1
選舉之法,大略有四:曰學校,曰科目,曰薦舉,曰銓選。 學校以教育之,科目以登進之,薦舉以旁招之,銓選以佈列之,天下人才盡於是矣。 明制,科目為盛,卿相皆由此出,學校則儲才以應科目者也。 其徑由學校通籍者,亦科目之亞也,外此則雜流矣。 然進士、舉貢、雜流三途並用,雖有畸重,無偏廢也。 薦舉盛於國初,後因專用科目而罷。 銓選則入官之始,舍此蔑由焉。 是四者釐然具載其本末,而二百七十年間取士得失之故可睹已。
The systems for recruiting officials fell, in broad terms, into four categories: state schools, civil examinations, recommendation, and evaluation and appointment. Schools trained them, examinations promoted them, recommendation drew talent from outside the regular channels, and evaluation and appointment placed them in office—through these four paths the empire gathered its men of ability. Under the Ming institutional order, the examination track dominated: chancellors and chief ministers rose through it, and the schools existed chiefly to stock candidates for those examinations. Men who entered official registers through the schools ranked just below the examination path; everything outside that was classed as miscellaneous recruitment. All the same, jinshi graduates, tribute-presented scholars, and miscellaneous entrants were used side by side; one route might outweigh the others, but none was entirely set aside. Recommendation was prominent in the dynasty's early years, then fell away once recruitment relied exclusively on the examinations. Evaluation and appointment marked the threshold of office; without them one could not enter the bureaucracy at all. These four systems are recorded here in full sequence, so that the gains and losses in recruiting talent across the dynasty's two hundred and seventy years may be understood.
2
科舉必由學校,而學校起家,可不由科舉。 學校有二:曰國學,曰府、州、縣學。 府、州、縣學諸生入國學者,乃可得官,不入者不能得也。 入國學者,通謂之監生。 舉人曰舉監,生員曰貢監,品官子弟曰廕監,捐貲曰例監。 同一貢監也,有歲貢,有選貢,有恩貢,有納貢。 同一廕監也,有官生,有恩生。
Civil examinations required schooling, yet men who entered office through the schools did not always have to take the examinations. Schools were of two kinds: the National Academy and the prefectural, departmental, and county schools. Only local students who advanced to the National Academy could receive appointments; those who never entered could not. Students enrolled in the National Academy were known collectively as Directorate students (jiànshēng). Provincial graduates became "examination" Directorate students; local student members became "tribute" Directorate students; sons of ranked officials became "yin" Directorate students; and those who bought entry became "purchase" Directorate students. Tribute Directorate students themselves were further divided into annual, selected, grace, and purchased tribute categories. Yin Directorate students likewise split into regular official sons and grace sons.
3
國子學之設自明初乙巳始。 洪武元年令品官子弟及民俊秀通文義者,並充學生。 選國琦、王璞等十餘人,侍太子讀書禁中。 入對謹身殿,姿狀明秀,應對詳雅。 太祖喜,因厚賜之。 天下既定,詔擇府、州、縣學諸生入國子學。 又擇年少舉人趙惟一等及貢生董昶等入學讀書,賜以衣帳,命於諸司先習吏事,謂之曆事監生。 取其中尤英敏者李擴等入文華、武英堂說書,謂之小秀才。 其才學優贍、聰明俊偉之士,使之博極羣書,講明道德經濟之學,以期大用,謂之老秀才。 初,改應天府學為國子學,後改建於雞鳴山下。 既而改學為監,設祭酒、司業及監丞、博士、助教、學正、學錄、典籍、掌饌、典簿等官。 分六堂以館諸生,曰率性、修道、誠心、正義、崇志、廣業。 學旁以宿諸生,謂之號房。 厚給稟餼,歲時賜布帛文綺、襲衣巾靴。 正旦元宵諸令節,俱賞節錢。 孝慈皇后積糧監中,置紅倉二十餘舍,養諸生之妻子。 曆事生未娶者,賜錢婚聘,及女衣二襲,月米二石。 諸生在京師歲久,父母存,或父母亡而大父母、伯叔父母存,皆遣歸省,人賜衣一襲,鈔五錠,為道里費。 其優恤之如此。 而其教之之法,每旦,祭酒、司業坐堂上,屬官自監丞以下,首領則典簿,以次序立。 諸生揖畢,質問經史,拱立聽命。 惟朔望給假,餘日升堂會饌,乃會講、復講、背書,輪課以為常。 所習自《四子》本經外,兼及劉向說苑及律令、書、數、《御製大誥》。 每月試經、書義各一道,詔、誥、表、策論、判、內科二道。 每日習書二百餘字,以二王、智永、歐、虞、顏、柳諸帖為法。 每班選一人充齋長,督諸生工課。 衣冠、步履、飲食,必嚴飭中節。 夜必宿監,有故而出必告本班教官,令齋長帥之以白祭酒。 監丞置集衍簿,有不遵者書之,再三犯者決責,四犯者至發遣安置。 其學規條目,屢次更定,寬嚴得其中。 堂宇宿舍,飲饌澡浴,俱有禁例。 省親、畢姻回籍,限期以道里遠近為差。 違限者謫選遠方典史,有罰充吏者。 司教之官,必選耆宿。 宋訥、吳顒等由儒士擢祭酒,訥尤推名師。 曆科進士多出太學,而戊辰任亨泰廷對第一,太祖召訥褒賞,撰題名記,立石監門。 辛未許觀亦如之。 進士題名碑由此相繼不絕。 每歲天下按察司選生員年二十以上、厚重端秀者,送監考留。 會試下第舉人,入監卒業。 又因諫官關賢奏,設為定例。 府、州、縣學歲貢生員各一人,翰林考試經、書義各一道,判語一條,中式者一等入國子監,二等達中都,不中者遣還,提調教官罰停廩祿。 於是直省諸士子雲集輦下。 雲南、四川皆有士官生,日本、琉球、暹羅諸國亦皆有官生入監讀書,輒加厚賜,並給其從人。 永、宣間,先後絡繹。 至成化、正德時,琉球生猶有至者。 中都之置國學也,自洪武八年。 至二十六年乃革,以其師生併入京師。 永樂元年始設北京國子監。 十八年遷都,乃以京師國子監為南京國子監,而太學生有南北監之分矣。
The Directorate of the Sons of the State was first established in the yisi year of the dynasty's founding era. In Hongwu 1 (1368) the throne ordered that sons of ranked officials and talented commoners who understood classical texts should all enroll as students. More than a dozen men, including Guo Qi and Wang Pu, were chosen to study with the heir apparent inside the palace. When they were received in the Hall of Scrupulous Conduct, their bearing was bright and graceful and their replies thorough and polished. The founding emperor was delighted and bestowed rich rewards on them. Once the realm was pacified, an edict directed that outstanding students from local schools be chosen for the Imperial Directorate. Young provincial graduates such as Zhao Wei-yi and tribute scholars such as Dong Chang were likewise enrolled, given robes and bedding, and sent to government offices to learn administrative practice—they were called service-training Directorate students. The brightest among them, such as Li Kuo, were assigned to lecture in the Wenhua and Wuying halls and were called "junior xiucai." Men of outstanding ability were set to master the full corpus of learning, to study moral philosophy and statecraft in depth, and to be groomed for high office—they were called "senior xiucai." At first the Yingtian prefectural school became the Directorate; later the institution was rebuilt below Jiming Hill. The school was then renamed a Directorate, with posts for libationer, vice-director, assistant directors, erudites, teaching assistants, rectifiers, recorders, archivists, provisioners, and registrars. Students were housed in six halls: Following Nature, Cultivating the Way, Sincere Heart, Upright Principle, Elevating Aspiration, and Broadening Work. Dormitories beside the halls housed the students and were called numbered rooms. They received generous grain stipends and, at set seasons, gifts of cloth, brocade, full outfits, caps, and boots. On New Year's Day, the Lantern Festival, and other court holidays they received festival bonuses. Empress Xiaoci stockpiled grain at the Directorate and set up more than twenty Red Granary storehouses to support students' families. Unmarried service-training students received betrothal funds, two sets of women's garments, and two shi of rice each month. Students who had been in the capital for years were sent home to visit parents, or—if parents had died—grandparents or uncles and aunts; each received a suit of clothes and five ingots of paper money for travel. Such was the scale of their preferential treatment. Each morning the libationer and vice-director presided in the main hall; subordinate officials down to the directorate assistants, led by the registrar, stood in ranked order. After bowing, students posed questions on the classics and histories, standing at attention to receive instruction. They had leave only on the first and fifteenth of each month; on other days they dined together in hall, then held group lectures, review sessions, and recitations, with rotating assignments as the daily routine. Beyond the Four Books and the canonical texts, the curriculum also covered Liu Xiang's Garden of Sayings, law codes, calligraphy, arithmetic, and the emperor's Great Admonitions. Monthly examinations included one classic-interpretation and one literary-interpretation question, plus two questions in edicts, mandates, memorials, policy essays, legal judgments, and inner-court genres. Each day they copied more than two hundred characters, using master models from the Two Wangs, Zhiyong, and the Ouyang, Yu, Yan, and Liu traditions. Each class chose one dormitory head to oversee the students' daily assignments. Dress, bearing, meals, and deportment were all strictly regulated. Students had to sleep in the Directorate; any departure required notice to the class instructor, and the dormitory head would report to the libationer. The directorate assistant kept a misconduct register; offenders were recorded, thrice offenders were beaten, and four-time offenders could be expelled and reassigned. Study regulations were revised several times until strictness and leniency struck a workable balance. Rules governed every aspect of hall life, dormitories, meals, bathing, and washing. Leave to visit family or marry was granted for fixed periods scaled to travel distance. Overstaying one's leave meant demotion to distant recorder posts, or in some cases assignment as clerks. Teaching posts were reserved for senior scholars of established reputation. Song Ne, Wu Yang, and others rose from the scholarly ranks to libationer; Song Ne in particular was renowned as a master teacher. Most jinshi came from the Imperial Academy; in the wuchen cycle (1388) Ren Hengtai topped the palace examination, and the founding emperor summoned Song Ne to honor him, composed an inscription record, and erected a stele at the Directorate gate. In the xinwei cycle (1391) Xu Guan received the same honor. Thus began the unbroken tradition of jinshi inscription stelae. Each year provincial surveillance commissions chose student members over twenty who were mature and dignified and sent them to the Directorate for examination and enrollment. Provincial graduates who failed the metropolitan examination entered the Directorate to finish their training. After remonstrance official Guan Xian memorialized on the matter, the practice became a standing rule. Each local school sent one annual tribute student; the Hanlin tested classic and literary interpretation plus one legal judgment. First-class passers entered the Imperial Directorate, second-class went to the Central Capital school, failures were sent home, and supervising teachers lost their stipends. Scholars from the metropolitan provinces then flocked to the capital. Yunnan and Sichuan sent native-official students; Japan, Ryukyu, Siam, and other states sent official students to study at the Directorate, all receiving lavish gifts and support for their retinues. During the Yongle and Xuande reigns such delegations arrived in steady succession. As late as the Chenghua and Zhengde reigns Ryukyu students still arrived. The Central Capital National Academy was established in Hongwu 8 (1375). In Hongwu 26 (1393) it was abolished and its faculty and students merged into the capital Directorate. Yongle 1 (1403) saw the founding of the Beijing Imperial Directorate. When the capital moved in Yongle 18 (1420), the former capital Directorate became Nanjing, and students were thereafter divided between northern and southern Directorates.
4
六堂諸生,有積分之法,司業二員分為左右,各提調三堂。 凡通《四書》未通經者,居正義、崇志、廣業。 一年半以上,文理條暢者,升修道、誠心。 又一年半,經史兼通、文理俱優者,乃升率性。 升至率性,乃積分。 其法,孟月試本經義一道,仲月試論一道,詔、誥、表、內科一道,季月試經史第一道,判語二條。 每試,文理俱優者與一分,理優文劣者與半分,紕繆者無分。 歲內積八分者為及格,與出身。 不及者仍坐堂肄業。 如有才學超異者,奏請上裁。
The six halls used a point-accumulation system; the two vice-directors split left and right, each overseeing three halls. Students who knew the Four Books but not yet the classics were placed in Upright Principle, Elevating Aspiration, and Broadening Work. After eighteen months, students whose literary and classical work was fluent advanced to Cultivating the Way and Sincere Heart. After another eighteen months, those who mastered classics and histories and excelled in both literary and classical studies rose to Following Nature. Point accumulation began only after promotion to Following Nature. First month of each season: one base-classic question; second month: one policy essay; second month also: one edict, mandate, memorial, or inner-court question; third month: one classics-and-history question plus two legal judgments. Each examination awarded one point for excellence in both literary and classical work, half a point for strong classical but weak literary performance, and no points for flawed answers. Eight points within a year qualified a student for appointment. Those who fell short remained in the halls to continue their studies. Exceptional students could be memorialized to the throne for special disposition.
5
洪武二十六年,盡擢監生劉政、龍鐔等六十四人為行省佈政、按察兩使,及參政、參議、副使、僉事等官。 其一旦而重用之,至於如此。 其為四方大吏者,蓋無算也。 李擴等自文華、武英擢御史,擴尋改給事中兼齊相府錄事,蓋臺諫之選亦出於太學。 其常調者乃為府、州、縣六品以下官。
In Hongwu 26 (1393) sixty-four Directorate students, including Liu Zheng and Long Ting, were promoted en masse to provincial administration and surveillance posts, along with various vice and assistant commissioner ranks. The court could elevate them to such heights in a single stroke. Countless others became leading officials throughout the empire. Li Kuo and others rose from the Wenhua and Wuying halls to censor, and Kuo soon became supervising secretary and recorder in the Qi princely household—showing that censorial and remonstrance posts also drew from the Academy. Routine appointments were to prefectural, departmental, and county posts of sixth rank and below.
6
初,以北方喪亂之餘,人鮮知學,遣國子生林伯雲等三百六十六人分教各郡。 後乃推及他省,擇其壯歲能文者為教諭等官。 太祖雖間行科舉,而監生與薦舉人才參用者居多,故其時佈列中外者,太學生最盛。 一再傳之後,進士日益重,薦舉遂廢,而舉貢日益輕。 雖積分曆事不改初法,南北祭酒陳敬宗、李時勉等加意振飭,已漸不如其始。 眾情所趨向,專在甲科。 宦途升沉,定於謁選之日。 監生不獲上第,即奮自鏃礪,不能有成,積重之勢然也。 迨開納粟之例,則流品漸淆,且庶民亦得援生員之例以入監,謂之民生,亦謂之俊秀,而監生益輕。 於是同處太學,而舉、貢得為府佐貳及州縣正官,官、恩生得選部、院、府、衛、司、寺小京職,尚為正途。 而援例監生,僅得選州縣佐貳及府首領官; 其授京職者,乃光祿寺、上林苑之屬; 其願就遠方者,則以雲、貴、廣西及各邊省軍衛有司首領,及衛學、王府教授之缺用,而終身為異途矣。
Early on, with learning scarce in the war-ravaged north, 366 Directorate students including Lin Boyun were sent to teach in the prefectures. The program later spread to other provinces, appointing able writers in their prime as instructors and similar posts. Though the founding emperor sometimes held civil examinations, Directorate students and recommended men still dominated appointments, and Academy graduates filled offices across the empire. Within a generation or two jinshi status grew paramount, recommendation was abandoned, and tribute-presented scholars lost standing. Point accumulation and service training remained on the books, and libationers Chen Jingzong and Li Shimian worked hard to restore standards, yet the Directorate steadily declined from its early vigor. Ambition focused exclusively on top examination honors. Career advancement or stagnation hinged on the day one petitioned for appointment. Directorate students who failed to win top examination honors could strive all they liked yet rarely succeed—the weight of institutional habit made it so. Once grain-purchase entry was allowed, status lines blurred; commoners could buy in as "common students" or "outstanding talents," and the Directorate student's standing sank further. Students in the same Academy faced unequal prospects: examination and tribute students could become prefectural deputies or county magistrates; official and grace sons could win minor capital posts in ministries and agencies—still the proper path. Purchase-route Directorate students, by contrast, could only hope for county and prefectural deputy posts and prefectural staff headships; when they received capital posts, these were in agencies such as the Court of Imperial Sacrifices or the Imperial Park; those willing to serve in the frontier took posts in Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi, border garrisons, guard schools, or princely academies—and spent their careers on the irregular track.
7
舉人入監,始於永樂中。 會試下第,輒令翰林院錄其優者,俾入學以俟後科,給以教諭之俸。 是時,會試有副榜,大抵署教官,故令入監者亦食其祿也。 宣德八年嘗命禮部尚書胡濙與大學士楊士奇、楊榮選副榜舉人龍文等二十四人,送監進學。 翰林院三月一考其文,與庶起士同,頗示優異。 後不復另試,則取副榜年二十五以上者授教職,年未及者,或依親,或入監讀書。 既而不拘年齒,依親、入監者皆聽。 依親者,回籍讀書,依親肄業也。 又有丁憂、成婚、省親、送幼子,皆仿依親例,限年復班。 正統中,天下教官多缺,而舉人厭其卑冷,多不願就。 十三年,御史萬節請敕禮部多取副榜,以就教職。 部臣以舉人願依親入監者十之七,願就教職者僅十之三,但宜各隨所欲,卻其請不行。 至成化十三年,御史胡璘言:「天下教官率多歲貢,言行文章不足為人師範,請多取舉人選用,而罷貢生勿選。」 部議歲貢如其舊,而舉人教官仍許會試。 自後就教者亦漸多矣。 嘉靖中,南北國學皆空虛,議盡發下第舉人入監,且立限期以趣之。 然舉人不願入監者,卒不可力強。 於是生員歲貢之外,不得不頻舉選貢以充國學矣。
Provincial graduates' enrollment in the Directorate began under Yongle. Metropolitan examination failures were screened by the Hanlin; the best were enrolled to await the next cycle and paid at instructor salary rates. The metropolitan examination then had a supplementary list, mostly appointing instructors—hence enrolled students received instructor pay. In Xuande 8 (1433) Minister of Rites Hu Ying and Grand Secretaries Yang Shiqi and Yang Rong chose twenty-four supplementary-list graduates, including Long Wen, for advanced study at the Directorate. The Hanlin tested their compositions every three months, on the same schedule as shujiushi probationers, a mark of special favor. Separate examinations later ceased; supplementary-list men aged twenty-five or older received teaching posts, while younger ones either stayed with family or studied at the Directorate. Eventually age limits were dropped, and both family leave and Directorate study were allowed. Those on family leave returned home to study while living with relatives. Mourning leave, marriage leave, parental visits, and escorting young sons followed the same pattern, with fixed terms for returning to class. During Zhengtong, instructor posts went unfilled nationwide because graduates shunned their low status and poor prospects. In Zhengtong 13 (1448) Censor Wan Jie asked the throne to order the Ministry of Rites to draw more supplementary-list graduates into teaching posts. The ministry noted that seven in ten graduates preferred family leave or the Directorate, only three in ten wanted teaching posts, and rejected the proposal—each man should follow his preference. In Chenghua 13 (1477) Censor Hu Lin argued that most instructors were annual tribute scholars unfit to be moral exemplars, and urged appointing more provincial graduates while stopping tribute graduate appointments. The ministry kept annual tribute appointments unchanged but allowed graduate instructors to sit for the metropolitan examination. Thereafter more graduates accepted teaching posts. Under Jiajing both Directorates stood nearly empty; officials proposed enrolling all failed metropolitan graduates and setting deadlines to compel attendance. Yet graduates who refused the Directorate could not be compelled. Beyond annual tribute, the state had to hold frequent selected-tribute examinations to fill the Directorates.
8
貢生入監,初由生員選擇,既命各學歲貢一人,故謂之歲貢。 其例亦屢更。 洪武二十一年,定府、州、縣學以一、二、三年為差。 二十五年,定府學歲二人,州學二歲三人,縣學歲一人。 永樂八年,定州縣戶不及五里者,州歲一人,縣間歲一人。 十九年,令歲貢照洪武二十一年例。 宣德七年,復照洪武二十五年例。 正統六年,更定府學歲一人,州學三歲二人,縣學間歲一人。 弘治、嘉靖間,仍定府學歲二人,州學二歲三人,縣學歲一人,遂為永制。 後孔、顏、孟三氏,及京學、衛學、都司、土官,川、雲、貴諸遠省,其按年充貢之法,亦間有增減云。 歲貢之始,必考學行端莊、文理優長者以充之。 其後但取食廩年深者。 弘治中,南京祭酒章懋言:「洪、永間,國子生以數千計,今在監科貢共止六百餘人,歲貢挨次而升,衰遲不振者十常八九。 舉人坐監,又每後時。 差撥不敷,教養罕效。 近年有增貢之舉,而所拔亦挨次之人,資格所拘,英才多滯。 乞於常貢外令提學行選貢之法,不分廩膳、增廣生員,通行考選,務求學行兼優、年富力強、累試優等者,乃以充貢。 通計天下之廣,約取五六百人。 以後三、五年一行,則人才可漸及往年矣。」 乃下部議行之。 此選貢所由始也。 選貢多英才,入監課試輒居上等,撥曆諸司亦有幹局。 歲貢頹老,其勢日絀,則惟願就教而不願入監。 嘉靖二十七年,祭酒程文德請將廷試歲貢惟留即選者於部,而其餘盡使入監。 報可。 歲貢諸生合疏言,家貧親老,不願入監。 禮部復請從其所願,而盡使舉人入監。 又從之。 舉人入監不能如期,南京祭酒潘晟至請設重罰以趣其必赴。 於是舉人、選貢、歲貢三者迭為盛衰,而國學之盈虛亦靡有定也。 萬曆中,工科郭如心言:「選貢非祖制,其始欲補歲貢之乏,其後遂妨歲貢之途,請停其選。」 神宗以為然。 至崇禎時,又嘗行之。 恩貢者,國家有慶典或登極詔書,以當貢者充之。 而其次即為歲貢。 納貢視例監稍優,其實相仿也。
Tribute students originally came from local student selections; once each school was required to present one yearly, the practice was called annual tribute. The quotas were revised repeatedly. Hongwu 21 (1388) set prefectural, departmental, and county tribute cycles at one, two, and three years respectively. Hongwu 25 (1392) set quotas at two per year for prefectural schools, three every two years for departmental schools, and one per year for county schools. Yongle 8 (1410) reduced quotas where populations were sparse: one per year for departments, one every other year for counties. Yongle 19 (1421) restored the Hongwu 21 quota system. Xuande 7 (1432) reverted to the Hongwu 25 quotas. Zhengtong 6 (1441) reset quotas to one per year for prefectures, two every three years for departments, and one every other year for counties. Under Hongzhi and Jiajing the Hongwu 25 quotas were restored as permanent law: two yearly for prefectures, three biennially for departments, one yearly for counties. Confucius-family schools, capital and guard academies, native-official territories, and remote provinces such as Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou had tribute quotas that were adjusted from time to time. Originally annual tribute required proven conduct, dignity, and strong literary and classical achievement. Later selection came down to whoever had held stipends the longest. During Hongzhi, Nanjing libationer Zhang Mao wrote: "Under Hongwu and Yongle the Directorate held thousands of students; today barely six hundred remain. Annual tribute advances by seniority alone, and eight or nine in ten are elderly and feeble. Provincial graduates enrolled in the Directorate habitually arrived late as well. Service assignments fell short, and training produced little result. Recent supplemental tribute selections still favor seniority, so qualification rules block many able men. I ask that beyond regular tribute, education intendants hold competitive selected-tribute examinations open to all student members, choosing only men of proven learning and conduct, in their prime, with repeated top marks. Nationwide, select roughly five to six hundred men. Held every three to five years, talent might again approach earlier levels. The proposal was referred to the ministries and adopted. Thus began selected tribute. Selected tribute scholars were often gifted: in Directorate examinations they ranked at the top, and in office assignments they proved capable. Annual tribute scholars grew old and weak, preferring teaching posts to the Directorate. In Jiajing 27 (1548) libationer Cheng Wende asked that only annual tribute men chosen at once in the palace examination remain at the ministry, sending all others to the Directorate. The throne approved. Annual tribute students petitioned collectively that poverty and aged parents kept them from the Directorate. The Ministry of Rites asked to honor their wishes while enrolling all graduates in the Directorate. This too was approved. Graduates failed to arrive on time; Nanjing libationer Pan Sheng proposed heavy penalties to force attendance. Graduates, selected tribute, and annual tribute rose and fell in turn, and the Directorates' enrollment never held steady. During Wanli, Secretariat student Guo Ruxin argued that selected tribute was not ancestral law, had begun to fill gaps in annual tribute, but now blocked annual tribute's path, and asked that it be halted. The Shenzong Emperor agreed. Under Chongzhen it was revived briefly. Grace tribute filled slots when the state celebrated great occasions or issued accession edicts, using students who would otherwise have been due for tribute. The next candidates in line then became annual tribute scholars. Purchased tribute ranked slightly above purchase-route Directorate students, but in practice the two were much alike.
9
廕子入監,明初因前代任子之制,文官一品至七品,皆得廕一子以世其祿。 後乃漸為限制,在京三品以上方得請廕,謂之官生。 出自特恩者,不限官品,謂之恩生。 或即與職事,或送監讀書。 官生必三品京官,成化三年從助教李伸言也。 時給事中李森不可。 帝諭,責其刻薄; 第令非歷任年久政績顯著者,毋得濫敘而已。 既得廕敘,由提學官考送部試,如貢生例,送入監中。 時內閣呂原子翾由廕監補中書舍人,七年辛卯乞應順天鄉試。 部請從之。 給事中芮畿不可。 帝允翾所請,不為例。 然其後以廕授舍人者,俱得應舉矣。 嘉、隆以後,宰相之子有初授即為尚寶司丞,徑轉本司少卿,由光祿、太常以躋九列者,又有以軍功廕錦衣者,往往不由太學。 其他併入監。 恩生之始,建文元年錄吳雲子黼為國子生,以雲死節雲南也。 正德十六年定例,凡文武官死於忠諫者,一子入監。 其後守土官死節亦皆得廕子矣。 又弘治十八年定例,東宮侍從官,講讀年久輔導有功者,歿後,子孫乞恩,禮部奏請上裁。 正德元年復定,其祖父年勞已及三年者,一子即授試中書舍人習字; 未及三年者,一子送監讀書。 八年復定,東宮侍班官三年者,一子入監。 又萬曆十二年定例,三品日講官,雖未考滿,一子入監。
Yin sons entered the Directorate under early Ming rules inherited from earlier dynasties: civil officials of ranks one through seven could nominate one son to inherit their stipend. Restrictions tightened until only capital officials of third rank or higher could secure yin—these were called official sons. Special imperial grace, without rank limits, produced grace sons. Some received offices immediately; others were sent to study at the Directorate. The third-rank capital requirement for official sons followed teaching assistant Li Shen's proposal in Chenghua 3 (1467). Supervising secretary Li Sen objected. The emperor rebuked him for harshness; only requiring that yin not be granted without long service and distinguished achievement. After yin enrollment, education intendants examined them and sent them for ministry tests, as with tribute students, then into the Directorate. Grand Secretary Lü Yuan's son Lü Xuan, appointed Secretariat drafter through yin status, in Chenghua 7 (1471) asked to sit for the Shuntian provincial examination. The ministry approved the request. Supervising secretary Rui Ji objected. The emperor granted Xuan's request as an exception, not a precedent. Later, yin appointees to drafter posts were all allowed to take examinations. After Jiajing and Longqing, prime ministers' sons might enter as vice commissioners of the Imperial Seals Office and rise straight to director, or climb through ritual agencies to ministerial rank; military yin into the Embroidered Uniform Guard often bypassed the Academy entirely. Others still entered the Directorate. Grace sons began in Jianwen 1 (1399), when Wu Yun's son Wu Fu was enrolled because Yun had died defending Yunnan. Zhengde 16 (1521) fixed the rule that one son of any official who died in loyal remonstrance entered the Directorate. Later, local officials who died defending their posts also won yin for their sons. Hongzhi 18 (1505) also ruled that after the death of long-serving Eastern Palace tutors, descendants could petition for grace through the Ministry of Rites. Zhengde 1 (1506) restored the rule that if a grandfather had served three years, one grandson received probationary drafter status at once; if service fell short of three years, one son was sent to the Directorate. Zhengde 8 (1513) ruled that three years' service as Eastern Palace attendants entitled one son to the Directorate. Wanli 12 (1584) granted one son of a third-rank daily lecturer entry to the Directorate even before the term of service ended.
10
例監始於景泰元年,以邊事孔棘,令天下納粟納馬者入監讀書,限千人止。 行四年而罷。 成化二年,南京大饑,守臣建議,欲令官員軍民子孫納粟送監。 禮部尚書姚夔言:「太學乃育才之地,近者直省起送四十歲生員,及納草納馬者動以萬計,不勝其濫。 且使天下以貨為賢,士風日陋。」 帝以為然,為卻守臣之議。 然其後或遇歲荒,或因邊警,或大興工作,率援往例行之,訖不能止。 此舉、貢、廕、例諸色監生,前後始末之大凡也。
Purchase-route students began in Jingtai 1 (1450), when border crises led the state to admit men who contributed grain or horses, capped at one thousand. The policy ran four years, then ended. Chenghua 2 (1466), during severe famine in Nanjing, local officials proposed admitting sons of officials, soldiers, and commoners who contributed grain. Minister of Rites Yao Kui objected: "The Academy exists to cultivate talent, yet provinces now send forty-year-old students, and grain and horse purchasers number in the tens of thousands—the abuse is unbearable. It teaches the empire to value wealth over merit, debasing scholarly culture day by day. The emperor agreed and rejected the local officials' plan. Yet famine, border crises, or major construction repeatedly revived the practice by precedent, and it never ceased entirely. Such, in broad outline, is the history of examination, tribute, yin, and purchase-route Directorate students.
11
監生曆事,始於洪武五年。 建文時,定考覈法上、中、下三等。 上等選用,中、下等仍曆一年再考。 上等者依上等用,中等者不拘品級,隨才任用,下等者回監讀書。 永樂五年,選監生三十八人隸翰林院,習四夷譯書。 九年辛卯,鐘英等五人成進士,俱改庶起士。 壬辰、乙未以後,譯書中會試者甚多,皆改庶起士,以為常。 曆事生成名,其蒙恩遇如此。 仁宗初政,中軍都督府奏監生七人吏事勤慎,請注選授官。 帝不許,仍令入學,由科舉以進。 他曆事者,多不願還監。 於是通政司引奏,六科辦事監生二十人滿日,例應還監,仍願就科辦事。 帝復召二十人者,諭令進學。 蓋是時,六科給事中多缺,諸生覬得之。 帝察知其意,故不授官也。 宣宗以教官多缺,選用監生三百八十人,而程富等以都御史顧佐之薦,使於各道曆政三月,選擇任之,所謂試御史也。 監生撥曆,初以入監年月為先後,丁憂、省祭,有在家延留七八年者,比至入監,即得取撥。 陳敬宗、李時勉先後題請,一以坐監年月為淺深。 其後又以存省、京儲、依親、就學、在家年月,亦作坐堂之數。 其患病及他事故,始以虛曠論。 諸生互爭年月資次,各援科條。 成化五年,祭酒陳鑒以兩詞具聞,乞敕禮部酌中定制,為禮科所駁。 鑒復奏,互爭之。 乃下部覆議,請一一精核,仍計地理遠近、水程日月以為準。 然文稱往來,紛錯繁揉,上下伸縮,弊端甚多,卒不能畫一也。 初令監生由廣業升率性,始得積分出身。 天順以前,在監十餘年,然後撥曆諸司,曆事三月,仍留一年,送吏部銓選。 其兵部清黃及隨御史出巡者,則以三年為率。 其後,以監生積滯者多,頻減撥曆歲月以疏通之。 每歲揀選,優者輒與撥曆,有未及一年者。 弘治八年,監生在監者少,而吏部聽選至萬餘人,有十餘年不得官者。 祭酒林瀚以坐班人少,不敷撥曆,請開科貢。 禮部尚書倪嶽覆奏,科舉已有定額,不可再增,惟請增歲貢人數,而定諸司曆事,必須日月滿後,方與更替,使諸生坐監稍久,選人亦無壅滯。 及至嘉靖十年,監生在監者不及四百人,諸司曆事歲額以千計。 禮部尚書李時引嶽前議言:「嶽權宜二法,一增歲額以足坐班生徒,一議差曆以久坐班歲月。 於是府、州、縣學以一歲二貢、二歲三貢、一歲一貢為差,行之四歲而止。 其諸司曆事,三月考勤之後,仍曆一年,其餘寫本一年,清黃、寫誥、清軍、清匠三年,以至出巡等項,俱如舊例日月。 今國學缺人,視弘治間更甚,請將前件事例,參酌舉行。」 並從之,獨不增貢額。 未幾,復以祭酒許誥、提學御史胡時善之請,詔增貢額,如嶽、時前議。 隆、萬以後,學校積馳,一切循故事而已。 崇禎二年,從司業倪嘉善言,復行積分法。 八年,從祭酒倪元璐言,以貢選為正流,援納為閏流。 貢選不限撥期,以積分歲滿為率,援納則依原定撥曆為率。 而曆事不分正雜,惟以考定等第為曆期多寡。 諸司教之政事,勿與猥雜差遣。 滿日,校其勤惰,開報吏部。 不率者,回監教習。 時監規頹廢已久,不能振作也。 凡監生曆事,吏部四十一名,戶部五十三名,禮部十三名,大理寺二十八名,通政司五名,行人司四名,五軍都督府五十名,謂之正曆。 三月上選,滿日增減不定。 又有諸司寫本,戶部十名,禮部十八名,兵部二十名,刑部十四名,工部八名,都察院十四名,大理寺、通政司俱四名,隨御史出巡四十二名,謂之雜曆。 一年滿日上選。 又有諸色辦事,清黃一百名,寫誥四十名,續黃五十名,清軍四十名,天財庫十名,初以三年謂之長差,後改一年上選; 承運庫十五名,司禮監十六名,尚寶司六名,六科四十名,初作短差,後亦定一年上選。 又有隨御史刷卷一百七十八名,工部清匠六十名,俱事完日上選。 又有禮部寫民情條例七十二名,光祿寺刷卷四名,修齋八名,參表二十名,報訃二十名,齎俸十二名,錦衣衛四名,兵部查馬冊三十名,工部大木廠二十名,後府磨算十名,御馬監四名,天財庫四名,正陽門四名,崇文、宣武、朝陽、東直俱三名,阜城、西直、安定、德勝俱二名,以半年滿日回監。
Service training for Directorate students began in Hongwu 5 (1372). Under Jianwen, evaluations were divided into upper, middle, and lower grades. Upper-grade students received appointments; middle and lower grades served another year and were re-examined. Upper-grade men were appointed accordingly; middle-grade men were placed without rank restrictions according to ability; lower-grade men returned to study. Yongle 5 (1407) assigned thirty-eight Directorate students to the Hanlin to study foreign-language translation. In Yongle 9 (1411) five men including Zhong Ying passed as jinshi and became Hanlin shujiushi probationers. After 1412 and 1415 many translators passed the metropolitan examination and routinely became shujiushi probationers. Service trainees could rise to such renown and imperial favor. Early in Renzong's reign the Central Military Commission asked to appoint seven diligent service trainees. The emperor refused and ordered them back to study, to advance through the examinations. Most other service trainees likewise refused to return. The Communications Office reported that twenty Six-Section trainees had finished their term and should return to the Directorate, yet wished to remain in section service. The emperor summoned all twenty and ordered them back to their studies. At the time many supervising secretary posts in the Six Sections stood vacant, and students coveted them. The emperor saw their ambition and withheld appointments. Xuande filled vacant instructor posts with 380 Directorate students; Cheng Fu and others, recommended by Censor-in-Chief Gu Zuo, served three-month administrative apprenticeships in the circuits—the probationary censors. Assignments initially followed enrollment date, but men who spent seven or eight years at home for mourning or sacrifices could enter and receive assignment at once. Chen Jingzong and Li Shimian petitioned that precedence depend solely on time actually spent in the Directorate. Later, time on parental leave, capital grain service, family leave, outside study, or at home also counted toward hall residence. Only illness and similar emergencies counted as unauthorized absence. Students quarreled over seniority by year and month, each citing regulations in support. In Chenghua 5 (1469) libationer Chen Jian memorialized both sides and asked the Ministry of Rites to set a balanced rule; the Rites Section rejected it. Chen Jian memorialized again, and the dispute continued. The case went to the ministries for review, calling for case-by-case verification using distance, travel routes, and elapsed time as standards. Memorials flew back and forth in confusion, rules stretched and contracted, abuses multiplied, and uniformity never prevailed. Originally students had to advance from Broadening Work to Following Nature before point accumulation qualified them for office. Before Tianshun, students spent ten-plus years in the Directorate, then three months in office service plus another year before Ministry of Personnel selection. Ministry of War roster compilation and censor inspection tours, by contrast, used a three-year standard. Later, with many students backed up in the Directorate, office-service terms were repeatedly shortened to relieve the backlog. In annual selection the best were assigned to offices at once, sometimes before a full year in the Directorate. In Hongzhi 8 (1495) fewer than usual students sat in the Directorate while over ten thousand awaited Ministry of Personnel selection, some for more than a decade. Libationer Lin Han, finding too few students on sitting shifts to fill office quotas, asked to expand examination and tribute recruitment. Minister of Rites Ni Yue replied that examination quotas were fixed, but asked to raise annual tribute intake and require full completion of ministry service before rotation, keeping students in the Directorate longer and easing the selection backlog. By Jiajing 10 (1531) fewer than four hundred students remained in the Directorate while ministry service quotas ran to thousands per year. Minister of Rites Li Shi cited Ni Yue's earlier plan: two expedients—raise annual quotas to fill sitting shifts, and adjust service terms to keep students in the Directorate longer. Prefectural, departmental, and county schools were then graded at two tributes per year, three per two years, and one per year; the scheme ran four years and ended. Ministry service after three months' attendance review still lasted one year; record copying one year; roster work, edict drafting, military and artisan reviews three years; inspection tours and the like kept their former terms. The Imperial Academy now faces a worse shortage than in the Hongzhi era; please weigh and enact the earlier precedents. The court approved all of this except the increase in tribute quotas. Soon afterward, at the request of libationer Xu Gao and education inspector Hu Shishan, an edict raised tribute quotas along the lines Ni Yue and Li Shi had urged. After the Longqing and Wanli reigns schools slid into neglect, and policy amounted to going through the motions. In Chongzhen 2 (1629), on vice-director Ni Jiashan's advice, the point-accumulation system was revived. In Chongzhen 8 (1635) libationer Ni Yuanlu had tribute selection treated as the regular stream and purchase-entry as the intercalary stream. Tribute students faced no fixed assignment deadline but qualified when accumulated years were complete; purchase-entry students kept the original office-service schedule. Service assignments no longer split regular and miscellaneous posts; term length depended solely on examination grade. Ministries were to train students in administration and keep them from petty errands. At term's end diligence was graded and reported to the Ministry of Personnel. Noncompliant students were sent back to the Directorate for retraining. Directorate rules had by then decayed too long to be restored. Regular service quotas were forty-one at the Ministry of Personnel, fifty-three at Revenue, thirteen at Rites, twenty-eight at the Court of Judicial Review, five at Transmission, four at State Ceremonial, and fifty at the Five Military Commissions. Selection occurred in the third month, with no fixed rule for adjusting quotas when terms ended. Miscellaneous service meant copying posts: ten at Revenue, eighteen at Rites, twenty at War, fourteen at Justice, eight at Works, fourteen at the Censorate, four each at Judicial Review and Transmission, and forty-two with touring censors. After one year nominations went upward for selection. Other clerical posts included one hundred for Qinghuang, forty for edict drafting, fifty for supplementary rosters, forty for military reviews, and ten at the Celestial Wealth Storehouse—first three-year long assignments, later one-year terms with upward selection; the Receiving-Fortune Storehouse fifteen, Directorate of Ceremonial sixteen, Imperial Credentials Office six, and Six Offices forty—short assignments at first, later also one-year terms with upward selection. One hundred seventy-eight censorial file reviewers and sixty Works artisan-roster posts also went up for selection when duties ended. Shorter posts included seventy-two Ministry of Rites clerks copying popular regulations, plus file review, fasting ritual, memorial, death-notice, and salary courier slots at Entertainments, Guard, War, Works, palace offices, and city gates—students returned after six months.
12
郡縣之學,與太學相維,創立自唐始。 宋置諸路州學官,元頗因之,其法皆未具。 迄期,天下府、州、縣、衛所,皆建儒學,教官四千二百餘員,弟子無算,教養之法備矣。 洪武二年,太祖初建國學,諭中書省臣曰:「學校之教,至元其弊極矣。 上下之間,波頹風靡,學校雖設,名存實亡。 兵變以來,人習戰爭,惟知干戈,莫識俎豆。 朕惟治國以教化為先,教化以學校為本。 京師雖有太學,而天下學校未興。 宜令郡縣皆立學校,延師儒,授生徒,講論聖道,使人日漸月化,以復先王之舊。」 於是大建學校,府設教授,州設學正,縣設教諭,各一。 俱設訓導,府四,州三,縣二。 生員之數,府學四十人,州、縣以次減十。 師生月廩食米,人六斗,有司給以魚肉。 學官月俸有差。 生員專治一經,以禮、樂、射、禦、書、數設科分教,務求實才,頑不率者黜之。 十五年,頒學規於國子監,又頒禁例十二條於天下,鐫立臥碑,置明倫堂之左。 其不遵者,以違制論。 蓋無地而不設之學,無人而不納之教。 庠聲序音,重規疊矩,無間於下邑荒徼,山陬海涯。 此明代學校之盛,唐、宋以來所不及也。 生員雖定數於國初,未幾即命增廣,不拘額數。 宣德中,定增廣之額:在京府學六十人,在外府學四十人,州、縣以次減十。 成化中,定衛學之例:四衛以上軍生八十人,三衛以上軍生六十人,二衛、一衛軍生四十人,有司儒學軍生二十人; 土官子弟,許入附近儒學,無定額。 增廣既多,於是初設食廩者謂之廩膳生員,增廣者謂之增廣生員。 及其既久,人才愈多,又於額外增取,附於諸生之末,謂之附學生員。 凡初入學者,止謂之附學,而廩膳、增廣,以歲科兩試等第高者補充之。 非廩生久次者,不得充歲貢也。 士子未入學者,通謂之童生。 當大比之年,間收一二異敏,三場並通者,俾與諸生一體入場,謂之充場儒士。 中式即為舉人,不中式仍候提學官歲試,合格乃准入學。 提學官在任三歲,兩試諸生。 先以六等試諸生優劣,謂之歲考。 一等前列者,視廩膳生有缺,依次充補,其次補增廣生。 一二等皆給賞,三等如常,四等撻責,五等則廩、增遞降一等,附生降為青衣,六等黜革。 繼取一二等為科舉生員,俾應鄉試,謂之科考。 其充補廩、增給賞,悉如歲試。 其等第仍分為六,而大抵多置三等。 三等不得應鄉試,撻黜者僅百一,亦可絕無也。 生儒應試,每舉人一名,以科舉三十名為率。 舉人屢廣額,科舉之數亦日增。 及求舉者益眾,又往往於定額之外加取,以收士心。 凡督學者類然。 嘉靖十年,嘗下沙汰生員之令,御史楊宜爭之而止。 萬歷時,張居正當國,遂核減天下生員。 督學官奉行太過,童生入學,有一州縣僅錄一人者,其科舉減殺可推而知也。 生員入學,初由巡按御史,布、按兩司及府州縣官。 正統元年始特置提學官,專使提督學政,南、北直隸俱御史,各省參用副使、僉事。 景泰元年罷提學官。 天順六年復設,各賜敕諭十八條,俾奉行之。 直省既設提學,有所轄太廣,及地最僻遠,歲巡所不能及者,乃酌其宜。 口外及各都司、衛所、土官以屬分巡道員,直隸廬、鳳、淮、揚、滁、徐、和以屬江北巡按,湖廣衡、永、郴以屬湖南道,辰、靖以屬辰沅道,廣東瓊州以屬海南道,某肅衛所以屬巡按御史,亦皆專敕行事。 萬曆四十一年,南直隸分上下江,湖廣分南北,始各增提學一員。 提學之職,專督學校,不理刑名。 所受詞訟,重者送按察司,輕者發有司,直隸則轉送巡按御史。 督、撫、巡按及布、按二司,亦不許侵提學職事也。 明初,優禮師儒,教官擢給事、御史,諸生歲貢者易得美官。 然鉗束亦甚謹。 太祖時,教官考滿,兼核其歲貢生員之數。 後以歲貢為學校常例。 二十六年,定學官考課法,專以科舉為殿最。 九年任滿,核其中式舉人,府九人、州六人、縣三人者為最。 其教官又考通經,即與升遷。 舉人少者為平等,即考通經亦不遷。 舉人至少及全無者為殿,又考不通經,則黜降。 其待教官之嚴如此。 生員入學十年,學無所成者,及有大過者,俱送部充吏,追奪廩糧。 至正統十四年申明其制而稍更之。 受贓、奸盜、冒籍、宿娼、居喪娶妻妾所犯事理重者,直隸發充國子監膳夫,各省發充附近儒學膳夫、齋夫,滿日為民,俱追廩米。 犯輕充吏者,不追廩米。 其待諸生之嚴又如此。 然其後教官之黜降,生員之充發,皆廢格不行,即臥碑亦具文矣。 諸生上者中式,次者廩生,年久充貢,或選拔為貢生。 其累試不第、年逾五十、願告退閑者,給與冠帶,仍復其身。 其後有納粟馬捐監之例,則諸生又有援例而出學者矣。 提學官歲試校文之外,令教官舉諸生行優劣者一二人,賞黜之以為勸懲。 此其大較也。 諸生應試之文,通謂之舉業。 《四書》義一道,二百字以上。 經義一道,三百字以上。 取書旨明晰而已,不尚華採也。 其後標新領異,益漓厥初。 萬曆十五年,禮部言:「唐文初尚靡麗而士趨浮薄,宋文初尚鉤棘而人習險譎。 國初舉業有用六經語者,其後引《左傳》、《國語》矣,又引《史記》、《漢書》矣。 《史記》窮而用六子,六子窮而用百家,甚至佛經、《道藏》摘而用之,流弊安窮。 弘治、正德、嘉靖初年,中式文字純正典雅。 宜選其尤者,刊佈學宮,俾知趨向。」 因取中式文字一百十餘篇,奏請刊佈,以為準則。 時方崇尚新奇,厭薄先民矩矱,以士子所好為趨,不遵上指也。 啟、禎之間,文體益變,以出入經史百氏為高,而恣軼者亦多矣。 雖數申詭異險僻之禁,勢重難返,卒不能從。 論者以明舉業文字比唐人之詩,國初比初唐,成、弘、正、嘉比盛唐,隆、萬比中唐,啟、禎比晚唐云。
Prefectural and county schools, paired with the Imperial Academy, date from the Tang. Song created circuit and prefectural school officers; Yuan largely kept them, though the rules were never fully spelled out. By the founding of the dynasty every prefecture, department, county, and guard post had a Confucian school, with more than 4,200 instructors and countless students; instruction was fully in place. In Hongwu 2 (1369), as the Hongwu Emperor first built the Imperial Academy, he told Secretariat officials: "Schools under the Yuan had sunk to their lowest point. From court to countryside standards collapsed; schools existed in name only. Years of war had taught men the sword but not the rites. I hold that rule rests first on moral instruction, and instruction rests on schools. The capital had its academy, but schools across the empire had not yet taken root. Every prefecture and county should establish schools, hire Confucian teachers, teach students the sage's Way, and restore the institutions of the ancient kings through steady daily cultivation. Schools then went up everywhere: one professor per prefecture, one director of study per department, and one instructor per county. Assistant instructors numbered four in prefectures, three in departments, and two in counties. Student quotas were forty per prefectural school, decreasing by ten at each lower level. Teachers and students drew six dou of grain monthly, with fish and meat provided by local authorities. School officers were paid monthly salaries graded by rank. Students mastered one classic while rites, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and arithmetic were taught separately; the unteachable were expelled. In year 15 school rules were issued to the Directorate and twelve prohibitions were carved on a stele beside the Hall of Bright Ethics nationwide. Violators were charged with breach of imperial regulation. No corner of the realm lacked a school; no subject went untaught. School bells and ordered study reached even the remotest hamlets, mountain hollows, and seacoasts. Ming schools flourished as Tang and Song never had. Initial student quotas were soon expanded without cap. Under Xuande expanded quotas were set at sixty for capital prefectures, forty elsewhere, and ten fewer at each lower level. Chenghua fixed guard-school quotas at eighty military students for four-battalion guards, sixty for three-battalion guards, forty for smaller guards, and twenty military students at civil prefectural and county schools; sons of native officials could enroll in nearby Confucian schools without fixed quotas. Those first on grain stipends became granary-stipend students; added enrollees became expanded-enrollment students. Over time extra selections beyond quota were appended to the rolls as attached students. New entrants began as attached students; granary-stipend and expanded slots went to top performers in annual and triennial exams. Only long-serving granary-stipend students could be nominated for annual tribute. Boys not yet enrolled were commonly called child scholars. In provincial exam years one or two precocious boys who passed all three sessions could sit with enrolled students as examination-hall literati. Passers became provincial graduates; failures waited for the education inspector's annual test before admission. Education inspectors tested students twice during their three-year terms. First came the annual examination, ranking students in six grades. Top first-grade students filled vacant granary-stipend slots in order, then expanded-enrollment slots. Grades one and two earned rewards, three passed routinely, four brought beating, five demoted stipend or expanded students one rank and attached students to blue gowns, and six meant expulsion. The best one or two grades became examination-recruitment students for the provincial exam—the qualifying examination. Stipend filling and rewards followed the same rules as the annual exam. Grades still ran to six, though most students landed in the third. Third-grade students could not sit the provincial exam; beatings and expulsions ran to perhaps one in a hundred, sometimes none. Provincial exams typically fielded thirty examination-recruitment students for each provincial graduate slot. As provincial quotas widened, examination-recruitment numbers rose steadily. With more candidates competing, supernumeraries were often added beyond quota to win local goodwill. Education supervisors commonly did the same. Jiajing 10 (1531) brought an order to cull student rolls, but censor Yang Yi's protest stopped it. Under Wanli, with Zhang Juzheng in power, student rolls were audited and cut empire-wide. Supervisors overshot the mark: some counties admitted only one child scholar, and examination-recruitment numbers shrank accordingly. Admission initially fell to touring censors, provincial and surveillance commissioners, and local officials. Zhengtong 1 (1436) created dedicated education inspectors: censors in both metropolises, vice and assistant commissioners in the provinces. Jingtai 1 (1450) abolished the education inspectors. Tianshun 6 (1462) restored them, each receiving an eighteen-article imperial instruction. Provincial education inspectors covered vast territories; remote districts beyond annual reach were handled pragmatically. Beyond the passes, regional commands, guard posts, and native offices fell to circuit intendants; Luzhou, Fengyang, Huai'an, Yangzhou, Chuzhou, Xuzhou, and Hezhou to the Jiangbei censor; Heng, Yong, and Chen to Hunan circuit; Chen and Jing to Chen-Yuan circuit; Qiongzhou to Hainan circuit; Gansu guard posts to the touring censor—all under separate imperial commissions. Wanli 41 (1613) split southern Zhili into upper and lower Jiang and Huguang into north and south, each adding an education inspector. Education inspectors supervised schools only and did not handle criminal matters. Petitions they received: serious cases went to the surveillance commission, minor ones to local officials, and in metropolitan areas to the touring censor. Governors, coordinators, censors, and provincial commissioners likewise could not interfere in education affairs. Early Ming honored Confucian teachers, promoting instructors to secretaries and censors while tribute students often won good posts. Discipline, however, was equally strict. Under the Hongwu Emperor, instructors' performance reviews counted their annual tribute graduates. Annual tribute later became schools' routine path to office. Year 26 fixed school officers' evaluations, ranking them solely by provincial graduates produced. After nine years, prefectural instructors with nine provincial graduates, departmental with six, and county with three ranked highest. Instructors who passed the classics exam were promoted. Instructors with few graduates ranked average and were not promoted even after passing the classics exam. Instructors with the fewest provincial graduates—or none at all—ranked last, and those who also failed the classics exam were demoted or removed. Such were the strictures imposed on instructors. Students enrolled ten years without progress, or guilty of serious misconduct, were sent to the ministry as clerks and stripped of their grain stipends. Zhengtong 14 (1449) restated these rules with minor revisions. Serious offenses—bribery, theft, false registration, patronizing brothels, marrying during mourning—meant kitchen or service work at the Imperial Academy in the metropolises or at nearby Confucian schools in the provinces; after completing their term they returned to commoner status, with stipends forfeited. Minor offenders demoted to clerical service did not forfeit their grain stipends. Students faced discipline equally stringent. Later, however, instructor demotions and student punishments lapsed entirely; even the commemorative stone tablets became dead letters. Top students passed the exams; others became stipendiary students, and after long service advanced as tribute scholars or were selected for tribute nomination. Students who repeatedly failed, passed fifty, and sought retirement received caps and sashes and regained commoner status. Later, grain-and-horse purchase routes to supervisory status also let students leave school by precedent. Besides annual exams, education inspectors had instructors recommend one or two students for conduct, rewarding or penalizing them as examples. Such, in broad outline, was the arrangement. Examination essays by students were collectively called juye, "examination compositions." One Four Books essay of at least two hundred characters. One classic exegesis of at least three hundred characters. Clarity of meaning was valued; ornate flourishes were not. Later writers prized novelty, drifting further from the original standards. Wanli 15 (1587), the Ministry of Rites reported: "Early Tang prose favored elegance, and writers grew frivolous; early Song prose favored knotty difficulty, and writers grew devious. Early Ming exam essays drew on the Six Classics; later writers cited the Zuo Commentary and Discourses of the States, then the Records of the Grand Historian and Book of Han. Once the Historical Records were mined out, writers turned to the Six Masters; once those were exhausted, to the hundred schools—and some even plundered Buddhist scriptures and the Daoist Canon. Where would such excess stop? Hongzhi, Zhengde, and early Jiajing essays were pure and elegant. The best should be published at academies as models of proper style. More than 110 successful essays were submitted for publication as official models. But novelty was in fashion; scholars scorned older models and followed their own tastes rather than imperial guidance. Under Tianqi and Chongzhen, style shifted again: fluency across classics, histories, and schools was prized, and many wrote with reckless abandon. Repeated bans on bizarre and abstruse writing could not turn the tide; compliance proved impossible. Commentators likened Ming exam essays to Tang poetry—Early Ming to Early Tang; Chenghua, Hongzhi, Zhengde, and Jiajing to High Tang; Longqing and Wanli to Middle Tang; and Tianqi and Chongzhen to Late Tang.
13
自儒學外,又有宗學、社學、武學。 宗學之設,世子、長子、眾子、將軍、中尉年未弱冠者俱與焉。 其師,於王府長史、紀善、伴讀、教授等官擇學行優長者除授。 萬曆中,定宗室子十歲以上,俱入宗學。 若宗子眾多,分置數師,或於宗室中推舉一人為宗正,領其事。 令學生誦習《皇明祖訓》、《孝順事實》、《為善陰騭》諸書,而《四書》、《五經》、《通鑒》、性理亦相兼誦讀。 尋復增宗副二人。 子弟入學者,每歲就提學官考試,衣冠一如生員。 已復令一體鄉試,許得中式。 其後宗學浸多,頗有致身兩榜、起家翰林者。
Beyond Confucian academies, the dynasty also maintained clan schools, community schools, and military schools. Clan schools enrolled imperial clansmen—heir apparents, eldest sons, younger sons, generals, and assistant commandants—before they came of age. Teachers were drawn from palace chancellors, recorders, reading companions, and instructors for distinguished learning and conduct. Wanli rules required all clansmen aged ten or older to enter clan schools. Where clansmen were numerous, schools hired multiple teachers or appointed a clan director from among the royal family. Students memorized the Ancestral Instructions, Records of Filial Devotion, Hidden Merits of Doing Good, alongside the Four Books, Five Classics, Comprehensive Mirror, and Neo-Confucian texts. Two deputy clan directors were soon added. Enrolled clansmen took annual exams before education inspectors, dressed like regular students. They were later allowed to sit the provincial exams and pass. Clan schools proliferated, and some graduates reached both provincial and metropolitan lists or entered the Hanlin Academy.
14
社學,自洪武八年,延師以教民間子弟,兼讀《御製大誥》及本朝律令。 正統時,許補儒學生員。 弘治十七年,令各府、州、縣建立社學,選擇明師,民間幼童十五以下者送入讀書,講習冠、婚、喪、祭之禮。 然其法久廢,浸不舉行。
From Hongwu 8 (1375), community schools hired teachers for commoners' children, who also studied the Imperial Great Announcements and dynastic law. Zhengtong rules allowed graduates to fill student-scholar vacancies at Confucian schools. Hongzhi 17 (1504) ordered every prefecture, department, and county to open community schools, hire teachers, and enroll common children under fifteen to study capping, marriage, mourning, and sacrifice rites. The system long lapsed and was barely enforced.
15
武學之設,自洪武時置大寧等衛儒學,教武官子弟。 正統中,成國公硃勇奏選驍勇都指揮等官五十一員,熟嫻騎射幼官一百員,始命兩京建武學以訓誨之。 尋命都司、衛所應襲子弟年十歲以上者,提學官選送武學讀書,無武學者送衛學或附近儒學。 成化中,敕所司歲終考試入學武生。 十年以上學無可取者,追廩還官,送營操練。 弘治中,從兵部尚書馬文升言,刑《武經七書》分散兩京武學及應襲舍人。 嘉靖中,移京城東武學於皇城西隅廢寺,俾大小武官子弟及勳爵新襲者,肄業其中,用文武重臣教習。 萬曆中,兵部言,武庫司專設主事一員管理武學,近者裁去,請復專設。 教官升堂,都指揮執弟子禮,請遵《會典》例,立為程式。 詔皆如議。 崇禎十年,令天下府、州、縣學皆設武學生員,提學官一體考取。 已又申《會典》事例,簿記功能,有不次擢用、黜退、送操、獎罰、激厲之法。 時事方棘,無所益也。
Military schooling began under Hongwu with Confucian academies at guards like Daming for officers' sons. During Zhengtong, Cheng State Duke Zhu Yong proposed fifty-one seasoned battalion commanders and one hundred junior officers skilled in horsemanship and archery as instructors, prompting military schools in both capitals. Heirs to regional commands and guard posts aged ten or older were sent by education inspectors to military schools—or to guard schools or nearby Confucian academies where none existed. Chenghua orders required annual year-end exams for military students. After ten years without merit, stipends were reclaimed and students returned to camp for drill. Hongzhi, heeding Minister of War Ma Wensheng, engraved and distributed the Seven Military Classics to both capitals' military schools and heir retainers. Jiajing relocated the eastern capital military school to a disused temple west of the palace, enrolling officers' sons and newly ennobled heirs under senior civil and military instructors. Wanli, the Ministry of War noted that a dedicated Military Storehouse director had overseen military schools until recently cut, and asked that the post be restored. Battalion commanders observed disciple rites when instructors taught; they asked that Collected Statutes precedent become formal procedure. The throne approved every proposal. Chongzhen 10 (1637) ordered every prefecture, department, and county to enroll military students, examined by education inspectors alongside civil students. Collected Statutes procedures were reaffirmed—merit registers, exceptional promotion, dismissal, drill assignment, rewards, punishments, and incentives. But times were desperate, and none of it availed.