Volume 191 Biographies 79: Mao Cheng, Wang Jun, Wu Yipeng, Zhu Xizhou, He Mengchun, Feng Xi, Xu Wenhua, Xue Hui

毛澄汪俊〈（弟偉）〉吳一鵬朱希周何孟春豐熙〈（子坊）〉徐文華薛蕙〈（胡侍王祿侯廷訓）〉

Mao Cheng, Wang Jun (Younger brother Wei)〉 Wu Yipeng, Zhu Xizhou, He Mengchun, Feng Xi (Son Fang)〉 Xu Wenhua, Xue Hui (Hu Shi, Wang Lu, Hou Tingxun)〉

毛澄，字憲清，昆山人。舉弘治六年進士第一。授修撰。預修《會典》成，進右諭德，直講東宮。武宗為太子，以澄進講明晰稱之帝。帝大喜。方秋夜置宴，即徹以賜。武宗立，進左庶子，直經筵。以母憂歸。正德四年，劉瑾摘《會典》小疵貶諸纂修者秩，以澄為侍讀。服闋還朝，進侍講學士。再遷學士，掌院事，歷禮部侍郎。十二年六月拜尚書。

Mao Cheng, styled Xianqing, came from Kunshan. In Hongzhi 6 he took first place in the metropolitan examination. He was appointed a reviser in the Hanlin Academy. After helping compile the Statutes and seeing that work finished, he was promoted to Right Tutor and lectured in the Eastern Palace. When Wuzong was still crown prince, he praised Cheng's lucid lectures to the emperor. The emperor was delighted. It was an autumn evening feast; the emperor at once had the banquet cleared and sent it to Cheng as a gift. When Wuzong took the throne, Cheng was promoted to Left Household Superintendent and served at the Classics Lectern. He went home to observe mourning for his mother. In Zhengde 4 Liu Jin found petty faults in the Statutes and used them to demote the compilers; Cheng was reduced to Court Reader. When his mourning ended he returned to court and was promoted to Hanlin Bachelor of Exposition. He was promoted again to Bachelor, directed Hanlin affairs, and eventually served as Vice Minister of Rites. In the sixth month of the twelfth year of Zhengde he was appointed Minister of Rites.

其年八月朔，帝微行。澄率侍郎王瓚、顧清等疏請還宮。既又出居庸，幸宣府，久留不返。澄等頻疏諫，悉不報。明年正月，駕旋，命百官戎服郊迎。澄等請用常服，不許。七月，帝自稱威武大將軍朱壽，統六師巡邊。遂幸宣府，抵大同，歷山西至榆林。澄等屢疏馳諫。至十二月，復偕廷臣上疏曰：「去歲正月以來，鑾輿數駕，不遑寧居。今茲之行，又已半歲。宗廟、社稷享祀之禮並系攝行，萬壽、正旦、冬至朝賀之儀悉從簡略。臘朔省牲，闕而不行，遂二年矣。歲律將周，郊禋已卜。皇祖之訓曰：『凡祀天地，精誠則感格，怠慢則禍生。』今六龍遐騁，旋軫無日。萬一冰雪阻違，道途梗塞，元正上日不及躬執玉帛於上帝前，陛下何以自安？且邊地荒寒，隆冬尤甚。臣等處重城，食厚祿，仰思聖體勞頓，根本空虛，遙望清塵，憂心如醉。伏祈趣駕速還，躬親祼享，宗社臣民幸甚。」不報。十四年二月，駕甫還京，即諭禮部：「總督軍務威武大將軍、總兵官、太師、鎮國公朱壽遣往兩畿，瞻東嶽，奉安聖像，祈福安民。」澄等駭愕，復偕廷臣上言：「陛下以天地之子，承祖宗之業，九州四海但知陛下有皇帝之號。今曰『總督軍務、威武大將軍、太師、鎮國公』者，臣等莫知所指。夫出此旨者，陛下也。加此號者，陛下也。不知受此號者何人？如以皇儲未建，欲遍告名山大川，用祈默相，則遣使走幣，足將敬矣。何必躬奉神像，獻寶香，如佛、老所為哉？」因歷陳五不可。亦不報。

On the first day of the eighth month that year the emperor slipped out of the palace incognito. Cheng led Vice Ministers Wang Zan, Gu Qing, and others in memorials urging him to return to the palace. He then passed through Juyong Pass, traveled to Xuanfu, and stayed away for a long time without coming back. Cheng and his colleagues remonstrated again and again; none of their memorials was answered. In the first month of the following year the emperor returned, and he ordered all officials to greet him outside the city in military dress. Cheng and the others asked to wear ordinary court dress instead; the request was refused. In the seventh month the emperor took the title Martially Awesome Grand General Zhu Shou and led six armies on a tour of the frontier. He went on to Xuanfu, reached Datong, and traveled through Shanxi as far as Yulin. Cheng and his colleagues sent urgent memorial after memorial in protest. In the twelfth month they again joined the court in a memorial: "Since the first month of last year Your Majesty's carriage has been on the road again and again, with no time to rest. This present journey has already lasted half a year. Sacrifices at the ancestral temple and the altars of soil and grain have all been carried out by deputies; birthday, New Year, and winter-solstice audiences have all been curtailed. The twelfth-month inspection of sacrificial victims has been skipped for two years running. The year is nearly complete, and the date for the suburban sacrifice has already been chosen. Our founding emperor taught: 'In all sacrifice to Heaven and Earth, sincerity wins response, and negligence brings disaster. Yet the imperial carriage races far away, and there is no day in sight for its return. If ice and snow should block the roads, and on New Year's Day Your Majesty cannot in person present jade and silk before Heaven, how will Your Majesty be at ease? Moreover, the frontier is bleak and cold, and deep winter there is especially harsh. We who remain in the capital on generous stipends think of Your Majesty worn out on the road and the state left without its foundation; gazing after your distant train, our hearts are sick with worry. We beg Your Majesty to hurry home and perform the libation sacrifice in person; the altars of state and all your subjects would be greatly blessed." There was no reply. In the second month of the fourteenth year, as soon as the emperor returned to the capital, he instructed the Ministry of Rites: "Commander-in-Chief of Military Affairs, Martially Awesome Grand General, Commander-in-Chief, Grand Preceptor, and Defender of the State Zhu Shou is to go to the two metropolitan regions, visit the Eastern Peak, install the sacred image, and pray for blessings and the people's welfare." Cheng and his colleagues were shocked and again joined the court in a memorial: "Your Majesty, as Son of Heaven, inherits the ancestral enterprise; throughout the realm everyone knows only that Your Majesty is emperor. When the titles 'Commander-in-Chief of Military Affairs, Martially Awesome Grand General, Grand Preceptor, Defender of the State' are used, we do not know who is meant. The one who issued this decree is Your Majesty. The one who bestowed these titles is Your Majesty. Yet who is it that receives them? If, because no heir has been named, Your Majesty wishes to announce this to every famous mountain and river and pray for Heaven's hidden aid, sending envoys with offerings would be reverence enough. Why must Your Majesty personally carry the sacred image and burn precious incense, as Buddhists and Daoists do?" They then listed five reasons why this should not be done. Again there was no reply.

宸濠反江西，帝南征示威武，駐蹕留都者逾歲。澄屢請回鑾。及駕返通州，用江彬言，將即賜宸濠死。澄據漢庶人故事，請還京告郊廟，獻俘行戮。不從。中官王堂鎮浙江，請建生祠；西番闡化王使者乞額外賜茶九萬斤。澄皆力爭，不聽。王瓊欲陷彭澤，澄獨白其無罪。

When Prince of Ning Chen Hao rebelled in Jiangxi, the emperor marched south to display his military power and stayed at the southern capital for more than a year. Cheng repeatedly urged the emperor to return to the capital. When the emperor reached Tongzhou on his return, he followed Jiang Bin's advice and was about to have Chen Hao executed immediately. Cheng cited the Han precedent for a deposed rebel and asked that the emperor return to the capital, announce victory at the suburban altars and ancestral temple, present the captive, and only then execute him. The emperor refused. The eunuch Wang Tang, who controlled Zhejiang, asked permission to build a living shrine to himself; and envoys of the King of Chánhua in the western borderlands asked for an extra ninety thousand jin of tea. Cheng fought both proposals strenuously, but the emperor would not listen. Wang Qiong tried to frame Peng Ze, but Cheng alone testified to his innocence.

武宗崩，澄偕大學士梁儲、壽寧侯張鶴齡、駙馬崔元、太監韋霦等迎世宗於安陸。既至，將謁見，有議用天子禮者。澄曰：「今即如此，後何以加？豈勸進、辭讓之禮當遂廢乎？」世宗踐阼甫六日，有旨議興獻王主祀及尊稱。五月七日戊午，澄大會文武群臣，上議曰：「考漢成帝立定陶王為皇太子，立楚孝王孫景為定陶王，奉共王祀。共王者，皇太子本生父也。時大司空師丹以為恩義備至。今陛下入承大統，宜如定陶王故事，以益王第二子崇仁王厚炫繼興王後，襲興王主祀事。又考宋濮安懿王之子入繼仁宗後，是為英宗。司馬光謂濮王宜尊以高官大爵，稱王伯而不名。範鎮亦言：『陛下既考仁宗，若復以濮王為考，於義未當。』乃立濮王園廟，以宗樸為濮國公奉濮王祀。程頤之言曰：『為人後者，謂所後為父母，而謂所生為伯、叔父母，此生人之大倫也。然所生之義，至尊至大，宜別立殊稱。曰皇伯、叔父某國大王，則正統既明，而所生亦尊崇極矣。』今興獻王於孝宗為弟，於陛下為本生父，與濮安懿王事正相等。陛下宜稱孝宗為皇考，改稱興獻王為『皇叔父興獻大王』，妃為『皇叔母興獻王妃』。凡祭告興獻王及上箋於妃，俱自稱『侄皇帝』某，則正統、私親，恩禮兼盡，可以為萬世法。」議上，帝怒曰：「父母可更易若是耶！」命再議。

When Emperor Wuzong died, Cheng joined Grand Secretary Liang Chu, Marquis of Shouning Zhang Heling, Imperial Son-in-law Cui Yuan, the eunuch Wei Ying, and others in going to Anlu to welcome the new emperor, Shizong. When he arrived and was about to be received in audience, some argued that he should be greeted with the full rites reserved for the Son of Heaven. Cheng said, "If we treat him this way now, what ceremony will be left for his actual enthronement? Are we to abandon the rites of urging him to accept the throne and of his modest refusal?" Only six days after Shizong took the throne, an edict ordered deliberation on who should perform sacrifices to Prince Xingxian and what honorific title he should receive. On the seventh day of the fifth month, a wuwu day, Cheng convened the full court and submitted a memorial: "When Emperor Cheng of Han made the Prince of Dingtao crown prince, he installed Jing, grandson of Prince Xiao of Chu, as the new Prince of Dingtao to maintain sacrifices to Prince Gong. Prince Gong was the crown prince's biological father. Grand Minister of Works Shi Dan held at the time that both favor and duty had been fully satisfied. Now that Your Majesty has succeeded to the throne, you should follow the Dingtao precedent: let Houxuan, the Prince of Chongren and second son of the Prince of Yi, succeed as heir to the Prince of Xing and perform sacrifices on his behalf. We also find the Song precedent: the son of Prince Anyi of Pu succeeded Emperor Renzong and became Emperor Yingzong. Sima Guang argued that the Prince of Pu should be honored with high office and great rank and addressed as royal uncle without using his personal name. Fan Zhen also said, 'Since Your Majesty already regards Renzong as father, to regard the Prince of Pu as father as well would be ritually improper. A temple park was established for the Prince of Pu, and Zongpu was made Duke of Pu to maintain his sacrifices. Cheng Yi wrote, 'An heir calls the person he succeeds father and mother, and calls his biological parents uncle and aunt; this is the fundamental human norm. Yet the bond with one's biological parents is supremely exalted; a special title should be established for them. Titles such as Imperial Uncle or Great King of a given state would clarify the legitimate succession while honoring one's biological parents to the utmost. The Prince of Xingxian was Emperor Xiaozong's younger brother and is Your Majesty's biological father; the parallel with Prince Anyi of Pu is exact. Your Majesty should call Emperor Xiaozong Imperial Father, and address the Prince of Xingxian as 'Imperial Uncle, Great King of Xingxian' and his consort as 'Imperial Aunt, Consort of the King of Xingxian.' In all communications to the prince and his consort, Your Majesty should style yourself 'Nephew Emperor' so-and-so; thus both legitimate succession and private kinship would be honored, and this could serve as a model for all time." When the memorial was submitted, the emperor angrily said, "Can one's parents be changed as easily as this!" He ordered the court to deliberate again.

其月二十四日乙亥，澄復會廷臣上議曰：「《禮》為人後者為之子，自天子至庶人一也。興獻王子惟陛下一人，既入繼大統，奉祀宗廟，是以臣等前議欲令崇仁王厚炫主興獻王祀。至於稱號，陛下宜稱為『皇叔父興獻大王』，自稱『侄皇帝』名。以宋程頤之說為可據也。本朝之制，皇帝於宗藩尊行，止稱伯父、叔父，自稱皇帝而不名。今稱興獻王為『皇叔父大王』，又自稱名，尊崇之典已至，臣等不敢復有所議。」因錄程頤《代彭思永議濮王禮疏》進覽。帝不從，命博考前代典禮，再議以聞。澄乃復會廷臣上議曰：「臣等會議者再，請改稱興獻王為叔父者，明大統之尊無二也。然加『皇』字於『叔父』之上，則凡為陛下伯、叔諸父皆莫能與之齊矣。加『大』字於『王』之上，則天下諸王皆莫得而並之矣。興獻王稱號既定，則王妃稱號亦隨之，天下王妃亦無以同其尊矣。況陛下養以天下，所以樂其心，不違其誌，豈一家一國之養可同日語哉。此孔子所謂事之以禮者。其他推尊之說，稱親之議，似為非禮。推尊之非，莫詳於魏明帝之詔。稱親之非，莫詳於宋程頤之議。至當之禮，要不出於此。」並錄上魏明帝詔書。當是時，帝銳意欲推崇所生，而進士張璁復抗疏極言禮官之謬。帝心動，持澄等疏久不下。至八月庚辰朔，再命集議。澄等乃復上議曰：「先王制禮，本乎人情。武宗既無子嗣，又鮮兄弟，援立陛下於憲廟諸孫之中。是武宗以陛下為同堂之弟，考孝宗，母慈壽，無可疑矣，可復顧私親哉？」疏入，帝不懌，復留中。

On the twenty-fourth day of that month, a yihai day, Cheng again convened the court and submitted a memorial: "The Rites teach that an heir becomes the son of the person he succeeds; this holds from the Son of Heaven down to the common people. The Prince of Xingxian had only Your Majesty as son; now that you have succeeded to the throne and sacrifice at the ancestral temple, we proposed earlier that the Prince of Chongren Houxuan should perform sacrifices to the Prince of Xingxian. As for titles, Your Majesty should address him as 'Imperial Uncle, Great King of Xingxian' and style yourself 'Nephew Emperor' followed by your personal name. This follows the authority of Cheng Yi of Song. Under our dynasty's regulations, the emperor addresses senior princes of the imperial clan only as uncle and styles himself emperor without using his personal name. To call the Prince of Xingxian 'Imperial Uncle, Great King' while using your personal name already exhausts the limits of honorific ritual; we dare raise no further objection." They then submitted a copy of Cheng Yi's memorial on the rites of the Prince of Pu, drafted on behalf of Peng Siyong, for the emperor's review. The emperor refused and ordered a thorough search of ritual precedents from earlier dynasties, with a further report to follow. Cheng convened the court again and submitted a memorial: "We have deliberated twice already. Our proposal to address the Prince of Xingxian as uncle was meant to show that the legitimate succession admits no rival. Yet adding the word 'imperial' before 'uncle' places him above every other uncle in the imperial clan. Adding the word 'great' before 'king' places him above every other prince in the realm. Once the prince's title is fixed, his consort's title follows, and no other prince's consort can share that honor. Moreover, Your Majesty sustains him with the resources of the entire realm to delight his heart and honor his wishes; how can the support of a single household or fief be mentioned in the same breath? This is what Confucius meant by serving one's parents with ritual propriety. Other proposals to exalt him further or to call him father seem contrary to ritual propriety. The error of excessive exaltation is nowhere explained more fully than in the edict of Emperor Ming of Wei. The error of calling him father is nowhere explained more fully than in the deliberation of Cheng Yi of Song. The most fitting ritual conduct cannot lie outside these principles." He also appended and submitted the edict of Emperor Ming of Wei. At that time the emperor was keen to exalt his biological father, and the presented scholar Zhang Cong again submitted a forceful memorial denouncing the ritual officials' errors. The emperor was swayed and held Mao Cheng's memorial and the others' without acting on it for some time. On the first day of the eighth month (the day gengchen), he ordered deliberation convened again. Mao Cheng and his colleagues submitted another memorial, saying: "Former kings fashioned ritual based on human feeling. Since Wuzong had no son and almost no brothers, he raised Your Majesty from among the grandsons of the Xianzong lineage. Thus Wuzong treated Your Majesty as a younger brother of the same generation; to regard Xiaozong as father and Empress Dowager Cishou as mother is beyond dispute—how then turn again to private kinship?" When it reached the throne, the emperor was displeased and again kept it at court without acting.

會給事中邢寰請議憲廟皇妃邵氏徽號，澄上言：「王妃誕生獻王，實陛下所自出。但既承大統，則宜考孝宗，而母慈壽太后矣。孝宗於憲廟皇妃宜稱皇太妃，則在陛下宜稱太皇太妃。如此，則彜倫既正，恩義亦篤。」疏入，報聞。其月，帝以母妃將至，下禮官議其儀。澄等請由崇文門入東安門，帝不可。乃議由正陽左門入大明東門，帝又不可。澄等執議如初。帝乃自定其儀，悉由中門入。

Meanwhile the supervising secretary Xing Huan asked that the honorific title of Lady Shao, imperial consort of the Xianzong temple, be debated; Mao Cheng wrote: "The princess consort bore the Prince of Xing—she is truly Your Majesty's birth mother. Yet having assumed the great succession, Your Majesty should take Xiaozong as father and regard Empress Dowager Cishou as mother. As between Xiaozong and the Xianzong imperial consort she should be titled Grand Imperial Consort; for Your Majesty she should be titled Grand Empress Dowager Consort. In this way human order would be corrected and both grace and duty would be secured." The memorial was received and noted. That month, with his birth mother soon to arrive, the emperor directed the ritual officials to deliberate the ceremonial protocol. Mao Cheng and others proposed entry through Chongwen Gate and Dong'an Gate; the emperor refused. They then proposed the Zhengyang Left Gate and the Great Ming Eastern Gate; the emperor again refused. Mao Cheng and the others held to their original proposal. The emperor then set the ceremony himself, ordering entry entirely through the central gates.

時尊崇禮猶未定，張璁復進《大禮或問》，帝益向之。至九月末，乃下澄等前疏，更令博采輿論以聞。澄等知勢不可已，謀於內閣，加稱興王為『帝』，妃為「後」，而以皇太后懿旨行之。乃疏言：「臣等一得之愚，已盡於前議。茲欲仰慰聖心，使宜於今而不戾乎情，合乎古而無悖乎義，則有密勿股肱在。臣等有司，未敢擅任。」帝遂於十月二日庚辰，以慈壽皇太后旨加興獻王號曰「興獻帝」，妃曰「興國太后」，皇妃邵氏亦尊為「皇太后」，宣示中外。顧帝雖勉從廷議，意猶慊之。十二月十一日己丑，復傳諭加稱皇帝。內閣楊廷和等封還禦批，澄抗疏力爭，又偕九卿喬宇等合諫，帝皆不允。明年，嘉靖改元正月，清寧宮後三小宮災。澄復以為言，會朝臣亦多諫者，事獲止。

As rites for honoring his parents were still undecided, Zhang Cong again submitted Questions on the Great Rites, and the emperor inclined toward him all the more. Near the end of the ninth month he finally released Mao Cheng's earlier memorial and ordered a wider canvass of opinion to be reported. Realizing the tide could not be turned, Mao Cheng and his colleagues consulted the Grand Secretariat: add "Emperor" to the Prince of Xing and "Empress" to his consort, and implement it under the empress dowager's edict. They memorialized: "Your servants have set forth our modest views fully in the prior deliberation. To comfort the imperial mind now—to suit the present without violating feeling, and fit antiquity without breaching duty—there are your intimate counselors at hand. We your subordinate officials dare not assume that responsibility unilaterally." On the second day of the tenth month (the day gengchen), by edict of Empress Dowager Cishou the emperor added the title Emperor Xingxian to the Prince of Xingxian, titled his consort Empress of Xing, also honored Imperial Consort Shao as Empress Dowager, and proclaimed this at home and abroad. Though he had reluctantly followed court deliberation, the emperor remained dissatisfied at heart. On the eleventh day of the twelfth month (the day jichou) he again issued orders to add the title Emperor. Yang Tinghe and the Grand Secretariat returned the imperial rescript sealed; Mao Cheng submitted a forceful memorial of protest; he joined the Nine Ministers led by Qiao Yu in joint remonstrance—the emperor denied them all. The following year, in the first month of the new Jiajing reign, fire destroyed the three small palaces behind Qingning Palace. Mao Cheng raised the matter again; many court officials also remonstrated, and the plan was stopped.

澄端亮有學行，論事侃侃不撓。帝欲推尊所生，嘗遣中官諭意，至長跪稽首。澄駭愕，急扶之起。其人曰：「上意也。上言『人孰無父母，奈何使我不獲伸』，必祈公易議。」因出囊金畀澄。澄奮然曰：「老臣悖耄，不能隳典禮。獨有一去，不與議已耳。」抗疏引疾至五六上，帝輒慰留不允。二年二月疾甚，復力請，乃許之。舟至興濟而卒。

Mao Cheng was upright and learned; in debate he spoke plainly and would not yield. When the emperor wished to honor his biological father, he once sent a palace eunuch to convey his wishes, who went so far as to kneel and perform full prostrations. Mao Cheng was alarmed and hastily helped him rise. The man said: "This is His Majesty's meaning. The emperor said, 'Who is without parents—why will you not let me give full expression?' He urges you to change your position in deliberation." He then took gold from his purse and offered it to Mao Cheng. Mao Cheng said hotly: "This old official is dull and senile; I cannot wreck the canonical rites. I can only withdraw and decline to join the deliberation. He submitted repeated memorials citing illness, five or six times; each time the emperor comforted him and refused leave. In the second year of the reign, by the second month his illness was severe; he pressed his request again and was granted leave. His boat reached Xingji, and there he died.

先是，論定策功，加澄太子太傅，蔭錦衣世指揮同知，力辭不受。帝雅敬憚澄，雖數忤旨，而恩禮不衰。既得疾，遣醫診視，藥物之賜時至。其卒也，深悼惜之。贈少傅，謚文簡。

Earlier, when settling rewards for establishing the succession, he was promoted to Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent and granted hereditary enfeoffment as Vice Commissioner in the Embroidered-Uniform Guard; he firmly declined both. The emperor always respected and feared him; though he repeatedly opposed imperial wishes, imperial favor and ceremonial regard never waned. Once he fell ill, the emperor sent physicians and medicines arrived again and again. At his death the emperor mourned him deeply. He was posthumously made Junior Grand Preceptor and given the posthumous name Wenjian ("Cultured and Simple").

汪俊，字抑之，弋陽人。父鳳，進士，貴州參政。俊舉弘治六年會試第一，授庶吉士，進編修。正德中，與修《孝宗實錄》，以不附劉瑾、焦芳，調南京工部員外郎。瑾、芳敗，召復原官。累遷侍讀學士，擢禮部右侍郎。嘉靖元年轉吏部左侍郎。

Wang Jun, whose style name was Yizhi, was a native of Yiyang. His father Wang Feng was a presented scholar and Vice Commissioner of the Guizhou Administration Commission. Wang Jun ranked first in the metropolitan examination of Hongzhi 6; he was made a Hanlin bachelor and later promoted to compiler. During Zhengde, while compiling the Veritable Records of Xiaozong, he refused to side with Liu Jin and Jiao Fang and was transferred to Vice Director in the Nanjing Ministry of Works. After Jin and Fang fell, he was recalled to his former post. He rose through appointments to Reader-in-Waiting and then to Vice Minister of Rites. In Jiajing 1 he was transferred to Left Vice Minister of Personnel.

時議興獻王尊號，與尚書喬宇、毛澄輩力爭。澄引疾去，代者羅欽順不至，乃以俊為禮部尚書。是時獻王已加帝號矣，主事桂萼復請稱皇考。章下廷議。三年二月，俊集廷臣七十有三人上議曰：「祖訓『兄終弟及』，指同產言。今陛下為武宗親弟，自宜考孝宗明矣。孰謂與人為後，而滅武宗之統也。《儀禮》傳曰：『為人後者，孰後？後大宗也。』漢宣起民間，猶嗣孝昭。光武中興，猶考孝元。魏明帝詔皇后無子，擇建支子，以繼大宗。孰謂入繼之主與為人後者異也。宋範純仁謂英宗親受詔為子，與入繼不同，蓋言恩義尤篤，尤當不顧私親，非以生前為子者乃為人後，身後入繼者不為人後也。萼言『孝宗既有武宗為之子，安得復為立後。』臣等謂陛下自後武宗而上考孝宗，非為孝宗立後也。又言『武宗全神器授陛下，何忍不繼其統。』臣等謂陛下既稱武宗皇兄矣，豈必改孝宗稱伯，乃為繼其統乎？又言『禮官執者不過前宋《濮議》』。臣等愚昧，所執實不出此。蓋宋程頤之議曰：『雖當專意於正統，豈得盡絕於私恩。故所繼，主於大義；所生，存乎至情。至於名稱，統緒所系，若其無別，斯亂大倫。』殆為今日發也。謹集諸章奏，惟進士張璁、主事霍韜、給事中熊浹與萼議同，其他八十余疏二百五十余人，皆如臣等議。」

When the title for the Prince of Xingxian was debated, he fought alongside Ministers Qiao Yu and Mao Cheng and their allies. When Mao Cheng retired citing illness, his intended successor Luo Qinshun failed to take up the post, and Wang Jun was appointed Minister of Rites. By then the Prince of Xing had already been given an imperial title; Department Director Gui E again asked that he be titled Imperial Father. The memorial was referred to court deliberation. In the second month of year three, Wang Jun gathered seventy-three court officials and submitted a deliberation: "The ancestral teaching 'when the elder brother dies, the younger brother succeeds' refers to full brothers of one mother. Your Majesty is Wuzong's full younger brother; that you should regard Xiaozong as father is plainly established. Who says that becoming another's heir extinguishes Wuzong's succession? The Rites of Zhou commentary asks: "He who becomes another's heir—whose heir is he? The heir to the great lineage. Emperor Xuan of Han rose from common life yet still succeeded Emperor Zhao. Guangwu in restoring the house still took Emperor Yuan as his ancestral father. Emperor Ming of Wei decreed: when the empress had no son, select and establish a branch son to continue the great lineage. Who says a ruler who enters by succession differs from one who becomes another's heir? Fan Chunren of Song said that Yingzong personally received the edict to become a son, unlike mere entry by succession—meaning that when grace and duty are especially binding, private kin must be set aside all the more; he did not mean that only one adopted in life is "becoming another's heir" while one who enters succession after death is not. Gui E said, "Xiaozong already has Wuzong as his son—how can one establish another heir for him? We hold that in succeeding Wuzong and taking Xiaozong as father, Your Majesty is not establishing an heir for Xiaozong. He also said, "Wuzong entrusted the entire regalia to Your Majesty—how can you bear not to continue his line? We say that since Your Majesty already calls Wuzong imperial elder brother, must you change Xiaozong to "uncle" before you are continuing Wuzong's line? He also said, "The ritual officials' position is nothing but the Song Pu Deliberation." We are dull, but what we uphold does not depart from this. Cheng Yi of Song argued: "Though one must focus on the orthodox line, one cannot utterly sever private affection. The succession upheld serves great principle; the one who gave birth is preserved in utmost feeling. As for titles, on which lineage coherence depends—if there is no distinction, the great human order is thrown into chaos. These words might have been spoken for our own day. We have gathered all memorials: only presented scholar Zhang Cong, department director Huo Tao, supervising secretary Xiong Jian, and Gui E share Gui E's view; the other eighty-plus memorials from more than two hundred fifty officials all agree with our position."

議上，留中。而特旨召桂萼、張璁、席書於南京。越旬有五日，乃下諭曰：「朕奉承宗廟正統，大義豈敢有違。第本生至情，亦當兼盡。其再集議以聞。」俊不得已，乃集群臣請加「皇」字，以全徽稱。議上，復留十余日。至三月朔，乃詔禮官，加稱興獻帝為本「生皇考恭穆獻皇帝」，興國太后為「本生母章聖皇太后」。擇日祭告郊廟，頒詔天下。而別諭建室奉先殿側，恭祀獻皇。俊等復爭曰：「陛下入奉大宗，不得祭小宗，亦猶小宗之不得祭大宗也。昔興獻帝奉藩安陸，則不得祭憲宗。今陛下入繼大統，亦不得祭興獻帝。是皆以禮抑情者也。然興獻帝不得迎養壽安皇太后於藩邸，陛下得迎興國太后於大內，受天下之養，而尊祀興獻帝以天子之禮樂，則人子之情獲自盡矣。乃今聖心無窮，臣等敢不將順，但於正統無嫌，乃為合禮。」帝曰：「朕但欲奉先殿側別建一室，以伸追慕之情耳。迎養藩邸，祖宗朝無此例，何容飾以為詞。其令陳狀。」俊具疏引罪。用嚴旨切責，而趣立廟益急。俊等乃上議曰：「立廟大內，有幹正統。臣實愚昧，不敢奉詔。」帝不納，而令集廷臣大議。俊等復上議曰：「謹按先朝奉慈別殿，蓋孝宗皇帝為孝穆皇太后附葬初畢，神主無薦享之所而設也。當時議者，皆據周制特祀姜原而言。至為本生立廟大內，則從古未聞。惟漢哀帝為定陶恭王立廟京師。師丹以為不可，哀帝不聽，卒遺後世之譏。陛下有可以為堯、舜之資，臣等不敢導以衰世之事。請於安陸特建獻帝百世不遷之廟，俟他日襲封興王子孫世世獻饗，陛下歲時遣官持節奉祀，亦足伸陛下無窮至情矣。」帝仍命遵前旨再議，俊遂抗疏乞休。再請益力，帝怒，責以肆慢，允其去。召席書未至，令吳一鵬署事。《明倫大典》成，落俊職，卒於家。隆慶初，贈少保，謚文莊。

The deliberation was submitted and held at court. By special edict, Gui E, Zhang Cong, and Xi Shu were summoned from Nanjing. Fifteen days later an edict was issued: "We uphold the orthodox succession of the ancestral temples—how dare we violate the great principle? Yet feeling toward our biological parent must also be fully honored. Convene deliberation again and report. Wang Jun, with no choice, gathered the ministers and asked that the character "Imperial" be added to complete the honorific. The deliberation was submitted and again held for more than ten days. On the first day of the third month he ordered the ritual officials: add for Emperor Xingxian the title "Biological Imperial Father, Respectful and Solemn Emperor Xian," and for the Empress of Xing "Biological Mother, Zhangsheng, Empress Dowager." A date was chosen to report to the suburban altars and ancestral temples, and an edict was promulgated empire-wide. He also ordered a separate chamber built beside the Hall for Venerating Ancestors to honor the Prince of Xing. Wang Jun and others protested again: "Your Majesty, having entered to serve the great lineage, cannot sacrifice to the lesser lineage—just as the lesser lineage cannot sacrifice to the great. Formerly the Prince of Xing, holding his fief at Anlu, could not sacrifice to Xianzong. Now that Your Majesty has entered the great succession, you likewise cannot sacrifice to the Prince of Xing. In each case ritual restrains personal feeling. Yet the Prince of Xing could not receive Empress Dowager Shou'an at his fief; Your Majesty can receive the Empress of Xing into the inner palace, receive the empire's support, and honor the Prince of Xing with a Son of Heaven's rites and music—thus a son's feeling may be fulfilled. If the imperial mind is boundless, we dare not fail to comply—but only what does not compromise the orthodox succession is ritually proper. The emperor said: "We only wish to build a separate chamber beside the Hall for Venerating Ancestors to express our longing—that is all. Receiving and supporting at a princely residence—no such precedent exists in our ancestral reigns; how can you dress that up as an argument? Have them submit written explanations. Wang Jun submitted a full memorial acknowledging fault. The emperor issued stern rebukes by edict and pressed ever harder to have the temple built. Wang Jun and his colleagues then submitted a memorial: "Building a temple inside the Inner Palace would compromise the orthodox succession. We are truly obtuse and dare not obey this order. The emperor rejected their view and ordered a full court deliberation. They submitted again: "We respectfully observe that the separate Fengci Hall of the previous reign was created because, when Emperor Xiaozong had just completed the joint burial of Empress Xiaomu, there was nowhere to offer sacrifices to her spirit tablet. The debaters of that day all cited the Zhou practice of specially honoring Jiang Yuan. But to establish a temple in the Inner Palace for one's birth father—never has such a thing been heard in all antiquity. The sole precedent is Emperor Ai of Han, who built a temple in the capital for Prince Gong of Dingtao. Shi Dan declared it unacceptable; Emperor Ai refused to listen and ended up a laughingstock to posterity. Your Majesty has the capacity to rival Yao and Shun; we dare not steer you toward the errors of a decadent age. We beg that a perpetual temple for the Prince of Xing be built at Anlu, where his enfeoffed descendants may offer sacrifice for generations, while Your Majesty sends credentialed officials annually to perform the rites—enough, surely, to satisfy your boundless devotion. The emperor still insisted they follow his earlier order and deliberate again; Wang Jun then submitted a bold memorial asking to retire. When he pressed his request with greater force, the emperor flew into a rage, accused him of brazen disrespect, and allowed him to leave office. Xi Shu was summoned but had not yet arrived, so Wu Yipeng was put in charge of the ministry. When the Comprehensive Canon of Human Relations was completed, Wang Jun was dismissed from his post and died at home. Early in the Longqing reign he was posthumously made Junior Guardian with the posthumous title Wenzhuang.

俊行誼修潔，立朝光明端介。學宗洛、閩。與王守仁交好，而不同其說。學者稱「石潭先生」。

Wang Jun's conduct was refined and immaculate; in office he was forthright and incorruptible. His learning followed the Luo River and Fujian traditions. He was friendly with Wang Yangming but rejected his teachings. Scholars called him Master Shitan.

弟偉，字器之。由庶吉士授檢討。與俊皆忤劉瑾，調南京禮部主事。瑾誅，復故官。屢遷南京國子祭酒。武宗以巡幸至，率諸生請幸學，不從。江彬矯旨取玉硯，偉曰：「有秀才時故硯，可持去。」俊罷官之歲，偉亦至吏部右侍郎，偕廷臣數爭「大禮」，又伏闕力爭。及席書、張璁等議行，猶持前說不變。轉官左侍郎，為陳氵光劾罷，卒於家。

His younger brother Wei, styled Qizhi. He rose from Hanlin bachelor to the post of reviser. He and Wang Jun both crossed Liu Jin and were transferred to Nanjing as principal secretaries in the Ministry of Rites. After Jin's execution they recovered their former posts. He rose through several posts to become Rector of the Nanjing National University. When Emperor Wuzong came on an inspection tour, Wei led the students in pleading that the emperor visit the academy, but was refused. Jiang Bin forged an edict to seize a jade inkstone; Wei said: "Take the old inkstone I used as a licentiate, if you like. The year Wang Jun left office, Wei had risen to Vice Minister of the right in the Ministry of Personnel; he joined court ministers in repeated disputes over the Great Rites and once more threw himself before the palace gate in fierce protest. Even after the policies of Xi Shu and Zhang Cong took effect, he clung to his original position. Promoted to Vice Minister of the left, he was impeached and removed by Chen Guang and died at home.

吳一鵬，字南夫，長洲人。弘治六年進士。遷庶吉士，授編修。戶部尚書周經以讒去，上疏乞留之。正德初，進侍講，充經筵講官。劉瑾出諸翰林為部曹，一鵬得南京刑部員外郎。遷禮部郎中。瑾誅，復為侍講。進侍講學士，歷國子祭酒、太常卿。並在南京。母喪除，起故官。

Wu Yipeng, whose style name was Nanfu, was a native of Changzhou. He passed the metropolitan examination in the sixth year of Hongzhi. He was made a Hanlin bachelor and then appointed compiler. When Minister of Revenue Zhou Jing was driven out by slander, Wu submitted a memorial asking that he be kept in office. Early in the Zhengde reign he was promoted to Court Lecturer and served on the Classics Colloquium. Liu Jin expelled the Hanlin academicians to ministry posts; Wu Yipeng was made Vice Director in the Nanjing Ministry of Justice. He was promoted to Director in the Ministry of Rites. After Jin's execution he was restored as Court Lecturer. He was promoted to Lecturing Academician and served successively as Rector of the National University and Minister of Ceremonies. All of these posts were in Nanjing. After completing mourning for his mother, he was recalled to his former post.

世宗踐阼，召拜禮部右侍郎。尋轉左。數與尚書毛澄、汪俊力爭「大禮」。俊去國，一鵬署部事，而帝趣建獻帝廟甚亟。一鵬集廷臣上議曰：「前世入繼之君，間有為本生立廟園陵及京師者。第歲時遣官致祀，尋亦奏罷。然猶見非當時，取議後代。若立廟大內而親享之，從古以來未有也。臣等寧得罪陛下，不欲陛下失禮於天下後世。今張璁、桂萼之言曰『繼統公，立後私』。又曰『統為重，嗣為輕』。竊惟正統所傳之謂宗，故立宗所以繼統，立嗣所以承宗，統之與宗初無輕重。況當我朝傳子之世，而欲仿堯、舜傳賢之例，擬非其倫。又謂『孝不在皇不皇，惟在考不考』，遂欲改稱孝宗為『皇伯考』。臣等歷稽前古，未有神主稱『皇伯考』者。惟天子稱諸王曰『伯叔父』則有之，非可加於宗廟也。前此稱本生皇考，實裁自聖心。乃謂臣等留一皇字以覘陛下，又謂『百皇字不足當父子之名』，何肆言無忌至此。乞速罷建室之議，立廟安陸，下璁、萼等法司按治。」帝報曰：「朕起親藩，奉宗祀豈敢違越。但本生皇考寢園，遠在安陸，於卿等安乎？命下再四，爾等欺朕沖歲，黨同執違，敗父子之情，傷君臣之義。往且勿問，其奉先殿西室亟修葺，盡朕歲時追遠之情。」時嘉靖三年四月也。

When the Jiajing emperor took the throne, Wu was summoned and appointed Vice Minister of the right in the Ministry of Rites. Soon he was transferred to the left vice ministership. He repeatedly fought the Great Rites policy alongside Ministers Mao Cheng and Wang Jun. After Wang Jun left office, Wu Yipeng took charge of the ministry while the emperor pressed urgently to build a temple to the Prince of Xing. Wu Yipeng gathered the court and submitted a memorial: "Among earlier emperors who succeeded by adoption, some did build temples at their birth parents' tombs or in the capital. Yet they sent officials only for seasonal sacrifices and soon petitioned to abolish the practice. Even so they were condemned in their own time and became fodder for later debate. To build a temple in the Inner Palace and sacrifice there in person—nothing like this has ever existed. We would rather offend Your Majesty than see you violate ritual propriety before the world and posterity. Zhang Cong and Gui E now say, "Succession to the lineage is a public matter; establishing an heir is private." They also say, "The succession is paramount; heirship is secondary." We hold that what the orthodox succession transmits is the ancestral lineage; to establish the lineage is to continue the succession, and to establish an heir is to sustain the lineage—succession and lineage were never unequal in weight. Moreover, in an age when our dynasty passes the throne from father to son, to imitate Yao and Shun's transfer to the worthy is to force an inapt analogy. They also say, "Filial piety depends not on imperial rank but on fatherhood," and would retitle Xiaozong as "Imperial Uncle-Father." We have searched antiquity and found no spirit tablet ever titled "Imperial Uncle-Father." Sons of Heaven address princes as "uncle" or "father" in speech, but such terms cannot be placed in the ancestral temple. The earlier title "Imperial Father of the birth parent" was in truth the emperor's own measured decision. Yet they accuse us of keeping the character "Imperial" to test Your Majesty, and say "a hundred times 'Imperial' cannot equal the bond of father and son"—how brazen their speech has become. We beg you to halt the plan for the new chamber at once, build the temple at Anlu, and refer Cong, E, and their allies to the judicial authorities for prosecution. The emperor replied: "I rose from a princely fief; how could I dare violate the ancestral sacrifices. But my birth father's tomb lies far away at Anlu—are you content with that? I have issued the order again and again; you take advantage of my youth, band together in defiance, ruin the bond between father and son, and wound the righteousness between ruler and minister. Let that go for now; repair the western chamber of the Hall for Venerating Ancestors at once, so I may fulfill my annual longing for my father. This was in the fourth month of Jiajing 3.

頃之，一鵬極陳四方災異，言：「自去年六月迄今二月，其間天鳴者三，地震者三十八，秋冬雷電雨雹十八，暴風、白氣、地裂、山崩、產妖各一，民饑相食二。非常之變，倍於往時。願陛下率先群工，救疾苦，罷營繕，信大臣，納忠諫，用回天意。」帝優詔報之。逾月，手敕名奉先殿西室為觀德殿，遂命一鵬偕中官賴義、京山侯崔元迎獻帝神主於安陸。一鵬等復上言：「歷考前史，並無自寢園迎主入大內者。此天下後世觀瞻所系，非細故也。且安陸為恭穆啟封之疆，神靈所戀，又陛下龍興之地，王氣所鐘。故我太祖重中都，太宗重留都，皆以王業所基，永修世祀。伏乞陛下俯納群言，改題神主，奉安故宮，為百世不遷。其觀德殿中別設神位香幾以慰孝思，則本生之情既隆，正統之義亦盡。」奏入，不納。一鵬乃行。慮使者為道途患，疏請禁約，帝善其言而戒飭之。

Soon after, Wu Yipeng urgently catalogued calamities across the realm: "From the sixth month of last year through the second month of this year, heaven sounded three times, the earth quaked thirty-eight times, there were eighteen episodes of thunder, lightning, rain, and hail in autumn and winter, and one each of violent wind, white vapor, earth fissure, mountain collapse, and monstrous births, while famine drove people to cannibalism twice. Such extraordinary omens exceed those of any previous age. We beg Your Majesty to lead the officials, relieve suffering, halt construction, trust your senior ministers, accept loyal counsel, and turn back Heaven's will. The emperor answered with a gracious edict. A month later, by personal edict he named the western chamber of the Hall for Venerating Ancestors the Guande Hall and ordered Wu Yipeng, the eunuch Lai Yi, and Marquis of Jingshan Cui Yuan to fetch the Prince of Xing's spirit tablet from Anlu. Wu Yipeng and his colleagues protested again: "No precedent in history shows a spirit tablet brought from a tomb park into the Inner Palace. This bears on how the realm and posterity will judge you—not a minor matter. Anlu is the land where Gongmu first received his fief, where his spirit still dwells, and where Your Majesty's dragon first rose—the seat of royal qi. Our founding emperor valued Fengyang and our Yongle emperor valued Nanjing—both as foundations of the dynasty where sacrifices would endure for generations. We humbly beg Your Majesty to accept the court's counsel, retitle the tablet, and enshrine it in the original palace as a temple fixed for all generations. Set a separate spirit seat and incense table in the Guande Hall to comfort your filial longing—thus honoring your birth father while preserving the orthodox succession. The memorial was rejected. Wu Yipeng proceeded on the mission. Fearing the mission might harass the countryside, he asked for strict regulations; the emperor approved and issued warnings.

其年九月，一鵬以本官入內閣專典誥敕兼掌詹事府事。《武宗實錄》成，進尚書，領職如故。尋以省墓歸，還朝仍典誥敕。未幾，出理部事。前此典內閣誥敕者，皆需次柄政。而張璁、桂萼新用事，素銜一鵬異己，乃出為南京吏部尚書，加太子少保。居二年，南京官劾諸大臣王瓊等不職，一鵬與焉，遂乞致仕。給廩如故事。卒贈太子太保，謚文端。子子孝，湖廣參政。

That September, Wu Yipeng entered the Grand Secretariat in his existing rank, charged solely with drafting edicts while also overseeing the Household of the Heir Apparent. When the Veritable Record of Emperor Wuzong was completed, he was promoted to Minister while keeping his existing duties. He soon took leave to tend his family's graves, then returned to court and continued drafting edicts. Before long he was sent out to handle ministry business. Those who had held the edict-drafting post in the Grand Secretariat traditionally awaited their turn at chief power. Zhang Cong and Gui E had just risen to power and long resented Wu's opposition; they sent him to Nanjing as Minister of Personnel with the additional title Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. Two years later, Nanjing officials impeached several senior ministers including Wang Qiong for incompetence; Wu was named among them and asked to retire. He was granted grain allowance according to precedent. After his death he was posthumously made Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent with the posthumous title Wenduan. His son Zixiao served as Administrative Commissioner in Huguang.

朱希周，字懋忠，昆山人，徙吳縣。高祖吉，戶科給事中。父文雲，按察副使。希周舉弘治九年進士。孝宗喜其姓名，擢為第一。授修撰，進侍講，充經筵講官。劉瑾摘修《會典》小疵，降修撰。《孝宗實錄》成，復官。久之，進侍讀學士，擢南京吏部右侍郎。閱五年，召為禮部右侍郎。

Zhu Xizhou, whose style name was Maozhong, was born in Kunshan and later moved to Wu County. His great-grandfather Ji had been a supervising secretary in the Household Section. His father Wenyun was a Vice Censor-in-chief. Zhu Xizhou passed the metropolitan examination in the ninth year of Hongzhi. Emperor Xiaozong was pleased with his name and style and ranked him first. He was appointed reviser, promoted to Court Lecturer, and served on the Classics Colloquium. Liu Jin seized on minor flaws in the compilation of the Comprehensive Institutions and demoted him to reviser. When the Veritable Record of Emperor Xiaozong was completed, his rank was restored. After some time he was made Lecturing Academician and promoted to Vice Minister of the right in the Nanjing Ministry of Personnel. Five years later he was summoned as Vice Minister of the right in the Ministry of Rites.

時方議「大禮」，數偕其長爭執。會左侍郎吳一鵬奉使安陸，尚書席書未至，希周獨理部事。而帝方營觀德殿，令協律郎崔元初習樂舞生於大內。太常卿汪舉劾之。帝遂令太常官一人同入內教習。希周上言：「太常樂舞有定數，不當更設。」帝不從。舉復爭，帝責其妄議。而是時張璁、桂萼已召至，益交章請去本生之號。帝悅從之，趣禮官具上冊儀。希周率郎中余才、汪必東等疏諫曰：「陛下考孝宗、母昭聖三年矣，而更定之論忽從中出，則明詔為虛文，不足信天下，祭告為瀆禮，何以感神祇。且本生非貶詞也，不妨正統，而親之義寓焉。何嫌於此，而必欲去之，以滋天下之議。」時群臣諫者甚眾，疏皆留中，遂相率詣左順門跪伏。希周走告諸閣臣曰：「群臣伏闕，公等能坐視乎？」亦偕群臣跪伏以請。帝聞，大怒，命希周與何孟春等俱待罪，而盡系庶僚於詔獄。明日，上章聖皇太后冊文，希周及尚書秦金、金獻民、趙鑒、趙璜，侍郎何孟春，都御史王時中，大理少卿張縉、徐文華俱不赴。帝怒，責陳狀。希周等伏罪，復嚴旨譙責乃已。而是時庶僚系獄者猶未釋，希周上言：「諸臣狂率，固不可宥。但今獻皇帝神主將至，必百官齋迎，乃克成禮。乞早寬縲絏，用襄大典。」不納。「大禮」遂自此定矣。

The Great Rites were then under debate; he repeatedly joined his superior in protest. As it happened, Left Vice Minister Wu Yipeng was away on a mission to Anlu and Minister Xi Shu had not yet arrived; Zhu Xizhou handled Ministry affairs alone. The emperor was meanwhile constructing Guande Hall and ordered Law-Coordinator Cui Yuanchu to train music-and-dance students inside the Inner Palace. Director of Court Ceremonies Wang Ju memorialized against it. The emperor then ordered one Court of Ceremonies official to enter the Inner Palace with him to oversee the training. Zhu Xizhou submitted: "The Court of Ceremonies has fixed quotas for music and dance; they ought not be expanded. The emperor refused. Wang Ju protested again; the emperor rebuked him for reckless meddling. By then Zhang Cong and Gui E had been summoned to court and began submitting memorial after memorial demanding removal of the "birth parent" designation. The emperor gladly assented and pressed the Rites officials to prepare the investiture ceremony. Zhu Xizhou led Bureau Directors Yu Cai, Wang Bidong, and others in a memorial of remonstrance: "Your Majesty has honored Emperor Xiaozong as father and Empress Zhaosheng as mother for three years; now this sudden reversal from within would render your clear edicts hollow words, unworthy of the realm's trust, and turn sacrifices and proclamations into profane rites—how could they move the spirits? Moreover "birth parent" is no term of disparagement; it does not compromise the orthodox succession, and the bond of kinship is implicit in it. Why fix on this and insist on removing it, thereby multiplying controversy throughout the realm? By then many officials had remonstrated; their memorials were all held at court without response, so they went in a body to the Left Shun Gate and knelt in protest. Zhu Xizhou rushed to tell the Grand Secretaries: "The ministers are kneeling at the palace gate—can you simply sit and watch? He too joined the kneeling ministers in their petition. When word reached the emperor he flew into a rage, ordered Zhu Xizhou and He Mengchun and the rest to await punishment, and had all the junior officials thrown into the Imperial Prison. The next day, when the investiture edict for Empress Zhangsheng was to be promulgated, Zhu Xizhou, Ministers Qin Jin, Jin Xianmin, Zhao Jian, and Zhao Huang, Vice Minister He Mengchun, Censor-in-chief Wang Shizhong, and Grand Court Vice Directors Zhang Jin and Xu Wenhua all refused to attend. The emperor was furious and demanded they state their offenses. Zhu Xizhou and the others confessed their guilt; only after stern edicts of rebuke did the matter close. Yet the junior officials still held in prison had not been released; Zhu Xizhou submitted: "Those ministers were rash and reckless and truly cannot be wholly excused. But the spirit tablet of Emperor Xian is now approaching; all officials must purify themselves and receive it—only then can the ceremony be completed. I beg that their bonds be loosened early so they may assist in this great ceremony. The plea was rejected. The Great Rites controversy was thereby settled—from this point on.

其明年，由左侍郎遷南京吏部尚書。嘉靖六年，大計京官，南六科無黜者。桂萼素以議禮嗛希周，且惡兩京言官嘗劾己，因言希周畏勢曲庇。希周言：「南京六科止七人，實無可去者。臣以言路私之固不可，如避言路嫌，誅責之，尤不可。且使舉曹皆賢，必去一二人示公，設舉曹皆不肖，亦但去一二人塞責乎？」因力稱疾乞休。溫旨許之，仍敕有司歲給夫廩。

The following year he was promoted from Left Vice Minister to Minister of Personnel at Nanjing. In the sixth year of Jiajing, during the grand assessment of capital officials, not a single post in the six Nanjing censorate sections was vacated. Gui E had long borne a grudge against Zhu Xizhou over the Rites controversy and also hated that censors in both capitals had once impeached him; he therefore charged that Zhu Xizhou feared power and had bent the rules to shield them. Zhu Xizhou replied: "The six Nanjing sections have only seven men in all—there is truly no one who ought to be dismissed. To show favor through the remonstrance avenue would indeed be wrong; but to punish them merely to avoid the suspicion of favoritism would be even worse. If the entire staff were worthy, must one or two still be dismissed to prove impartiality? And if the entire staff were unworthy, would dismissing only one or two suffice as accountability? He then pleaded illness in earnest and requested retirement. A gracious edict granted his request, yet still ordered the relevant offices to supply bearers and grain rations each year.

林居三十年，中外論薦者三十余疏，竟不復起。性恭謹，不妄取予。卒年八十有四。贈太子少保。瀕歿，屬諸子曰：「他日倘蒙易名典，勿犯我家諱。」乃避「文」，謚恭靖。

He lived in retirement for thirty years; more than thirty memorials recommending him arrived from within and without the court, yet he was never recalled. By nature he was respectful and circumspect and would take or accept nothing improperly. He died at the age of eighty-four. He was posthumously enfeoffed as Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. On his deathbed he charged his sons: "If someday you receive the grace of a posthumous title by statute, do not violate our family's naming taboo. His posthumous name accordingly avoided the character wen and he was styled Gongjing, "Respectful and Tranquil."

何孟春，字子元，郴州人。祖俊，雲南按察司僉事。父說，刑部郎中。孟春少遊李東陽之門，學問該博。第弘治六年進士，授兵部主事。言官龐泮等下獄，疏救之。詔修萬歲山毓秀亭、乾清宮西室，役軍九千人，計費百余萬。抗疏極諫。清寧宮災，陳八事，疏萬余言。進員外郎、郎中，出理陜西馬政，條目畢張。還，上厘弊五事，並劾撫臣不職。正德初，請厘正孔廟祀典，不果行。出為河南參政，廉公有威。擢太仆少卿，進為卿。駕幸宣府，馳疏諫。尋以右副都御史巡撫雲南。討平十八寨叛蠻阿勿、阿寺等，奏設永昌府，增五長官司、五守禦所。錄功，蔭一子，辭不受。

He Mengchun, whose style name was Ziyuan, was a native of Chenzhou. His grandfather Jun had been an Assistant Surveillance Commissioner in Yunnan. His father Yue had been a Bureau Director in the Ministry of Justice. In youth He Mengchun studied under Li Dongyang; his learning was comprehensive and far-ranging. He passed the metropolitan examination in the sixth year of Hongzhi and was appointed a Secretary in the Ministry of War. When remonstrance officials Pang Pan and others were imprisoned, he submitted a memorial to secure their release. An edict ordered repairs to the Yuxiu Pavilion on Wansui Hill and the western chamber of Qianqing Palace, conscripting nine thousand soldiers at an estimated cost of over a million taels. He submitted a forceful memorial of remonstrance. When Qingning Palace burned, he set forth eight proposals in a memorial of more than ten thousand characters. He was promoted to Bureau Vice Director and then Director, went out to administer Shaanxi horse policy, and implemented every regulation in full. On his return he submitted five proposals for correcting abuses and also impeached the Grand Coordinator for dereliction of duty. Early in the Zhengde reign he petitioned to rectify the Confucian temple sacrificial canon; the proposal was not adopted. He was appointed Administration Commissioner of Henan, where he was incorruptible, impartial, and commanding. He was promoted to Vice Director of the Court of the Imperial Stud and then to Director. When the emperor traveled to Xuanfu, he dispatched an urgent memorial of remonstrance. Soon afterward he was appointed Right Assistant Censor-in-chief and Grand Coordinator of Yunnan. He suppressed the rebel tribesmen Afu, Asi, and others of the Eighteen Stockades, memorialized to establish Yongchang Prefecture, and added five native chieftain offices and five guard posts. His merit was recorded and hereditary privilege for one son was granted; he declined and would not accept it.

世宗即位，遷南京兵部右侍郎，半道召為吏部右侍郎。會蘇、松諸府旱潦相繼，而江、淮北河水大溢，漂沒田廬人畜無算。孟春仿漢魏相條奏八事，帝嘉納焉。尋進左侍郎。尚書喬宇罷，代署部事。

When Emperor Shizong took the throne he was transferred to Vice Minister of War at Nanjing; en route he was summoned to serve as Vice Minister of Personnel. Drought and flood struck the Su and Song prefectures in succession, while north of the Yangzi and Huai the rivers burst their banks, drowning fields, homes, livestock, and people beyond counting. He Mengchun, following the example of Wei Xiang of Han, submitted eight proposals in listed form; the emperor praised and adopted them. He was soon promoted to Left Vice Minister. When Minister Qiao Yu was dismissed, He Mengchun acted in his stead and handled Ministry affairs.

先是，「大禮」議起。孟春在雲南聞之，上疏言：

Earlier, the Great Rites controversy had erupted. He Mengchun heard of it while in Yunnan and submitted a memorial, saying:

臣閱邸報，見進士屈儒奏中請尊聖父為「皇叔考興獻大王」，聖母為「皇叔母興獻大王妃」。得旨下部，知猶未奉俞命也。

Your servant has read the court gazette and seen in metropolitan graduate Qu Ru's memorial a request to honor the Sagely Father as "Imperial Uncle-Father, King Xingxian the Great," and the Sagely Mother as "Imperial Uncle-Mother, consort of King Xingxian the Great." An edict was issued and sent down to the ministries; I understand that assent has not yet been formally granted.

臣惟前世帝王，自旁支入奉大統，推尊本生，得失之跡具載史冊。宣帝不敢加號於史皇孫，光武不敢加號於南頓君，晉元帝不敢加號於恭王，抑情守禮。宋司馬光所謂當時歸美，後世頌聖者也。哀、安、桓、靈乃追尊其父祖，犯義侵禮。司馬光所謂取譏當時，見非後世者也。《儀禮·喪服》：「為人後者」《傳》曰：「何以三年也？受重者，必以尊服服之」。「為人後者，為其父母報」，傳曰：「何以期也？不二斬也」，「重大宗者，降其小宗也」。夫父母，天下莫隆焉。至繼大宗則殺其服，而移於所後之親，蓋名之不可以二也。為人後者為之子，不敢復顧私親。聖人制禮，尊無二上，若恭敬之心分於彼，則不得專於此故也。

Your servant reflects that emperors of former ages who entered the great succession from collateral lines and exalted their birth parents—the record of what they gained and lost is fully set down in the histories. Emperor Xuan of Han did not dare add a title to the Historical Emperor's Grandson; Guangwu did not dare add a title to the Lord of Nandun; Emperor Yuan of Jin did not dare add a title to Prince Gong—they restrained their feelings and upheld the rites. These are what Sima Guang of Song called rulers who won praise in their own day and were extolled as sagely by posterity. Emperors Ai, An, Huan, and Ling posthumously honored their fathers and grandfathers, violating righteousness and encroaching upon the rites. These are what Sima Guang called rulers who drew ridicule in their own day and were condemned by posterity. The Ceremonies of Rites, Mourning Dress: "One who becomes another's heir"—the Commentary asks: "Why three years? Because one who receives the weight of succession must wear the highest grade of mourning for it." "One who becomes another's heir still mourns for his parents"—the Commentary asks: "Why only one year? Because there cannot be two periods of the highest mourning"—"one who elevates the great lineage demotes his lesser lineage." For parents, nothing under Heaven is more exalted. Yet upon inheriting the great lineage one reduces mourning and shifts it to the lineage one has succeeded—because one's designation cannot be twofold. One who becomes another's heir becomes that person's son and dares not again turn back to private kin. The sages instituted the rites: honor admits no second apex; if reverent devotion is divided toward another, it cannot be wholehearted here—that is the reason.

今者廷臣詳議，事獄未決，豈非皇叔考之稱有未當者乎？抑臣愚亦不能無疑。《禮》，生曰「父母」，死曰「考妣」，有「世父母」、「叔父母」之文，而無世叔考、世叔妣之說。今欲稱興獻王為皇叔考，古典何據？宋英宗時有請加濮王皇伯考者，宋敏求力斥其謬。然則皇叔考之稱，豈可加於興獻王乎？即稱皇叔父，於義亦未安也。經書稱伯父、叔父皆生時相呼，及其既歿，從無通親屬冠於爵位之上者。然則皇叔父之稱，其可復加先朝已謚之親王乎？臣伏睹前詔，陛下稱先皇帝為皇兄，誠於獻王稱皇叔，如宋王珪、司馬光所雲，亦已愜矣。而議者或不然，何也？天下者，太祖之天下也。自太祖傳至孝宗，孝宗傳之先皇帝，特簡陛下，授之大業。獻王雖陛下天性至親，然而所以光臨九重，富有四海，子子孫孫萬世南面者，皆先皇帝之德，孝宗之所貽也。臣故願以漢宣、光武、晉元三帝為法，若非古之名，不正之號，非臣所願於陛下也。

Now the court ministers have deliberated at length, yet the matter remains unsettled—can it be that the title Imperial Uncle-Father is inappropriate? Yet this humble servant's dull wit cannot help but harbor doubts as well. In the Rites, the living are called "parents" and the dead "deceased father and mother"; there are passages for "paternal uncle and aunt" and "maternal uncle and aunt," but no doctrine of Imperial Uncle-Father or Imperial Uncle-Mother. To style Prince Xingxian as Imperial Uncle-Father now—what ancient classic provides authority? During Emperor Yingzong's reign in Song, some petitioned to add to Prince Pu the title Imperial Uncle-Father-once-removed; Song Minqiu forcefully rejected the error. If so, how can the title Imperial Uncle-Father be applied to Prince Xingxian? Even the title Imperial Uncle-Father would be improper in principle. The classics address paternal and maternal uncles only while they live; after death, kinship terms are never placed above ennobled titles. How then can Imperial Uncle-Father be added to a prince already given a posthumous title under the previous reign? Your servant humbly notes the earlier edict in which Your Majesty styled the former emperor as Imperial Elder Brother; to style Prince Xian as Imperial Uncle—as Wang Gui and Sima Guang of Song argued—would already be fully satisfactory. Yet some in the debate demur—why? The realm is the realm of Taizu the Founder. From Taizu it passed to Emperor Xiaozong, from Xiaozong to the former emperor, who specially selected Your Majesty and bestowed the great enterprise upon you. Prince Xian, though by nature Your Majesty's closest kin, is not the source of your bright presence upon the Ninefold Gate, your possession of all within the Four Seas, or your facing south for ten thousand generations, sons and grandsons—that all derives from the former emperor's virtue and what Emperor Xiaozong bequeathed. Your servant therefore urges Your Majesty to take as models the three emperors Xuan of Han, Guangwu, and Yuan of Jin; titles that are neither ancient in form nor correct in principle are not what your servant wishes for Your Majesty.

及孟春官吏部，則已尊本生父母為「興獻帝」、「興國太后」。繼又改稱「本生皇考恭穆獻皇帝」、「本生聖母章聖皇太后」。孟春三上疏乞從初詔，皆不省。於是帝益入張璁、桂萼等言，復欲去本生二字。璁方盛氣，列上禮官欺妄十三事，且斥為朋黨。孟春偕九卿秦金等具疏，略曰：「伊尹謂『有言逆於心，必求諸道。有言遜於誌，必求諸非道』。邇者，大禮之議，邪正不同。若諸臣匡拂，累千萬言，此所謂逆於心之言也，陛下亦嘗求諸道否乎？一二小人，敢托將順之說，招徠罷閑不學無恥之徒，熒惑聖聽，此所謂遜於誌之言也，陛下亦嘗求諸非道否乎？何彼言之易行，而此言之難入也。」遂發十三難以辨折璁，疏入留中。

By the time He Mengchun took office in the Ministry of Personnel, his birth parents had already been honored as "Emperor Xingxian" and "Empress Dowager of Xingguo." They were then changed again to "Birth-Parent Imperial Deceased Father, Respectful and Solemn Emperor Xian" and "Birth-Parent Sagely Mother, Empress Dowager Zhangsheng." He Mengchun submitted three memorials begging adherence to the initial edict; none received a response. Thereupon the emperor all the more embraced the arguments of Zhang Cong, Gui E, and their allies and again sought to remove the two characters "birth parent." Zhang Cong was riding a wave of arrogance, listing thirteen charges of deception and falsehood against the Rites officials and denouncing them as a faction. He Mengchun joined the Nine Ministers, including Qin Jin, in a joint memorial that began: "Yi Yin said: 'When words run counter to the heart, one must seek them in the Way. When words accord with one's wishes, one must seek them outside the Way.'" Recently, in the debate over the Great Rites, orthodox and heterodox positions have sharply diverged. Your ministers' remonstrances run to millions of words—they are precisely "words that run counter to the heart." Has Your Majesty ever tested them against the Way? A handful of petty men dare peddle accommodating speech, recruit dismissed idlers devoid of learning or shame, and dazzle Your Majesty's ear—these are "words that accord with one's wishes." Has Your Majesty ever tested them against what lies outside the Way? Why are the former so easily heeded while the latter cannot gain a hearing? The memorial then laid out thirteen objections to refute Zhang Cong and was submitted, but held in abeyance at court.

其時詹事、翰林、給事、御史及六部諸司、大理、行人諸臣各具疏爭，並留中不下，群情益洶洶。會朝方罷，孟春倡言於眾曰：「憲宗朝，百官哭文華門，爭慈懿皇太后葬禮，憲宗從之，此國朝故事也。」修撰楊慎曰：「國家養士百五十年，仗節死義，正在今日。」編修王元正、給事中張翀等遂遮留群臣於金水橋南，謂今日有不力爭者，必共擊之。孟春、金獻民、徐文華復相號召。於是九卿則尚書獻民及秦金、趙鑒、趙璜、俞琳、侍郎孟春及朱希周、劉玉，都御史王時中、張潤，寺卿汪舉、潘希曾、張九敘、吳祺，通政張瓚、陳霑，少卿徐文華及張縉、蘇民、金瓚，府丞張仲賢，通政參議葛禬，寺丞袁宗儒，凡二十有三人；翰林則掌詹事府侍郎賈詠，學士豐熙，侍講張璧，修撰舒芬、楊維聰、姚淶、張衍慶，編修許成名、劉棟、張潮、崔桐、葉桂章、王三錫、余承勛、陸釴、王相、應良、王思，檢討金臯、林時及慎、元正，凡二十有二人；給事中則張翀、劉濟、安磐、張漢卿、張原、謝蕡、毛玉、曹懷、張嵩、王瑄、張<羽廷>、鄭一鵬、黃重、李錫、趙漢、陳時明、鄭自璧、裴紹宗、韓楷、黃臣、胡納，凡二十有一人；御史則王時柯、余翺、葉奇、鄭本公、楊樞、劉潁、祁杲、杜民表、楊瑞、張英、劉謙亨、許中、陳克宅、譚纘、劉翀、張錄、郭希愈、蕭一中、張恂、倪宗枿、王璜、沈教、鐘卿密、胡瓊、張濂、何鰲、張曰韜、藍田、張鵬翰、林有孚，凡三十人；諸司郎官，吏部則郎中余寬、黨承誌、劉天民，員外郎馬理、徐一鳴、劉勛，主事應大猷、李舜臣、馬冕、彭澤、張鹍，司務洪伊，凡十有二人；戶部則郎中黃待顯、唐昇、賈繼之、楊易、楊淮、胡宗明、栗登、黨以平、何巖、馬朝卿，員外郎申良、鄭漳、顧可久、婁誌德，主事徐嵩、張庠、高奎、安璽、王尚誌、朱藻、黃一道、陳儒、陳騰鸞、高登、程旦、尹嗣忠、郭日休、李錄、周詔、戴亢、繆宗周、邱其仁、俎琚、張希尹，司務金中夫，檢校丁律，凡三十有六人；禮部則郎中余才、汪必東、張<羽惠>、張懷，員外郎翁磐、李文中、張澯，主事張鏜、豐坊、仵瑜、丁汝夔、臧應奎，凡十有二人；兵部則郎中陶滋、賀縉、姚汝臯、劉淑相、萬潮。員外郎劉漳、楊儀、王德明，主事汪溱、黃嘉賓、李春芳、盧襄、華鑰、鄭曉、劉一正、郭持平、余禎、陳賞，司務李可登、劉從學，凡二十人；刑部則郎中相世芳、張峨、詹潮、胡璉、範錄、陳力、張大輪、葉應驄、白轍、許路，員外郎戴欽、張儉、劉士奇，主事祁敕、趙廷松、熊宇、何鰲、楊濂、劉仕、蕭樟、顧鐸、王國光、汪嘉會、殷承敘、陸銓、錢鐸、方一蘭，凡二十有七人；工部則郎中趙儒、葉寬、張子衷、汪登、劉璣、江珊，員外郎金廷瑞、範钅、龐淳，主事伍余福、張鳳來、張羽、車純、蔣珙、鄭騮，凡十有五人；大理之屬則寺正母德純、蔣同仁，寺副王暐、劉道，評事陳大綱、鐘雲瑞、王光濟、張徽、王天民、鄭重、杜鸞，凡十有一人。俱跪伏左順門。帝命司禮中官諭退，眾皆曰：「必得俞旨乃敢退。」自辰至午，凡再傳諭，猶跪伏不起。

At that time the Household Tutor, Hanlin Academy, supervising secretaries, censors, and officials of the Six Ministries, their departments, the Court of Revision, and the Traveling Clerks each submitted competing memorials, all held in abeyance and not issued; public sentiment grew ever more turbulent. When the audience had just ended, He Mengchun took the lead in addressing the crowd: "In the Chenghua reign, the hundred officials wept at Wenhua Gate to contest Empress Dowager Ciyi's funeral rites, and Emperor Chenghua assented—that is a dynastic precedent. Compiler Yang Shen said: "The state has nurtured scholars for a hundred and fifty years; to hold fast to integrity and die for righteousness—that moment is today. Compiler Wang Yuanzheng, supervising secretary Zhang Chong, and others then blocked and detained the officials south of the Jinshui Bridge, declaring that anyone who today did not strive with all his might would be jointly struck down. He Mengchun, Jin Xianmin, and Xu Wenhua again rallied one another. Thus among the Nine Ministers: Ministers Jin Xianmin, Qin Jin, Zhao Jian, Zhao Huang, and Yu Lin; Vice Ministers He Mengchun, Zhu Xizhou, and Liu Yu; Censor-in-Chief Wang Shizhong and Zhang Run; Directors Wang Ju, Pan Xizeng, Zhang Jiuxu, and Wu Qi; Transmission Commissioners Zhang Zan and Chen Zhan; Junior Directors Xu Wenhua, Zhang Jin, Su Min, and Jin Zan; Prefectural Assistant Zhang Zhongxian; Transmission Vice Commissioner Ge Qi; and Court of Revision Assistant Yuan Zongru—twenty-three in all; Hanlin: Acting Household Tutorate Vice Minister Jia Yong, Academician Feng Xi, Lecturer Zhang Bi, Compilers Shu Fen, Yang Weicong, Yao Qing, and Zhang Yanqing, Editors Xu Chengming, Liu Dong, Zhang Chao, Cui Tong, Ye Guizhang, Wang Sanxi, Yu Chengxun, Lu Yin, Wang Xiang, Ying Liang, and Wang Si, Revisers Jin Gao and Lin Shi, plus Yang Shen and Wang Yuanzheng—twenty-two in all; Supervising secretaries: Zhang Chong, Liu Ji, An Pan, Zhang Hanqing, Zhang Yuan, Xie Yun, Mao Yu, Cao Huai, Zhang Song, Wang Xuan, Zhang Ting, Zheng Yipeng, Huang Chong, Li Xi, Zhao Han, Chen Shiming, Zheng Zibi, Pei Shaozong, Han Kai, Huang Chen, and Hu Na—twenty-one in all; Censors: Wang Shike, Yu Ao, Ye Qi, Zheng Bengong, Yang Shu, Liu Ying, Qi Gao, Du Minbiao, Yang Rui, Zhang Ying, Liu Qianheng, Xu Zhong, Chen Kezhai, Tan Zuo, Liu Chong, Zhang Lu, Guo Xiyu, Xiao Yizhong, Zhang Xun, Ni Zongqi, Wang Huang, Shen Jiao, Zhong Qingmi, Hu Qiong, Zhang Lian, He Ao, Zhang Rizhao, Lan Tian, Zhang Penghan, and Lin Youfu—thirty in all; Department section directors—Ministry of Personnel: Directors Yu Kuan, Dang Chengzhi, and Liu Tianmin; Vice Directors Ma Li, Xu Yiming, and Liu Xun; Section Chiefs Ying Dayou, Li Shunchen, Ma Mian, Peng Ze, and Zhang Kun; Registrar Hong Yi—twelve in all; Ministry of Revenue: Directors Huang Daixian, Tang Sheng, Jia Jizhi, Yang Yi, Yang Huai, Hu Zongming, Li Deng, Dang Yiping, He Yan, and Ma Chaoqing; Vice Directors Shen Liang, Zheng Zhang, Gu Kejiu, and Lou Zhide; Section Chiefs Xu Song, Zhang Ku, Gao Kui, An Xi, Wang Shangzhi, Zhu Zao, Huang Yidao, Chen Ru, Chen Tengluan, Gao Deng, Cheng Dan, Yin Sizhong, Guo Riuxiu, Li Lu, Zhou Zhao, Dai Kang, Mou Zongzhou, Qiu Qiren, Zu Ju, and Zhang Xiyin; Registrar Jin Zhongfu; Inspector Ding Lü—thirty-six in all; Ministry of Rites: Directors Yu Cai, Wang Bidong, Zhang Hui, and Zhang Huai; Vice Directors Weng Pan, Li Wenzhong, and Zhang Can; Section Chiefs Zhang Tang, Feng Fang, Wu Yu, Ding Ru'ao, and Zang Yingkui—twelve in all; Ministry of War: Directors Tao Zi, He Jin, Yao Ruga, Liu Shuxiang, and Wan Chao. Vice Directors Liu Zhang, Yang Yi, and Wang Deming; Section Chiefs Wang Qing, Huang Jiabin, Li Chunfang, Lu Xiang, Hua Yao, Zheng Xiao, Liu Yizheng, Guo Chiping, Yu Zhen, and Chen Shang; Registrars Li Kedeng and Liu Congxue—twenty in all; Ministry of Punishments: Directors Xiang Shifang, Zhang E, Zhan Chao, Hu Lian, Fan Lu, Chen Li, Zhang Dalun, Ye Yingcong, Bai Zhe, and Xu Lu; Vice Directors Dai Qin, Zhang Jian, and Liu Shiqi; Section Chiefs Qi Chi, Zhao Tingsong, Xiong Yu, He Ao, Yang Lian, Liu Shi, Xiao Zhang, Gu Duo, Wang Guoguang, Wang Jiahui, Yin Chengshu, Lu Quan, Qian Duo, and Fang Yilan—twenty-seven in all; Ministry of Works: Directors Zhao Ru, Ye Kuan, Zhang Zizhong, Wang Deng, Liu Ji, and Jiang Shan; Vice Directors Jin Tingrui, Fan Yong, and Pang Chun; Section Chiefs Wu Yufu, Zhang Fenglai, Zhang Yu, Che Chun, Jiang Gong, and Zheng Liu—fifteen in all; Court of Revision subordinates: Directors Mu Dechun and Jiang Tongren; Vice Directors Wang Wei and Liu Dao; Reviewers Chen Dagang, Zhong Yunrui, Wang Guangji, Zhang Hui, Wang Tianmin, Zheng Zhong, and Du Luan—eleven in all. All knelt prostrate at the Left Straight Gate. The emperor ordered Director of Ceremonial eunuchs to instruct them to withdraw; all said: "We dare withdraw only upon receiving Your Majesty's assent. From the hour of chen to wu, orders were transmitted twice, yet they still knelt prostrate and would not rise.

帝大怒，遣錦衣先執為首者。於是豐熙、張翀、余翺、余寬、黃待顯、陶滋、相世芳、母德純八人，並系詔獄。楊慎、王元正乃撼門大哭，眾皆哭，聲震闕廷。帝益怒，命收系五品以下官若干人，而令孟春等待罪。翼日，編修王相等十八人俱杖死，熙等及慎、元正俱謫戍，始下孟春等前疏，責曰：「朕嗣承大統，祗奉宗廟，尊崇大禮，自出朕心。孟春等毀君害政，變亂是非。且張璁等所上十三條尚留中未發，安得先知？其以實對。」於是孟春等具疏伏罪，言：「璁等所條者，於未進之日先以私稿示人，且有副本存通政司，故臣等知之。臣等忝從大臣後，得與議禮之末。竊以璁等欺罔，故昌言論辨，以瀆天聽，罪應萬死。惟望聖明加察，辨其孰正孰邪，則臣等雖死亦幸。」帝怒不已，責孟春倡眾逞忿，非大臣事君之道，法宜重治，姑從輕奪俸一月。旋出為南京工部左侍郎。故事，南部止侍郎一人，時已有右侍郎張琮，復以孟春為左，蓋賸員也。

The emperor was greatly enraged and sent Brocade Guards first to seize the ringleaders. Thereupon Feng Xi, Zhang Chong, Yu Ao, Yu Kuan, Huang Daixian, Tao Zi, Xiang Shifang, and Mu Dechun—eight men in all—were imprisoned by imperial command. Yang Shen and Wang Yuanzheng then shook the gate and wept aloud; all wept, and the sound shook the palace courtyard. The emperor grew still more enraged, ordered the seizure and imprisonment of a number of officials below the fifth rank, and commanded He Mengchun and others to await punishment. The next day, Compiler Wang Xiang and seventeen others were all beaten to death; Feng Xi and the others, together with Yang Shen and Wang Yuanzheng, were all banished to border garrison; only then were He Mengchun and others' earlier memorials issued, with rebuke: "We have succeeded to the great succession, reverently tended the ancestral temples, and honored the Great Rites—this sprang from Our own heart. He Mengchun and others slandered the ruler and harmed government, confounding right and wrong. Moreover, the thirteen items Zhang Cong and others submitted were still held in abeyance and unissued—how could you have known beforehand? Answer in truth. Thereupon He Mengchun and others prepared memorials confessing guilt, saying: "What Zhang Cong and others listed—before submission they had already shown private drafts to others, and copies were stored at the Office of Transmission, hence your servants knew. Your servants humbly followed behind the great ministers and were permitted to take part at the end of Rites deliberations. We privately judged Zhang Cong and others to be deceitful, hence spoke boldly in debate to profane Heaven's hearing—crime deserving ten thousand deaths. We only hope Your Majesty's sage brightness will add scrutiny and distinguish which is orthodox and which heterodox; then though your servants die, it would be fortunate. The emperor's anger did not cease; he rebuked He Mengchun for inciting the multitude and venting resentment, not the Way of a great minister serving his ruler—by law he should be severely punished, but for the moment leniently stripped one month's salary. Shortly he was transferred out as Left Vice Minister of the Nanjing Ministry of Works. By precedent the southern capital had only one vice minister; at the time there was already Right Vice Minister Zhang Cong; He Mengchun was again made Left—essentially a supernumerary post.

孟春屢疏引疾，至六年春始得請。及《明倫大典》成，削其籍。久之，卒於家。隆慶初，贈禮部尚書，謚文簡。孟春所居有泉，用燕去來時盈涸得名，遂稱「燕泉先生」雲。

He Mengchun repeatedly memorialized citing illness; only in the spring of the sixth year did he obtain leave. When the Canon of Bright Moral Relations was completed, his name was struck from the rolls. After a long while he died at home. Early in the Longqing reign he was posthumously made Minister of Rites and given the posthumous title Wénjiǎn. At He Mengchun's residence there was a spring that rose and fell with the swallows' coming and going, hence he was styled "Master Yanquan."

豐熙，字原學，鄞人，布政司慶孫也。幼有異稟。嘗大書壁間曰：「立誌當以聖人為的。遜第一等事於人，非夫也。」年十六喪母，水漿不入口數日，居倚廬三年。弘治十二年舉殿試第二。孝宗奇其策，賜第一人袍帶寵之。授編修，進侍講，遷右諭德。以不附劉瑾，出掌南京翰林院事。父喪闋，起故官。

Feng Xi, style Yuanxue, a native of Yin, was grandson of Regional Commissioner Qing. In youth he showed unusual gifts. Once he wrote large characters on his wall: "To set one's ambition, take the sages as one's target. To yield first place to others is not the act of a real man. At sixteen he mourned his mother, took no water or gruel for several days, and dwelt in the mourning hut three years. In the twelfth year of Hongzhi he placed second in the palace examination. Emperor Xiaozong marveled at his examination essay and bestowed upon him the first-place scholar's robe and sash as a special honor. He was appointed Compiler, advanced to Lecturer, and transferred to Right Instructor of the Heir Apparent. Because he would not attach himself to Liu Jin, he was sent out to direct affairs of the Nanjing Hanlin Academy. When mourning for his father ended, he was recalled to his former post.

既璁等得誌，乃相率請釋謫戍諸臣罪，皆首及熙，帝不聽。最後謹身殿災，熙年且七十，給事中田濡復請矜宥，卒不聽。居十有三年，竟卒於戍所。隆慶初，贈官賜恤。

Once Zhang Cong and others had their way, they jointly pleaded to release the guilt of banished officials, all naming Feng Xi first; the emperor would not listen. Finally when the Jinshen Hall burned, Feng Xi was nearly seventy; supervising secretary Tian Ru again pleaded for compassion, but in the end the emperor would not listen. After dwelling there thirteen years, he finally died at his place of banishment. Early in the Longqing reign he was given posthumous rank and mourning allowances.

子坊，字存禮。舉鄉試第一。嘉靖二年成進士。出為南京吏部考功主事。尋謫通州同知。免歸。坊博學工文，兼通書法，而性狂誕。熙既卒，家居貧乏，思效張璁、夏言片言取通顯。十七年詣闕上書，言建明堂事，又言宜加獻皇帝廟號稱宗，從配上帝，世宗大悅。未幾，進號睿宗，配饗玄極殿。其議蓋自坊始，人鹹惡坊畔父雲。明年復進《卿雲雅詩》一章，詔付史館。待命久之，竟無所進擢，歸家悒悒以卒。晚歲改名道生。別為《十三經訓詁》，類多穿鑿語。或謂世所傳《子貢詩傳》，亦坊偽纂也。

His son Feng Fang, style Cunli. He topped the provincial examination. In the second year of Jiajing he passed the advanced examination. He was sent out as section chief of Personnel Evaluation in the Nanjing Ministry of Personnel. Shortly he was demoted to Assistant Prefect of Tongzhou. He was dismissed and returned home. Feng Fang was broadly learned and skilled in letters, and also versed in calligraphy, but by nature wild and eccentric. After Feng Xi had died, living at home in poverty, he sought to emulate Zhang Cong and Xia Yan—gaining swift advancement through a single remark. In the seventeenth year he came to the capital and submitted a memorial on building the Bright Hall, and further argued that the posthumous temple name of Emperor Xian should be elevated to "Zong" and he should share sacrifice with the Lord on High; the Jiajing Emperor was greatly pleased. Before long the posthumous title Ruizong was advanced, with joint sacrifice at the Profound Pole Hall. That policy essentially began with Feng Fang; people all reviled him for turning against his father. The next year he again presented a chapter of "Elegant Ode of Felicitous Clouds"; an edict ordered it delivered to the Historiography Office. Awaiting appointment a long while, ultimately with no advancement, he returned home and died in dejection. In his late years he changed his name to Daosheng. He separately compiled Exegesis of the Thirteen Classics, mostly forced interpretations. Some say the Zi Gong Poetry Commentary transmitted in the world was also forged and compiled by Feng Fang.

徐文華，字用光，嘉定州人。正德三年進士。授大理評事。擢監察御史，巡按貴州。乖西苗阿雜等倡亂，偕巡撫魏英討之，破寨六百三十。璽書獎勞。

Xu Wenhua, style Yongguang, a native of Jiading Prefecture. In the third year of Zhengde he passed the advanced examination. He was appointed Reviewer at the Court of Revision. He was promoted to supervising censor and made an inspection tour of Guizhou. The western Miao of Guaixi, Aza and others, raised rebellion; together with Grand Coordinator Wei Ying he attacked them and destroyed six hundred and thirty stockades. An imperial missive rewarded and comforted him.

江西副使胡世寧坐論寧王宸濠系詔獄，文華抗疏救曰：「世寧上為聖朝，下為宗室，竭誠發憤，言甫脫口，而禍患隨之，亦可哀也。寧王威焰日以張，隱患日以甚。失今不戢，容有紀極。顧又置世寧重法，杜天下之口，奪忠鯁之氣，弱朝廷之勢，啟宗藩之心，招意外之變，皆自今日始矣。」不納。

Jiangxi Vice Commissioner Hu Shining was imprisoned by imperial command for discussing Prince of Ning Zhu Chenhao; Xu Wenhua submitted a bold memorial in his defense, saying: "Shining serves the sage dynasty above and the imperial clan below, exhausting sincerity and venting indignation—no sooner had the words left his mouth than calamity followed; this too is pitiable. The Prince of Ning's threatening aura grows daily more imposing; hidden peril grows daily more grave. If not checked now, there may be no limit. Yet again to impose heavy punishment on Shining, to stop the mouths of the realm, to drain the spirit of the loyal and forthright, to weaken the court's power, to open the hearts of the imperial clans, to invite unforeseen change—all begins from today. It was not accepted.

帝遣中官劉允迎佛烏斯藏，文華力諫。不報。馬昂納妊身女弟於帝，又疏諫曰：「中人之家不取再醮之婦。陛下萬乘至尊，乃有此舉，返之於心則不安，宣之於口則不順，傳之天下後世則可醜。誰為陛下進此者，罪可族也。萬一防閑闊略，不幸有李園、呂不韋之徒乘間投隙，豈細故哉。今昂兄弟子侄出入禁闥，陛下降絀等威，與之亂服雜坐，或同臥起，壞祖宗法，莫此為甚。馬姬專寵於內，昂等弄權於外，禍機竊發，有不可勝言者。乞早誅以絕禍源。」亦不報。文華既數進直言，帝及諸近幸皆銜之。會文華條上宗廟禮儀，祧廟、禘祫、特享、出主、祔食，凡五事。考證經義，悉可施行。帝怒，責其出位妄言，章下所司。禮官暗於經術，又阿帝意，遂奏文華言非是。命下詔獄，黜為民。時正德十一年十月也。

The emperor dispatched eunuch Liu Yun to welcome Buddhist images from Ü-Tsang; Xu Wenhua strongly remonstrated. No response. Ma Ang took into the palace his pregnant younger sister; Xu Wenhua again remonstrated in a memorial: "A middle-class family does not take a twice-married woman. Your Majesty, supreme sovereign of ten thousand chariots, yet has such an act—turned back upon the heart it is uneasy, spoken from the mouth it is inharmonious, transmitted to the realm and to later ages it is shameful. Whoever advanced this to Your Majesty—his crime could extend to his entire clan. If by chance precautions at the women's quarters were relaxed, and unhappily men such as Li Yuan or Lü Buwei seized the interval to slip in, would that be a trivial matter? Now Ang's brothers, nephews, and sons-in-law come and go within the forbidden gates; Your Majesty lowers cord and equal majesty, mingling with them in disorderly dress and sitting together, sometimes rising and lying down together—to destroy ancestral law, nothing surpasses this. Lady Ma monopolizes favor within; Ang and others manipulate power without—omens of disaster secretly arise, more than can be told. We beg early execution to cut off the source of calamity. Again no response. Xu Wenhua, having several times advanced straight speech, the emperor and all the close favorites bore grudges against him. When Xu Wenhua itemized and submitted ancestral-temple ritual: ancestral shrines, di and cha offerings, special sacrifices, removal of spirit tablets, and attached feeding—in all five matters. Investigating and verifying canonical meaning, all could be put into practice. The emperor was enraged, rebuked him for speaking out of place in reckless words, and sent the memorial down to the responsible office. The ritual officers were ignorant of canonical learning and, moreover, flattered the emperor's wishes; they then memorialized that Xu Wenhua's words were wrong. He was sent to the imperial prison and stripped of office, reduced to commoner status. This was in the tenth month of the eleventh year of Zhengde.

世宗即位，起故官，歷河南按察副使。嘉靖二年舉治行卓異，入為大理右少卿，尋轉左。時方議興獻帝「大禮」，文華數偕諸大臣力爭。明年七月復倡廷臣伏闕哭諫，坐停俸四月。已，席書、張璁、桂萼、方獻夫會廷臣大議，文華與汪偉、鄭嶽猶力爭。武定侯郭勛遽曰：「祖訓如是，古禮如是，璁等言當。書曰大臣事君，當將順其美。」議乃定。及改題廟主，文華諫曰：「孝宗有祖道焉，不可以伯考稱。武宗有父道焉，不可以兄稱。不若直稱曰『孝宗敬皇帝』、『武宗毅皇帝』，猶兩全無害也。」疏入，命再奪俸。

When the Jiajing emperor took the throne, Xu Wenhua was restored to his former rank and served as Henan Surveillance Vice Commissioner. In the second year of Jiajing he was recommended for outstanding governance, entered the capital as Right Assistant Minister of Punishments at the Court of Revision, and soon moved to the left post. At that time the court was debating the "Great Rites" for Emperor Xian; Xu Wenhua repeatedly joined the senior ministers in strenuous opposition. In the seventh month of the following year he again led court officials to kneel and weep at the palace gate in remonstrance; his salary was suspended for four months. Thereafter Xi Shu, Zhang Cong, Gui E, and Fang Xianfu convened the court for a great debate; Xu Wenhua, Wang Wei, and Zheng Yue still contested with all their strength. The Military Marquis of Wuding, Guo Xun, immediately said: "Ancestral instruction says so, ancient ritual says so—Cong and the others are right. The Book of Documents says that great ministers serving their ruler should accommodate his excellence. The debate was then settled. When the temple tablet inscriptions were changed, Xu Wenhua remonstrated: "Emperor Xiaozong stands in the way of a grandfather—he cannot be styled uncle-and-father. Emperor Wuzong stands in the way of a father—he cannot be styled elder brother. Better simply to style them "Emperor Xiaozong the Respectful" and "Emperor Wuzong the Resolute"—that way both relationships are preserved without harm. The memorial was submitted, and he was ordered to forfeit salary again.

六年秋，李福達獄起。主獄者璁、萼、獻夫，以議禮故憾文華等，乃盡反獄詞，下文華與諸法官獄。獄具，責文華阿附御史殺人，遣戍遼陽。遇赦，卒於道。隆慶初，贈左僉都御史。

In the autumn of the sixth year, the Li Fuda case broke out. Cong, Gui E, and Fang Xianfu presided over the case; resentful over the ritual debate, they fully reversed the findings and sent Xu Wenhua and the judicial officials to prison. When the case was concluded, they charged Xu Wenhua with currying favor to help a censor commit murder and exiled him to Liaoyang. He encountered an amnesty but died on the road. At the beginning of Longqing, he was posthumously made Left Vice Censor-in-Chief.

自大學士毛紀、侍郎何孟春去位，諸大臣前爭「大禮」者，或依違順旨，文華顧堅守前議不變。其被譴不以罪，士論深惜之。

After Grand Secretary Mao Ji and Vice Minister He Mengchun left office, many ministers who had earlier fought over the "Great Rites" wavered and fell in with the imperial will; Xu Wenhua alone steadfastly held to his former position. His punishment was not for any crime, and scholarly opinion deeply lamented it.

薛蕙，字君采，亳州人。年十二能詩。舉正德九年進士，授刑部主事。諫武宗南巡，受杖奪俸。旋引疾歸。起故官，改吏部，歷考功郎中。

Xue Hui, style Juncai, was a native of Bozhou. At twelve he could compose poetry. In the ninth year of Zhengde he passed the advanced examination and was appointed a principal clerk in the Ministry of Punishments. He remonstrated against Emperor Wuzong's southern tour, was beaten with the rod, and lost his salary. Soon he cited illness and returned home. Restored to his former office, he was transferred to the Ministry of Personnel and rose to Director in the Bureau of Evaluations.

嘉靖二年，廷臣數爭「大禮」，與張璁、桂萼等相持不下。蕙撰《為人後解》、《為人後辨》及辨璁、萼所論七事，合數萬言上於朝。《解》有上下二篇，推明大宗義。其《辨》曰：

In the second year of Jiajing, court officials repeatedly contended over the "Great Rites," deadlocked with Zhang Cong, Gui E, and their allies. Hui composed the "Exposition on Becoming an Heir" and "Disputation on Becoming an Heir," together with a refutation of seven points argued by Cong and Gui E—tens of thousands of words in all—and submitted them to court. The "Exposition" has upper and lower chapters, setting forth the meaning of the greater lineage. His "Disputation" reads:

陛下繼祖體而承嫡統，合於為人後之義，坦然無疑。乃有二三臣者，詭經畔禮，上惑聖聰。夫經傳纖悉之指，彼未能睹其十一，遽欲恃小慧，騁誇詞，可謂不知而作者也。

Your Majesty continues the ancestral body and undertakes the legitimate succession—this conforms to the meaning of becoming an heir, plainly and without doubt. Yet one or two ministers distort the classics and betray ritual, unsettling Your Majesty's ear. As for the subtle points of the classics and their commentaries, they have scarcely grasped one part in ten; yet they hasten to rely on petty wit and parade boastful words—this may be called writing while ignorant.

其曰「陛下為獻帝不可奪之適嗣。」按漢《石渠議》曰：「大宗無後，族無庶子，己有一適子，當絕父嗣以後大宗否？」戴聖云：「大宗不可絕。《禮》言適子不為後者，不得先庶子耳。族無庶子，則當絕父以後大宗。」晉範汪曰：「廢小宗，昭穆不亂。廢大宗，昭穆亂矣。先王所以重大宗也。豈得不廢小宗以繼大宗乎？」夫人子雖有適庶，其親親之心一也。而《禮》適子不為後，庶子得為後者，此非親其父母有厚薄也，直系於傳重收族不同耳。今之言者不知推本祖禰，惟及其父母而止，此弗忍薄其親，忍遺其祖也。

They say, "Your Majesty is Emperor Xian's legitimate heir, and that status cannot be taken away." According to the Han Stone Canal Disputation: "The greater lineage has no heir; the clan has no secondary sons; one already has a legitimate son—should the father's succession be cut off to continue the greater lineage?" Dai Sheng said: "The greater lineage cannot be cut off. The Ritual says the legitimate son does not become an heir—this means only that he cannot take precedence over secondary sons. If the clan has no secondary sons, then one should cut off the father to continue the greater lineage." Fan Wang of Jin said: "To abolish the lesser lineage does not disorder the zhao and mu. To abolish the greater lineage disorders the zhao and mu. This is why the former kings so weightily esteemed the greater lineage. How can one not abolish the lesser lineage to continue the greater lineage?" Though a son may be legitimate or secondary, the heart that cherishes kin is one. Yet in the Ritual the legitimate son does not become an heir while the secondary son may—this is not because love for one's parents differs in depth; it stems directly from the difference in transmitting weight and gathering the clan. Those who speak today do not know how to trace back to ancestors and forbears, but only reach as far as their parents and stop—unwilling to slight their kin, yet willing to abandon their ancestors.

其曰「為人後者為之子，乃漢儒邪說」。按此踵歐陽修之謬也。夫「為人後者為之子」，其言出於《公羊》，固漢儒所傳者。然於《儀禮》實相表裏，古今以為折衷，未有異論者也。藉若修之說，其悖禮甚矣。《禮》「為人後者，斬衰三年」，此子於父母之喪也。以其父母之喪服之，非為之子而何？其言之悖禮一也。傳言「為所後者之祖父母妻，妻之父母昆弟，昆弟之子若子」。其若子者，由為之子故耳。傳明言「若子」，今顧曰「不為之子」，其言之悖禮二也。且為人後者不為之子，然則稱謂之間，將不曰父，而仍曰伯父、叔父乎？其言之悖禮三也。又立後而不為之子，則古立後者，皆未嘗實子之，而姑偽立是人也。是聖人偽教人以立後，而實則無後焉耳。其言之悖禮四也。夫無後者，重絕祖考之祀，故立後以奉之。今所後既不得而子，則祖考亦不得而孫矣。豈可以入其廟而奉其祀乎？其言之悖禮五也。由此觀之，名漢臣以邪說，無乃其自名耶？抑二三臣者亦自度其說之必窮也，於是又為遁辭以倡之曰：「夫統與嗣不同，陛下之繼二宗，當繼統而不繼嗣。」此一言者，將欲以廢先王為人後之義與？則尤悖禮之甚者也。然其牽合附會，眩於名實，茍不辨而絕之，殆將為後世禍矣。

They say, "One who becomes an heir becomes a son—this is Han Confucian heterodox talk." This follows in the footsteps of Ouyang Xiu's error. Now "one who becomes an heir becomes a son"—this saying comes from the Gongyang Commentary; it is indeed what Han scholars transmitted. Yet in relation to the Ceremonies it is truly inner and outer; ancient and modern take it as the balanced view, and there has been no dissent. If we rely on Xiu's doctrine, its transgression of ritual is very grave indeed. The Ritual says, "One who becomes an heir wears cut sackcloth for three years"—this is a son's mourning for his parents. To wear mourning for one's parents as a son would—is this not being a son? This is the first way their words transgress ritual. The commentary says, "for the grandparents, wife, wife's parents, brothers, and brothers' sons of the one succeeded—as if sons." The "as if sons" is because one has become a son. The commentary plainly says "as if sons," yet they now say "does not become a son"—this is the second ritual transgression. Moreover, if one who becomes an heir does not become a son, then in address would one not say father but still say uncle and father's younger brother? This is the third ritual transgression. Further, to establish an heir yet not make him a son would mean that all who in antiquity established heirs never truly made them sons, but merely pretended to set up such a person. Then the sage falsely taught people to establish heirs while in reality there were no heirs at all. This is the fourth ritual transgression. Those without heirs weightily sever sacrifices to ancestors and forebears; therefore heirs are established to serve them. If the one succeeded cannot become a son, then ancestors and forebears also cannot gain grandsons. How can one enter their temple and tend their sacrifices? This is the fifth ritual transgression. Viewed thus, to call Han ministers heterodox—is it not rather naming themselves? Yet those one or two ministers also saw that their doctrine must come to an end; therefore they devised evasive words to advocate: "Line and succession differ—Your Majesty's continuing two lineages should continue the line but not the succession. Does this single saying intend to abolish the former kings' meaning of becoming an heir? Then it is ritual transgression in the extreme. Yet their forced alignments and specious unions dazzle regarding names and realities; if not distinguished and cut off, they will nearly become calamity for later generations.

夫《禮》為大宗立後者，重其統也。重其統不可絕，乃為之立後。至於小宗不為之後者，統可以絕，則嗣可以不繼也。是則以繼統故繼嗣，繼嗣所以繼統也。故《禮》「為人後」，言繼嗣也；「後大宗」，言繼統也。統與嗣，非有二也，其何不同之有？自古帝王入繼者，必明為人後之義，而後可以繼統。蓋不為後則不成子也。若不成子，夫安所得統而繼之。故為後也者，成子也，成子而後繼統，又將以絕同宗覬覦之心焉。聖人之制禮也，不亦善乎。抑成子而後繼統，非獨為人後者爾也。《禮》無生而貴者。雖天子諸侯之子，茍不受命於君父，亦不敢自成尊也。《春秋》重授受之義，以為為子受之父，為臣受之君。故穀梁子曰「臣子必受君父之命」。斯義也，非直尊君父也，亦所以自尊焉耳。蓋尊其君父，亦將使人之尊己也。如此則義禮明而禍亂亡。今說者謂『倫序當立斯立已』，是惡知《禮》與《春秋》之意哉！

The Ritual establishes heirs for the greater lineage because it weights their line. Because the line cannot be cut off, heirs are established for it. As for the lesser lineage, for which heirs are not established—the line may be cut off, so succession need not continue. Thus one continues succession because of continuing the line; continuing succession is how one continues the line. Therefore in the Ritual "becoming an heir" speaks of continuing succession; "succeeding the greater lineage" speaks of continuing the line. Line and succession are not two things—what difference can there be? From antiquity, emperors and kings who entered succession must clearly clarify the meaning of becoming an heir, and only then can they continue the line. For if one does not become an heir, one does not become a son. If one does not become a son, how can one obtain the line to continue it. Therefore becoming an heir means becoming a son; becoming a son and then continuing the line also removes the covetous hearts of the same clan. When the sage fashioned ritual, was it not excellent. Yet becoming a son and then continuing the line is not only for those who become heirs. The Ritual recognizes no one as noble by birth alone. Even the sons of the Son of Heaven and feudal lords—if they do not receive command from lord and father, they dare not make themselves honored on their own. The Spring and Autumn Annals weights the meaning of receiving and transmitting—it holds that as son one receives from father, as minister one receives from lord. Therefore Master Guliang said, "Minister and son must receive the lord and father's command." This meaning is not only honoring lord and father—it is also how one honors oneself. For honoring one's lord and father will also make others honor oneself. Thus righteousness and ritual are clear, and calamity and chaos are extinguished. Now the advocates say, "When ritual order demands establishment, establish it at once"—how can they know the intent of the Ritual and the Spring and Autumn Annals!

若夫前代之君，間有弟終而兄繼，侄終而伯叔父繼者，此遭變不正者也。然多先君之嗣。先君於己則考也，己於先君則子也。故不可考後君，而亦無兩統二父之嫌，若晉之哀帝、唐之宣宗是也。其或諸王入嗣，則未有仍考諸王而不考天子者也。陛下天倫不先於武宗，正統不自於獻帝，是非予奪，至為易辨。而二三臣者猥欲比於遭變不正之舉，故曰悖禮之尤者也。

As for rulers of former dynasties, occasionally when a younger brother died and an elder brother succeeded, or a nephew died and an uncle succeeded—this was encountering irregularity, not the correct case. Yet mostly there were sons of the former lord. The former lord toward oneself is "father"; oneself toward the former lord is "son." Therefore one cannot treat the later lord as "father," and there is no suspicion of two lines and two fathers—as with Jin's Emperor Ai and Tang's Emperor Xuanzong. Or when various princes entered succession, there has never been still treating the princes as "father" while not treating the Son of Heaven as "father." Your Majesty's heavenly kin is not prior to Emperor Wuzong; legitimate succession does not originate from Emperor Xian—right and wrong, grant and withhold, are extremely easy to distinguish. Yet those one or two ministers basely wished to compare with irregular successions of the past—therefore they are called ritual transgression in the extreme.

其他所辨七事，亦率仿此。

His rebuttals on the other seven points followed much the same pattern.

書奏，天子大怒，下鎮撫司考訊。已，貰出之，奪俸三月。會給事中陳洸外轉，疑事由文選郎夏良勝及蕙。良勝已被訐見斥，而蕙故在。時亳州知州顏木方坐罪，乃誣蕙與木同年相關通，疑有奸利。章下所司，蕙亦奏辨。帝不聽，令解任聽勘。蕙遂南歸。既而事白，吏部數移文促蕙起。蕙見璁、萼等用事，堅臥不肯起。十八年詔選宮僚，擬蕙春坊司直兼翰林檢討。帝猶以前憾故，報罷。而蕙亦卒矣。

When the memorial reached the throne, the emperor flew into a rage and had him sent to the Embroidered Uniform Guard prison for interrogation. Before long he was pardoned and released, though his salary was withheld for three months. About then Supervising Secretary Chen Guang was posted away from the capital; he suspected the affair was the work of Document Selection Clerk Xia Liangsheng and Hui. Liangsheng had already been impeached and dismissed, but Hui still held his post. At that time Bozhou Prefect Yan Mu had just been convicted; he falsely accused Hui of colluding with Mu as men of the same examination year, alleging illicit gain. The accusation was referred to the appropriate office, and Hui submitted a memorial in his own defense. The emperor would not hear him out and ordered him to resign his post pending investigation. Hui then returned to the south. Before long the matter was cleared, and the Ministry of Personnel sent repeated dispatches urging Hui to return to office. Seeing Cong, E, and their faction in power, Hui steadfastly remained in retirement and refused to return. In the eighteenth year of Jiajing an edict called for palace tutors; Hui was proposed as Instructor in the Eastern Palace, concurrently as Hanlin Reviser. The emperor, still nursing the old grievance, returned the nomination disapproved. And Hui died as well.

蕙貌臒氣清，持己峻潔，於書無所不讀。學者重其學行，稱為「西原先生」。

Hui was gaunt in appearance and lucid in manner; he held himself to a stern purity and read every book he could find. Scholars honored his learning and conduct and called him Master Xiyuan.

當是時，廷臣力持「大禮」，而璁、萼建異議，舉朝非之。其不獲與廷議，而以璁、萼得罪者，又有胡侍、王祿、侯廷訓雲。

At that time the court ministers forcefully upheld the Great Rites, while Zhang Cong and Gui E pressed contrary views that the whole court rejected. Others who could not join the court debate yet suffered for opposing Cong and E included Hu Shi, Wang Lu, and Hou Tingxun, among others.

胡侍，寧夏人。舉進士。歷官鴻臚少卿。張璁、桂萼既擢學士，侍劾二人越禮背經。因據所奏，反復論辨，凡千余言。帝怒，命逮治。言官論救，謫潞州同知。沈府宗室勛註以事憾之，奏侍試諸生題譏刺，且謗「大禮」。逮至京，訊斥為民。

Hu Shi was from Ningxia. He passed the metropolitan examination. He rose to Vice Minister of Ceremonial Reception. After Zhang Cong and Gui E were promoted to Hanlin Academicians, Shi memorialized impeaching them for overstepping ritual and defying the classics. Drawing on their own submissions, he argued the case back and forth in more than a thousand words. The emperor was enraged and ordered his arrest. Censorial officials pleaded for him, and he was demoted to Vice Prefect of Luzhou. A clansman of the Prince of Shen, Xun Zhu, bore him a grudge over an affair and memorialized that Shi had set examination topics for students that were satirical and had also slandered the Great Rites. He was arrested and brought to the capital; after interrogation he was stripped of rank and reduced to commoner status.

王祿，新城人。舉於鄉，為福建平和知縣。嘉靖九年，疏請建獻帝廟於安陸，封崇仁王以主其祀，不當考獻帝，伯孝宗，涉二本之嫌。宗藩子有幼而岐嶷者，當養之宮中，備儲貳選。疏奏，即棄官歸。命按臣逮治，亦斥為民。

Wang Lu was from Xincheng. After passing the provincial examination, he served as magistrate of Pinghe in Fujian. In Jiajing 9 he memorialized asking that a temple to Emperor Xian be built at Anlu and the Prince of Chongren be enfeoffed to preside over the sacrifices; that the emperor should not treat Xian as his father in the rites but Xiaozong as his uncle, avoiding the taint of two fathers. Princely sons of the imperial clan who show precocious ability in youth should be reared in the palace as reserve candidates for the succession. As soon as the memorial was in, he resigned his post and went home. An investigating commissioner was ordered to arrest and try him; he too was stripped of rank and reduced to commoner status.

侯廷訓，樂清人。與張璁同郡，同舉進士，而持論不合。初釋褐，即上疏請考孝宗，且言不當私藩邸舊臣，語最切直。除南京禮部主事。嘉靖三年冬，「大禮」定，廷訓心非之。私刊所著議禮書，潛寄京師，下詔獄拷訊。子一元，年十三，伏闕訟冤，得釋。後起官至漳南僉事。以貪虐，被劾為民。一元舉進士，官至江西布政使。

Hou Tingxun was from Yueqing. He was from the same prefecture as Zhang Cong and passed the metropolitan examination in the same year, but their views did not agree. As soon as he entered office he memorialized asking that Xiaozong be treated as his father in the rites and declared that one must not show favor to old retainers of the princely residence; his language was trenchant in the extreme. He was appointed Principal Clerk in the Nanjing Ministry of Rites. In the winter of Jiajing 3, when the Great Rites were settled, Tingxun inwardly rejected the outcome. He privately printed his book on the ritual debate and secretly sent copies to the capital; he was sent to the imperial prison for interrogation under torture. His son Yiyuan, aged thirteen, prostrated himself at the palace gate to plead his father's innocence, and Tingxun was released. Later reappointed, he rose to Assistant Administration Commissioner of Southern Zhangzhou. For greed and cruelty he was impeached and reduced to commoner status. Yiyuan passed the metropolitan examination and rose to Administrative Commissioner of Jiangxi.

贊曰：「大禮」之議，楊廷和為之倡，舉朝翕然同聲，大抵本宋司馬光、程頤《濮園議》。然英宗長育宮中，名稱素定。而世宗奉詔嗣位，承武宗後，事勢各殊。諸臣徒見先賢大儒成說可據，求無得罪天下後世，而未暇為世宗熟計審處，準酌情理，以求至當。爭之愈力，失之愈深，惜夫。

The historian comments: In the debate over the Great Rites, Yang Tinghe led the way and the whole court spoke as one—broadly following Sima Guang and Cheng Yi's Memorial on the Puyi Garden from the Song. Yet in that case Yingzong had been raised in the palace from childhood, and his title and status were long settled. Shizong, by contrast, succeeded by edict and continued the line after Wuzong—the circumstances were wholly different. The ministers saw only that the settled pronouncements of ancient worthies and great Confucians could be cited, and sought to avoid offending the world and posterity; they had no leisure to think through Shizong's case carefully, weigh feeling against principle, and arrive at what was truly fitting. The harder they fought, the further they strayed—a pity indeed.

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