬，半葬者給全葬。 講讀官五品本身有祭，四品及父母，三品及妻。 軍功四品得祭葬，三品未滿及父母。 講讀年久、啓沃功多、軍旅身殲、勳勞茂著者，恩恤加厚，臨期請旨。
In Longqing 1, twelfth month, Rites proposed relief regulations: all graded sacrificial and burial grants followed the 《Collected Statutes》. Special grace applied to daily lecturing attendants, soldiers with personal battlefield merit, and Eastern Palace tutors who had labored in lecturing. Jiajing precedents raised grants one grade; those without sacrifice received one altar set; those without burial received half burial; half burial could be raised to full. Fifth-rank lecturers received personal sacrifice; fourth rank added parents; third rank added the wife. Fourth-rank military merit earned sacrifice and burial; third-rank officers before completing tenure, and their parents, also qualified. Long-serving lecturers, counselors of great service, soldiers killed in campaign, and men of outstanding merit received enhanced grants by special decree at the time.
38
《會典》，凡一品官，祭九壇。 父母妻加祭。 或二壇、一罈，或妻止一罈者，恩難預擬，遇有陳乞，酌擬上請。 二品，二壇。 加東宮三少，或兼大學士贈一品者，至四壇，父母妻俱一罈，致仕加三少者加一罈，加太子太保者加三壇，妻未封夫人者不祭。 三品祭葬，在任、致仕俱一罈，兼學士贈尚書者二壇，未及考滿病故者一罈減半。 造葬悉如舊例。 四、五品官不得重封。 故四品官由六七品升者，父母有祭。 由五品升者，以例不重封，遂不得祭。 今定四品官，凡經考滿者，父母雖止授五品封，亦與祭一罈。 四品以上官，本身及父母恩典，必由考滿而後得。 然有二品、三品共歷四五年，父母未授三品封，終不得沾一祭者，宜並敘年資。 二品、三品共歷三年以上者，雖未考三品滿，本身及父母俱與三品祭葬。 三品四品，共歷三年以上者，雖未考四品滿，本身用三品未考滿例，祭一罈半，葬父母祭一罈。 凡被劾閒住者，雖遇覃恩，復致仕，仍不給祭葬。
The 《Collected Statutes》 fixed nine altar sets for first-rank officials. Parents and wives received additional sacrifice. Whether two sets, one set, or a wife receiving only one—the grace could not be fixed in advance; petitions were judged and referred upward. Second rank received two altar sets. With Eastern Palace minor tutorship or posthumous first rank as Grand Secretary, up to four sets; parents and wife each one; retired minor tutors gained one set; Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent gained three; wives not enfeoffed as ladies received no sacrifice. Third rank received one altar set in or out of office; posthumous ministerial enfeoffment as academician doubled it; death before completing tenure halved the set. Burial provisions followed previous precedent. Fourth- and fifth-rank officials could not receive duplicate enfeoffment. Fourth-rank officials promoted from sixth or seventh rank secured sacrifice for parents. Those promoted from fifth rank, barred from duplicate enfeoffment, received no sacrifice. It was now fixed that fourth-rank officials who completed tenure review secured one altar set for parents even if parents held only fifth-rank enfeoffment. Fourth rank and above required completed tenure review before personal or parental grants. Yet some second- and third-rank officials served four or five years combined while parents never received third-rank enfeoffment and gained no sacrifice; years of service should count as well. Second- and third-rank officials with three or more combined years of service received third-rank sacrifice and burial for themselves and parents even before completing third-rank tenure review. Third- and fourth-rank officials with three or more combined years of service, even before completing fourth-rank tenure review, received for themselves the third-rank precedent for incomplete review—one and a half sacrifice altars—and one altar for burying their parents. Anyone impeached and idled at home was denied sacrifice and burial honors even after a general amnesty or return to retirement.
39
勳臣祭葬，皇親出自上裁。 駙馬都尉祭十五壇。 公、侯、伯在內掌府事坐營、在外總兵有殊勳加太子太保以上者，遵《會典》。 公、侯十六壇，伯十五壇，掌府坐營總兵有勳勞者七罈，掌府坐營年勞者五壇，掌府坐營而政跡未著者四壇，管事而被劾勘明閒住者二壇，被劾未經勘實者一罈。 勘實罪重者，並本爵應得祭葬皆削。 又正德間，公、侯、伯本祭俱三壇，嘉靖間二壇。 今遵嘉靖例，以復《會典》之舊。 武臣祭葬，遵正德、嘉靖例，都督同知僉事、錦衣衛指揮祭三壇，署都督同知僉事一罈，餘推類行之。
Meritorious officials received regulated sacrifice and burial grants, but imperial kinsmen depended on the throne's personal decision. Sons-in-law of the emperor holding the title Commandant of the Riding Assistants were granted fifteen sacrifice altars. Dukes, marquises, and earls who managed princely establishments in the capital, commanded camp garrisons, or held field command with extraordinary merit and ranks from Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent upward followed the 《Collected Statutes》. Dukes and marquises received sixteen altars and earls fifteen; commanders of establishments or camps with distinguished merit received seven; those with long service received five; those without notable records received four; officials suspended after substantiated impeachment received two; and those impeached but not yet verified received one. If investigation confirmed serious wrongdoing, even the sacrifice and burial honors due their original rank were stripped away. Under the Zhengde emperor, dukes, marquises, and earls each received three personal sacrifice altars; under the Jiajing emperor, only two. The Jiajing precedent is now followed to restore the original provisions of the 《Collected Statutes》. Military officials' sacrifice and burial followed Zhengde and Jiajing practice: Vice Commissioners-in-chief and Embroidered Uniform Guard commanders received three altars, acting vice commissioners one altar, and lower ranks by analogy.
40
帝從其議。 萬曆六年更定，凡致仕養病終養聽用等官，祭葬俱與現任官同。 十二年續定，被劾自陳致仕官，有日久論定原無可議者，仍給祭葬，父母妻視本身爲差等。
The emperor accepted the recommendation. Revised in Wanli 6, retired officials, those on sick leave, those home on filial care, and those awaiting appointment all received the same sacrifice and burial as active officials. Further fixed in Wanli 12, impeached officials who retired on their own petition and were eventually cleared after long review still received sacrifice and burial, with parents and wives ranked one grade below the official.
41
○喪葬之制
○ On funeral and burial regulations
42
洪武五年定。 凡襲衣，三品以上三，四品、五品二，六品以下一。 飯含，五品以上飯稷含珠，九品以上飯粱含小珠。 銘旌、絳帛，廣一幅，四品以上長九尺，六品以上八尺，九品以上七尺。 斂衣，品官朝服一襲，常服十襲，衾十番。 靈座設於柩前，作白絹結魂帛以依神。 棺槨，品官棺用油杉硃漆，槨用土杉。 牆翣，公、侯六，三品以上四，五品以上二。 明器，公、侯九十事，一品、二品八十事，三品、四品七十事，五品六十事，六品、七品三十事，八品、九品二十事。 引者，引車之紼也； 披者，以纁爲之，擊於輀車四柱，在旁執之，以備傾覆者也； 鐸者，以銅爲之，所以節輓歌者。 公、侯四引六披，左右各八鐸。 一品、二品三引四披，左右各六鐸。 三品、四品二引二披，左右各四鐸。 五品以下，二引二披，左右各二鐸。 羽幡竿長九尺，五品以上，一人執之以引柩，六品以下不用。 功布，品官用之，長三尺。 方相，四品以上四目，七品以上兩目，八品以下不用。 柳車上用竹格，以彩結之，旁施帷幔，四角重流蘇。 志石二片，品官皆用之。 其一爲蓋，書某官之墓； 其一爲底，書姓名、鄉里、三代、生年、卒葬月日及子孫、葬地。 婦人則隨夫與子孫封贈。 二石相向，鐵束埋墓中。 祭物，四品以上羊豕，九品以上豕。
These regulations were established in Hongwu 5. Burial garments numbered three for third rank and above, two for fourth and fifth ranks, and one for sixth rank and below. For the mouth-offering rite, fifth rank and above received millet and a pearl; sixth rank and below received fine grain and a small pearl. Memorial pennants and crimson silk were one full width wide: nine feet for fourth rank and above, eight for sixth rank and above, and seven for ninth rank and above. For the shroud, ranked officials received one court robe, ten everyday robes, and ten quilt layers. A spirit seat was placed before the coffin, with white silk fashioned into a soul cloth to receive the departed spirit. Ranked officials' coffins were of oil-treated fir lacquered vermilion; outer coffins were of local fir. Wall feather-banners numbered six for dukes and marquises, four for third rank and above, and two for fifth rank and above. Spirit objects numbered ninety for dukes and marquises, eighty for first and second ranks, seventy for third and fourth, sixty for fifth, thirty for sixth and seventh, and twenty for eighth and ninth. Guides were the cords used to draw the funeral carriage; Supports were scarlet silk ropes tied to the bier carriage's four posts; attendants held them at the sides to prevent the carriage from tipping; Bells of bronze marked the tempo of the funeral dirge. Dukes and marquises received four guides and six supports, with eight bells on each side. First- and second-rank officials had three guides and four supports, with six bells on each side. Third- and fourth-rank officials had two guides and two supports, with four bells on each side. Officials of fifth rank and below had two guides and two supports, with two bells on each side. Feather banner poles were nine feet long; fifth rank and above used one bearer to lead the coffin, but sixth rank and below did not. Ranked officials used merit cloth three feet in length. Exorcist figures had four eyes for fourth rank and above and two eyes for seventh rank and above; eighth rank and below had none. The willow bier bore a bamboo frame bound with colored silk, side curtains, and heavy tassels at each corner. All ranked officials used two tomb inscription stones. One served as the cover stone and bore the inscription "Tomb of [title and name]"; The other served as the base stone and recorded name, native place, three generations, birth and death dates, descendants, and burial location. For women, inscriptions followed the titles conferred on the husband and descendants. The two stones faced each other, were bound with iron bands, and buried within the tomb. Sacrificial offerings included a sheep and pig for fourth rank and above, and a pig alone for ninth rank and above.
43
初，洪武二年，敕葬開平王常遇春於鐘山之陰，給明器九十事，納之墓中。 鉦二，鼓四，紅旗，拂子各二，紅羅蓋、鞍、籠各一，弓二，箭三，竈、釜、火爐各一，俱以木爲之。 水罐、甲、頭盔、臺盞、杓、壺、瓶、酒甕、唾壺、水盆、香爐各一，燭臺二，香盒、香匙各一，香箸二，香匙箸瓶、茶鍾、茶盞各一，箸二，匙二，匙箸瓶一，碗二，楪十二，橐二，俱以錫造，金裹之。 班劍、牙仗各一，金裹立瓜、骨朵戟、響節各二，交椅、腳踏、馬杌各一，誕馬六，槍、劍、斧、弩、食桌、牀、屏風、柱杖、箱、交牀、香桌各一，凳二，俱以木爲之。 樂工十六，執儀伏二十四，控士六，女使十，青龍、白虎、硃雀、玄武神四，門神二，武士十，並以木造，各高一尺。 雜物，翣六，璧一，筐、笥、楎、椸、衿、鞶各一，笣二，筲二，糧漿瓶二，油瓶一，紗廚、暖帳各一。 束帛青三段，纁二段，每段長一丈八尺。 後定制，公、侯九十事者准此行之。 餘以次減殺。
Initially, in Hongwu 2, the emperor ordered Prince of Kaiping Chang Yuchun buried on the north slope of Bell Mountain and granted ninety spirit objects for placement in the tomb. Two gongs, four drums, two red banners, and two whisk-brooms; one red silk canopy, saddle, and cage; two bows and three arrows; and one stove, cauldron, and brazier apiece—all of wood. One each of water jar, armor, helmet, goblet stand, ladle, ewer, vase, wine jar, spittoon, basin, and incense burner; two candle stands; one incense box and spoon; two incense chopsticks; one spoon-and-chopstick vase, tea bell, and tea cup; two chopsticks and two spoons; one spoon-and-chopstick vase; two bowls; twelve dishes; and two pouches—all tin wrapped in gold. One court sword and ivory staff; two gold-wrapped standing melons, bone-club halberds, and sounding staves; one folding chair, footrest, and horse stool; six ceremonial horses; and one spear, sword, axe, crossbow, dining table, bed, screen, walking stick, chest, folding bed, and incense table; plus two stools—all of wood. Sixteen musicians, twenty-four ritual attendants, six grooms, ten female attendants, the four directional spirit gods, two door gods, and ten warriors—all wooden figures one foot high. Miscellaneous grave goods included six feather-banners, one jade disk, one each of basket, box, clothes rack, pole, collar, and belt; two bundles; two rice measures; two grain-and-soup bottles; one oil bottle; and one gauze screen and warming canopy. Bundled silk comprised three sections of blue and two of scarlet, each one zhang and eight chi in length. When regulations were later fixed, the ninety spirit objects granted to dukes and marquises became the standard. Lower ranks received proportionally reduced allotments.
44
○碑碣
○ On steles and stelae
45
明初，文武大臣薨逝，例請於上，命翰林官制文，立神道碑。 惟太祖時中山王徐達、成祖時榮國公姚廣孝及弘治中昌國公張巒治先塋，皆出御筆。 其制自洪武三年定。 五品以上用碑，龜趺螭首。 六品以下用碣，方趺圓首。 五年，復詳定其制。 功臣歿後封王，螭首高三尺二寸，碑身高九尺，廣三尺六寸，龜趺高三尺八寸。 一品螭首，二品麟鳳蓋，三品天祿辟邪蓋，四品至七品方趺。 首視功臣歿後封王者，遞殺二寸，至一尺八寸止。 碑身遞殺五寸，至五尺五寸止。 其廣遞殺二寸，至二尺二寸止。 趺遞殺二寸，至二尺四寸止。
Early in the dynasty, when senior civil and military ministers died, their families petitioned the throne for Hanlin scholars to compose texts and erect spirit-way steles. Only Xu Da, Prince of Zhongshan under Taizu; Yao Guangxiao, Prince of Rongguo under Chengzu; and Zhang Luan, Duke of Changguo under Hongzhi, who tended his family's grave—all received texts from the emperor's own brush. The system was first established in Hongwu 3. Officials of fifth rank and above used steles with tortoise bases and dragon heads. Officials of sixth rank and below used stelae with square bases and rounded tops. In the fifth year the regulations were revised in detail. Meritorious officials posthumously enfeoffed as kings received steles with dragon heads three chi two cun high, bodies nine chi high by three chi six cun wide, and tortoise pedestals three chi eight cun high. First rank used dragon heads, second rank qilin-and-phoenix caps, third rank celestial-blessing-and-ward-off-evil caps, and fourth through seventh ranks square pedestals. Cap height, measured from the standard for posthumous royal enfeoffment, decreased by two cun per rank down to one chi eight cun. Stele body height decreased by five cun per rank down to five chi five cun. Stele width decreased by two cun per rank down to two chi two cun. Pedestal height decreased by two cun per rank down to two chi four cun.
46
墳塋之制，亦洪武三年定。 一品，塋地周圍九十步，墳高一丈八尺。 二品，八十步，高一丈四尺。 三品，七十步，高一丈二尺。 以上石獸各六。 四品，四十步。 七品以下二十步，高六尺。 五年重定。 功臣歿後封王，塋地周圍一百步，墳高二丈，四圍牆高一丈，石人四，文武各二，石虎、羊、馬、石望柱各二。 一品至六品塋地如舊制，七品加十步。 一品墳高一丈八尺，二品至七品遞殺二尺。 一品墳牆高九尺，二品至四品遞殺一尺，五品四尺。 一品、二品石人二，文武各一，虎、羊、馬、望柱各二。 三品四品無石人，五品無石虎，六品以下無。
Tomb and grave-enclosure regulations were likewise established in Hongwu 3. First rank: a grave enclosure ninety paces around and a mound one zhang eight chi high. Second rank: eighty paces around and one zhang four chi high. Third rank: seventy paces around and one zhang two chi high. For these ranks, six stone beasts were permitted. Fourth rank: forty paces around. Seventh rank and below: twenty paces around and six chi high. These measures were revised in the fifth year. Meritorious officials posthumously enfeoffed as kings received enclosures one hundred paces around, mounds two zhang high, walls one zhang high, four stone figures (two civil and two military), and two each of stone tigers, sheep, horses, and pillars. First through sixth ranks kept the original enclosure sizes; seventh rank gained ten paces. First-rank mounds stood one zhang eight chi high; second through seventh ranks decreased by two chi per rank. First-rank grave walls stood nine chi high; second through fourth ranks decreased by one chi per rank; fifth rank four chi. First and second ranks received two stone figures (one civil, one military) and two each of tigers, sheep, horses, and pillars. Third and fourth ranks had no stone figures; fifth rank had no stone tigers; sixth rank and below had none at all.
47
當太祖時，盱眙揚王墳置守戶二百一十，宿州徐王墳置墳戶九十三，滁州滁陽王墳亦置墳戶。 四年，又賜功臣李善長、徐達、常茂、馮勝墳戶百五十，鄧愈、唐勝宗、陸仲亨、華雲龍、顧時、陳德、耿炳文、吳楨、孫恪、郭興墳戶百。 成化十五年，南京禮部言：「常遇春、李文忠等十四人勳臣墳墓，俱在南京城外，文忠曾孫萼等，以歲久頹壞爲言，請命工修治。」 帝可其奏，且令無子孫者，覆墓旁一人守護之。
Under Taizu, two hundred and ten guard households were assigned to Prince of Yang of Xuyi's tomb, ninety-three to Prince of Xu's tomb at Suzhou, and guard households were also assigned to Prince of Chuyang's tomb at Chuzhou. In the fourth year, one hundred and fifty tomb-guard households were granted to Li Shanchang, Xu Da, Chang Mao, and Feng Sheng, and one hundred each to Deng Yu, Tang Shengzong, Lu Zhongheng, Hua Yunlong, Gu Shi, Chen De, Geng Bingwen, Wu Zhen, Sun Ke, and Guo Xing. In Chenghua 15, the Nanjing Ministry of Rites reported: "The tombs of fourteen meritorious officials including Chang Yuchun and Li Wenzhong lie outside Nanjing; Wenzhong's great-grandson E and others, citing long neglect, asked that craftsmen be sent to restore them." The emperor approved and ordered that tombs without descendants be assigned one local guardian from nearby.
48
○賜諡
○ On bestowing posthumous titles
49
親王例用一字； 郡王二字，文武大臣同。 與否自上裁。 若官品未高而侍從有勞，或以死勤事者，特賜諡，非常例。 洪武初，有應得諡者，禮部請旨，令禮部行翰林院擬奏。 弘治十五年定制，凡親王薨，行撫、按，郡王病故，行本府親王及承奉長史，核勘以奏，乃議諡。 文武大臣請諡，禮部取旨，行吏兵部考實蹟。 禮部定三等，行業俱優者爲上，頗可者爲中，行實無取者爲下，送翰林院擬諡。 有應諡而未得者，撫、按、科道官以聞。
Princes of the blood customarily received one-character posthumous titles; princes of commanderies two characters, as did senior civil and military ministers. Whether a title was granted rested entirely with the throne. Officials of modest rank who served the throne faithfully, or who died in the performance of duty, might receive exceptional posthumous titles outside the usual rules. Early in Hongwu, when an official merited a posthumous title, the Ministry of Rites sought imperial instruction and had the Hanlin Academy draft the memorial. Fixed in Hongzhi 15: when a prince of the blood died, provincial officials investigated and reported before a posthumous title was considered; when a commandery prince died, the local princely establishment and chief steward conducted the review. When senior ministers sought posthumous titles, the Ministry of Rites sought imperial approval and had the Ministries of Personnel and War verify their careers. The Ministry of Rites ranked candidates in three grades—superior, acceptable, and unworthy—and forwarded them to the Hanlin Academy to draft titles. Provincial and censorial officials reported cases where a posthumous title was deserved but not yet granted.
50
按明初舊制，諡法自十七字至一字，各有等差。 然終高帝世，文臣未嘗得諡，武臣非贈侯伯不可得。 魯、秦二王曰荒、曰愍。 至建文諡王禕，成祖諡胡廣，文臣始有諡。 迨世宗則濫及方士，且加四字矣。 定例，三品得諡，詞臣諡「文」。 然亦有得諡不止三品，諡「文。」 不專詞臣者，或以勳勞，或以節義，或以望實，破格崇褒，用示激勸。 其冒濫者，亦間有之。
Under the early Ming system, posthumous titles ranged from seventeen characters down to one, each rank having its proper measure. Yet throughout Taizu's reign no civil official received a posthumous title, and military officials received them only if posthumously enfeoffed marquis or earl. The Princes of Lu and Qin received the posthumous titles Huang ("Reckless") and Min ("Lamented") respectively. Civil officials first received posthumous titles only when Jianwen titled Wang Yi and Chengzu titled Hu Guang. By the Jiajing emperor's reign titles were lavished even on Daoist adepts, and four-character epithets appeared. By regulation, third rank qualified for a posthumous title, and literary officials received the character Wen ("Cultured"). Yet some received posthumous titles below third rank with the character Wen ("Cultured"). Such titles were not reserved for literary officials alone: some were granted for merit, some for integrity, some for standing and achievement, as exceptional honors meant to encourage others. Improper grants occurred from time to time as well.
51
萬曆元年，禮臣言：「大臣應得諡者，宜廣詢嚴核。 應諡而未請者，不拘遠近，撫、按、科道舉奏，酌議補給。」 十二年，禮臣言：「大臣諡號，必公論允服，毫無瑕疵者，具請上裁。 如行業平常，即官品雖崇，不得概予。」 帝皆從之。 三十一年，禮部侍郎郭正域請嚴諡典。 議奪者四人：許論、黃光升、呂本、範廉； 應奪而改者一人：陳瓚； 補者七人：伍文定、吳悌、魯穆、楊繼宗、鄒智、楊源、陳有年。 閣臣沈一貫、硃賡力庇呂本，不從其議。 未幾，御史張邦俊請以呂柟從祀孔廟，而論應補諡者，雍泰、魏學曾等十四人。 部議久之，共匯題先後七十四人，留中不發。 天啓元年，始降旨俞允，又增續請者十人，而邦俊原請九人不與。 正域所請伍文定等亦至是始定。 凡八十四人。 其官卑得諡者，鄒智、劉臺、魏良弼、周天佐、楊允繩、沈煉、楊源、黃鞏、楊慎、周怡、莊鷫、馮應京皆以直諫，孟秋、張元忭、曹端、賀欽、陳茂烈、馬理、陶望齡皆以學行，張銓以忠義，李夢陽以文章，魯穆、楊繼宗、張朝瑞、硃冠、傅新德、張允濟皆以清節，楊慎之文憲，莊鷫之文節，則又兼論文學云。
In Wanli 1, ritual officials argued: "Ministers deserving posthumous titles should be widely consulted and rigorously reviewed. Where a posthumous title was owed but no petition had yet been filed, provincial and censorial officials were to report the case regardless of distance, and the ministry would deliberate on a supplemental grant." In Wanli 12, ritual officials argued: "A minister's posthumous title should be granted only when public opinion is unanimous and his record is spotless; the full petition should then be submitted for the throne's decision. If a man's conduct and career were merely ordinary, he could not receive a title simply because his rank was high." The emperor approved all of it. In Wanli 31, Vice Minister of Rites Guo Zhengyu petitioned to enforce the posthumous-title code more strictly. Four men whose titles were proposed for revocation: Xu Lun, Huang Guangsheng, Lü Ben, and Fan Lian; one man whose title ought to have been revoked but was altered instead: Chen Zan; and seven men proposed for supplemental titles: Wu Wendeng, Wu Ti, Lu Mu, Yang Jizong, Zou Zhi, Yang Yuan, and Chen Younian. Grand Secretaries Shen Yiguan and Zhu Geng vigorously protected Lü Ben, and the court did not adopt the proposal. Soon afterward, Censor Zhang Bangjun petitioned that Lü Shan be enshrined in the Confucian temple and named fourteen men who deserved supplemental posthumous titles, including Yong Tai and Wei Xuezeng. After prolonged review, the ministry compiled seventy-four names in successive memorials, but the papers were kept at court and never issued. In Tianqi 1, the throne finally approved the grants, adding ten further petitioners, but the nine men in Zhang Bangjun's original memorial were excluded. Wu Wendeng and the others for whom Zhengyu had petitioned were settled only then. In all, eighty-four men received titles. Among those of modest rank who received posthumous titles, Zou Zhi, Liu Tai, Wei Liangbi, Zhou Tianzuo, Yang Yunchang, Shen Lian, Yang Yuan, Huang Gong, Yang Shen, Zhou Yi, Zhuang E, and Feng Yingjing were honored for forthright remonstrance; Meng Qiu, Zhang Yuanbian, Cao Duan, He Qin, Chen Maolie, Ma Li, and Tao Wangling for scholarship and conduct; Zhang Quan for loyalty; Li Mengyang for literary achievement; Lu Mu, Yang Jizong, Zhang Chaorui, Zhu Guan, Fu Xinde, and Zhang Yunji for moral integrity. Yang Shen's title Wen Xian and Zhuang E's Wen Jie reflected literary merit as well.
52
三年，禮部尚書林堯俞言：「諡典五年一舉，自萬曆四十五年至今，蒙恤而未諡者，九卿臺省會議與臣部酌議。」 帝可之。 然是時，遲速無定。 六年，禮科給事中彭汝楠言：「耳目近則睹記真，宜勿逾五年之限。」 又謂：「三品以上爲當予諡，而建文諸臣之忠義，陶安等之參帷幄，葉琛等之殉行間，皆宜補諡。」 事下禮部，以建文諸臣未易輕擬，不果行。 至福王時，始從工科給事中李清言，追諡開國功臣李善長等十四人，正德諫臣蔣欽等十四人，天啓慘死諸臣左光斗等九人，而建文帝之弟允熥、允ＡＲ、允熙，子文奎，亦皆因清疏追補。
In Tianqi 3, Minister of Rites Lin Yaoyu said: "Posthumous titles are conferred once every five years. From Wanli 45 until now, officials who received imperial condolence grants but no posthumous title should be reviewed jointly by the Nine Ministers, the censorial offices, and my ministry." The emperor approved. Even so, there was still no fixed schedule for when titles would be granted. In Tianqi 6, Supervising Secretary of the Ministry of Rites Peng Runan argued: "When witnesses are still living, the record remains reliable; the five-year limit should not be exceeded." He also argued that third rank and above should receive posthumous titles as a matter of course, but that the loyal Jianwen officials, Tao An and others who had served in the inner councils, and Ye Chen and others who had died in battle all deserved retroactive titles." The matter was referred to the Ministry of Rites, but because Jianwen's officials could not be titled lightly, nothing was done. Only under the Prince of Fu did the court finally adopt the proposal of Supervising Secretary of the Ministry of Works Li Qing and confer retroactive posthumous titles on fourteen founding ministers including Li Shanchang, fourteen remonstrating officials of the Zhengde reign including Jiang Qin, and nine Tianqi officials who had died violently, including Zuo Guangdou. The Jianwen Emperor's brothers Yun Ti, Yun Qian, and Yun Xi, and his son Wen Kui, were also granted titles through later clarifying memorials.
53
○品官喪禮
○ On mourning rites for ranked officials
54
品官喪禮載在《集禮》、《會典》者，本之《儀禮·士喪》，稽諸《唐典》，又參以硃子《家禮》之編，通行共曉。 茲舉大要，其儀節不具錄。
The mourning rites for ranked officials recorded in the 《Collected Rites》 and the 《Institutional Compendium》 derive from the 《Rites of Zhou: Mourning for a Gentleman》, follow Tang precedents, and incorporate Zhu Xi's 《Family Rituals》; they were widely understood throughout the dynasty. Only the main points are given here; the full ceremonial sequence is not recorded.
55
凡初終之禮，疾病，遷於正寢。 屬纊，俟絕氣乃哭。 立喪主、主婦，護喪以子孫賢能者。 治棺訃告。 設必屍牀、帷堂，掘坎。 設沐具，沐者四人，六品以下三人，乃含。 置虛座，結魂帛，立銘旌。 喪之明日乃小斂，又明日大斂，蓋棺，設靈牀於柩東。 又明日，五服之人各服其服，然後朝哭相吊。 既成服，朝夕奠，百日而卒哭。 乃擇地，三月而葬。 告后土，遂穿壙。 刻志石，造明器，備大舉，作神主。 既發引，至墓所，乃窆。 施銘旌志石於壙內，掩壙復土，乃祠后土於墓。 題主，奉安。 升車，反哭。
For the rites from first illness to death: when illness sets in, the sick person is moved to the main chamber. A silken wisp is placed at the mouth; weeping begins only after the last breath. A chief mourner and mistress of mourning are appointed, and capable sons or grandsons are chosen to oversee the funeral. The coffin is prepared and death notices are sent out. A corpse couch and curtained hall are set up, and a pit is dug. Bathing implements are prepared; fifth rank and above employ four bathers, sixth rank and below three; then the mouth-offering is placed. An empty seat is set out, the soul cloth is tied, and the memorial pennant is raised. The day after death comes the lesser encoffining; the next day the greater encoffining, the coffin is closed, and a spirit couch is placed east of the bier. On the following day, mourners of every mourning grade don their proper dress and then perform the morning wailing and exchange condolence visits. Once mourning dress is complete, offerings are made morning and evening; after one hundred days the ended wailing is performed. A burial site is then chosen, and interment takes place after three months. The Earth Queen is notified, and the tomb chamber is excavated. The epitaph stone is carved, burial objects are made, the full funeral procession is prepared, and the spirit tablet is fashioned. Once the procession sets out and reaches the grave, the remains are interred. The memorial pennant and epitaph stone are placed inside the chamber, the chamber is closed and the earth restored, and the Earth Queen is sacrificed to at the tomb. The spirit tablet is inscribed and installed. The mourners mount the carriage and return home to wail.
56
凡虞祭，葬之日，日中而虞，柔日再虞，剛日三虞。 若去家經宿以上，則初虞於墓所行之。 墓遠，途中遇柔日，亦於館所行之。 若三虞，必俟至家而後行。 三虞後，遇剛日卒哭。
For comfort sacrifices: on the burial day the first is performed at midday; the second on a yin day, the third on a yang day. If the grave is more than one night's journey from home, the first comfort sacrifice is performed at the burial site. If the grave is distant and a yin day falls during the journey, the second sacrifice is performed at the lodging along the way. The third comfort sacrifice must wait until the mourners have returned home. After the three comfort sacrifices, the ended wailing is performed on the next yang day.
57
明日祔家廟。 期而小祥。 喪至此凡十三月，不計閏。 古卜日祭，今止用初忌，喪主乃易練服。 再期而大祥。 喪至此凡二十五月，亦止用第二忌日祭。 陳禫服，告遷於祠堂。 改題神主，遞遷而西，奉神主入於祠堂。 徹靈座，奉遷主埋於墓側。 大祥後，間一月而禫。 喪到此計二十有七月。 卜日，喪主禫服詣祠堂，祗薦禫事。
The next day the tablet is installed in the family temple. After one year comes the lesser felicitations. Mourning to this point totals thirteen months, not counting intercalary months. Anciently the sacrifice day was divined; now only the first death anniversary is observed, and the chief mourner then changes to the training-dress. After two years come the greater felicitations. Mourning to this point totals twenty-five months; again only the second death anniversary is observed. The sacrificial dress is displayed, and the transfer to the ancestral hall is announced. The spirit tablet is reinscribed, earlier tablets are shifted westward in succession, and the tablet is brought into the ancestral hall. The spirit seat is removed, and the old tablet is buried beside the tomb. One month after the greater felicitations comes the sacrificial transition. Mourning to this point totals twenty-seven months. On a chosen day the chief mourner, wearing sacrificial dress, goes to the ancestral hall and reverently performs the sacrificial rite.
58
其在遠聞喪者，始聞，易服，哭而行。 至家，憑殯哭，四日而成服。 若未得行，則設位，四日而變服。 若既葬，則先哭諸墓，歸詣靈座前哭，四日成服。 齊衰以下聞喪，爲位而哭。 若奔喪，則至家成服。 若不奔喪，四日成服。 凡有改葬者，孝子以下及妻、妾、女子子，俱緦麻服，周親以下素服。 不設祖奠，無反哭，無方相魌頭，餘如常葬之儀。 既葬，就吉帷靈座前一虞。 孝子以下，出就別所，釋緦服素服而還。
For those far from home who learn of a death: upon first hearing, they change clothes, weep, and set out. Upon reaching home they weep before the coffin and complete mourning dress after four days. If they cannot travel, a mourning seat is set up and mourning dress is assumed after four days. If burial has already taken place, they first weep at the tomb, then return to weep before the spirit seat and complete mourning dress after four days. Those in qi- and si-grade mourning who hear of a death set up a mourning seat and weep. If they rush home for the funeral, they complete mourning dress upon arrival. If they do not rush home, they complete mourning dress after four days. For reburials, the filial son and his household—wife, concubines, and daughters—all wear the finest hemp mourning; close kin below them wear plain white. There is no ancestral offering at departure, no return wailing, and no exorcist or demon mask; otherwise the rites follow the regular burial ceremony. After burial, one comfort sacrifice is performed before the spirit seat within the auspicious curtained hall. The filial son and his household withdraw to another place, remove their mourning dress, and return.
59
洪武二十六年四月，除期服奔喪之制。 先是百官聞祖父母、伯叔、兄弟喪，俱得奔赴。 至是吏部言：「祖父母、伯叔、兄弟皆系期年服。 若俱令奔喪守制，或一人連遭五六期喪，或道路數千里，則居官日少，更易繁數，曠官廢事。 今後除父母、祖父母承重者丁憂外，其餘期喪不許奔，但遣人致祭。」 從之。
In the fourth month of Hongwu 26, the rule permitting officials to rush home for one-year mourning was abolished. Previously, all officials were permitted to rush home upon hearing of a grandparent's, uncle's, or brother's death. At this point the Ministry of Personnel argued: "Grandparents, uncles, and brothers all require one-year mourning. If every such bereavement required rushing home and full observance, one official might suffer five or six one-year mourning periods in succession, or face journeys of thousands of li—leaving too few days in office, too many replacements, and neglected public business. Henceforth, except for parents and grandparents when bearing the chief mourning obligation, officials may not rush home for other one-year bereavements but may send a representative to perform the sacrifice." The court approved.
60
○士庶人喪禮
○ On mourning rites for gentry and commoners
61
《集禮》及《會典》所載，大略仿品官制，稍有損益。 洪武元年，御史高元侃言：「京師人民，循習舊俗。 凡有喪葬，設宴，會親友，作樂娛屍，竟無哀慼之情，甚非所以爲治。 乞禁止以厚風化。」 乃令禮官定民喪服之制。
What the 《Collected Rites》 and the 《Institutional Compendium》 record largely follows the ranked-official system, with slight modifications. In Hongwu 1, Censor Gao Yuankan said: "The people of the capital still follow old customs. At every funeral they hold banquets, gather kin and friends, and make music to entertain the corpse, showing no grief at all—hardly the conduct befitting an ordered state. I beg that this be prohibited so as to improve public morals." The throne then ordered ritual officials to fix regulations for commoners' mourning dress.
62
五年詔定：「庶民襲衣一稱，用深衣一、大帶一、履一雙，裙袴衫襪隨所用。 飯用粱，含錢三。 銘旌用紅絹五尺。 斂隨所有，衣衾及親戚禭儀隨所用。 棺用堅木，油杉爲上，柏次之，土杉鬆又次之。 用黑漆、金漆，不得用硃紅。 明器一事。 功布以白布三尺引柩。 柳車以衾覆棺。 志石二片，如官之儀。 塋地圍十八步。 祭用豕，隨家有無。」 又詔：「古之喪禮，以哀慼爲本，治喪之具，稱家有無。 近代以來，富者奢僭犯分，力不足者稱貸財物，誇耀殯送，及有惑於風水，停柩經年，不行安葬。 宜令中書省臣集議定制，頒行遵守，違者論罪。」 又諭禮部曰：「古有掩骼埋胔之令，近世狃元俗，死者或以火焚，而投其骨於水。 傷恩敗俗，莫此爲甚。 其禁止之。 若貧無地者，所在官司擇寬閒地爲義冢，俾之葬埋。 或有宦遊遠方不能歸葬者，官給力費以歸之。」
In the fifth year an imperial decree fixed: "Commoners' burial garments consist of one set: one deep robe, one great girdle, and one pair of shoes; skirt, trousers, shirt, and socks as needed. Fine grain is placed in the mouth, and three coins are included in the mouth-offering. The memorial pennant is made of five feet of red silk. Encoffining uses whatever is available; clothing, quilts, and supplemental garments from kin are added as circumstances allow. The coffin is of hard wood: oil-treated fir is best, cypress next, and local fir or pine again next. Black lacquer and gold lacquer may be used; cinnabar red may not. Burial objects are limited to one kind. Merit cloth consists of three feet of white cloth to lead the bier. The willow cart carries the coffin covered by a quilt. Two epitaph stones are used, following the official ceremony. The grave enclosure measures eighteen paces around. Sacrifices use a pig, according to what the household can afford." Another decree stated: "Ancient mourning rites took grief as their foundation, and funerary implements should suit a household's means. In recent times the wealthy have grown extravagant and usurped rank; those without means borrow goods to put on a show at the funeral; some, misled by geomancy, leave coffins unburied for years. The Secretariat ministers should gather to fix regulations, promulgate them for observance, and punish violators by law." The throne also instructed the Ministry of Rites: "Anciently there were orders to gather exposed bones and bury scattered flesh, but in recent times people cling to Yuan custom—some burn the dead and cast the bones into water. Nothing does more violence to human feeling or public morals. This is to be prohibited. Where the poor lacked land for burial, local authorities in each locality were to set aside open ground as a public graveyard so the dead could be interred. If officials serving far from home could not return to bury their dead, the government was to supply labor and expenses for the journey home."
63
○服紀
○ On mourning garments and periods
64
明初頒《大明令》，凡喪服等差，多因前代之舊。 洪武七年，《孝慈錄》成，復圖列於《大明令》，刊示中外。
At the outset of the dynasty, the court promulgated the 《Great Ming Statutes》; the gradations of mourning dress largely followed precedents from earlier ages. In the seventh year of the Hongwu reign, the 《Record of Filial Kindness》 was completed, charted anew in the 《Great Ming Statutes》, and published throughout the realm.
65
先是貴妃孫氏薨，敕禮官定服制。 禮部尚書牛諒等奏曰：「周《儀禮》，父在，爲母服期年，若庶母則無服。」 太祖曰：「父母之恩一也，而低昂若是，不情甚矣。」 乃敕翰林院學士宋濂等曰； 「養生送死，聖王大政。 諱亡忌疾，衰世陋俗。 三代喪禮散失於衰周，厄於暴秦。 漢、唐以降，莫能議此。 夫人情無窮，而禮爲適宜。 人心所安，即天理所在。 爾等其考定喪禮。」 於是濂等考得古人論服母喪者凡四十二人，願服三年者二十八人，服期年者十四人。 太祖曰：「三年之喪，天下通喪。 觀願服三年，視願服期年者倍，豈非天理人情之所安乎？」 乃立爲定制。 子爲父母，庶子爲其母，皆斬衰三年。 嫡子、衆子爲庶母，皆齊衰杖期。 仍命以五服喪制，並著爲書，使內外遵寧。 其制服五。 曰斬衰，以至粗麻布爲之，不縫下邊。 曰齊衰，以稍粗麻布爲之，縫下邊。 曰大功，以粗熟布爲之。 曰小功，以稍粗熟布爲之。 曰緦麻，以稍細熟布爲之。
Earlier, when Honored Consort Sun died, the throne ordered the ritual officials to establish mourning regulations. Minister of Rites Niu Liang and others memorialized: "In the Zhou 《Rites of Zhou》, when the father is alive, a son mourns his mother for one year; for a concubine mother he wears no mourning at all." The Founder said: "The debt owed to father and mother is one and the same, yet to rank them so high and low is deeply unfeeling." He then instructed Hanlin Academy Academician Song Lian and others: "To sustain the living and send off the dead is among the great policies of sage-kings. To taboo death and dread illness is the shabby custom of a decadent age. The mourning rites of the Three Dynasties were scattered in the waning Zhou and crushed under the tyranny of Qin. From Han and Tang onward, no one could properly settle the question. Human feeling knows no bound, yet ritual must be proportionate. Where the heart finds rest is where the principle of Heaven itself lies. You shall investigate and fix the mourning rites." Thereupon Song and his colleagues found forty-two ancients who had debated mourning for a mother: twenty-eight favored three years, fourteen one year. The Founder said: "Three years' mourning is the mourning observed throughout the realm. Those who favored three years were twice as many as those who favored one—surely that is what Heaven's principle and human feeling alike find fitting?" It was then established as fixed law. Sons mourning parents, and secondary sons mourning their mothers, all wore cut-edge hemp for three years. Primary sons and common sons mourning a concubine mother all wore even-hem hemp with staff for one year. He further commanded the five-fold mourning system, had it written into a book, and required observance at court and throughout the realm. There were five grades of mourning garment. Cut-edge hemp was made from the coarsest hemp cloth, with the lower hem left unsewn. Even-hem hemp was made from somewhat coarse hemp cloth, with the lower hem sewn. Great mourning was made from coarse processed cloth. Lesser mourning was made from somewhat coarse processed cloth. Finest hemp was made from somewhat fine processed cloth.
66
其敘服有八。 曰斬衰三年者：子爲父母，庶子爲所生母，子爲繼母，謂母卒父命他妾養己者，子爲養母，謂自幼過房與人者； 女在室爲父母，女嫁被出而反在室爲父母； 嫡孫爲祖父母承重及曾高祖父母承重者； 爲人後者爲所後父母，及爲所後祖父母承重； 夫爲後則妻從服，婦爲舅姑； 庶子之妻爲夫之所生母； 妻妾爲夫。
The prescribed mourning categories numbered eight. Cut-edge hemp for three years: a son mourning parents; a secondary son mourning his birth mother; a son mourning a stepmother (when his mother died and his father charged another concubine to raise him); a son mourning a foster mother (when he was given in adoption from childhood); an unmarried daughter mourning parents; a daughter divorced and returned home unmarried, mourning parents; the primary grandson bearing principal mourning for grandparents, and likewise for great-great-grandparents when he bears the principal obligation; an heir adopted to continue another line, mourning the parents of that line, and likewise the grandparents when he bears the principal obligation; if the husband has become an heir to another line, the wife follows his mourning; a daughter-in-law mourning parents-in-law; the wife of a secondary son mourning her husband's birth mother; wife and concubines mourning the husband.
67
曰齊衰杖期者：嫡子衆子爲庶母； 嫡子衆子之妻爲夫之庶母，爲嫁母、出母、父卒繼母改嫁而已從之者； 夫爲妻。
Even-hem hemp with staff for one year: primary and common sons mourning a concubine mother; wives of primary and common sons mourning the husband's concubine mother, a remarried mother, a divorced mother, or a stepmother who remarried after the father's death when they had followed her; a husband mourning his wife.
68
曰齊衰不杖期者：父母爲嫡長子及衆子，父母爲女在室者，繼母爲長子及衆子，慈母爲長子及衆子； 孫爲祖父母，孫女雖適人不降，高曾皆然； 爲伯叔父母； 妾爲夫之長子及衆子，爲所生子； 爲兄弟，爲兄弟之子及兄弟之女在室者，爲姑及姊妹在室者； 妾爲嫡妻； 嫁母、出母爲其子； 女在室及雖適人而無夫與子者，爲其兄弟及兄弟之子； 繼母改嫁爲前夫之子從己者； 爲繼父同居兩無大功之親者； 婦人爲夫親兄弟之子，婦人爲夫親兄弟子女在室者； 女出嫁爲父母； 妾爲其父母； 爲人後者爲其父母； 女適人爲兄弟之爲父後者； 祖爲嫡孫； 父母爲長子婦。
Even-hem hemp without staff for one year: parents mourning the primary eldest son and common sons; parents mourning an unmarried daughter; a stepmother mourning eldest and common sons; a foster mother mourning eldest and common sons; grandson mourning grandparents; granddaughter, though married, does not reduce the mourning—likewise for great-grandparents and great-great-grandparents; mourning paternal uncles and aunts; a concubine mourning the husband's eldest and common sons, and a son she herself bore; mourning brothers; brothers' sons and brothers' unmarried daughters; father's sisters and unmarried sisters; a concubine mourning the primary wife; a remarried mother and a divorced mother mourning their son; an unmarried daughter, and a married daughter without husband or son, mourning her brothers and brothers' sons; a stepmother who remarried, mourning stepsons who followed her from her former husband; mourning a stepfather with whom one lives when neither side has relatives bound by great mourning or closer ties; a woman mourning her husband's first cousins' sons; a woman mourning her husband's first cousins' unmarried daughters; a married daughter mourning parents; a concubine mourning her own parents; an heir adopted to continue another line, mourning his birth parents; a married daughter mourning a brother who bears the principal mourning obligation for their father; grandparents mourning the primary grandson; parents mourning the eldest son's wife.
69
曰齊衰五月者：爲曾祖父母。
Even-hem hemp for five months: mourning great-grandparents.
70
曰齊衰三月者：爲高祖父母，爲繼父昔同居而今不同者，爲繼父雖同居而兩有大功以上親者。
Even-hem hemp for three months: mourning great-great-grandparents; a stepfather with whom one once lived together but no longer does; or a stepfather with whom one still lives when both households have relatives bound by great mourning or closer ties.
71
曰大功九月者：爲同堂兄弟及姊妹在室者，爲姑及姊妹及兄弟之女出嫁者； 父母爲衆子婦，爲女之出嫁者； 祖爲衆孫； 爲兄弟之子婦； 婦人爲夫之祖父母，爲夫之伯叔父母，爲夫之兄弟之子婦，爲夫兄弟之女嫁人者； 女出嫁爲本宗伯叔父母，及爲兄弟與兄弟之子，爲姑姊妹及兄弟之女在室者； 爲人後者爲其兄弟及姑姊妹在室者； 妻爲夫本生父母； 爲兄弟之子爲人後者。
Great mourning for nine months: same-hall cousins and unmarried sisters; father's sisters, sisters, and brothers' married daughters; parents mourning common sons' wives and married daughters; grandparents mourning common grandsons; mourning brothers' sons' wives; a woman mourning her husband's grandparents; his paternal uncles and aunts; his brothers' sons' wives; and his brothers' married daughters; a married daughter mourning her natal clan's paternal uncles and aunts; her brothers and brothers' sons; her father's sisters, sisters, and brothers' unmarried daughters; an heir adopted to continue another line, mourning his brothers and unmarried paternal aunts and sisters; a wife mourning her husband's birth parents; mourning a brother's son who has been adopted to continue another line.
72
曰小功五月者：爲伯叔祖父母，爲同堂伯叔父母，爲再從兄弟及再從姊妹在室者，爲同堂兄弟之子，爲祖姑在室者，爲從祖姑在室者，爲同堂兄弟之女在室者，爲兄弟之妻； 爲人後者爲其姑姊妹適人者； 爲嫡孫婦，爲同堂姊妹之出嫁者，爲孫女適人者，爲兄弟之孫及兄弟之女孫在室者，爲外祖父母，爲母之兄弟姊妹，爲同母異父之兄弟姊妹，爲姊妹之子； 婦人爲夫之姑及夫之姊妹，爲夫之兄弟及夫兄弟之妻，爲夫兄弟之孫及夫兄弟之女孫在室者，爲夫同堂兄弟之子及同堂兄弟之女在室者。
Lesser mourning for five months: great paternal uncles and aunts; same-hall paternal uncles and aunts; second cousins and unmarried second-cousin sisters; same-hall cousins' sons; unmarried father's paternal aunts; unmarried grandfather's paternal aunts; same-hall cousins' unmarried daughters; brothers' wives; an heir adopted to continue another line, mourning his married paternal aunts and sisters; the primary grandson's wife; married same-hall cousins; married granddaughters; brothers' grandsons and brothers' unmarried granddaughters; maternal grandparents; mother's brothers and sisters; half-siblings of the same mother; sisters' sons; a woman mourning her husband's paternal aunts and sisters; his brothers and brothers' wives; his brothers' grandsons and unmarried granddaughters; and his same-hall cousins' sons and unmarried daughters.
73
曰緦麻三月者：爲族曾祖父母，爲族伯叔祖父母，爲族父母，爲族兄弟及族姊妹在室者，爲族曾祖姑在室者，爲族祖姑及族姑在室者，爲兄弟之曾孫，女在室同，爲曾孫玄孫，爲同堂兄弟之孫，女在室同，爲再從兄弟之子，女在室同，爲祖姑、從祖姑及從祖姊妹之出嫁者，爲兄弟之孫女出嫁者，爲同堂兄弟之女出嫁者，爲乳母，爲舅之子，爲姑之子，爲姨之子，爲外孫，爲婿，爲妻之父母，爲兄弟孫之婦，爲同堂兄弟子之婦，爲同堂兄弟之妻，爲外孫婦，爲甥婦； 婦人爲夫之曾祖、高祖父母，爲夫之叔伯祖父母，爲夫之同堂伯叔父母，爲夫兄弟之曾孫，爲夫之同堂兄弟，爲夫同堂兄弟之孫，孫女同，爲夫再從兄弟之子，爲夫兄弟之孫婦，爲夫同堂兄弟子之婦，爲夫同堂兄弟之妻，爲夫同堂姊妹，爲夫之外祖父母，爲夫之舅及姨，爲夫之祖姑及從祖姑在室者； 女出嫁爲本宗叔伯祖父母，爲本宗同堂叔伯父母，爲本宗同堂兄弟之子女，爲本宗祖姑及從祖姑在室者，爲本宗同堂姊妹之出嫁者； 爲人後者爲本生外祖父母。
Finest hemp for three months: clan great-great-grandparents; clan great paternal uncles and aunts; clan parents; clan brothers and unmarried clan sisters; unmarried clan great-great paternal aunts; unmarried clan great paternal aunts and paternal aunts; brothers' great-grandsons (and unmarried granddaughters likewise); great-grandsons and great-great-grandsons; same-hall cousins' grandsons (and unmarried granddaughters likewise); second cousins' sons (and unmarried daughters likewise); married father's paternal aunts, grandfather's paternal aunts, and grandfather's cousins; brothers' married granddaughters; same-hall cousins' married daughters; wet nurse; maternal uncle's sons; paternal aunt's sons; maternal aunt's sons; daughters' sons; son-in-law; wife's parents; brothers' grandsons' wives; same-hall cousins' sons' wives; same-hall cousins' wives; daughters' sons' wives; sisters' sons' wives; a woman mourning her husband's great-great-grandparents and great-great-great-grandparents; his great paternal uncles and aunts; his same-hall paternal uncles and aunts; his brothers' great-grandsons; his same-hall cousins; his same-hall cousins' grandsons (and granddaughters likewise); his second cousins' sons; his brothers' grandsons' wives; his same-hall cousins' sons' wives; his same-hall cousins' wives; his same-hall cousins (female); his maternal grandparents; his maternal uncles and aunts; and his unmarried father's paternal aunts and grandfather's paternal aunts; a married daughter mourning her natal clan's great paternal uncles and aunts; her natal clan's same-hall paternal uncles and aunts; her natal clan's same-hall cousins' children; her natal clan's unmarried father's paternal aunts and grandfather's paternal aunts; and her natal clan's married same-hall cousins; an heir adopted to continue another line, mourning his birth maternal grandparents.
74
嘉靖十八年正月，諭輔臣：「昨居喪理疾，閱《禮記·檀弓》等篇，其所著禮儀制度俱不歸一，又不載天子全儀。 雖曰『三年之喪，通乎上下』，而今昔亦有大不同者。 皇祖所定，未有全文，每遇帝后之喪，亦未免因仍爲禮。 至於冠裳衰絰，所司之制不一，其與禮官考定之。 自初喪至除服，冠裳輕重之制具爲儀節，俾歸至當。」 於是禮部議喪服諸制奏之。 帝令更加考訂，畫圖註釋，並祭葬全儀，編輯成書備覽。
In the first month of the eighteenth year of the Jiajing reign, the emperor instructed his senior ministers: "Yesterday, while in mourning and attending to state affairs, I read the 《Book of Rites: Tan Gong》 and related chapters. The rites and institutions they describe are inconsistent with one another, and they do not set forth the emperor's full protocol. Though it is said that 'three years' mourning extends through high and low alike,' past and present differ greatly nonetheless. What the imperial grandfather established survives only in fragments; whenever an emperor or empress dies, the court can hardly avoid falling back on precedent. As for caps, garments, mourning bands, and staff, the offices charged with these matters follow inconsistent rules. Let them work with the ritual officials to investigate and fix them. From the first days of mourning to the laying aside of garments, fully prescribe the gradations of caps and dress from lightest to heaviest, so that every stage may be brought to what is right." Thereupon the Ministry of Rites deliberated on the various mourning regulations and memorialized its findings. The emperor ordered further revision, illustrated diagrams with annotations, and the full protocol for sacrifice and burial, all compiled into a book for his review.