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卷七十 志第四十六 選舉二

Volume 70 Treatises 46: Selection of Officials 2

Chapter 70 of 明史 · History of Ming
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1
沿 仿 殿
The civil examination system carried forward Tang and Song precedent but reshaped how candidates were tested: questions were drawn solely from the Four Books and the Five Classics—the Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Odes, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Book of Rites. These rules were laid down by the founding emperor and Liu Ji. The essays loosely followed the Song form of classical exposition, but candidates wrote in the voice of the ancients, in parallel couplets—hence the name "eight-legged essay," or more generally "regulated composition." Every three years, at the great triennial comparison, degree students were examined in the capital province and in each province—the provincial examination. Those who passed were styled Presented Scholars (juren). The next year they were examined in the capital—the metropolitan examination. Those who passed then faced the emperor's questions in court—the palace examination, also called the hall examination. Graduates were ranked in three cohorts—the first, second, and third. The first cohort held only three places—the Top Graduate, Second Graduate, and Third Graduate—who received the degree of jinshi with immediate appointment. A set number in the second cohort received the degree of jinshi. A set number in the third cohort received the degree of tong jinshi—jinshi by equivalence. The titles Top Graduate, Second Graduate, and Third Graduate were established by statute. Scholars and officials also commonly called the top provincial pass Jieyuan, the top metropolitan pass Huiyuan, and the leader of the second or third cohort Chuandu. Provincial examinations fell in the years of the Rat, Horse, Rabbit, and Rooster; metropolitan examinations in the years of the Dragon, Dog, Ox, and Goat. The provincial examination was held in the eighth month, the metropolitan in the second. Each had three sessions on the ninth day, then three days later, then three days after that. When the examinations were first instituted, the first session required two essays on the classics and one on the Four Books; the second session one discourse; and the third session one policy question. Ten days after passing, candidates were tested again in horsemanship, archery, calligraphy, calculation, and law. Later the standard examination format was issued: the first session required three Four Books essays and four classical essays. Candidates were examined on Zhu Xi's commentaries for the Four Books; on Cheng Yi's and Zhu Xi's texts for the Changes; on Cai Shen and the ancient commentaries for the Documents; on Zhu Xi for the Odes; on the Zuo, Gongyang, and Guliang traditions plus Hu Anguo and Zhang Qia for the Spring and Autumn; and on the ancient commentaries for the Record of Rites. Under the Yongle emperor the Great Compendium of the Four Books and Five Classics was promulgated, and the older commentaries were set aside. Later Zhang Qia's Spring and Autumn commentary was dropped as well, and only Chen Hao's Collected Explanations were used for the Record of Rites. The second session required one discourse, five legal judgments, and one document each in the forms of edict, enfeoffment patent, memorial, and inner-department dispatch. The third session set five policy questions on the classics, history, and current affairs.
2
調 調
The palace examination was held on the first day of the third month. Provincial examinations in the capital region were run by the capital prefecture; in the provinces, by the provincial administration commission. The metropolitan examination was conducted by the Ministry of Rites. Each provincial and metropolitan examination had two chief examiners. Associate examiners numbered four for the provincial examination and eight for the metropolitan. One superintendent oversaw each examination—a capital official in the metropolitan region, a provincial administration commissioner in the provinces. At the metropolitan examination two Ministry of Rites officials supervised the sessions; in the capital censors served, in the provinces surveillance commissioners. At the metropolitan examination censors handled the supply and custody of papers; while sealing, copying, proofreading, collecting papers, gate patrol, and searches for hidden crib notes each had assigned staff who carried out their tasks. Candidates included National University students and prefectural, subprefectural, and county students who had finished their course, scholars not yet in office, and officials not yet in the regular grades. Local authorities nominated men of sound character and proven learning and conduct to sit the examinations. School instructors whose only duty was teaching pupils, dismissed or idle officials, families of actors and entertainers, and those in mourning for a parent were barred from the examinations. Each paper's cover sheet listed the candidate's name for three generations, native place, age, the classic he specialized in, and the seal of the sponsoring office. On examination day, once candidates entered the compound, coaching, questioning, and impersonation were prohibited. Those who had not handed in their papers by evening were allowed three candles' worth of light. Essays had to avoid the emperor's personal name and temple names, and candidates could not describe their own family standing. Sealed registration numbers were written as three-part compound characters. Candidates wrote in black ink—these were called black papers (mojuan). Copyists used vermilion ink—these were called vermilion papers (zhujuan). The examination compound was called the tribute court (gongyuan). Each candidate's booth was called a numbered cell (haofang). One soldier guarded each booth—these were the cell guards (haojun). Once the examiners entered, inner and outer gates were sealed. Superintendents and supervisors outside the sealed compound were outer-curtain officials; chief and associate examiners inside were inner-curtain officials. At the palace examination the finest literary minds among the Hanlin Academy and the court served as reading officials. They read the policy answers together, drafted the ranking, and waited for the emperor's audience. The emperor might accept their draft or revise it; then the decree was read and ranks announced. The Top Graduate was made a Compiler, the Second and Third Graduates Editors; expectant scholars chosen from the second and third cohorts all entered the Hanlin Academy. Others received posts as supervising secretaries, censors, section chiefs, secretaries, messengers, reviewers, Court of Imperial Sacrifices officials, National University lecturers, or as prefectural judges, prefects, and magistrates. Presented Scholars and tribute students who failed the metropolitan examination but entered the Directorate for selection might receive minor capital posts, prefectural assistantships, prefectural or county magistracies, or teaching appointments. Such was the Ming dynasty's broad system for recruiting talent through the examinations. Throughout the Ming, civil learning held precedence over martial service. Yet the dynasty also established a military examination track to recruit such men, which is recorded in the appendix below.
3
使 祿 使 西西西西 殿 殿 祿 使
When the founding emperor first raised his banner, gathering able men was his first concern. In the first year of the Wu reign he ordered civil and military examinations, directing local authorities to encourage promising commoners and men of talent and courage to study steadily so that when examinations opened they could present themselves at the capital. In Hongwu year 3 an edict declared: "Han, Tang, and Song each had their own rules for recruiting officials, yet they prized literary skill alone and did not demand full virtue and practical ability. The Yuan treated scholars generously, but the powerful constantly admitted sycophants who bought their way in through connections and seized office and salary. Men of real talent and principle were ashamed to advance beside them and chose to remain in seclusion. Custom had decayed to that extent. Beginning this eighth month I establish examinations to select men who are masters of the classics and upright in conduct, broadly learned in past and present, and whose reputation matches their substance. I shall question them myself in court, rank them, and appoint them to office accordingly. All civil officials at court and in the provinces shall rise through the examinations; no one who has not passed them shall hold office." Provincial examinations were then held in the capital and in each province: the metropolitan region was allotted one hundred places; Henan, Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Beiping, Fujian, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, and Huguang forty each; Guangxi and Guangdong twenty-five each. Where talent exceeded or fell short of the quota, the numbers were not held rigid. Korea, Annam, and Champa were permitted to hold provincial examinations at home and send their graduates to the capital. The next year the metropolitan examination passed one hundred twenty candidates. The emperor composed the policy questions himself and examined candidates in the Hall of Complying with Heaven, placing Wu Bozong first. A yellow placard was posted outside the Meridian Gate; the results were proclaimed in the Hall of Complying with Heaven; and a banquet was given at the Secretariat. Bozong was appointed vice minister of rites; the others received offices in rank order. Because the realm had only just been pacified, each province was ordered to hold examinations for three years running; with so many vacant posts, Presented Scholars were exempted from the metropolitan examination and sent to the capital for appointment. He also selected promising young men such as Zhang Wei and Wang Hui as Hanlin editors, made Xiao Shao a director of the Palace Secretariat, and had them study in the Wenhua Hall inside the Forbidden City under Song Lian and other tutors to the crown prince. In intervals from governing, the emperor visited the hall, judged their writing, and daily supplied wine and food from the Imperial Household Service. At each meal the crown prince and imperial princes took turns as hosts. They received gifts of silver, bows and arrows, saddles and horses, and seasonal clothing—favor rarely shown so lavishly. Soon he concluded that most of those selected were young men who could rarely put their learning into practice. He ordered local authorities to investigate and recommend talent instead, and suspended the examinations. In year fifteen they were restored. In year seventeen the examination format was fixed and promulgated to every province, becoming the permanent system. Recommendation gradually lost weight and was eventually abandoned. At the palace examination in year eighteen, first-cohort jinshi such as Ding Xian were made Hanlin compilers, second-cohort graduates such as Ma Jing were made editors, and Wu Wen was made a reviser. From this point jinshi regularly entered the Hanlin Academy. Jinshi were sent to observe government in the various offices; those posted to the Hanlin Academy, Imperial Patent Office, and similar agencies were called expectant scholars (shujishi). The post of jinshi as expectant Hanlin scholar also dates from this time. Those assigned to the Six Ministries, Censorate, Office of Transmission, Court of Revision, and similar agencies retained the title jinshi—the term "jinshi observing government" also begins here. Thereafter quotas rose and fell, regulations changed, the weight of inner and outer examiners shifted, and examination affairs produced controversies, successes, and failures. Minor details may be passed over, but matters bearing on the fundamental affairs of state must be recorded.
4
西
In Hongwu year 17 an edict declared that provincial quotas were not fixed—each province was to send as many qualified candidates as it actually had. Fixed quotas were first set in the first year of the Hongxi reign. They rose gradually thereafter. By the Zhengtong reign the two metropolitan regions were fixed at one hundred each, Jiangxi at sixty-five, and other provinces stepped down by fives to a minimum of twenty in Yunnan. Under Jiajing some provinces rose to forty, and Guizhou was also allotted twenty. From the Longqing through Chongzhen reigns the two metropolitan regions rose to more than one hundred thirty each; other provinces grew as well, though none exceeded one hundred. When Jiaozhi was first incorporated it was allotted ten places; the quota ended when the territory was abandoned. Early metropolitan quotas were not fixed, falling as low as thirty-two and rising as high as four hundred seventy-two, as in the Hongwu yichou and Yongle bingxu cycles. Later quotas varied—one hundred, two hundred, two hundred fifty, or three hundred fifty—each decided by memorial just before the examination. From the Chenghua yiwei cycle onward the standard quota was three hundred; additions of fifty or one hundred on special petition or by grace edict were exceptions.
5
西 西西 西 使 沿 西西 西西 西
Under the original system the metropolitan examination at the Ministry of Rites did not distinguish northern and southern candidates. In the Hongwu dingchou cycle the examiners Liu Sanwu and Bai Xindao passed Song Cong and fifty-one others—all southerners. At the palace examination in the third month Chen Anhe was placed first. The emperor, angered by the bias, ordered twelve readers including Zhang Xin to re-examine the papers; Anhe was among those reviewed again. The emperor's wrath would not subside: he executed Bai Xindao, Zhang Xin, Chen Anhe, and the others involved, banished Liu Sanwu to the borderlands, personally re-read the papers, and passed sixty-one men including Ren Bo'an. In the sixth month the palace examination was repeated, with Han Kezhong placed first. All were northerners. Yet through the Yongle reign the examinations never again allotted places by region. In Hongxi 1 (1425) Emperor Renzong had Yang Shiqi and his colleagues set the recruitment quota at sixteen southerners and fourteen northerners. Under Xuande and Zhengtong the papers were split into southern, northern, and central rolls; on a quota of one hundred, fifty-five went to the south, thirty-five to the north, and ten to the center. Early in the Jingtai reign an edict revived the Yongle practice. In Jingtai 2 (1452), as the Ministry of Rites was putting the rule into effect, supervising secretary Li Kan objected: "The ministry wishes to judge solely by literary polish and pass more southerners." Vice Minister of Punishments Luo Qi backed Kan's petition. The case went to the Ministry of Rites, which replied: "We are acting on the edict, not pressing a private interest." The Jingtai Emperor upheld the edict and rejected Kan's proposal. Soon after, supervising secretary Xu Tingzhang again asked that the Zhengtong quotas be restored. In Jingtai 5 (1454), when the metropolitan examination came, the ministry sought imperial confirmation and again adopted Tingzhang's scheme, dividing southern, northern, and central rolls. The southern roll comprised Nanjing; Suzhou and Song; Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, and Guangdong; the northern roll comprised Shuntian, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, and Shaanxi; the central roll comprised Sichuan, Guangxi, Yunnan, Guizhou, Fengyang and Luzhou, and the subprefectures of Chuzhou, Xuzhou, and Hezhou. In Chenghua 22 (1486), with Wan An dominant at court and Zhou Hongmo—both Sichuan natives—as Minister of Rites, Pan Ji's request from the provincial administration led to two quota seats being cut from north and south alike and reassigned to the central roll. Hongzhi 2 (1489) saw a return to the earlier quotas. The arrangement then remained unchanged for generations. Only in Zhengde 3 (1508), when supervising secretary Zhao Duo acted at Liu Jin's direction, were the provincial quotas raised for Henan, Shaanxi, Shandong, and Shaanxi. Shaanxi's quota was set at one hundred, Henan's at ninety-five, and Shandong and Shaanxi each at ninety. Holding the three-roll metropolitan split unfair, ten seats were added to Sichuan and folded into the southern roll, the rest into the northern, and north and south were each fixed at one hundred fifty passes. Jin was native to Shaanxi and Grand Secretary Jiao Fang to Henan; their memorial drafts reinforced one another, each man serving his own province. After Jin and Fang fell from power the earlier quotas were promptly restored.
6
沿 使 西
Originally the metropolitan-area provincial examinations at both capitals were presided over exclusively by Hanlin scholars. Provincial associate examiners were recruited in advance from among local scholar-officials known for classical learning and integrity, so that men outside the central bureaucracy sometimes held the testing brush repeatedly. Jingtai 3 (1452) required regional commissioners and the touring censor to nominate active instructors aged thirty to fifty who were literate and upright, and appoint them as examiners. School instructors as chief examiners thus became standard practice. Later local officials favored their own circles, unsuitable men were hired, and supervising commissioners often seized the examiners' authority. In Chenghua 15 (1479) censor Xu Jin asked that every province follow the capital model and send Hanlin scholars as chief examiners. The emperor told the Ministry of Rites to crack down on corruption but declined Xu's proposal. He repeatedly forbade outer-curtain supervisors to override chief examiners and ruled that if an examiner proved unworthy, whoever had nominated him would share the punishment. He also ordered education intendants to grade instructors so suitable men could be chosen quickly. Custom had hardened over time, however, and old habits resisted reform. In Hongzhi 14 (1501) Xie Duo, superintendent of the Imperial Academy, reported: "Provincial examiners are hired by censors and regional commissioners; their rank is low and they take orders. Outer-curtain officials decide passes and failures in advance—nominally to prevent abuse, actually to run every lever—and the recruitment system is ruined. I ask that ministers in both capitals nominate proven literary men from their staffs, two per province as chief examiners, so that these abuses can be ended." The court did not act on it at the time. Jiajing 7 (1528), following Vice Minister Zhang Cong, each province was to receive two capital officials or jinshi degree-holders as chief examiners dispatched from court. Initially both capitals' associate examiners had also been instructors; under the new rule each capital added one ministry examiner to oversee two cycles of provincial examining, then ministry appointments ceased again and provincial chief examiners were no longer sent from the capital. Wanli 11 (1583) brought an edict standardizing examination procedure. The ministry revived Zhang Cong's argument: "The earlier trial ended after two cycles because of ceremonial friction between chief examiners and supervisors; court examiners should again be sent." Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, and Huguang henceforth used Hanlin compilers and proofreaders; other provinces used ministry officials; associate examiners were largely jinshi scholars, with only one or two instructors retained. From Jiajing 25 (1546), on Wan Yuqing's advice, provinces carefully hired instructors for the provincial exam and, when short, supplemented them with magistrates and judicial pushers from other circuits. In Jiajing 43 (1564), after a Nanjing censor's memorial, both capitals used capital officials and jinshi as associates—two each for the Odes, Changes, and Documents, one each for Spring and Autumn and the Rites—with instructors filling out the roster. Wanli 4 (1576) reconsidered the rule: elderly instructor-associates were sent home; Beijing filled gaps from jinshi awaiting assignment and from ranked substitutes, Nanjing from nearby magistrates and pushers. Instructors' role was thereby reduced still further.
7
Originally eight associate examiners served the metropolitan exam—three Hanlin, five instructors. Jingtai 5 (1454), at Hu Ying's request, all associates came from Hanlin and ministry bureaus. Session examiners gradually increased thereafter. Zhengde 6 (1511) fixed the roster at seventeen: eleven Hanlin, three from each relevant ministry. Five examiners for the Odes, four each for Changes and Documents, two each for Spring and Autumn and the Rites. Jiajing 11 (1532) Xia Yan laid out three examination reforms. On metropolitan associates, custom called for eleven lecturers and readers-in-waiting, yet there were only eleven such posts in all—barely enough once every man entered the hall. He asked that three or four more ministry officials be picked to cover the Hanlin shortfall. The Jiajing Emperor approved. When the change was tried it was soon abandoned and the old practice restored. Wanli 11, because the Changes cohort was large, one examiner was moved from Documents to Changes. Wanli 14, with Documents again overloaded, one more Hanlin examiner was added for that session. Wanli 44 (1616), on Yu Maozi's memorial, added one session each for Odes and Changes, for twenty sessions total—twelve Hanlin, four per ministry—a roster that held until the dynasty fell.
8
Early Hongwu banquets for new jinshi were held at the Secretariat. Xuande 5 (1430) moved the feast to the Central Military Commission. Xuande 8 (1433) fixed the venue at the Ministry of Rites, where it remained thereafter.
9
宿 祿 使 調
Expectant Hanlin scholars were first chosen from among new jinshi in Hongwu yichou (1385) and were not yet an exclusively Hanlin institution. Yongle 2 (1404) assigned the three top graduates—Zeng Qi, Zhou Shu, and Zhou Mengjian—then took fifty especially gifted second-rank men including Yang Xiang and ten skilled calligraphers including Tang Liu as expectant Hanlin scholars, at which point the post became a purely Hanlin preserve. He then had Academician Xie Jin and others pick the brightest men for study in the Wenyuan Pavilion. They chose Compiler Zeng Qi, Editors Zhou Shu and Zhou Mengjian, Expectant Scholar Yang Xiang, and twenty-five others—twenty-eight in all—to correspond to the Twenty-eight Mansions. Expectant Scholar Zhou Chen petitioned that, being young, he wished to continue his training. The emperor gladly assented and added Chen, bringing the cohort to twenty-nine. The Directorate of Ceremonies issued monthly stationery; the Court of Imperial Entertainments fed them morning and night; the Ministry of Rites allotted three ingots of candle and lamp money per man each month; the Ministry of Works lodged them in houses near the academy. The emperor visited the academy intermittently to test them. They rested every fifth day but had to be escorted on leave by palace eunuchs and were given guard cavalry as retinue. That year's cohort—Wang Ying, Wang Zhi, Duan Min, Zhou Chen, Chen Jingzong, Li Shimian, and others—included more than ten men whose reputations outlived the dynasty. Later cohorts varied in size with no fixed quota. Yongle 13 (1415) chose sixty-two men; Xuande 2 (1427) chose only Xing Gong, who alone had long trained in foreign translation at the Hanlin Academy while the rest were passed over. Hongzhi 4 (1491) supervising secretary Tu Dan, noting several cycles without new expectant scholars, asked that the ancestral practice be restored. Grand Secretary Xu Pu replied: "Since Yongle 2 selection has been irregular—sometimes one cycle, sometimes several in a row, sometimes none for years, sometimes three cycles at once—with no fixed rule. Sometimes the inner cabinet picked men, sometimes the Ministry of Rites forwarded names, sometimes ministries chose jointly; sometimes age or region was imposed, sometimes reputation was weighed, sometimes palace examination scripts were mined, sometimes special topic tests were set—again without uniform rule. From antiquity emperors have housed promising men in academy lodges to cultivate them. Apart from jinshi who have completed the examination route, the dynasty relies chiefly on expectant Hanlin scholars to groom future ministers—yet even that track is optional. Able men have been passed over while mediocre men have entered the academy; tighter limits on region and age would discard still more fully ripened talent. I ask that hereafter each examination cycle be paired with one selection, as standing law. New jinshi should submit at least fifteen recent compositions—essays, policy papers, verse, fu, prefaces, and records—to the Ministry of Rites for forwarding to Hanlin review. Younger candidates with as few as five new pieces may also present them to the Hanlin for consideration. Candidates whose diction and structure qualify are admitted in roster order. The ministry administered a sealed-name test with topics set by grand secretaries in the Eastern Lodge; men whose examination work matched their submitted portfolios entered the preliminary list. No cycle should pick more than twenty men, and no more than three to five cohorts should remain in training at once—enough to supply the state's future needs." Emperor Hongzhi accepted the plan and made joint selection by the inner cabinet and the Personnel and Rites ministries standing practice. Between the Jiajing guwei cycle (1523) and Wanli gengchen (1600), nine cycles passed without a selection. Emperor Wanli repeatedly ordered selection every other examination. Vice Minister Wu Daonan argued against it. Chongzhen jiaxu (1634) and dingchou (1637) again saw none chosen; otherwise precedent was followed. Those chosen were said to undergo academy selection. A senior Hanlin or Academician served as instructor. After three years the best stayed in the Hanlin as compilers or proofreaders; the rest left for posts such as supervising secretary or censor—known as dispersal from the academy. Their standing differed sharply from ordinary officials awaiting appointment.
10
Early in Chengzu's reign the inner cabinet had seven members, half of whom were not Hanlin men. Hanlin drafting likewise mixed many backgrounds. Tianshun 2 (1458) Li Xian restricted historical compilation to jinshi scholars. Thereafter non-jinshi could not enter the Hanlin, non-Hanlin could not enter the inner cabinet, and the Rites ministers north and south, their deputies, and the right-hand Vice Minister of Personnel required Hanlin experience. Expectant Hanlin scholars on first appointment were already treated as chancellors-in-waiting. Across the whole Ming dynasty, more than one hundred seventy men served as chief ministers or grand secretaries; nineteen came through the Hanlin. Civil examinations had never been grander; the Hanlin's prominence was likewise without precedent.
11
調忿 調 婿 婿 使
In the dynasty's early years, few sons of grand secretaries won degrees. Jingtai 7 (1456), Chen Xun and Wang Wen, whose sons had failed the Shuntian provincial exam, assailed chief examiner Liu Yan; censors and ministries rose in uproar at the abuse. The emperor grudgingly indulged them, allowing their sons to sit the metropolitan exam with the rest, but held the ministers in contempt. Zhengde 3 (1508), Jiao Fang's son Huang Zhong passed the metropolitan exam; Fang declined to grade papers on grounds of conflict. Huang Zhong ranked first in the second grade, yet Fang remained dissatisfied and demoted and transferred Hanlin scholars to vent his anger. In 1511, Yang Shen, son of Yang Tinghe, topped the palace examination; Tinghe likewise abstained from grading. Shen's surpassing talent silenced criticism. At the Jiajing 23 (1544) palace examination, Zhai Luan's sons Rujian and Ruxiao both sat the test. The emperor suspected favoritism in the top ranks, demoting the first-placed candidate to third and the third to the bottom tier. When the papers were opened, the third-ranked manuscript proved to be Ruxiao's; the emperor's suspicions deepened. Supervising secretaries Wang Jiao and Wang Yaori impeached chief metropolitan examiner Jiang Rubi and associate examiners for collusion and bribery, and revived charges that Shuntian chief examiners Qin Mingxia and Pu Yingqi had favored Zhai Luan; the accused were sent to the imperial prison. After trial, an edict ordered Jiang Rubi, Qin Mingxia, and Pu Yingqi beaten and cashiered to private life, and reduced the Zhai father and sons to commoner status. Early in Shenzong's reign, Zhang Juzheng dominated government. In 1574 his son failed the metropolitan exam; displeased, Juzheng suspended selection of expectant Hanlin scholars. By 1577 his son Siziu had placed second in the top tier. In 1580 his son Maoxiu took first place in the top tier. Sons of vice grand secretaries Lü Tiaoyang, Zhang Siwei, and Shen Shixing likewise passed the examinations in succession. Censor Wei Yunzhen memorialized on abuses of the day, arguing that grand secretaries' sons should not pass examinations. The emperor banished Wei Yunzhen in reprisal. Wanli 16 (1588), Right Sub-Reader Huang Hongxian chief-examined Shuntian; Wang Xijue's son Heng ranked first. Ministry Director Gao Gui impeached candidates including Li Hong and extended his charges to Heng, writing: "Since the sons of former chief ministers rose together, no minister's son has enjoyed public trust. Grand Secretary Wang Xijue's gifted son Heng could surely rise on his own merits, yet the public remains divided; a comprehensive re-examination should clarify a great minister's integrity." Wang Xijue was furious, memorialized at length in self-defense with intemperate language. Justice Bureau clerk Rao Shen again memorialized against him. The emperor exiled Gao Gui, imprisoned Rao Shen, and struck him from the rolls. Re-examination left Heng first and dismissed no candidate. In the Wanli 20 (1592) metropolitan examination Li Hong passed. Hong was son-in-law to Grand Secretary Shen Shixing. Before the placard could be posted, one associate examiner, a supervising secretary, blocked it, arguing a chief minister's son-in-law should not pass. Chief examiner Zhang Wei had all eighteen associates review jointly; all found the essays acceptable, yet the censor held firm. Zhang Wei snapped: "If examinations ignore the writing, what standard remains? I will bear the blame myself." Li Hong was admitted. After the controversy Wang Heng did not sit the metropolitan examination while his father remained in power. Only in 1601 did he place second in the top tier. Thereafter no grand secretary's son passed the examinations while his father held power.
12
西 調西
Malpractices multiplied and debate grew constant. After Taizu punished Liu Sanwu and his colleagues, the Yongle and Xuande reigns were comparatively quiet. When Chen Xun and Wang Wen assailed Liu Yan, Gao Gu defended him and Yan emerged unscathed. At the Hongzhi 12 (1499) metropolitan examination Grand Secretary Li Dongyang and Junior Guardian Cheng Minzheng served as examiners. Supervising secretary Hua Chang charged Minzheng with selling examination topics to candidates Tang Yin and Xu Tai; Dongyang alone was ordered to grade papers. Supervising secretary Lin Tingyu renewed the attack with six counts of suspicion against Minzheng. Minzheng was demoted; Yin and Tai were disgraced and sent away. Yin, a brilliant Jiangnan scholar who had topped the southern provincial examination in 1498, was widely mourned. In Jiajing 16 (1537) Minister Yan Song seized on phrasing in the Jiangnan and Guangdong examination reports and inflamed the emperor's wrath. The Jiangnan chief examiner and Guangdong investigating censor were both arrested. In 1543 the emperor personally annotated the Shandong report as seditious; Censor Ye Jing was beaten to death at the palace gates and officials down to provincial commissioners were banished—again Yan Song's doing. In 1561 Chief Examiner Wu Qing, subreader from Wuxi, admitted thirteen men from his native county and was impeached; he and associate examiner Hu Jie were both exiled. Southern-region Hanlin scholars were thereafter barred from examining Jiangnan. Wanli 4 (1576), Shuntian chief examiner Gao Ruyu passed Zhang Juzheng's sons Siziu and Maoxiu plus sons of his ally Vice Minister Wang Zhuan. After Zhang Juzheng died, Censor Ding Cilü pursued the scandal, noting that Gao Ruyu had set "Shun also entrusted Yu" as a topic—an apparent nod to succession by merit flattering Juzheng." Those in power banished Ding Cilü, yet public opinion largely favored him over Gao Ruyu. At the Wanli 38 (1610) metropolitan examination Associate Examiner Tang Binyin swapped papers across eighteen candidates with various room examiners. The following year Censor Sun Juxiang charged that Binyin had favored Han Jing and that every swap served Jing. During the ministry's personnel review, Minister Sun Piyang placed Binyin and Jing on the evaluation roster. Han Jing enjoyed literary renown and sympathy, yet as a member of the Xuan faction was judged fit for dismissal. The Wanli 44 (1616) metropolitan examination placed Wujiang's Shen Tonghe first and his townsman Zhao Mingyang sixth. Tonghe could scarcely write; Zhao Mingyang ghost-wrote his papers; exposed, both were banished to border service. Tianqi 4 (1624), examiners in Shandong, Jiangxi, Huguang, and Fujian were sharply rebuked by edict when their policy questions were judged seditious. Initially demoted, then cashiered; Jiangxi chief examiner Ding Qianxue was imprisoned on proposed charges after offending Wei Zhongxian. Earlier, in 1621 Sub-Reader Qian Qianyi examined Zhejiang and admitted Qian Qianqiu, whose seven essays bore telltale coded endings suggesting illicit coordination. After the results were posted someone reported the scheme; Qianyi confessed; Qianqiu was banished to the frontier. He was soon amnestied and recalled. In Chongzhen 2 (1629), during joint nomination for grand secretary, Vice Minister Qian Qianyi was listed while Minister Wen Tiren was not. Wen Tiren seized on the Qianqiu scandal and memorialized against Qian Qianyi. Qianyi was removed and never served again through the dynasty's end. Other examination scandals were innumerable; Shuntian cases were usually worst, other provinces less so. Bribery, manipulation, smuggled answers, hired substitutes, paper-switching, impersonation, and false registration proliferated beyond reckoning, yet coordinated inside control remained the gravest abuse. Some cases arose from ambiguous evidence or private vendettas. Lesser irregularities hardly merit notice.
13
退殿 西 西 西 殿 殿
Notable anomalies across the examinations: early Yongle, amid military upheaval, 1403 first authorized provincial examinations in every province. The 1404 metropolitan examination broke the usual biennial cycle because of the turmoil. The 1409 metropolitan examination passed ninety-five men including Chen Sui. With Chengzu campaigning in the north, the heir apparent sent them to the Imperial Academy to study pending the emperor's return for the palace exam. In 1411 Xiao Shizhong was finally named first. Xuande 5 (1430), after issuing palace-examination questions the emperor told Hanlin scholars at the Wuying Hall: "Do not prize empty eloquence alone; men like Liu Zan or Su Zhe, who spoke plainly and argued forcefully, I would elevate." He composed the "Song for Examinees" for the graders, yet Lin Zhen, whom he placed first, distinguished himself no further. In 1433 palace graduate Cao Nai, a petty clerk from Taihe in Jiangxi, had passed the metropolitan examination. Zhengtong 7 (1442) likewise saw a Justice Bureau clerk, Nan Yu, and a postal-station deputy, Zheng Wen, pass. In 1445 both metropolitan and palace examinations placed Shang Lu first. A native of Chun'an, he had topped the Zhejiang provincial list in 1435. Three consecutive first places earned him the coveted title "Triple First"; he alone in the Ming achieved it. Palace examiners were usually top-tier graduates, yet in 1445 War Minister Xu Xi and in 1448 Revenue Vice Minister Yu Heng were clerical appointees, and in 1457 Left Censor-in-Chief Yang Shan, a translation-bureau trainee, read papers—rank was not yet rigidly enforced. Later no men of irregular background passed the metropolitan exam or graded palace papers. On examination day in 1443 the hall burned and more than ninety candidates died; all were posthumously granted jinshi status and the metropolitan exam was rescheduled for the eighth month. The palace examination was not held until the third month of 1444. Yingzong had died; within the mourning year Xianzong examined candidates at the West Corner Gate. Zhengde 3 (1508), eunuch Liu Jin supplied fifty names to the examiners and the quota was enlarged by fifty places. In 1520 the emperor's southern tour delayed the palace examination. The following year, after Shizong's accession, the exam was held at the West Corner Gate in the fifth month and Yang Weicong was named first. Zhang Cong had been on that same roster; within six or seven years he dominated government with power rivaling the throne. Jiajing 8 (1529) the emperor personally read palace papers, annotating top-tier graduates Luo Hongxian, Yang Ming, and Ouyang De and six second-tier respondents including Tang Shunzhi, Chen Shu, and Ren Han with individual commendations. Grand Secretary Yang Yiqing and colleagues nominated Tang Shunzhi, Chen Shu, Ren Han, Hu Jing, and seventeen others—twenty in all—as expectant Hanlin scholars and requested imperial instructors. An abrupt edict declared: "Selection of expectant Hanlin scholars embodied fine ancestral practice. Lately ministers have chosen by private favor, trading patronage and forming factions to the state's harm; hereafter none need be retained." Tang Shunzhi and the rest were assigned posts outright; the Ministries of Personnel and Rites and the Hanlin Academy deliberated and reported. Minister Fang Xianfu and colleagues toadied to the edict, declaring that Tang Shunzhi and the others need not remain, and capped Hanlin offices: three readers-in-waiting, three expositors-in-waiting, and three chief compilers; six compilers and six proofreaders each. This was enacted as permanent rule. Tang Shunzhi and his circle were pupils of Zhang Cong and Huo Tao yet rejected the Great Rites controversy and refused to court their patrons; Zhang Cong loathed them. Zhang Cong was also moving against Yang Yiqing and advanced the faction-building charge; the old practice died there. In year eleven (1532) academy selection had been suspended; in the ninth month it was revived. In year fourteen (1535) the emperor composed the policy questions himself, annotated the papers, and placed Han Yinglong first. An edict explained why the first cohort and the leader of the second cohort were ranked as they were. The Ministry of Rites printed the imperial edict at the head of the graduates' roster and published all twelve policy answers in rank order. In year twenty (1541) the examination topics for expectant Hanlin scholars were imperially assigned: the essay "Origins of Government" and the poem "Reading the Great Ming Code." At the palace examination in year forty-four (1565) the emperor for the first time did not preside in the hall. Under Shenzong, imperial attendance at the palace examination became increasingly rare. At the Tianqi 2 (1622) metropolitan examination Grand Secretaries He Zongyan and Zhu Guozuo were appointed chief examiners. By precedent a cabinet minister who examined was assisted by one Hanlin or Academician. Minister of Rites Gu Bingqian had already been nominated, but a special edict named Zhu Guozuo instead. Guozuo declined in a memorial; the emperor replied: "This is my first examination season. I have specially appointed two grand secretaries to honor the occasion—you need not decline. Thereafter it became standard for two grand secretaries to serve as chief examiners. That year the imperial-clan examination was held; Zhu Shenyu passed and, at He Zongyan and Zhu Guozuo's request, was immediately made a Secretariat drafter. In Chongzhen 4 (1631) Zhu Tongshi passed as jinshi and was first chosen as an expectant Hanlin scholar. The Ministry of Personnel argued that as imperial clansmen he should not hold office inside the Forbidden City and asked that he be made a Secretariat drafter instead. Tongshi protested in a memorial and was nevertheless confirmed as an expectant Hanlin scholar. In year seven (1634) Vice Minister Lin Qian, who oversaw the examination, reported that Presented Scholar Yan Maoyou had written twenty-three classical expositions spanning all Five Classics. The emperor, impressed by his breadth of learning, allowed his papers into the inner examination hall. Maoyou placed on the supplementary list and was specially granted jinshi; his name was printed on its own line before the top-ranked candidate on the examination roster. Candidates who passed on all Five Classics thereafter appeared in succession.
14
仿 仿 殿 殿
The military examination system was established in the first year of the Wu reign. In Hongwu 20 (1387) the Ministry of Rites petitioned to establish a military academy and recruit through military examinations. Sons of military officials were examined in each province. In Tianshun 8 (1464) officials empire-wide were told to recommend men skilled in strategy and outstanding in courage; in the provinces the grand coordinators, surveillance commissioners, and three offices, and in the metropolitan region the touring censors, examined them. Those who passed were tested on strategy at headquarters with the regional commander and on archery and horsemanship at the drill ground. Candidates answered two policy questions; passing required four hits on horseback and at least two on foot. Those who hit half as many ranked next. In Chenghua 14 (1478), at eunuch Wang Zhi's request, military provincial and metropolitan examinations were instituted on the civil model. In Hongzhi 6 (1493) military examinations were set every six years, with strategy before archery and horsemanship. Candidates who failed the written policy section could not proceed to archery. In year seventeen the cycle was changed to every three years, with published results and celebratory banquets. Under Zhengde 14 (1519) the first session tested mounted archery at thirty-five paces; the second tested foot archery at eighty paces; and the third set one policy question. Provincial military examinations fell in the years of the Rat, Horse, Rabbit, and Rooster. Early in Jiajing the rules were set: provincial military candidates were examined in the tenth month by touring censors; the capital military academies selected candidates through the Ministry of War, and all were forwarded to that ministry. The following April the metropolitan examination used two Hanlin examiners and four supervising secretaries or ministry officials as associates. Provincial and metropolitan sessions were held on the ninth, twelfth, and fifteenth of the month. Procedures for forwarding candidates, testing, supervision, and posting results largely followed the civil examinations in simplified form. The system was repeatedly suspended and restored. Following the civil examination's north-south roll model, candidates were divided between frontier and interior regions. The standard quota was six frontier candidates and four from the interior for every ten places. In Wanli 38 (1610) the metropolitan military quota was fixed at one hundred jinshi. Later additions of thirty places by imperial edict were exceptions to the rule. Under the Longqing and Wanli emperors critics often argued that military examinations should prioritize martial skill and courage. Late in Wanli examination officials petitioned for a special track for military commanders: the first session would test mounted and foot archery plus spear, sword, halberd, and hand-to-hand skills; the second formations, mines, gunpowder, and war wagons; the third would let candidates discourse on strategy, astronomy, and geography they knew best. The court approved the proposal but never implemented it. When the Chongzhen 4 (1631) military metropolitan results were posted, public outcry was fierce. The emperor ordered Sub-Readers Fang Fengnian and Ni Yuanlu to re-examine candidates and passed one hundred twenty men including Weng Ying. Fengnian and Yuanlu, citing the empire's urgent need for talent, petitioned for a palace examination and rank announcement on the civil model. Wang Laipin and others were then granted jinshi degrees and appointments according to rank. The palace examination for military graduates dates from this occasion. In year fourteen ministries were ordered to open a special examination for men of extraordinary strategy and courage. When the edict was promulgated, no one came forward.
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