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卷六十九 志第四十五 選舉一

Volume 69 Treatises 45: Selection of Officials 1

Chapter 69 of 明史 · History of Ming
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1
The systems for recruiting officials fell, in broad terms, into four categories: state schools, civil examinations, recommendation, and evaluation and appointment. Schools trained them, examinations promoted them, recommendation drew talent from outside the regular channels, and evaluation and appointment placed them in office—through these four paths the empire gathered its men of ability. Under the Ming institutional order, the examination track dominated: chancellors and chief ministers rose through it, and the schools existed chiefly to stock candidates for those examinations. Men who entered official registers through the schools ranked just below the examination path; everything outside that was classed as miscellaneous recruitment. All the same, jinshi graduates, tribute-presented scholars, and miscellaneous entrants were used side by side; one route might outweigh the others, but none was entirely set aside. Recommendation was prominent in the dynasty's early years, then fell away once recruitment relied exclusively on the examinations. Evaluation and appointment marked the threshold of office; without them one could not enter the bureaucracy at all. These four systems are recorded here in full sequence, so that the gains and losses in recruiting talent across the dynasty's two hundred and seventy years may be understood.
2
Civil examinations required schooling, yet men who entered office through the schools did not always have to take the examinations. Schools were of two kinds: the National Academy and the prefectural, departmental, and county schools. Only local students who advanced to the National Academy could receive appointments; those who never entered could not. Students enrolled in the National Academy were known collectively as Directorate students (jiànshēng). Provincial graduates became "examination" Directorate students; local student members became "tribute" Directorate students; sons of ranked officials became "yin" Directorate students; and those who bought entry became "purchase" Directorate students. Tribute Directorate students themselves were further divided into annual, selected, grace, and purchased tribute categories. Yin Directorate students likewise split into regular official sons and grace sons.
3
殿姿 使 簿 宿 簿 宿 簿 宿 宿 調祿
The Directorate of the Sons of the State was first established in the yisi year of the dynasty's founding era. In Hongwu 1 (1368) the throne ordered that sons of ranked officials and talented commoners who understood classical texts should all enroll as students. More than a dozen men, including Guo Qi and Wang Pu, were chosen to study with the heir apparent inside the palace. When they were received in the Hall of Scrupulous Conduct, their bearing was bright and graceful and their replies thorough and polished. The founding emperor was delighted and bestowed rich rewards on them. Once the realm was pacified, an edict directed that outstanding students from local schools be chosen for the Imperial Directorate. Young provincial graduates such as Zhao Wei-yi and tribute scholars such as Dong Chang were likewise enrolled, given robes and bedding, and sent to government offices to learn administrative practice—they were called service-training Directorate students. The brightest among them, such as Li Kuo, were assigned to lecture in the Wenhua and Wuying halls and were called "junior xiucai." Men of outstanding ability were set to master the full corpus of learning, to study moral philosophy and statecraft in depth, and to be groomed for high office—they were called "senior xiucai." At first the Yingtian prefectural school became the Directorate; later the institution was rebuilt below Jiming Hill. The school was then renamed a Directorate, with posts for libationer, vice-director, assistant directors, erudites, teaching assistants, rectifiers, recorders, archivists, provisioners, and registrars. Students were housed in six halls: Following Nature, Cultivating the Way, Sincere Heart, Upright Principle, Elevating Aspiration, and Broadening Work. Dormitories beside the halls housed the students and were called numbered rooms. They received generous grain stipends and, at set seasons, gifts of cloth, brocade, full outfits, caps, and boots. On New Year's Day, the Lantern Festival, and other court holidays they received festival bonuses. Empress Xiaoci stockpiled grain at the Directorate and set up more than twenty Red Granary storehouses to support students' families. Unmarried service-training students received betrothal funds, two sets of women's garments, and two shi of rice each month. Students who had been in the capital for years were sent home to visit parents, or—if parents had died—grandparents or uncles and aunts; each received a suit of clothes and five ingots of paper money for travel. Such was the scale of their preferential treatment. Each morning the libationer and vice-director presided in the main hall; subordinate officials down to the directorate assistants, led by the registrar, stood in ranked order. After bowing, students posed questions on the classics and histories, standing at attention to receive instruction. They had leave only on the first and fifteenth of each month; on other days they dined together in hall, then held group lectures, review sessions, and recitations, with rotating assignments as the daily routine. Beyond the Four Books and the canonical texts, the curriculum also covered Liu Xiang's Garden of Sayings, law codes, calligraphy, arithmetic, and the emperor's Great Admonitions. Monthly examinations included one classic-interpretation and one literary-interpretation question, plus two questions in edicts, mandates, memorials, policy essays, legal judgments, and inner-court genres. Each day they copied more than two hundred characters, using master models from the Two Wangs, Zhiyong, and the Ouyang, Yu, Yan, and Liu traditions. Each class chose one dormitory head to oversee the students' daily assignments. Dress, bearing, meals, and deportment were all strictly regulated. Students had to sleep in the Directorate; any departure required notice to the class instructor, and the dormitory head would report to the libationer. The directorate assistant kept a misconduct register; offenders were recorded, thrice offenders were beaten, and four-time offenders could be expelled and reassigned. Study regulations were revised several times until strictness and leniency struck a workable balance. Rules governed every aspect of hall life, dormitories, meals, bathing, and washing. Leave to visit family or marry was granted for fixed periods scaled to travel distance. Overstaying one's leave meant demotion to distant recorder posts, or in some cases assignment as clerks. Teaching posts were reserved for senior scholars of established reputation. Song Ne, Wu Yang, and others rose from the scholarly ranks to libationer; Song Ne in particular was renowned as a master teacher. Most jinshi came from the Imperial Academy; in the wuchen cycle (1388) Ren Hengtai topped the palace examination, and the founding emperor summoned Song Ne to honor him, composed an inscription record, and erected a stele at the Directorate gate. In the xinwei cycle (1391) Xu Guan received the same honor. Thus began the unbroken tradition of jinshi inscription stelae. Each year provincial surveillance commissions chose student members over twenty who were mature and dignified and sent them to the Directorate for examination and enrollment. Provincial graduates who failed the metropolitan examination entered the Directorate to finish their training. After remonstrance official Guan Xian memorialized on the matter, the practice became a standing rule. Each local school sent one annual tribute student; the Hanlin tested classic and literary interpretation plus one legal judgment. First-class passers entered the Imperial Directorate, second-class went to the Central Capital school, failures were sent home, and supervising teachers lost their stipends. Scholars from the metropolitan provinces then flocked to the capital. Yunnan and Sichuan sent native-official students; Japan, Ryukyu, Siam, and other states sent official students to study at the Directorate, all receiving lavish gifts and support for their retinues. During the Yongle and Xuande reigns such delegations arrived in steady succession. As late as the Chenghua and Zhengde reigns Ryukyu students still arrived. The Central Capital National Academy was established in Hongwu 8 (1375). In Hongwu 26 (1393) it was abolished and its faculty and students merged into the capital Directorate. Yongle 1 (1403) saw the founding of the Beijing Imperial Directorate. When the capital moved in Yongle 18 (1420), the former capital Directorate became Nanjing, and students were thereafter divided between northern and southern Directorates.
4
調
The six halls used a point-accumulation system; the two vice-directors split left and right, each overseeing three halls. Students who knew the Four Books but not yet the classics were placed in Upright Principle, Elevating Aspiration, and Broadening Work. After eighteen months, students whose literary and classical work was fluent advanced to Cultivating the Way and Sincere Heart. After another eighteen months, those who mastered classics and histories and excelled in both literary and classical studies rose to Following Nature. Point accumulation began only after promotion to Following Nature. First month of each season: one base-classic question; second month: one policy essay; second month also: one edict, mandate, memorial, or inner-court question; third month: one classics-and-history question plus two legal judgments. Each examination awarded one point for excellence in both literary and classical work, half a point for strong classical but weak literary performance, and no points for flawed answers. Eight points within a year qualified a student for appointment. Those who fell short remained in the halls to continue their studies. Exceptional students could be memorialized to the throne for special disposition.
5
使使 調
In Hongwu 26 (1393) sixty-four Directorate students, including Liu Zheng and Long Ting, were promoted en masse to provincial administration and surveillance posts, along with various vice and assistant commissioner ranks. The court could elevate them to such heights in a single stroke. Countless others became leading officials throughout the empire. Li Kuo and others rose from the Wenhua and Wuying halls to censor, and Kuo soon became supervising secretary and recorder in the Qi princely household—showing that censorial and remonstrance posts also drew from the Academy. Routine appointments were to prefectural, departmental, and county posts of sixth rank and below.
6
祿 西
Early on, with learning scarce in the war-ravaged north, 366 Directorate students including Lin Boyun were sent to teach in the prefectures. The program later spread to other provinces, appointing able writers in their prime as instructors and similar posts. Though the founding emperor sometimes held civil examinations, Directorate students and recommended men still dominated appointments, and Academy graduates filled offices across the empire. Within a generation or two jinshi status grew paramount, recommendation was abandoned, and tribute-presented scholars lost standing. Point accumulation and service training remained on the books, and libationers Chen Jingzong and Li Shimian worked hard to restore standards, yet the Directorate steadily declined from its early vigor. Ambition focused exclusively on top examination honors. Career advancement or stagnation hinged on the day one petitioned for appointment. Directorate students who failed to win top examination honors could strive all they liked yet rarely succeed—the weight of institutional habit made it so. Once grain-purchase entry was allowed, status lines blurred; commoners could buy in as "common students" or "outstanding talents," and the Directorate student's standing sank further. Students in the same Academy faced unequal prospects: examination and tribute students could become prefectural deputies or county magistrates; official and grace sons could win minor capital posts in ministries and agencies—still the proper path. Purchase-route Directorate students, by contrast, could only hope for county and prefectural deputy posts and prefectural staff headships; when they received capital posts, these were in agencies such as the Court of Imperial Sacrifices or the Imperial Park; those willing to serve in the frontier took posts in Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi, border garrisons, guard schools, or princely academies—and spent their careers on the irregular track.
7
祿 仿
Provincial graduates' enrollment in the Directorate began under Yongle. Metropolitan examination failures were screened by the Hanlin; the best were enrolled to await the next cycle and paid at instructor salary rates. The metropolitan examination then had a supplementary list, mostly appointing instructors—hence enrolled students received instructor pay. In Xuande 8 (1433) Minister of Rites Hu Ying and Grand Secretaries Yang Shiqi and Yang Rong chose twenty-four supplementary-list graduates, including Long Wen, for advanced study at the Directorate. The Hanlin tested their compositions every three months, on the same schedule as shujiushi probationers, a mark of special favor. Separate examinations later ceased; supplementary-list men aged twenty-five or older received teaching posts, while younger ones either stayed with family or studied at the Directorate. Eventually age limits were dropped, and both family leave and Directorate study were allowed. Those on family leave returned home to study while living with relatives. Mourning leave, marriage leave, parental visits, and escorting young sons followed the same pattern, with fixed terms for returning to class. During Zhengtong, instructor posts went unfilled nationwide because graduates shunned their low status and poor prospects. In Zhengtong 13 (1448) Censor Wan Jie asked the throne to order the Ministry of Rites to draw more supplementary-list graduates into teaching posts. The ministry noted that seven in ten graduates preferred family leave or the Directorate, only three in ten wanted teaching posts, and rejected the proposal—each man should follow his preference. In Chenghua 13 (1477) Censor Hu Lin argued that most instructors were annual tribute scholars unfit to be moral exemplars, and urged appointing more provincial graduates while stopping tribute graduate appointments. The ministry kept annual tribute appointments unchanged but allowed graduate instructors to sit for the metropolitan examination. Thereafter more graduates accepted teaching posts. Under Jiajing both Directorates stood nearly empty; officials proposed enrolling all failed metropolitan graduates and setting deadlines to compel attendance. Yet graduates who refused the Directorate could not be compelled. Beyond annual tribute, the state had to hold frequent selected-tribute examinations to fill the Directorates.
8
使 使 仿
Tribute students originally came from local student selections; once each school was required to present one yearly, the practice was called annual tribute. The quotas were revised repeatedly. Hongwu 21 (1388) set prefectural, departmental, and county tribute cycles at one, two, and three years respectively. Hongwu 25 (1392) set quotas at two per year for prefectural schools, three every two years for departmental schools, and one per year for county schools. Yongle 8 (1410) reduced quotas where populations were sparse: one per year for departments, one every other year for counties. Yongle 19 (1421) restored the Hongwu 21 quota system. Xuande 7 (1432) reverted to the Hongwu 25 quotas. Zhengtong 6 (1441) reset quotas to one per year for prefectures, two every three years for departments, and one every other year for counties. Under Hongzhi and Jiajing the Hongwu 25 quotas were restored as permanent law: two yearly for prefectures, three biennially for departments, one yearly for counties. Confucius-family schools, capital and guard academies, native-official territories, and remote provinces such as Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou had tribute quotas that were adjusted from time to time. Originally annual tribute required proven conduct, dignity, and strong literary and classical achievement. Later selection came down to whoever had held stipends the longest. During Hongzhi, Nanjing libationer Zhang Mao wrote: "Under Hongwu and Yongle the Directorate held thousands of students; today barely six hundred remain. Annual tribute advances by seniority alone, and eight or nine in ten are elderly and feeble. Provincial graduates enrolled in the Directorate habitually arrived late as well. Service assignments fell short, and training produced little result. Recent supplemental tribute selections still favor seniority, so qualification rules block many able men. I ask that beyond regular tribute, education intendants hold competitive selected-tribute examinations open to all student members, choosing only men of proven learning and conduct, in their prime, with repeated top marks. Nationwide, select roughly five to six hundred men. Held every three to five years, talent might again approach earlier levels. The proposal was referred to the ministries and adopted. Thus began selected tribute. Selected tribute scholars were often gifted: in Directorate examinations they ranked at the top, and in office assignments they proved capable. Annual tribute scholars grew old and weak, preferring teaching posts to the Directorate. In Jiajing 27 (1548) libationer Cheng Wende asked that only annual tribute men chosen at once in the palace examination remain at the ministry, sending all others to the Directorate. The throne approved. Annual tribute students petitioned collectively that poverty and aged parents kept them from the Directorate. The Ministry of Rites asked to honor their wishes while enrolling all graduates in the Directorate. This too was approved. Graduates failed to arrive on time; Nanjing libationer Pan Sheng proposed heavy penalties to force attendance. Graduates, selected tribute, and annual tribute rose and fell in turn, and the Directorates' enrollment never held steady. During Wanli, Secretariat student Guo Ruxin argued that selected tribute was not ancestral law, had begun to fill gaps in annual tribute, but now blocked annual tribute's path, and asked that it be halted. The Shenzong Emperor agreed. Under Chongzhen it was revived briefly. Grace tribute filled slots when the state celebrated great occasions or issued accession edicts, using students who would otherwise have been due for tribute. The next candidates in line then became annual tribute scholars. Purchased tribute ranked slightly above purchase-route Directorate students, but in practice the two were much alike.
9
祿 祿 歿 滿
Yin sons entered the Directorate under early Ming rules inherited from earlier dynasties: civil officials of ranks one through seven could nominate one son to inherit their stipend. Restrictions tightened until only capital officials of third rank or higher could secure yin—these were called official sons. Special imperial grace, without rank limits, produced grace sons. Some received offices immediately; others were sent to study at the Directorate. The third-rank capital requirement for official sons followed teaching assistant Li Shen's proposal in Chenghua 3 (1467). Supervising secretary Li Sen objected. The emperor rebuked him for harshness; only requiring that yin not be granted without long service and distinguished achievement. After yin enrollment, education intendants examined them and sent them for ministry tests, as with tribute students, then into the Directorate. Grand Secretary Lü Yuan's son Lü Xuan, appointed Secretariat drafter through yin status, in Chenghua 7 (1471) asked to sit for the Shuntian provincial examination. The ministry approved the request. Supervising secretary Rui Ji objected. The emperor granted Xuan's request as an exception, not a precedent. Later, yin appointees to drafter posts were all allowed to take examinations. After Jiajing and Longqing, prime ministers' sons might enter as vice commissioners of the Imperial Seals Office and rise straight to director, or climb through ritual agencies to ministerial rank; military yin into the Embroidered Uniform Guard often bypassed the Academy entirely. Others still entered the Directorate. Grace sons began in Jianwen 1 (1399), when Wu Yun's son Wu Fu was enrolled because Yun had died defending Yunnan. Zhengde 16 (1521) fixed the rule that one son of any official who died in loyal remonstrance entered the Directorate. Later, local officials who died defending their posts also won yin for their sons. Hongzhi 18 (1505) also ruled that after the death of long-serving Eastern Palace tutors, descendants could petition for grace through the Ministry of Rites. Zhengde 1 (1506) restored the rule that if a grandfather had served three years, one grandson received probationary drafter status at once; if service fell short of three years, one son was sent to the Directorate. Zhengde 8 (1513) ruled that three years' service as Eastern Palace attendants entitled one son to the Directorate. Wanli 12 (1584) granted one son of a third-rank daily lecturer entry to the Directorate even before the term of service ended.
10
使
Purchase-route students began in Jingtai 1 (1450), when border crises led the state to admit men who contributed grain or horses, capped at one thousand. The policy ran four years, then ended. Chenghua 2 (1466), during severe famine in Nanjing, local officials proposed admitting sons of officials, soldiers, and commoners who contributed grain. Minister of Rites Yao Kui objected: "The Academy exists to cultivate talent, yet provinces now send forty-year-old students, and grain and horse purchasers number in the tens of thousands—the abuse is unbearable. It teaches the empire to value wealth over merit, debasing scholarly culture day by day. The emperor agreed and rejected the local officials' plan. Yet famine, border crises, or major construction repeatedly revived the practice by precedent, and it never ceased entirely. Such, in broad outline, is the history of examination, tribute, yin, and purchase-route Directorate students.
11
滿 使 滿使 滿 滿 滿 滿 祿西滿
Service training for Directorate students began in Hongwu 5 (1372). Under Jianwen, evaluations were divided into upper, middle, and lower grades. Upper-grade students received appointments; middle and lower grades served another year and were re-examined. Upper-grade men were appointed accordingly; middle-grade men were placed without rank restrictions according to ability; lower-grade men returned to study. Yongle 5 (1407) assigned thirty-eight Directorate students to the Hanlin to study foreign-language translation. In Yongle 9 (1411) five men including Zhong Ying passed as jinshi and became Hanlin shujiushi probationers. After 1412 and 1415 many translators passed the metropolitan examination and routinely became shujiushi probationers. Service trainees could rise to such renown and imperial favor. Early in Renzong's reign the Central Military Commission asked to appoint seven diligent service trainees. The emperor refused and ordered them back to study, to advance through the examinations. Most other service trainees likewise refused to return. The Communications Office reported that twenty Six-Section trainees had finished their term and should return to the Directorate, yet wished to remain in section service. The emperor summoned all twenty and ordered them back to their studies. At the time many supervising secretary posts in the Six Sections stood vacant, and students coveted them. The emperor saw their ambition and withheld appointments. Xuande filled vacant instructor posts with 380 Directorate students; Cheng Fu and others, recommended by Censor-in-Chief Gu Zuo, served three-month administrative apprenticeships in the circuits—the probationary censors. Assignments initially followed enrollment date, but men who spent seven or eight years at home for mourning or sacrifices could enter and receive assignment at once. Chen Jingzong and Li Shimian petitioned that precedence depend solely on time actually spent in the Directorate. Later, time on parental leave, capital grain service, family leave, outside study, or at home also counted toward hall residence. Only illness and similar emergencies counted as unauthorized absence. Students quarreled over seniority by year and month, each citing regulations in support. In Chenghua 5 (1469) libationer Chen Jian memorialized both sides and asked the Ministry of Rites to set a balanced rule; the Rites Section rejected it. Chen Jian memorialized again, and the dispute continued. The case went to the ministries for review, calling for case-by-case verification using distance, travel routes, and elapsed time as standards. Memorials flew back and forth in confusion, rules stretched and contracted, abuses multiplied, and uniformity never prevailed. Originally students had to advance from Broadening Work to Following Nature before point accumulation qualified them for office. Before Tianshun, students spent ten-plus years in the Directorate, then three months in office service plus another year before Ministry of Personnel selection. Ministry of War roster compilation and censor inspection tours, by contrast, used a three-year standard. Later, with many students backed up in the Directorate, office-service terms were repeatedly shortened to relieve the backlog. In annual selection the best were assigned to offices at once, sometimes before a full year in the Directorate. In Hongzhi 8 (1495) fewer than usual students sat in the Directorate while over ten thousand awaited Ministry of Personnel selection, some for more than a decade. Libationer Lin Han, finding too few students on sitting shifts to fill office quotas, asked to expand examination and tribute recruitment. Minister of Rites Ni Yue replied that examination quotas were fixed, but asked to raise annual tribute intake and require full completion of ministry service before rotation, keeping students in the Directorate longer and easing the selection backlog. By Jiajing 10 (1531) fewer than four hundred students remained in the Directorate while ministry service quotas ran to thousands per year. Minister of Rites Li Shi cited Ni Yue's earlier plan: two expedients—raise annual quotas to fill sitting shifts, and adjust service terms to keep students in the Directorate longer. Prefectural, departmental, and county schools were then graded at two tributes per year, three per two years, and one per year; the scheme ran four years and ended. Ministry service after three months' attendance review still lasted one year; record copying one year; roster work, edict drafting, military and artisan reviews three years; inspection tours and the like kept their former terms. The Imperial Academy now faces a worse shortage than in the Hongzhi era; please weigh and enact the earlier precedents. The court approved all of this except the increase in tribute quotas. Soon afterward, at the request of libationer Xu Gao and education inspector Hu Shishan, an edict raised tribute quotas along the lines Ni Yue and Li Shi had urged. After the Longqing and Wanli reigns schools slid into neglect, and policy amounted to going through the motions. In Chongzhen 2 (1629), on vice-director Ni Jiashan's advice, the point-accumulation system was revived. In Chongzhen 8 (1635) libationer Ni Yuanlu had tribute selection treated as the regular stream and purchase-entry as the intercalary stream. Tribute students faced no fixed assignment deadline but qualified when accumulated years were complete; purchase-entry students kept the original office-service schedule. Service assignments no longer split regular and miscellaneous posts; term length depended solely on examination grade. Ministries were to train students in administration and keep them from petty errands. At term's end diligence was graded and reported to the Ministry of Personnel. Noncompliant students were sent back to the Directorate for retraining. Directorate rules had by then decayed too long to be restored. Regular service quotas were forty-one at the Ministry of Personnel, fifty-three at Revenue, thirteen at Rites, twenty-eight at the Court of Judicial Review, five at Transmission, four at State Ceremonial, and fifty at the Five Military Commissions. Selection occurred in the third month, with no fixed rule for adjusting quotas when terms ended. Miscellaneous service meant copying posts: ten at Revenue, eighteen at Rites, twenty at War, fourteen at Justice, eight at Works, fourteen at the Censorate, four each at Judicial Review and Transmission, and forty-two with touring censors. After one year nominations went upward for selection. Other clerical posts included one hundred for Qinghuang, forty for edict drafting, fifty for supplementary rosters, forty for military reviews, and ten at the Celestial Wealth Storehouse—first three-year long assignments, later one-year terms with upward selection; the Receiving-Fortune Storehouse fifteen, Directorate of Ceremonial sixteen, Imperial Credentials Office six, and Six Offices forty—short assignments at first, later also one-year terms with upward selection. One hundred seventy-eight censorial file reviewers and sixty Works artisan-roster posts also went up for selection when duties ended. Shorter posts included seventy-two Ministry of Rites clerks copying popular regulations, plus file review, fasting ritual, memorial, death-notice, and salary courier slots at Entertainments, Guard, War, Works, palace offices, and city gates—students returned after six months.
12
使 使使 滿 殿 滿 殿 宿滿 退
Prefectural and county schools, paired with the Imperial Academy, date from the Tang. Song created circuit and prefectural school officers; Yuan largely kept them, though the rules were never fully spelled out. By the founding of the dynasty every prefecture, department, county, and guard post had a Confucian school, with more than 4,200 instructors and countless students; instruction was fully in place. In Hongwu 2 (1369), as the Hongwu Emperor first built the Imperial Academy, he told Secretariat officials: "Schools under the Yuan had sunk to their lowest point. From court to countryside standards collapsed; schools existed in name only. Years of war had taught men the sword but not the rites. I hold that rule rests first on moral instruction, and instruction rests on schools. The capital had its academy, but schools across the empire had not yet taken root. Every prefecture and county should establish schools, hire Confucian teachers, teach students the sage's Way, and restore the institutions of the ancient kings through steady daily cultivation. Schools then went up everywhere: one professor per prefecture, one director of study per department, and one instructor per county. Assistant instructors numbered four in prefectures, three in departments, and two in counties. Student quotas were forty per prefectural school, decreasing by ten at each lower level. Teachers and students drew six dou of grain monthly, with fish and meat provided by local authorities. School officers were paid monthly salaries graded by rank. Students mastered one classic while rites, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and arithmetic were taught separately; the unteachable were expelled. In year 15 school rules were issued to the Directorate and twelve prohibitions were carved on a stele beside the Hall of Bright Ethics nationwide. Violators were charged with breach of imperial regulation. No corner of the realm lacked a school; no subject went untaught. School bells and ordered study reached even the remotest hamlets, mountain hollows, and seacoasts. Ming schools flourished as Tang and Song never had. Initial student quotas were soon expanded without cap. Under Xuande expanded quotas were set at sixty for capital prefectures, forty elsewhere, and ten fewer at each lower level. Chenghua fixed guard-school quotas at eighty military students for four-battalion guards, sixty for three-battalion guards, forty for smaller guards, and twenty military students at civil prefectural and county schools; sons of native officials could enroll in nearby Confucian schools without fixed quotas. Those first on grain stipends became granary-stipend students; added enrollees became expanded-enrollment students. Over time extra selections beyond quota were appended to the rolls as attached students. New entrants began as attached students; granary-stipend and expanded slots went to top performers in annual and triennial exams. Only long-serving granary-stipend students could be nominated for annual tribute. Boys not yet enrolled were commonly called child scholars. In provincial exam years one or two precocious boys who passed all three sessions could sit with enrolled students as examination-hall literati. Passers became provincial graduates; failures waited for the education inspector's annual test before admission. Education inspectors tested students twice during their three-year terms. First came the annual examination, ranking students in six grades. Top first-grade students filled vacant granary-stipend slots in order, then expanded-enrollment slots. Grades one and two earned rewards, three passed routinely, four brought beating, five demoted stipend or expanded students one rank and attached students to blue gowns, and six meant expulsion. The best one or two grades became examination-recruitment students for the provincial exam—the qualifying examination. Stipend filling and rewards followed the same rules as the annual exam. Grades still ran to six, though most students landed in the third. Third-grade students could not sit the provincial exam; beatings and expulsions ran to perhaps one in a hundred, sometimes none. Provincial exams typically fielded thirty examination-recruitment students for each provincial graduate slot. As provincial quotas widened, examination-recruitment numbers rose steadily. With more candidates competing, supernumeraries were often added beyond quota to win local goodwill. Education supervisors commonly did the same. Jiajing 10 (1531) brought an order to cull student rolls, but censor Yang Yi's protest stopped it. Under Wanli, with Zhang Juzheng in power, student rolls were audited and cut empire-wide. Supervisors overshot the mark: some counties admitted only one child scholar, and examination-recruitment numbers shrank accordingly. Admission initially fell to touring censors, provincial and surveillance commissioners, and local officials. Zhengtong 1 (1436) created dedicated education inspectors: censors in both metropolises, vice and assistant commissioners in the provinces. Jingtai 1 (1450) abolished the education inspectors. Tianshun 6 (1462) restored them, each receiving an eighteen-article imperial instruction. Provincial education inspectors covered vast territories; remote districts beyond annual reach were handled pragmatically. Beyond the passes, regional commands, guard posts, and native offices fell to circuit intendants; Luzhou, Fengyang, Huai'an, Yangzhou, Chuzhou, Xuzhou, and Hezhou to the Jiangbei censor; Heng, Yong, and Chen to Hunan circuit; Chen and Jing to Chen-Yuan circuit; Qiongzhou to Hainan circuit; Gansu guard posts to the touring censor—all under separate imperial commissions. Wanli 41 (1613) split southern Zhili into upper and lower Jiang and Huguang into north and south, each adding an education inspector. Education inspectors supervised schools only and did not handle criminal matters. Petitions they received: serious cases went to the surveillance commission, minor ones to local officials, and in metropolitan areas to the touring censor. Governors, coordinators, censors, and provincial commissioners likewise could not interfere in education affairs. Early Ming honored Confucian teachers, promoting instructors to secretaries and censors while tribute students often won good posts. Discipline, however, was equally strict. Under the Hongwu Emperor, instructors' performance reviews counted their annual tribute graduates. Annual tribute later became schools' routine path to office. Year 26 fixed school officers' evaluations, ranking them solely by provincial graduates produced. After nine years, prefectural instructors with nine provincial graduates, departmental with six, and county with three ranked highest. Instructors who passed the classics exam were promoted. Instructors with few graduates ranked average and were not promoted even after passing the classics exam. Instructors with the fewest provincial graduates—or none at all—ranked last, and those who also failed the classics exam were demoted or removed. Such were the strictures imposed on instructors. Students enrolled ten years without progress, or guilty of serious misconduct, were sent to the ministry as clerks and stripped of their grain stipends. Zhengtong 14 (1449) restated these rules with minor revisions. Serious offenses—bribery, theft, false registration, patronizing brothels, marrying during mourning—meant kitchen or service work at the Imperial Academy in the metropolises or at nearby Confucian schools in the provinces; after completing their term they returned to commoner status, with stipends forfeited. Minor offenders demoted to clerical service did not forfeit their grain stipends. Students faced discipline equally stringent. Later, however, instructor demotions and student punishments lapsed entirely; even the commemorative stone tablets became dead letters. Top students passed the exams; others became stipendiary students, and after long service advanced as tribute scholars or were selected for tribute nomination. Students who repeatedly failed, passed fifty, and sought retirement received caps and sashes and regained commoner status. Later, grain-and-horse purchase routes to supervisory status also let students leave school by precedent. Besides annual exams, education inspectors had instructors recommend one or two students for conduct, rewarding or penalizing them as examples. Such, in broad outline, was the arrangement. Examination essays by students were collectively called juye, "examination compositions." One Four Books essay of at least two hundred characters. One classic exegesis of at least three hundred characters. Clarity of meaning was valued; ornate flourishes were not. Later writers prized novelty, drifting further from the original standards. Wanli 15 (1587), the Ministry of Rites reported: "Early Tang prose favored elegance, and writers grew frivolous; early Song prose favored knotty difficulty, and writers grew devious. Early Ming exam essays drew on the Six Classics; later writers cited the Zuo Commentary and Discourses of the States, then the Records of the Grand Historian and Book of Han. Once the Historical Records were mined out, writers turned to the Six Masters; once those were exhausted, to the hundred schools—and some even plundered Buddhist scriptures and the Daoist Canon. Where would such excess stop? Hongzhi, Zhengde, and early Jiajing essays were pure and elegant. The best should be published at academies as models of proper style. More than 110 successful essays were submitted for publication as official models. But novelty was in fashion; scholars scorned older models and followed their own tastes rather than imperial guidance. Under Tianqi and Chongzhen, style shifted again: fluency across classics, histories, and schools was prized, and many wrote with reckless abandon. Repeated bans on bizarre and abstruse writing could not turn the tide; compliance proved impossible. Commentators likened Ming exam essays to Tang poetry—Early Ming to Early Tang; Chenghua, Hongzhi, Zhengde, and Jiajing to High Tang; Longqing and Wanli to Middle Tang; and Tianqi and Chongzhen to Late Tang.
13
Beyond Confucian academies, the dynasty also maintained clan schools, community schools, and military schools. Clan schools enrolled imperial clansmen—heir apparents, eldest sons, younger sons, generals, and assistant commandants—before they came of age. Teachers were drawn from palace chancellors, recorders, reading companions, and instructors for distinguished learning and conduct. Wanli rules required all clansmen aged ten or older to enter clan schools. Where clansmen were numerous, schools hired multiple teachers or appointed a clan director from among the royal family. Students memorized the Ancestral Instructions, Records of Filial Devotion, Hidden Merits of Doing Good, alongside the Four Books, Five Classics, Comprehensive Mirror, and Neo-Confucian texts. Two deputy clan directors were soon added. Enrolled clansmen took annual exams before education inspectors, dressed like regular students. They were later allowed to sit the provincial exams and pass. Clan schools proliferated, and some graduates reached both provincial and metropolitan lists or entered the Hanlin Academy.
14
From Hongwu 8 (1375), community schools hired teachers for commoners' children, who also studied the Imperial Great Announcements and dynastic law. Zhengtong rules allowed graduates to fill student-scholar vacancies at Confucian schools. Hongzhi 17 (1504) ordered every prefecture, department, and county to open community schools, hire teachers, and enroll common children under fifteen to study capping, marriage, mourning, and sacrifice rites. The system long lapsed and was barely enforced.
15
西 簿退
Military schooling began under Hongwu with Confucian academies at guards like Daming for officers' sons. During Zhengtong, Cheng State Duke Zhu Yong proposed fifty-one seasoned battalion commanders and one hundred junior officers skilled in horsemanship and archery as instructors, prompting military schools in both capitals. Heirs to regional commands and guard posts aged ten or older were sent by education inspectors to military schools—or to guard schools or nearby Confucian academies where none existed. Chenghua orders required annual year-end exams for military students. After ten years without merit, stipends were reclaimed and students returned to camp for drill. Hongzhi, heeding Minister of War Ma Wensheng, engraved and distributed the Seven Military Classics to both capitals' military schools and heir retainers. Jiajing relocated the eastern capital military school to a disused temple west of the palace, enrolling officers' sons and newly ennobled heirs under senior civil and military instructors. Wanli, the Ministry of War noted that a dedicated Military Storehouse director had overseen military schools until recently cut, and asked that the post be restored. Battalion commanders observed disciple rites when instructors taught; they asked that Collected Statutes precedent become formal procedure. The throne approved every proposal. Chongzhen 10 (1637) ordered every prefecture, department, and county to enroll military students, examined by education inspectors alongside civil students. Collected Statutes procedures were reaffirmed—merit registers, exceptional promotion, dismissal, drill assignment, rewards, punishments, and incentives. But times were desperate, and none of it availed.
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