1
科目者,沿唐、宋之舊,而稍變其試士之法,專取四子書及《易》、《書》、《詩》、《春秋》、《禮記》五經命題試士。 蓋太祖與劉基所定。 其文略仿宋經義,然代古人語氣為之,體用排偶,謂之八股,通謂之制義。 三年大比,以諸生試之直省,曰鄉試。 中式者為舉人。 次年,以舉人試之京師,曰會試。 中式者,天子親策於廷,曰廷試,亦曰殿試。 分一、二、三甲以為名第之次。 一甲止三人,曰狀元、榜眼、探花,賜進士及第。 二甲若干人,賜進士出身。 三甲若干人,賜同進士出身。 狀元、榜眼、探花之名,制所定也。 而士大夫又通以鄉試第一為解元,會試第一為會元,二、三甲第一為傳臚云。 子、午、卯、酉年鄉試,辰、戌、醜、未年會試。 鄉試以八月,會試以二月,皆初九日為第一場,又三日為第二場,又三日為第三場。 初設科舉時,初場試經義二道,《四書》義一道; 二場論一道; 三場策一道。 中式後十日,復以騎、射、書、算、律五事試之。 後頒科舉定式,初場試《四書》義三道,經義四道。 《四書》主硃子《集註》,《易》主程《傳》、硃子《本義》,《書》主蔡氏傳及古註疏,《詩》主硃子《集傳》,《春秋》主左氏、公羊、穀梁三傳及胡安國、張洽傳,《禮記》主古註疏。 永樂間,頒《四書五經大全》,廢註疏不用。 其後,《春秋》亦不用張洽傳,禮記止用陳澔《集說》。 二場試論一道,判五道,詔、誥、表、內科一道。 三場試經史時務策五道。
The civil examination system carried forward Tang and Song precedent but reshaped how candidates were tested: questions were drawn solely from the Four Books and the Five Classics—the Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Odes, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Book of Rites. These rules were laid down by the founding emperor and Liu Ji. The essays loosely followed the Song form of classical exposition, but candidates wrote in the voice of the ancients, in parallel couplets—hence the name "eight-legged essay," or more generally "regulated composition." Every three years, at the great triennial comparison, degree students were examined in the capital province and in each province—the provincial examination. Those who passed were styled Presented Scholars (juren). The next year they were examined in the capital—the metropolitan examination. Those who passed then faced the emperor's questions in court—the palace examination, also called the hall examination. Graduates were ranked in three cohorts—the first, second, and third. The first cohort held only three places—the Top Graduate, Second Graduate, and Third Graduate—who received the degree of jinshi with immediate appointment. A set number in the second cohort received the degree of jinshi. A set number in the third cohort received the degree of tong jinshi—jinshi by equivalence. The titles Top Graduate, Second Graduate, and Third Graduate were established by statute. Scholars and officials also commonly called the top provincial pass Jieyuan, the top metropolitan pass Huiyuan, and the leader of the second or third cohort Chuandu. Provincial examinations fell in the years of the Rat, Horse, Rabbit, and Rooster; metropolitan examinations in the years of the Dragon, Dog, Ox, and Goat. The provincial examination was held in the eighth month, the metropolitan in the second. Each had three sessions on the ninth day, then three days later, then three days after that. When the examinations were first instituted, the first session required two essays on the classics and one on the Four Books; the second session one discourse; and the third session one policy question. Ten days after passing, candidates were tested again in horsemanship, archery, calligraphy, calculation, and law. Later the standard examination format was issued: the first session required three Four Books essays and four classical essays. Candidates were examined on Zhu Xi's commentaries for the Four Books; on Cheng Yi's and Zhu Xi's texts for the Changes; on Cai Shen and the ancient commentaries for the Documents; on Zhu Xi for the Odes; on the Zuo, Gongyang, and Guliang traditions plus Hu Anguo and Zhang Qia for the Spring and Autumn; and on the ancient commentaries for the Record of Rites. Under the Yongle emperor the Great Compendium of the Four Books and Five Classics was promulgated, and the older commentaries were set aside. Later Zhang Qia's Spring and Autumn commentary was dropped as well, and only Chen Hao's Collected Explanations were used for the Record of Rites. The second session required one discourse, five legal judgments, and one document each in the forms of edict, enfeoffment patent, memorial, and inner-department dispatch. The third session set five policy questions on the classics, history, and current affairs.
2
廷試,以三月朔。 鄉試,直隸於京府,各省於布政司。 會試,於禮部。 主考,鄉、會試俱二人。 同考,鄉試四人,會試八人。 提調一人,在內京官,在外布政司官。 會試,禮部官監試二人,在內御史,在外按察司官。 會試,御史供給收掌試卷; 彌封、謄錄、對讀、受卷及巡綽監門,搜檢懷挾,俱有定員,各執其事。 舉子,則國子生及府、州、縣學生員之學成者,儒士之未仕者,官之未入流者,皆由有司申舉性資敦厚、文行可稱者應之。 其學校訓導專教生徒,及罷閑官吏,倡優之家,與居父母喪者,俱不許入試。 試卷之首,書三代姓名及其籍貫年甲,所習本經,所司印記。 試日入場,講問、代冒者有禁。 晚未納卷,給燭三枝。 文字中迴避御名、廟號,及不許自序門第。 彌封編號作三合字。 考試者用墨,謂之墨卷。 謄錄用硃,謂之硃卷。 試士之所,謂之貢院。 諸生席舍,謂之號房。 人一軍守之,謂之號軍。 試官入院,輒封鑰內外門戶。 在外提調、監試等謂之外簾官,在內主考、同考謂之內簾官。 廷試用翰林及朝臣文學之優者,為讀卷官。 共閱對策,擬定名次,候臨軒。 或如所擬,或有所更定,傳制唱第。 狀元授修撰,榜眼、探花授編修,二、三甲考選庶起士者,皆為翰林官。 其他或授給事、御史、主事、中書、行人、評事、太常、國子博士,或授府推官、知州、知縣等官。 舉人、貢生不第、入監而選者,或授小京職,或授府佐及州縣正官,或授教職。 此明一代取士之大略也。 終明之世,右文左武。 然亦嘗設武科以收之,可得而附列也。
The palace examination was held on the first day of the third month. Provincial examinations in the capital region were run by the capital prefecture; in the provinces, by the provincial administration commission. The metropolitan examination was conducted by the Ministry of Rites. Each provincial and metropolitan examination had two chief examiners. Associate examiners numbered four for the provincial examination and eight for the metropolitan. One superintendent oversaw each examination—a capital official in the metropolitan region, a provincial administration commissioner in the provinces. At the metropolitan examination two Ministry of Rites officials supervised the sessions; in the capital censors served, in the provinces surveillance commissioners. At the metropolitan examination censors handled the supply and custody of papers; while sealing, copying, proofreading, collecting papers, gate patrol, and searches for hidden crib notes each had assigned staff who carried out their tasks. Candidates included National University students and prefectural, subprefectural, and county students who had finished their course, scholars not yet in office, and officials not yet in the regular grades. Local authorities nominated men of sound character and proven learning and conduct to sit the examinations. School instructors whose only duty was teaching pupils, dismissed or idle officials, families of actors and entertainers, and those in mourning for a parent were barred from the examinations. Each paper's cover sheet listed the candidate's name for three generations, native place, age, the classic he specialized in, and the seal of the sponsoring office. On examination day, once candidates entered the compound, coaching, questioning, and impersonation were prohibited. Those who had not handed in their papers by evening were allowed three candles' worth of light. Essays had to avoid the emperor's personal name and temple names, and candidates could not describe their own family standing. Sealed registration numbers were written as three-part compound characters. Candidates wrote in black ink—these were called black papers (mojuan). Copyists used vermilion ink—these were called vermilion papers (zhujuan). The examination compound was called the tribute court (gongyuan). Each candidate's booth was called a numbered cell (haofang). One soldier guarded each booth—these were the cell guards (haojun). Once the examiners entered, inner and outer gates were sealed. Superintendents and supervisors outside the sealed compound were outer-curtain officials; chief and associate examiners inside were inner-curtain officials. At the palace examination the finest literary minds among the Hanlin Academy and the court served as reading officials. They read the policy answers together, drafted the ranking, and waited for the emperor's audience. The emperor might accept their draft or revise it; then the decree was read and ranks announced. The Top Graduate was made a Compiler, the Second and Third Graduates Editors; expectant scholars chosen from the second and third cohorts all entered the Hanlin Academy. Others received posts as supervising secretaries, censors, section chiefs, secretaries, messengers, reviewers, Court of Imperial Sacrifices officials, National University lecturers, or as prefectural judges, prefects, and magistrates. Presented Scholars and tribute students who failed the metropolitan examination but entered the Directorate for selection might receive minor capital posts, prefectural assistantships, prefectural or county magistracies, or teaching appointments. Such was the Ming dynasty's broad system for recruiting talent through the examinations. Throughout the Ming, civil learning held precedence over martial service. Yet the dynasty also established a military examination track to recruit such men, which is recorded in the appendix below.
3
初,太祖起事,首羅賢才。 吳元年設文武二科取士之令,使有司勸諭民間秀士及智勇之人,以時勉學,俟開舉之歲,充貢京師。 洪武三年,詔曰:「漢、唐及宋,取士各有定制,然但貴文學而不求德藝之全。 前元待士甚優,而權豪勢要,每納奔競之人,夤緣阿附,輒竊仕祿。 其懷材抱道者,恥與並進,甘隱山林而不出。 風俗之弊,一至於此。 自今年八月始,特設科舉,務取經明行修、博通古今、名實相稱者。 朕將親策於廷,第其高下而任之以官。 使中外文臣皆由科舉而進,非科舉者毋得與官。」 於是京師行省各舉鄉試:直隸貢額百人,河南、山東、山西、陝西、北平、福建、江西、浙江、湖廣皆四十人,廣西、廣東皆二十五人,纔多或不及者,不拘額數。 高麗、安南、占城,詔許其國士子於本國鄉試,貢赴京師。 明年會試,取中一百二十名。 帝親制策問,試於奉天殿,擢吳伯宗第一。 午門外張掛黃榜,奉天殿宣諭,賜宴中書省。 授伯宗為禮部員外郎,餘以次授官有差。 時以天下初定,令各行省連試三年,且以官多缺員,舉人俱免會試,赴京聽選。 又擢其年少俊異者張唯、王輝等為翰林院編修,蕭韶為祕書監直長,令入禁中文華堂肄業,太子贊善大夫宋濂等為之師。 帝聽政之暇,輒幸堂中,評其文字優劣,日給光祿酒饌。 每食,皇太子、親王迭為之主,賜白金、弓矢、鞍馬及冬夏衣,寵遇之甚厚。 既而謂所取多後生少年,能以所學措諸行事者寡,乃但令有司察舉賢才,而罷科舉不用。 至十五年,復設。 十七年始定科舉之式,命禮部頒行各省,後遂以為永制,而薦舉漸輕,久且廢不用矣。 十八年廷試,擢一甲進士丁顯等為翰林院修撰,二甲馬京等為編修,吳文為檢討。 進士之入翰林,自此始也。 使進士觀政於諸司,其在翰林、承敕監等衙門者,曰庶起士。 進士之為庶起士,亦自此始也。 其在六部、都察院、通政司、大理寺等衙門者仍稱進士,觀政進士之名亦自此始也。 其後試額有增減,條例有變更,考官有內外輕重,闈事有是非得失。 其細者勿論,其有關於國是者不可無述也。
When the founding emperor first raised his banner, gathering able men was his first concern. In the first year of the Wu reign he ordered civil and military examinations, directing local authorities to encourage promising commoners and men of talent and courage to study steadily so that when examinations opened they could present themselves at the capital. In Hongwu year 3 an edict declared: "Han, Tang, and Song each had their own rules for recruiting officials, yet they prized literary skill alone and did not demand full virtue and practical ability. The Yuan treated scholars generously, but the powerful constantly admitted sycophants who bought their way in through connections and seized office and salary. Men of real talent and principle were ashamed to advance beside them and chose to remain in seclusion. Custom had decayed to that extent. Beginning this eighth month I establish examinations to select men who are masters of the classics and upright in conduct, broadly learned in past and present, and whose reputation matches their substance. I shall question them myself in court, rank them, and appoint them to office accordingly. All civil officials at court and in the provinces shall rise through the examinations; no one who has not passed them shall hold office." Provincial examinations were then held in the capital and in each province: the metropolitan region was allotted one hundred places; Henan, Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Beiping, Fujian, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, and Huguang forty each; Guangxi and Guangdong twenty-five each. Where talent exceeded or fell short of the quota, the numbers were not held rigid. Korea, Annam, and Champa were permitted to hold provincial examinations at home and send their graduates to the capital. The next year the metropolitan examination passed one hundred twenty candidates. The emperor composed the policy questions himself and examined candidates in the Hall of Complying with Heaven, placing Wu Bozong first. A yellow placard was posted outside the Meridian Gate; the results were proclaimed in the Hall of Complying with Heaven; and a banquet was given at the Secretariat. Bozong was appointed vice minister of rites; the others received offices in rank order. Because the realm had only just been pacified, each province was ordered to hold examinations for three years running; with so many vacant posts, Presented Scholars were exempted from the metropolitan examination and sent to the capital for appointment. He also selected promising young men such as Zhang Wei and Wang Hui as Hanlin editors, made Xiao Shao a director of the Palace Secretariat, and had them study in the Wenhua Hall inside the Forbidden City under Song Lian and other tutors to the crown prince. In intervals from governing, the emperor visited the hall, judged their writing, and daily supplied wine and food from the Imperial Household Service. At each meal the crown prince and imperial princes took turns as hosts. They received gifts of silver, bows and arrows, saddles and horses, and seasonal clothing—favor rarely shown so lavishly. Soon he concluded that most of those selected were young men who could rarely put their learning into practice. He ordered local authorities to investigate and recommend talent instead, and suspended the examinations. In year fifteen they were restored. In year seventeen the examination format was fixed and promulgated to every province, becoming the permanent system. Recommendation gradually lost weight and was eventually abandoned. At the palace examination in year eighteen, first-cohort jinshi such as Ding Xian were made Hanlin compilers, second-cohort graduates such as Ma Jing were made editors, and Wu Wen was made a reviser. From this point jinshi regularly entered the Hanlin Academy. Jinshi were sent to observe government in the various offices; those posted to the Hanlin Academy, Imperial Patent Office, and similar agencies were called expectant scholars (shujishi). The post of jinshi as expectant Hanlin scholar also dates from this time. Those assigned to the Six Ministries, Censorate, Office of Transmission, Court of Revision, and similar agencies retained the title jinshi—the term "jinshi observing government" also begins here. Thereafter quotas rose and fell, regulations changed, the weight of inner and outer examiners shifted, and examination affairs produced controversies, successes, and failures. Minor details may be passed over, but matters bearing on the fundamental affairs of state must be recorded.
4
鄉試之額,洪武十七年詔不拘額數,從實充貢。 洪熙元年始有定額。 其後漸增。 至正統間,南北直隸定以百名,江西六十五名,他省又自五而殺,至雲南二十名為最少。 嘉靖間,增至四十,而貴州亦二十名。 慶、曆、啟、禎間,兩直隸益增至一百三十餘名,他省漸增,無出百名者。 交阯初開以十名為額,迨棄其地乃止。 會試之額,國初無定,少至三十二人,其多者,若洪武乙丑、永樂丙戌,至四百七十二人。 其後或百名,或二百名,或二百五十名,或三百五十名,增損不一,皆臨期奏請定奪。 至成化乙未而後,率取三百名,有因題請及恩詔而廣五十名或百名者,非恆制也。
In Hongwu year 17 an edict declared that provincial quotas were not fixed—each province was to send as many qualified candidates as it actually had. Fixed quotas were first set in the first year of the Hongxi reign. They rose gradually thereafter. By the Zhengtong reign the two metropolitan regions were fixed at one hundred each, Jiangxi at sixty-five, and other provinces stepped down by fives to a minimum of twenty in Yunnan. Under Jiajing some provinces rose to forty, and Guizhou was also allotted twenty. From the Longqing through Chongzhen reigns the two metropolitan regions rose to more than one hundred thirty each; other provinces grew as well, though none exceeded one hundred. When Jiaozhi was first incorporated it was allotted ten places; the quota ended when the territory was abandoned. Early metropolitan quotas were not fixed, falling as low as thirty-two and rising as high as four hundred seventy-two, as in the Hongwu yichou and Yongle bingxu cycles. Later quotas varied—one hundred, two hundred, two hundred fifty, or three hundred fifty—each decided by memorial just before the examination. From the Chenghua yiwei cycle onward the standard quota was three hundred; additions of fifty or one hundred on special petition or by grace edict were exceptions.
5
初制,禮闈取士,不分南北。 自洪武丁丑,考官劉三吾、白信蹈所取宋琮等五十二人,皆南士。 三月,廷試,擢陳安阝為第一。 帝怒所取之偏,命侍讀張信等十二人覆閱,安阝亦與焉。 帝猶怒不已,悉誅信蹈及信、安阝等,戍三吾於邊,親自閱卷,取任伯安等六十一人。 六月復廷試,以韓克忠為第一。 皆北士也。 然訖永樂間,未嘗分地而取。 洪熙元年,仁宗命楊士奇等定取士之額,南人十六,北人十四。 宣德、正統間,分為南、北、中卷,以百人為率,則南取五十五名,北取三十五名,中取十名。 景泰初,詔書遵永樂間例。 二年辛未,禮部方奉行,而給事中李侃爭之,言:「部臣欲專以文詞,多取南人。」 刑部侍郎羅綺亦助侃言。 事下禮部,覆奏:「臣等奉詔書,非私請也。」 景帝命遵詔書,不從侃議。 未幾,給事中徐廷章復請依正統間例。 五年甲戌,會試,禮部奏請裁定,於是復從廷章言,分南、北、中卷:南卷,應天及蘇、鬆諸府,浙江、江西、福建、湖廣、廣東; 北卷,順天、山東、山西、河南、陝西; 中卷,四川、廣西、雲南、貴州及鳳陽、廬州二府,滁、徐、和三州也。 成化二十二年,萬安當國,周洪謨為禮部尚書,皆四川人,乃因布政使潘稹之請,南北各減二名,以益於中。 弘治二年,復從舊制。 嗣後相沿不改。 惟正德三年,給事中趙鐸承劉瑾指,請廣河南、陝西、山東、西鄉試之額。 乃增陝西為百,河南為九十五,山東、西俱九十。 而以會試分南、北、中卷為不均,乃增四川額十名,併入南卷,其餘併入北卷,南北均取一百五十名。 蓋瑾陝西人,而閣臣焦芳河南人,票旨相附和,各徇其私。 瑾、芳敗,旋復其舊。
Under the original system the metropolitan examination at the Ministry of Rites did not distinguish northern and southern candidates. In the Hongwu dingchou cycle the examiners Liu Sanwu and Bai Xindao passed Song Cong and fifty-one others—all southerners. At the palace examination in the third month Chen Anhe was placed first. The emperor, angered by the bias, ordered twelve readers including Zhang Xin to re-examine the papers; Anhe was among those reviewed again. The emperor's wrath would not subside: he executed Bai Xindao, Zhang Xin, Chen Anhe, and the others involved, banished Liu Sanwu to the borderlands, personally re-read the papers, and passed sixty-one men including Ren Bo'an. In the sixth month the palace examination was repeated, with Han Kezhong placed first. All were northerners. Yet through the Yongle reign the examinations never again allotted places by region. In Hongxi 1 (1425) Emperor Renzong had Yang Shiqi and his colleagues set the recruitment quota at sixteen southerners and fourteen northerners. Under Xuande and Zhengtong the papers were split into southern, northern, and central rolls; on a quota of one hundred, fifty-five went to the south, thirty-five to the north, and ten to the center. Early in the Jingtai reign an edict revived the Yongle practice. In Jingtai 2 (1452), as the Ministry of Rites was putting the rule into effect, supervising secretary Li Kan objected: "The ministry wishes to judge solely by literary polish and pass more southerners." Vice Minister of Punishments Luo Qi backed Kan's petition. The case went to the Ministry of Rites, which replied: "We are acting on the edict, not pressing a private interest." The Jingtai Emperor upheld the edict and rejected Kan's proposal. Soon after, supervising secretary Xu Tingzhang again asked that the Zhengtong quotas be restored. In Jingtai 5 (1454), when the metropolitan examination came, the ministry sought imperial confirmation and again adopted Tingzhang's scheme, dividing southern, northern, and central rolls. The southern roll comprised Nanjing; Suzhou and Song; Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, and Guangdong; the northern roll comprised Shuntian, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, and Shaanxi; the central roll comprised Sichuan, Guangxi, Yunnan, Guizhou, Fengyang and Luzhou, and the subprefectures of Chuzhou, Xuzhou, and Hezhou. In Chenghua 22 (1486), with Wan An dominant at court and Zhou Hongmo—both Sichuan natives—as Minister of Rites, Pan Ji's request from the provincial administration led to two quota seats being cut from north and south alike and reassigned to the central roll. Hongzhi 2 (1489) saw a return to the earlier quotas. The arrangement then remained unchanged for generations. Only in Zhengde 3 (1508), when supervising secretary Zhao Duo acted at Liu Jin's direction, were the provincial quotas raised for Henan, Shaanxi, Shandong, and Shaanxi. Shaanxi's quota was set at one hundred, Henan's at ninety-five, and Shandong and Shaanxi each at ninety. Holding the three-roll metropolitan split unfair, ten seats were added to Sichuan and folded into the southern roll, the rest into the northern, and north and south were each fixed at one hundred fifty passes. Jin was native to Shaanxi and Grand Secretary Jiao Fang to Henan; their memorial drafts reinforced one another, each man serving his own province. After Jin and Fang fell from power the earlier quotas were promptly restored.
6
初制,兩京鄉試,主考皆用翰林。 而各省考官,先期於儒官、儒士內聘明經公正者為之,故有不在朝列累秉文衡者。 景泰三年,令布、按二司同巡按御史,推舉見任教官年五十以下、三十以上、文學廉謹者,聘充考官。 於是教官主試,遂為定例。 其後有司徇私,聘取或非其人,監臨官又往往侵奪其職掌。 成化十五年,御史許進請各省俱視兩京例,特命翰林主考。 帝諭禮部嚴飭私弊,而不從其請。 屢戒外簾官毋奪主考權,考官不當,則舉主連坐。 又令提學考定教官等第,以備聘取。 然相沿既久,積習難移。 弘治十四年,掌國子監謝鐸言:「考官皆御史方面所辟召,職分即卑,聽其指使,以外簾官預定去取,名為防閑,實則關節,而科舉之法壞矣。 乞敕兩京大臣,各舉部屬等官素有文望者,每省差二員主考,庶幾前弊可革。」 時未能從。 嘉靖七年,用兵部侍郎張璁言,各省主試皆遣京官或進士,每省二人馳往。 初,兩京房考亦皆取教職,至是命各加科部官一員,閱兩科、兩京房考,復罷科部勿遣,而各省主考亦不遣京官。 至萬曆十一年,詔定科場事宜。 部議復舉張璁之說,言:「彼時因主考與監臨官禮節小嫌,故行止二科而罷,今宜仍遣廷臣。」 由是浙江、江西、福建、湖廣皆用編修、檢討,他省用科部官,而同考亦多用甲科,教職僅取一二而已。 蓋自嘉靖二十五年從給事中萬虞愷言,各省鄉試精聘教官,不足則聘外省推官、知縣以益之。 四十三年,又從南京御史奏,兩京同考用京官進士,《易》、《詩》、《書》各二人,《春秋》、《禮記》各一人,其餘乃參用教官。 萬曆四年,復議兩京同考、教官衰老者遣回,北京取足於觀政進士、候補甲科,南京於附近知縣、推官取用。 至是教官益絀。
Originally the metropolitan-area provincial examinations at both capitals were presided over exclusively by Hanlin scholars. Provincial associate examiners were recruited in advance from among local scholar-officials known for classical learning and integrity, so that men outside the central bureaucracy sometimes held the testing brush repeatedly. Jingtai 3 (1452) required regional commissioners and the touring censor to nominate active instructors aged thirty to fifty who were literate and upright, and appoint them as examiners. School instructors as chief examiners thus became standard practice. Later local officials favored their own circles, unsuitable men were hired, and supervising commissioners often seized the examiners' authority. In Chenghua 15 (1479) censor Xu Jin asked that every province follow the capital model and send Hanlin scholars as chief examiners. The emperor told the Ministry of Rites to crack down on corruption but declined Xu's proposal. He repeatedly forbade outer-curtain supervisors to override chief examiners and ruled that if an examiner proved unworthy, whoever had nominated him would share the punishment. He also ordered education intendants to grade instructors so suitable men could be chosen quickly. Custom had hardened over time, however, and old habits resisted reform. In Hongzhi 14 (1501) Xie Duo, superintendent of the Imperial Academy, reported: "Provincial examiners are hired by censors and regional commissioners; their rank is low and they take orders. Outer-curtain officials decide passes and failures in advance—nominally to prevent abuse, actually to run every lever—and the recruitment system is ruined. I ask that ministers in both capitals nominate proven literary men from their staffs, two per province as chief examiners, so that these abuses can be ended." The court did not act on it at the time. Jiajing 7 (1528), following Vice Minister Zhang Cong, each province was to receive two capital officials or jinshi degree-holders as chief examiners dispatched from court. Initially both capitals' associate examiners had also been instructors; under the new rule each capital added one ministry examiner to oversee two cycles of provincial examining, then ministry appointments ceased again and provincial chief examiners were no longer sent from the capital. Wanli 11 (1583) brought an edict standardizing examination procedure. The ministry revived Zhang Cong's argument: "The earlier trial ended after two cycles because of ceremonial friction between chief examiners and supervisors; court examiners should again be sent." Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, and Huguang henceforth used Hanlin compilers and proofreaders; other provinces used ministry officials; associate examiners were largely jinshi scholars, with only one or two instructors retained. From Jiajing 25 (1546), on Wan Yuqing's advice, provinces carefully hired instructors for the provincial exam and, when short, supplemented them with magistrates and judicial pushers from other circuits. In Jiajing 43 (1564), after a Nanjing censor's memorial, both capitals used capital officials and jinshi as associates—two each for the Odes, Changes, and Documents, one each for Spring and Autumn and the Rites—with instructors filling out the roster. Wanli 4 (1576) reconsidered the rule: elderly instructor-associates were sent home; Beijing filled gaps from jinshi awaiting assignment and from ranked substitutes, Nanjing from nearby magistrates and pushers. Instructors' role was thereby reduced still further.
7
初制,會試同考八人,三人用翰林,五人用教職。 景泰五年,從禮部尚書胡濙請,俱用翰林、部曹。 其後房考漸增。 至正德六年,命用十七人,翰林十一人,科部各三人。 分《詩經》房五,《易經》、《書經》各四,《春秋》、《禮記》各二。 嘉靖十一年,禮部尚書夏言論科場三事,其一言會試同考,例用講讀十一人,今講讀止十一人,當盡入場,方足供事。 乞於部科再簡三四人,以補翰林不足之數。 世宗命如所請。 然偶一行之,輒如其舊。 萬曆十一年,以《易》卷多,減《書》之一以增於《易》。 十四年,《書》卷復多,乃增翰林一人,以補《書》之缺。 至四十四年,用給事中餘懋孳奏,《詩》、《易》各增一房,共為二十房,翰林十二人,科部各四人,至明末不變。
Originally eight associate examiners served the metropolitan exam—three Hanlin, five instructors. Jingtai 5 (1454), at Hu Ying's request, all associates came from Hanlin and ministry bureaus. Session examiners gradually increased thereafter. Zhengde 6 (1511) fixed the roster at seventeen: eleven Hanlin, three from each relevant ministry. Five examiners for the Odes, four each for Changes and Documents, two each for Spring and Autumn and the Rites. Jiajing 11 (1532) Xia Yan laid out three examination reforms. On metropolitan associates, custom called for eleven lecturers and readers-in-waiting, yet there were only eleven such posts in all—barely enough once every man entered the hall. He asked that three or four more ministry officials be picked to cover the Hanlin shortfall. The Jiajing Emperor approved. When the change was tried it was soon abandoned and the old practice restored. Wanli 11, because the Changes cohort was large, one examiner was moved from Documents to Changes. Wanli 14, with Documents again overloaded, one more Hanlin examiner was added for that session. Wanli 44 (1616), on Yu Maozi's memorial, added one session each for Odes and Changes, for twenty sessions total—twelve Hanlin, four per ministry—a roster that held until the dynasty fell.
8
洪武初,賜諸進士宴於中書省。 宣德五年,賜宴於中軍都督府。 八年,賜宴於禮部,自是遂著為令。
Early Hongwu banquets for new jinshi were held at the Secretariat. Xuande 5 (1430) moved the feast to the Central Military Commission. Xuande 8 (1433) fixed the venue at the Ministry of Rites, where it remained thereafter.
9
庶起士之選,自洪武乙丑擇進士為之,不專屬於翰林也。 永樂二年,既授一甲三人曾棨、周述、周孟簡等官,復命於第二甲擇文學優等楊相等五十人,及善書者湯流等十人,俱為翰林院庶起士,庶起士遂專屬翰林矣。 復命學士解縉等選才資英敏者,就學文淵閣。 縉等選修撰棨,編修述、孟簡,庶起士相等共二十八人,以應二十八宿之數。 庶起士周忱自陳少年願學。 帝喜而俞之,增忱為二十九人。 司禮監月給筆墨紙,光祿給朝暮饌,禮部月給膏燭鈔,人三錠,工部擇近第宅居之。 帝時至館召試。 五日一休沐,必使內臣隨行,且給校尉騶從。 是年所選王英、王直、段民、周忱、陳敬宗、李時勉等,名傳後世者,不下十餘人。 其後每科所選,多寡無定額。 永樂十三年乙未選六十二人,而宣德二年丁未止邢恭一人,以其在翰林院習四夷譯書久,他人俱不得與也。 弘治四年,給事中塗旦以累科不選庶起士,請循祖制行之。 大學士徐溥言:「自永樂二年以來,或間科一選,或連科屢選,或數科不選,或合三科同選,初無定限。 或內閣自選,或禮部選送,或會禮部同選,或限年歲,或拘地方,或採譽望,或就廷試卷中查取,或別出題考試,亦無定制。 自古帝王儲才館閣以教養之。 本朝所以儲養之者,自及第進士之外,止有庶起士一途,而或選或否。 且有才者未必皆選,所選者未必皆才,若更拘地方、年歲,則是已成之才又多棄而不用也。 請自今以後,立為定制,一次開科,一次選用。 令新進士錄平日所作論、策、詩、賦、序、記等文字,限十五篇以上,呈之禮部,送翰林考訂。 少年有新作五篇,亦許投試翰林院。 擇其詞藻文理可取者,按號行取。 禮部以糊名試卷,偕閣臣出題考試於東閣,試卷與所投之文相稱,即收預選。 每科所選不過二十人,每選所留不過三五輩,將來成就必有足賴者。」 孝宗從其請,命內閣同吏、禮二部考選以為常。 自嘉靖癸未至萬曆庚辰,中間有九科不選。 神宗常命間科一選。 禮部侍郎吳道南持不可。 崇禎甲戌、丁丑,復不選,餘悉遵例。 其與選者,謂之館選。 以翰、詹官高資深者一人課之,謂之教習。 三年學成,優者留翰林為編修、檢討,次者出為給事、御史,謂之散館。 與常調官待選者,體格殊異。
Expectant Hanlin scholars were first chosen from among new jinshi in Hongwu yichou (1385) and were not yet an exclusively Hanlin institution. Yongle 2 (1404) assigned the three top graduates—Zeng Qi, Zhou Shu, and Zhou Mengjian—then took fifty especially gifted second-rank men including Yang Xiang and ten skilled calligraphers including Tang Liu as expectant Hanlin scholars, at which point the post became a purely Hanlin preserve. He then had Academician Xie Jin and others pick the brightest men for study in the Wenyuan Pavilion. They chose Compiler Zeng Qi, Editors Zhou Shu and Zhou Mengjian, Expectant Scholar Yang Xiang, and twenty-five others—twenty-eight in all—to correspond to the Twenty-eight Mansions. Expectant Scholar Zhou Chen petitioned that, being young, he wished to continue his training. The emperor gladly assented and added Chen, bringing the cohort to twenty-nine. The Directorate of Ceremonies issued monthly stationery; the Court of Imperial Entertainments fed them morning and night; the Ministry of Rites allotted three ingots of candle and lamp money per man each month; the Ministry of Works lodged them in houses near the academy. The emperor visited the academy intermittently to test them. They rested every fifth day but had to be escorted on leave by palace eunuchs and were given guard cavalry as retinue. That year's cohort—Wang Ying, Wang Zhi, Duan Min, Zhou Chen, Chen Jingzong, Li Shimian, and others—included more than ten men whose reputations outlived the dynasty. Later cohorts varied in size with no fixed quota. Yongle 13 (1415) chose sixty-two men; Xuande 2 (1427) chose only Xing Gong, who alone had long trained in foreign translation at the Hanlin Academy while the rest were passed over. Hongzhi 4 (1491) supervising secretary Tu Dan, noting several cycles without new expectant scholars, asked that the ancestral practice be restored. Grand Secretary Xu Pu replied: "Since Yongle 2 selection has been irregular—sometimes one cycle, sometimes several in a row, sometimes none for years, sometimes three cycles at once—with no fixed rule. Sometimes the inner cabinet picked men, sometimes the Ministry of Rites forwarded names, sometimes ministries chose jointly; sometimes age or region was imposed, sometimes reputation was weighed, sometimes palace examination scripts were mined, sometimes special topic tests were set—again without uniform rule. From antiquity emperors have housed promising men in academy lodges to cultivate them. Apart from jinshi who have completed the examination route, the dynasty relies chiefly on expectant Hanlin scholars to groom future ministers—yet even that track is optional. Able men have been passed over while mediocre men have entered the academy; tighter limits on region and age would discard still more fully ripened talent. I ask that hereafter each examination cycle be paired with one selection, as standing law. New jinshi should submit at least fifteen recent compositions—essays, policy papers, verse, fu, prefaces, and records—to the Ministry of Rites for forwarding to Hanlin review. Younger candidates with as few as five new pieces may also present them to the Hanlin for consideration. Candidates whose diction and structure qualify are admitted in roster order. The ministry administered a sealed-name test with topics set by grand secretaries in the Eastern Lodge; men whose examination work matched their submitted portfolios entered the preliminary list. No cycle should pick more than twenty men, and no more than three to five cohorts should remain in training at once—enough to supply the state's future needs." Emperor Hongzhi accepted the plan and made joint selection by the inner cabinet and the Personnel and Rites ministries standing practice. Between the Jiajing guwei cycle (1523) and Wanli gengchen (1600), nine cycles passed without a selection. Emperor Wanli repeatedly ordered selection every other examination. Vice Minister Wu Daonan argued against it. Chongzhen jiaxu (1634) and dingchou (1637) again saw none chosen; otherwise precedent was followed. Those chosen were said to undergo academy selection. A senior Hanlin or Academician served as instructor. After three years the best stayed in the Hanlin as compilers or proofreaders; the rest left for posts such as supervising secretary or censor—known as dispersal from the academy. Their standing differed sharply from ordinary officials awaiting appointment.
10
成祖初年,內閣七人,非翰林者居其半。 翰林纂修,亦諸色參用。 自天順二年,李賢奏定纂修專選進士。 由是非進士不入翰林,非翰林不入內閣,南、北禮部尚書、侍郎及吏部右侍郎,非翰林不任。 而庶起士始進之時,已羣目為儲相。 通計明一代宰輔一百七十餘人,由翰林者十九。 蓋科舉視前代為盛,翰林之盛,則前代所絕無也。
Early in Chengzu's reign the inner cabinet had seven members, half of whom were not Hanlin men. Hanlin drafting likewise mixed many backgrounds. Tianshun 2 (1458) Li Xian restricted historical compilation to jinshi scholars. Thereafter non-jinshi could not enter the Hanlin, non-Hanlin could not enter the inner cabinet, and the Rites ministers north and south, their deputies, and the right-hand Vice Minister of Personnel required Hanlin experience. Expectant Hanlin scholars on first appointment were already treated as chancellors-in-waiting. Across the whole Ming dynasty, more than one hundred seventy men served as chief ministers or grand secretaries; nineteen came through the Hanlin. Civil examinations had never been grander; the Hanlin's prominence was likewise without precedent.
11
輔臣子弟,國初少登第者。 景泰七年,陳循、王文以其子北闈下第,力攻主考劉儼,臺省譁然論其失。 帝勉徇二人意,命其子一體會試,而心薄之。 正德三年,焦芳子黃中會試中式,芳引嫌不讀卷。 而黃中居二甲之首,芳意猶不慊,至降調諸翰林以泄其忿。 六年,楊廷和子慎廷試第一,廷和時亦引嫌不讀卷。 慎以高才及第,人無訾之者。 嘉靖二十三年廷試,翟鑾子汝儉、汝孝俱在試中。 世宗疑二人濫首甲,抑第一為第三,以第三置三甲。 及拆卷,而所擬第三者,果汝孝也,帝大疑之。 給事中王交、王堯日因劾會試考官少詹事江汝璧及諸房考朋私通賄,且追論順天鄉試考官秦鳴夏、浦應麒阿附鑾罪,乃下汝璧等鎮撫司獄。 獄具,詔杖汝璧、鳴夏、應麒,並革職閑住,而勒鑾父子為民。 神宗初,張居正當國。 二年甲戌,其子禮闈下第,居正不悅,遂不選庶起士。 至五年,其子嗣修遂以一甲第二人及第。 至八年,其子懋修以一甲第一人及第。 而次輔呂調陽、張四維、申時行之子,亦皆先後成進士。 御史魏允貞疏陳時弊,言輔臣子不宜中式。 帝為謫允貞。 十六年,右庶子黃洪憲主順天試,王錫爵子衡為榜首。 禮部郎中高桂論劾舉人李鴻等,並及衡,言:「自故相子一時並進,而大臣之子遂無見信於天下者。 今輔臣錫爵子衡,素號多才,青雲不難自致,而人猶疑信相半,宜一體覆試,以明大臣之心跡。」 錫爵怒甚,具奏申辨,語過激。 刑部主事饒伸復抗疏論之。 帝為謫桂於外,下伸獄,削其官。 覆試所劾舉人,仍以衡第一,且無一人黜者。 二十年會試,李鴻中式。 鴻,大學士申時行婿也。 榜將發,房考給事中某持之,以為宰相之婿不當中。 主考官張位使十八房考公閱,皆言文字可取,而給事猶持不可。 位怒曰:「考試不憑文字,將何取衷? 我請職其咎。」 鴻乃獲收。 王衡既被論,當錫爵在位,不復試禮闈。 二十九年乃以一甲第二人及第。 自後輔臣當國,其子亦無登第者矣。
In the dynasty's early years, few sons of grand secretaries won degrees. Jingtai 7 (1456), Chen Xun and Wang Wen, whose sons had failed the Shuntian provincial exam, assailed chief examiner Liu Yan; censors and ministries rose in uproar at the abuse. The emperor grudgingly indulged them, allowing their sons to sit the metropolitan exam with the rest, but held the ministers in contempt. Zhengde 3 (1508), Jiao Fang's son Huang Zhong passed the metropolitan exam; Fang declined to grade papers on grounds of conflict. Huang Zhong ranked first in the second grade, yet Fang remained dissatisfied and demoted and transferred Hanlin scholars to vent his anger. In 1511, Yang Shen, son of Yang Tinghe, topped the palace examination; Tinghe likewise abstained from grading. Shen's surpassing talent silenced criticism. At the Jiajing 23 (1544) palace examination, Zhai Luan's sons Rujian and Ruxiao both sat the test. The emperor suspected favoritism in the top ranks, demoting the first-placed candidate to third and the third to the bottom tier. When the papers were opened, the third-ranked manuscript proved to be Ruxiao's; the emperor's suspicions deepened. Supervising secretaries Wang Jiao and Wang Yaori impeached chief metropolitan examiner Jiang Rubi and associate examiners for collusion and bribery, and revived charges that Shuntian chief examiners Qin Mingxia and Pu Yingqi had favored Zhai Luan; the accused were sent to the imperial prison. After trial, an edict ordered Jiang Rubi, Qin Mingxia, and Pu Yingqi beaten and cashiered to private life, and reduced the Zhai father and sons to commoner status. Early in Shenzong's reign, Zhang Juzheng dominated government. In 1574 his son failed the metropolitan exam; displeased, Juzheng suspended selection of expectant Hanlin scholars. By 1577 his son Siziu had placed second in the top tier. In 1580 his son Maoxiu took first place in the top tier. Sons of vice grand secretaries Lü Tiaoyang, Zhang Siwei, and Shen Shixing likewise passed the examinations in succession. Censor Wei Yunzhen memorialized on abuses of the day, arguing that grand secretaries' sons should not pass examinations. The emperor banished Wei Yunzhen in reprisal. Wanli 16 (1588), Right Sub-Reader Huang Hongxian chief-examined Shuntian; Wang Xijue's son Heng ranked first. Ministry Director Gao Gui impeached candidates including Li Hong and extended his charges to Heng, writing: "Since the sons of former chief ministers rose together, no minister's son has enjoyed public trust. Grand Secretary Wang Xijue's gifted son Heng could surely rise on his own merits, yet the public remains divided; a comprehensive re-examination should clarify a great minister's integrity." Wang Xijue was furious, memorialized at length in self-defense with intemperate language. Justice Bureau clerk Rao Shen again memorialized against him. The emperor exiled Gao Gui, imprisoned Rao Shen, and struck him from the rolls. Re-examination left Heng first and dismissed no candidate. In the Wanli 20 (1592) metropolitan examination Li Hong passed. Hong was son-in-law to Grand Secretary Shen Shixing. Before the placard could be posted, one associate examiner, a supervising secretary, blocked it, arguing a chief minister's son-in-law should not pass. Chief examiner Zhang Wei had all eighteen associates review jointly; all found the essays acceptable, yet the censor held firm. Zhang Wei snapped: "If examinations ignore the writing, what standard remains? I will bear the blame myself." Li Hong was admitted. After the controversy Wang Heng did not sit the metropolitan examination while his father remained in power. Only in 1601 did he place second in the top tier. Thereafter no grand secretary's son passed the examinations while his father held power.
12
科場弊竇既多,議論頻數。 自太祖重罪劉三吾等,永、宣間大抵帖服。 陳循、王文之齮劉儼也,高穀持之,儼亦無恙。 弘治十二年會試,大學士李東陽、少詹事程敏政為考官。 給事中華昶劾敏政鬻題與舉人唐寅、徐泰,乃命東陽獨閱文字。 給事中林廷玉復攻敏政可疑者六事。 敏政謫官,寅泰皆斥譴。 寅,江左才士,戊午南闈第一,論者多惜之。 嘉靖十六年,禮部尚書嚴嵩連摘應天、廣東試錄語,激世宗怒。 應天主考及廣東巡按御史俱逮問。 二十二年,帝手批山東試錄譏訕,逮御史葉經杖死闕下,佈政以下皆遠謫,亦嵩所中傷也。 四十年,應天主考中允無錫吳情取同邑十三人,被劾,與副考胡傑俱謫外。 南畿翰林遂不得典應天試矣。 萬曆四年,順天主考高汝愚中張居正子嗣修、懋修,及居正黨吏部侍郎王篆子之衡、之鼎。 居正既死,御史丁此呂追論其弊,且言:「汝愚以『舜亦以命禹』為試題,殆以禪受阿居正。」 當國者惡此呂,謫於外,而議者多不直汝愚。 三十八年會試,庶子湯賓尹為同考官,與各房互換闈卷,共十八人。 明年,御史孫居相劾賓尹私韓敬,其互換皆以敬故。 時吏部方考察,尚書孫丕揚因置賓尹、敬於察典。 敬頗有文名,眾亦惜敬,而以其宣黨,謂其宜斥也。 四十四年會試,吳江沈同和第一,同里趙鳴陽第六。 同和素不能文,文多出鳴陽手,事發覺,兩人並謫戍。 天啟四年,山東、江西、湖廣、福建考官,皆以策問譏刺,降諭切責。 初命貶調,既而褫革,江西主考丁乾學至下獄擬罪,蓋觸魏忠賢怒也。 先是二年辛酉,中允錢謙益典試浙江,所取舉人錢千秋卷七篇大結,跡涉關節。 榜後為人所訐,謙益自檢舉,千秋謫戍。 未幾,赦還。 崇禎二年會推閣臣,謙益以禮部侍郎與焉,而尚書溫體仁不與。 體仁摘千秋事,出疏攻謙益。 謙益由此罷,遂終明世不復起。 其他指摘科場事者,前後非一,往往北闈為甚,他省次之。 其賄買鑽營、懷挾倩代、割卷傳遞、頂名冒籍,弊端百出,不可窮究,而關節為甚。 事屬曖昧,或快恩仇報復,蓋亦有之。 其他小小得失,無足道也。
Malpractices multiplied and debate grew constant. After Taizu punished Liu Sanwu and his colleagues, the Yongle and Xuande reigns were comparatively quiet. When Chen Xun and Wang Wen assailed Liu Yan, Gao Gu defended him and Yan emerged unscathed. At the Hongzhi 12 (1499) metropolitan examination Grand Secretary Li Dongyang and Junior Guardian Cheng Minzheng served as examiners. Supervising secretary Hua Chang charged Minzheng with selling examination topics to candidates Tang Yin and Xu Tai; Dongyang alone was ordered to grade papers. Supervising secretary Lin Tingyu renewed the attack with six counts of suspicion against Minzheng. Minzheng was demoted; Yin and Tai were disgraced and sent away. Yin, a brilliant Jiangnan scholar who had topped the southern provincial examination in 1498, was widely mourned. In Jiajing 16 (1537) Minister Yan Song seized on phrasing in the Jiangnan and Guangdong examination reports and inflamed the emperor's wrath. The Jiangnan chief examiner and Guangdong investigating censor were both arrested. In 1543 the emperor personally annotated the Shandong report as seditious; Censor Ye Jing was beaten to death at the palace gates and officials down to provincial commissioners were banished—again Yan Song's doing. In 1561 Chief Examiner Wu Qing, subreader from Wuxi, admitted thirteen men from his native county and was impeached; he and associate examiner Hu Jie were both exiled. Southern-region Hanlin scholars were thereafter barred from examining Jiangnan. Wanli 4 (1576), Shuntian chief examiner Gao Ruyu passed Zhang Juzheng's sons Siziu and Maoxiu plus sons of his ally Vice Minister Wang Zhuan. After Zhang Juzheng died, Censor Ding Cilü pursued the scandal, noting that Gao Ruyu had set "Shun also entrusted Yu" as a topic—an apparent nod to succession by merit flattering Juzheng." Those in power banished Ding Cilü, yet public opinion largely favored him over Gao Ruyu. At the Wanli 38 (1610) metropolitan examination Associate Examiner Tang Binyin swapped papers across eighteen candidates with various room examiners. The following year Censor Sun Juxiang charged that Binyin had favored Han Jing and that every swap served Jing. During the ministry's personnel review, Minister Sun Piyang placed Binyin and Jing on the evaluation roster. Han Jing enjoyed literary renown and sympathy, yet as a member of the Xuan faction was judged fit for dismissal. The Wanli 44 (1616) metropolitan examination placed Wujiang's Shen Tonghe first and his townsman Zhao Mingyang sixth. Tonghe could scarcely write; Zhao Mingyang ghost-wrote his papers; exposed, both were banished to border service. Tianqi 4 (1624), examiners in Shandong, Jiangxi, Huguang, and Fujian were sharply rebuked by edict when their policy questions were judged seditious. Initially demoted, then cashiered; Jiangxi chief examiner Ding Qianxue was imprisoned on proposed charges after offending Wei Zhongxian. Earlier, in 1621 Sub-Reader Qian Qianyi examined Zhejiang and admitted Qian Qianqiu, whose seven essays bore telltale coded endings suggesting illicit coordination. After the results were posted someone reported the scheme; Qianyi confessed; Qianqiu was banished to the frontier. He was soon amnestied and recalled. In Chongzhen 2 (1629), during joint nomination for grand secretary, Vice Minister Qian Qianyi was listed while Minister Wen Tiren was not. Wen Tiren seized on the Qianqiu scandal and memorialized against Qian Qianyi. Qianyi was removed and never served again through the dynasty's end. Other examination scandals were innumerable; Shuntian cases were usually worst, other provinces less so. Bribery, manipulation, smuggled answers, hired substitutes, paper-switching, impersonation, and false registration proliferated beyond reckoning, yet coordinated inside control remained the gravest abuse. Some cases arose from ambiguous evidence or private vendettas. Lesser irregularities hardly merit notice.
13
曆科事蹟稍異者:永樂初,兵革倉猝,元年癸未,始令各省鄉試。 二年甲申會試,以事變不循午未之舊。 七年己丑會試,中陳燧等九十五人。 成祖方北征,皇太子令送國子監進學,俟車駕還京廷試。 九年辛卯,始擢蕭時中第一。 宣德五年庚戌,帝臨軒發策畢,退禦武英殿,謂翰林儒臣曰:「取士不尚虛文,有若劉蕡、蘇轍輩直言抗論,朕當顯庸之。」 乃賦《策士歌》以示讀卷官,顧所擢第一人林震,亦無所表見也。 八年癸丑,廷試第一人曹鼐,由江西泰和典史會試中式。 正統七年壬戌,刑部吏南昱、公陵驛丞鄭溫亦皆中式。 十年乙丑,會試、廷試第一皆商輅。 輅,淳安人,宣宗末年乙卯,浙榜第一人。 三試皆第一,士子豔稱為三元,明代惟輅一人而已。 廷試讀卷盡用甲科,而是年兵部尚書徐晞、十三年戶部侍郎餘亨乃吏員,天順元年丁丑讀卷左都御史楊善乃譯字生,時猶未甚拘流品也。 迨後無雜流會試及為讀卷官者矣。 七年癸未試日,場屋火,死者九十餘人,俱贈進士出身,改期八月會試。 明年甲申三月,始廷試。 時英宗已崩,憲宗以大喪未逾歲,禦西角門策之。 正德三年戊辰,太監劉瑾錄五十人姓名以示主司,因廣五十名之額。 十五年庚辰,武宗南巡,未及廷試。 次年,世宗即位,五月禦西角門策之,擢楊維聰第一。 而張璁即是榜進士也,六七年間,當國用事,權侔人主矣。 嘉靖八年己丑,帝親閱廷試卷,手批一甲羅洪先、楊名、歐陽德,二甲唐順之、陳束、任瀚六人對策,各加評獎。 大學士楊一清等遂選順之、束、瀚及胡經等共二十人為庶起士,疏其名上,請命官教習。 忽降諭云:起士之選,祖宗舊制誠善。 邇來大臣徇私選取,市恩立黨,於國無益,自今不必選留。 唐順之等一切除授,吏、禮二部及翰林院會議以聞。」 尚書方獻夫等遂阿旨謂順之等不必留,並限翰林之額,侍讀、侍講、修撰各三員,編修、檢討各六員。 著為令。 蓋順之等出張璁、霍韜門,而心以大禮之議為非,不肯趨附,璁心惡之。 璁又方欲中一清,故以立黨之說進,而故事由此廢。 迨十一年壬辰,已罷館選,至九月復舉行之。 十四年乙未,帝親制策問,手自批閱,擢韓應龍第一。 降諭論一甲三人及二甲第一名次前後之由。 禮部因以聖諭列登科錄之首,而十二人對策,俱以次刊刻。 二十年辛丑,考選庶起士題,文曰《原政》,詩曰《讀大明律》,皆欽降也。 四十四年乙丑廷試,帝始不禦殿。 神宗時,禦殿益稀矣。 天啟二年壬戌會試,命大學士何宗彥、硃國祚為主考。 故事,閣臣典試,翰、詹一人副之。 時已推禮部尚書顧秉謙,特旨命國祚。 國祚疏辭,帝曰:「今歲,朕首科,特用二輔臣以光重典,卿不必辭。」 嗣後二輔臣典試以為常。 是年開宗科,硃慎鷸成進士,從宗彥、國祚請,即授中書舍人。 崇禎四年,硃統飾成進士,初選庶起士。 吏部以統飾宗室,不宜官禁近,請改中書舍人。 統飾疏爭,命仍授庶起士。 七年甲戌,知貢舉禮部侍郎林釺言,舉人顏茂猷文兼《五經》,作二十三義。 帝念其該洽,許送內簾。 茂猷中副榜,特賜進士,以其名另為一行,刻於試錄第一名之前。 《五經》中式者,自此接跡矣。
Notable anomalies across the examinations: early Yongle, amid military upheaval, 1403 first authorized provincial examinations in every province. The 1404 metropolitan examination broke the usual biennial cycle because of the turmoil. The 1409 metropolitan examination passed ninety-five men including Chen Sui. With Chengzu campaigning in the north, the heir apparent sent them to the Imperial Academy to study pending the emperor's return for the palace exam. In 1411 Xiao Shizhong was finally named first. Xuande 5 (1430), after issuing palace-examination questions the emperor told Hanlin scholars at the Wuying Hall: "Do not prize empty eloquence alone; men like Liu Zan or Su Zhe, who spoke plainly and argued forcefully, I would elevate." He composed the "Song for Examinees" for the graders, yet Lin Zhen, whom he placed first, distinguished himself no further. In 1433 palace graduate Cao Nai, a petty clerk from Taihe in Jiangxi, had passed the metropolitan examination. Zhengtong 7 (1442) likewise saw a Justice Bureau clerk, Nan Yu, and a postal-station deputy, Zheng Wen, pass. In 1445 both metropolitan and palace examinations placed Shang Lu first. A native of Chun'an, he had topped the Zhejiang provincial list in 1435. Three consecutive first places earned him the coveted title "Triple First"; he alone in the Ming achieved it. Palace examiners were usually top-tier graduates, yet in 1445 War Minister Xu Xi and in 1448 Revenue Vice Minister Yu Heng were clerical appointees, and in 1457 Left Censor-in-Chief Yang Shan, a translation-bureau trainee, read papers—rank was not yet rigidly enforced. Later no men of irregular background passed the metropolitan exam or graded palace papers. On examination day in 1443 the hall burned and more than ninety candidates died; all were posthumously granted jinshi status and the metropolitan exam was rescheduled for the eighth month. The palace examination was not held until the third month of 1444. Yingzong had died; within the mourning year Xianzong examined candidates at the West Corner Gate. Zhengde 3 (1508), eunuch Liu Jin supplied fifty names to the examiners and the quota was enlarged by fifty places. In 1520 the emperor's southern tour delayed the palace examination. The following year, after Shizong's accession, the exam was held at the West Corner Gate in the fifth month and Yang Weicong was named first. Zhang Cong had been on that same roster; within six or seven years he dominated government with power rivaling the throne. Jiajing 8 (1529) the emperor personally read palace papers, annotating top-tier graduates Luo Hongxian, Yang Ming, and Ouyang De and six second-tier respondents including Tang Shunzhi, Chen Shu, and Ren Han with individual commendations. Grand Secretary Yang Yiqing and colleagues nominated Tang Shunzhi, Chen Shu, Ren Han, Hu Jing, and seventeen others—twenty in all—as expectant Hanlin scholars and requested imperial instructors. An abrupt edict declared: "Selection of expectant Hanlin scholars embodied fine ancestral practice. Lately ministers have chosen by private favor, trading patronage and forming factions to the state's harm; hereafter none need be retained." Tang Shunzhi and the rest were assigned posts outright; the Ministries of Personnel and Rites and the Hanlin Academy deliberated and reported. Minister Fang Xianfu and colleagues toadied to the edict, declaring that Tang Shunzhi and the others need not remain, and capped Hanlin offices: three readers-in-waiting, three expositors-in-waiting, and three chief compilers; six compilers and six proofreaders each. This was enacted as permanent rule. Tang Shunzhi and his circle were pupils of Zhang Cong and Huo Tao yet rejected the Great Rites controversy and refused to court their patrons; Zhang Cong loathed them. Zhang Cong was also moving against Yang Yiqing and advanced the faction-building charge; the old practice died there. In year eleven (1532) academy selection had been suspended; in the ninth month it was revived. In year fourteen (1535) the emperor composed the policy questions himself, annotated the papers, and placed Han Yinglong first. An edict explained why the first cohort and the leader of the second cohort were ranked as they were. The Ministry of Rites printed the imperial edict at the head of the graduates' roster and published all twelve policy answers in rank order. In year twenty (1541) the examination topics for expectant Hanlin scholars were imperially assigned: the essay "Origins of Government" and the poem "Reading the Great Ming Code." At the palace examination in year forty-four (1565) the emperor for the first time did not preside in the hall. Under Shenzong, imperial attendance at the palace examination became increasingly rare. At the Tianqi 2 (1622) metropolitan examination Grand Secretaries He Zongyan and Zhu Guozuo were appointed chief examiners. By precedent a cabinet minister who examined was assisted by one Hanlin or Academician. Minister of Rites Gu Bingqian had already been nominated, but a special edict named Zhu Guozuo instead. Guozuo declined in a memorial; the emperor replied: "This is my first examination season. I have specially appointed two grand secretaries to honor the occasion—you need not decline. Thereafter it became standard for two grand secretaries to serve as chief examiners. That year the imperial-clan examination was held; Zhu Shenyu passed and, at He Zongyan and Zhu Guozuo's request, was immediately made a Secretariat drafter. In Chongzhen 4 (1631) Zhu Tongshi passed as jinshi and was first chosen as an expectant Hanlin scholar. The Ministry of Personnel argued that as imperial clansmen he should not hold office inside the Forbidden City and asked that he be made a Secretariat drafter instead. Tongshi protested in a memorial and was nevertheless confirmed as an expectant Hanlin scholar. In year seven (1634) Vice Minister Lin Qian, who oversaw the examination, reported that Presented Scholar Yan Maoyou had written twenty-three classical expositions spanning all Five Classics. The emperor, impressed by his breadth of learning, allowed his papers into the inner examination hall. Maoyou placed on the supplementary list and was specially granted jinshi; his name was printed on its own line before the top-ranked candidate on the examination roster. Candidates who passed on all Five Classics thereafter appeared in succession.
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武科,自吳元年定。 洪武二十年俞禮部請,立武學,用武舉。 武臣子弟於各直省應試。 天順八年,令天下文武官舉通曉兵法、謀勇出眾者,各省撫、按、三司,直隸巡按御史考試。 中式者,兵部同總兵官于帥府試策略,教場試弓馬。 答策二道,騎中四矢、步中二矢以上者為中式。 騎、步所中半焉者次之。 成化十四年,從太監汪直請,設武科鄉、會試,悉視文科例。 弘治六年,定武舉六歲一行,先策略,後弓馬。 策不中者不許騎射。 十七年,改定三年一試,出榜賜宴。 正德十四年定,初場試馬上箭,以三十五步為則; 二場試步下箭,以八十步為則; 三場試策一道。 子、午、卯、酉年鄉試。 嘉靖初,定制,各省應武舉者,巡按御史於十月考試,兩京武學於兵部選取,俱送兵部。 次年四月會試,翰林二員為考試官,給事中、部曹四員為同考。 鄉、會場期俱於月之初九、十二、十五。 起送考驗監試張榜,大率仿文闈而減殺之。 其後倏罷倏復。 又仿文闈南北卷例,分邊方、腹裏。 每十名,邊六腹四以為常。 萬曆三十八年,定會試之額,取中進士以百名為率。 其後有奉詔增三十名者,非常制也。 穆、神二宗時,議者嘗言武科當以技勇為重。 萬曆之末,科臣又請特設將材武科,初場試馬步箭及槍、刀、劍、戟、拳搏、擊刺等法,二場試營陣、地雷、火藥、戰車等項,三場各就其兵法、天文、地理所熟知者言之。 報可而未行也。 崇禎四年,武會試榜發,論者大嘩。 帝命中允方逢年、倪元璐再試,取翁英等百二十人。 逢年、元璐以時方需才,奏請殿試傳臚,悉如文例。 乃賜王來聘等及第、出身有差。 武舉殿試自此始也。 十四年,諭各部臣特開奇謀異勇科。 詔下,無應者。
The military examination system was established in the first year of the Wu reign. In Hongwu 20 (1387) the Ministry of Rites petitioned to establish a military academy and recruit through military examinations. Sons of military officials were examined in each province. In Tianshun 8 (1464) officials empire-wide were told to recommend men skilled in strategy and outstanding in courage; in the provinces the grand coordinators, surveillance commissioners, and three offices, and in the metropolitan region the touring censors, examined them. Those who passed were tested on strategy at headquarters with the regional commander and on archery and horsemanship at the drill ground. Candidates answered two policy questions; passing required four hits on horseback and at least two on foot. Those who hit half as many ranked next. In Chenghua 14 (1478), at eunuch Wang Zhi's request, military provincial and metropolitan examinations were instituted on the civil model. In Hongzhi 6 (1493) military examinations were set every six years, with strategy before archery and horsemanship. Candidates who failed the written policy section could not proceed to archery. In year seventeen the cycle was changed to every three years, with published results and celebratory banquets. Under Zhengde 14 (1519) the first session tested mounted archery at thirty-five paces; the second tested foot archery at eighty paces; and the third set one policy question. Provincial military examinations fell in the years of the Rat, Horse, Rabbit, and Rooster. Early in Jiajing the rules were set: provincial military candidates were examined in the tenth month by touring censors; the capital military academies selected candidates through the Ministry of War, and all were forwarded to that ministry. The following April the metropolitan examination used two Hanlin examiners and four supervising secretaries or ministry officials as associates. Provincial and metropolitan sessions were held on the ninth, twelfth, and fifteenth of the month. Procedures for forwarding candidates, testing, supervision, and posting results largely followed the civil examinations in simplified form. The system was repeatedly suspended and restored. Following the civil examination's north-south roll model, candidates were divided between frontier and interior regions. The standard quota was six frontier candidates and four from the interior for every ten places. In Wanli 38 (1610) the metropolitan military quota was fixed at one hundred jinshi. Later additions of thirty places by imperial edict were exceptions to the rule. Under the Longqing and Wanli emperors critics often argued that military examinations should prioritize martial skill and courage. Late in Wanli examination officials petitioned for a special track for military commanders: the first session would test mounted and foot archery plus spear, sword, halberd, and hand-to-hand skills; the second formations, mines, gunpowder, and war wagons; the third would let candidates discourse on strategy, astronomy, and geography they knew best. The court approved the proposal but never implemented it. When the Chongzhen 4 (1631) military metropolitan results were posted, public outcry was fierce. The emperor ordered Sub-Readers Fang Fengnian and Ni Yuanlu to re-examine candidates and passed one hundred twenty men including Weng Ying. Fengnian and Yuanlu, citing the empire's urgent need for talent, petitioned for a palace examination and rank announcement on the civil model. Wang Laipin and others were then granted jinshi degrees and appointments according to rank. The palace examination for military graduates dates from this occasion. In year fourteen ministries were ordered to open a special examination for men of extraordinary strategy and courage. When the edict was promulgated, no one came forward.