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卷二百四十六 列傳第一百三十四 滿朝薦 江秉謙 侯震暘 王允成

Volume 246 Biographies 134: Man Chaojian, Jiang Bingqian, Hou Zhenyang, Wang Yuncheng

Chapter 246 of 明史 · History of Ming
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Chapter 246
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1
滿
Man Chaojian, Jiang Bingqian, and Hou Zhenyáng. (with the biographies of Ni Sihui, Zhu Qinxiang, and Wang Xinyi)]〉 Wang Yuncheng (with the biographies of Li Xikong and Mao Shilong)]〉
2
滿 使使 使
Man Chaojian, courtesy name Zhendong, came from Mayang. He received his jinshi degree in 1604. Appointed magistrate of Xianning, he soon won a name for clean and capable government. When the tax commissioner Liang Yong allowed his men to rob local scholars, Chaojian seized and punished the culprits. Yong struck back with a memorial accusing Chaojian of unlawfully punishing tax agents, and the throne demoted him one grade. Grand Secretaries such as Shen Li pleaded for him, but the emperor refused to relent. When Grand Coordinator Gu Qizhi laid out Yong's greed and brutality in full, Chaojian was reinstated, though his salary was withheld for a year. Soon afterward Yong sent men to work sorcery against the touring censor Yu Maoheng. Once the plot was exposed, Chaojian arrested the culprit. Terrified, Yong marched an armed mob into the county seat. The yamen staff had been ready; finding nothing to seize, the mob withdrew. Rumors of rebellion kept the city on edge for nights; advised to clear his name, Yong issued a proclamation denying revolt, yet still kept several hundred men under arms. Chaojian helped Maoheng press the investigation hard, and most of Yong's ruffians fled. Chaojian pursued them as far as Weinan and killed or wounded many. In panic Yong sent a courier with a petition hidden in his hair to the capital, charging Chaojian with plundering imperial tribute, murdering several men, and casting the corpses into the river. The emperor flew into a rage and at once dispatched officers to seize him; it was the seventh month of 1607. On reaching the capital he was thrown into the imperial prison, beaten under interrogation, and held for years. Officials across the empire pleaded for mercy; from Grand Secretary Zhu Geng on down, more than a hundred memorials were filed. At last, in the autumn of 1613, as the empress dowager's longevity celebration neared, Grand Secretary Ye Xianggao's petition won their release together with Wang Bangcai and Bian Kongshi.
3
When Guangzong took the throne, Chaojian was recalled to serve in the Nanjing Ministry of Justice and soon promoted to Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. In 1622, with Liaodong lost and the empire in turmoil, courtiers were busy forming factions and trading in hollow debate. Deeply alarmed, he memorialized listing ten worries and seven portents of the age, in language stark and urgent. Soon promoted to Vice Minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud, he submitted another memorial:
4
Of late the sky has hung dark with dust, stars and moon have shone by day, Venus has crossed the heavens, hail has fallen in the fourth month and ice in the sixth, Shandong has quaked and the capital districts have drowned in flood — Heaven and Earth have shown every sign of extremity. In Sichuan She Chongming has risen, in Guizhou An Bangyan, in Shandong Xu Hongru — the disorders of the people have reached their extreme as well. Yet the court's policies grow more perverse with every passing day.
5
西 西 西
Take a single case of requesting retirement: Zhou Jiamo and Liu Yijing, the dying emperor's chosen elders, were driven out on trumped-up charges; Sun Shenxing, a Minister of Rites who stood for propriety, was dismissed over a feudal investiture dispute; Wang Ji, a Minister of Justice famed for unbending enforcement, was cashiered for refusing to execute innocents; and the court let them go without a second thought. Yet Shen Hong, impeached in thirty memorials, alone was treated with zealous favor; even after leaving office he still received extraordinary marks of grace. Did our ancestral emperors ever tolerate such inversion? Take a single case of speaking out: Ni Sihui, Zhu Qinxiang, and others were expelled from office, a bitter sign that honest speech had been gagged; and when Zhou Chaorui, Hui Shiyang, and others resigned in protest, they too were caught in the same snare. Did our ancestral emperors ever tolerate such inversion? Take frontier policy alone: the western allies demand millions in tribute, and border officials still worry it is not enough; while soldiers plead for scraps of pay, the Ministry of Revenue still denounces the cost as lavish. Did our ancestral emperors ever tolerate such inversion? Take the abandonment of a single city: men whose guilt was settled years ago escape slowly thanks to powerful patrons, while newcomers under brief suspicion are hounded mercilessly out of spite. Did our ancestral emperors ever tolerate such inversion? Take the hunt for spies: established law already governs punishment, and there is no blanket clause for reversing verdicts. The fall of Liaoyang began when Yuan Yingtai took in masses of surrendered tribesmen who seized local women; enraged, the people of Liaodong opened the gates to the enemy. The catastrophe struck in sudden confusion; no one then spoke of traitors handing the city to the foe. The loss of Guangning sprang from Wang Huazhen's misplaced faith in the western allies: he spent army funds bribing the Chahar while starving his own troops, and morale collapsed. When the enemy crossed the river no western aid appeared; officers were left helpless and fled in panic like rats. That disaster too came in sudden chaos; again no one spoke of traitors handing over the city. The fevered hunt for spies is only a way to shift blame onto others and absolve Huazhen. Wang Ji, who refused to kill innocents to please the powerful, was himself expelled from office. Did our ancestral emperors ever tolerate such inversion? Grand secretaries exist to uphold honest debate at court. Today memorials from men who envy talent and wreck policy are not rebuked; at best the court wavers, at worst it enacts their proposals outright. Memorials urging execution of traitors for the nation's sake are not welcomed; mildly their authors are scolded, severely they are demoted again and again. Worst of all, Shen Hong bought his rise by bribing Lu Shou; when Shou fell, he courted overbearing eunuchs to build a private power base. The catastrophes of Wang Zhen and Liu Jin that nearly tore the dynasty apart were Shen Hong's handiwork, yet he was never banished. Other imperial in-laws surely deserved scrutiny; how could eunuch slander end with three of their servants beaten to death? The three inner palaces each have their proper rank — how could a nursemaid's state-shaking favor usurp the empress's dignity? These are among the gravest inversions of all. Yet only one or two parts in ten of this disorder springs from Your Majesty; eight or nine parts spring from the ministers who hold power. I cannot bear to watch the empire sink; I beg Your Majesty to read this memorial through, change course with the Grand Secretariat and ministry heads, and return wholly to the ancestral statutes — then even if I join the loyal dead underground, I shall count myself among the living.
6
Once the memorial was in, Wei Zhongxian inflamed the emperor's wrath; an edict sharply rebuked Chaojian and reduced him to a commoner. Grand Secretary Ye Xianggao pleaded vigorously for him, but the emperor would not relent. Later Zhongxian's faction compiled 《Register of Donglin Comrades》; Chaojian was named in it and never served again. In 1629 he was recommended to his old post but died before he could report.
7
Jiang Bingqian, courtesy name Zhaoyu, came from She in Huizhou. He received his jinshi degree in 1610. He was appointed magistrate of Yin County in Zhejiang. Recalled to the capital for his clean record, he was slated for a censor's post. The appointment was long delayed, and he went home to bury a parent. When Guangzong took the throne the appointment finally arrived; he entered the Censorate and spoke his mind plainly.
8
使 使
After Shenyang fell many officials looked to Xiong Tingbi to save Liaodong, but Supervising Secretary Guo Gong alone blamed Tingbi for losing the army and asked that Grand Secretary Liu Yijing be punished as well. Bingqian was furious and vigorously praised Tingbi for holding the frontier in crisis, saying: "Tingbi's case has already been cleared, yet critics still let private spite drown the public good — they would rather wreck the empire's defenses than lay aside personal grudges." The memorial was referred to a court conference. Before long Liaoyang fell again and Tingbi was at once reappointed frontier commissioner. Gong lost his post for reckless criticism and thereafter treated Bingqian as an enemy. Once Tingbi held Shanhai Pass, the court debated sending an envoy to urge Korea to raise troops and pin down the enemy. Vice Commissioner Liang Zhiyuan volunteered; Tingbi welcomed the mission and asked for two hundred thousand taels in military funds. Minister of War Zhang Heming refused; Bingqian memorialized forcefully in protest. Heming flew into a rage and accused Bingqian of factional scheming. Bingqian defended himself in a memorial; the emperor did not punish him.
9
退 使退使退 退使退
Having sidelined Tingbi, Heming threw his weight behind Grand Coordinator Wang Huazhen, and many officials fell in behind him. The emperor, troubled by the feud between commissioner and coordinator, ordered a court debate. Bingqian said: "Your Majesty restored Tingbi and gave him grave responsibility, declaring that frontier affairs would not be micromanaged from the capital. Yet for months he has been unable to act; his appeals echo daily and rebuttals pour in one after another. The excuse offered is that commissioner and coordinator disagree — Huazhen favors attack, Tingbi defense. Yet Tingbi does not preach defense alone; he means that once defenses are firm, attack becomes possible. Huazhen is eager to fight — even if he wins, will defense no longer matter? And if he loses, how will the frontier be held? Every man at court knows the stakes. Yet Huazhen's every word is obeyed while Tingbi's every plan is cast aside. They are not ignorant of strategy; they simply take sides between Huazhen and Tingbi. Your Majesty placed Tingbi in command of all three sectors; every advance, battle, retreat, and defense ought to follow his orders. Instead, when Huazhen advances Tingbi must follow; when Huazhen retreats Tingbi must follow. Huazhen lurches forward and back, leaving Tingbi unsure how to fight when advancing or how to defend when retreating. Huazhen commands Tingbi, yet Tingbi has never truly commanded the three sectors. Today's trouble is not discord between commissioner and coordinator, but discord among those who take sides for or against them; The deadlock was not over strategy itself—whether to attack or hold—but over the feud between the frontier commanders, the circuit intendant and the grand coordinator. They urged that Xiong Tingbi be given undivided authority and a genuine mandate to prosecute both offense and defense." In closing he ridiculed Chief Grand Secretary Ye Xianggao for straddling both camps; such fence-sitting would only tie everyone's hands—how could victory be expected? The language was unsparing in its bluntness.
10
西
By the time the court began deliberating Xiong Tingbi's dismissal, Wang Huazhen had already fled and surrendered Guangning. Zhou Bingqian's outrage only deepened. Geng Ruqi of the Bureau of Military Appointments had sided with Zhang Heming, abetted Wang Huazhen, and helped oust Xiong Tingbi—directly contributing to the loss of the borderlands—so Bingqian hammered them in memorial after memorial. He invoked the precedent of the Jiajing Emperor's execution of Ding Ruao and demanded that Zhang Heming be swiftly tried and punished. The Emperor ruled that Zhang Heming, being on an inspection tour of the frontier, should not be lightly maligned; he docked Zhou Bingqian half a year's pay and took no action against Geng Ruqi. Zhou Bingqian submitted another memorial: "From the moment Zhang Heming entered the inner circle of power, he was crude and shortsighted; before long he had turned vicious and begun plotting lives. He knew perfectly well that western intelligence was worthless and that offensive and defensive plans could never be aligned—yet he chose self-deception as his means of deceiving the throne. Where, in truth, was any opening to be found? Yet he declared that the moment was ripe. When were they ever to cross the river? Yet he insisted that crossing would guarantee triumph. He wanted to drive the frontier commissioner beyond the pass but refused to grant him full command; he meant to station Xiong Tingbi at Guangning but never said where Wang Huazhen was to be redeployed. Could the crime of wrecking the realm's borders simply be ignored? Wang Huazhen had been the first to abandon his post and flee—yet they still treated merit and fault as equal halves. That single utterance alone—even dismembering Zhang Heming inch by inch would not atone for his crimes of deceiving the sovereign and ruining the state—yet he still had the audacity to sit in judgment over others! At that juncture Grand Secretary Shen Hong had secretly joined forces with the eunuch Liu Chao and the wet nurse Madam Ke, raised troops within the Forbidden City, and instituted inner-court military drills. Twelve supervising secretaries, among them Hui Shiyang and Zhou Chaorui, launched fresh memorial assaults—Zhou Bingqian included—also denouncing Liu Chao and Madam Ke. Resentment festered within the palace and without; under cover of the impeachment of Zhang Heming, they sent Zhou Bingqian away from court. Soon Guo Gong was recalled, cultivated ties with Wei Zhongxian, and worked tirelessly to block Zhou Bingqian's restoration. That winter, upon the birth of an imperial prince, every demoted remonstrating official was recalled—all except Zhou Bingqian. He spent four years in retirement; learning that Wei Zhongxian's tyranny only deepened, he died of anguish.
11
Months after his death, the Wei Zhongxian loyalist censor Zhuo Mai pursued charges against him for shielding Xiong Tingbi, and Zhou Bingqian was posthumously struck from the official register. When Chongzhen ascended the throne, his official status was posthumously restored.
12
Hou Zhenyáng, styled Deyi, came from Jiading. His grandfather Yao Feng had served as a supervising censor. After crossing Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng, he was posted away from the capital. He rose through the ranks to Right Vice Administrator of Fujian, where he earned renown for probity and moral courage. Hou Zhenyáng attained jinshi rank in Wanli 38 and received appointment as a Gentlemen for Ceremonial.
13
Early in the Tianqi reign he was elevated to Supervising Secretary in the Office of Scrutiny for Personnel. At that time the wet nurse Madam Ke, ennobled as Lady of Fengsheng, held the Emperor's exclusive favor; in league with Wei Zhongxian and Grand Secretary Shen Hong, her faction inside and outside the palace burned with unchecked power. When she was dismissed from the palace, Emperor Xizong missed her so deeply he wept; he skipped meals until dusk, then issued an edict calling her back. Hou Zhenyáng memorialized: "The inner quarters are sacred ground, yet wicked eunuchs and petty schemers watch from the margins; palace and court are entangled, stoking one another's fires from a tangle of hidden hearths—there are horrors one scarcely dares name. Emperor He favored Wang Sheng and thereby unleashed Jiang Jing and Li Run; Emperor Ling indulged Zhao Yao and thus brought on the disaster of Cao Jie and Huangfu Gui. A common wet nurse from the women's quarters—how can she be allowed such repeated intimacy with the Son of Heaven? The Emperor paid no heed.
14
The Liaodong crisis sharpened: Frontier Commissioner Xiong Tingbi and Grand Coordinator Wang Huazhen were at loggerheads. Minister of War Zhang Heming favored Wang Huazhen, and court opinion turned toward removing Xiong Tingbi and having the two men split the territory between them. Hou Zhenyáng foresaw disaster and memorialized: "Matters have reached this pass. Your Majesty should summon the frontier commissioner for direct consultation. If he can truly commit to drill and readiness, then let advance and retreat, timing and tempo, lie entirely in his hands—not directed from the capital. Even dismiss the grand coordinator and give him sole charge—anything is acceptable. If not, demand a detailed written plan, let the ministry debate it, salvage what remains, and put Wang Huazhen in sole command. That is one course. Alternatively, transfer Xiong Tingbi to Miyun and dispatch the Minister of War himself to serve as frontier commissioner. Zhang Heming has always prided himself on heroic ambition—better to share the blame of failure by taking the post himself and serving the realm directly. That is another course. Or grant the frontier commission outright to Wang Huazhen and select a seasoned, shrewd man as grand coordinator to sustain the rear. That is yet another course. Or move Xiong Tingbi directly to Deng and Lai to finish his three-front deployment, forming a pincer with Wang Huazhen. That is yet another course. Further delay and vacillation will surely wreck the nation's fortunes. The memorial had barely reached the throne and an edict had just been issued to convene debate—when the Qing army already stormed Guangning. Wang Huazhen and Xiong Tingbi fled back through the pass together—yet still received gracious edicts bidding them redeem their failures with deeds.
15
西 西 西
Hou Zhenyáng, furious, memorialized again: "My warnings have sadly come true. For the present reckoning, weigh the law—not personal feeling. Before the western frontier collapsed, the court's sympathies ran seven parts in ten toward Wang Huazhen—today no one can afford such tenderness toward him. After the western frontier fell, nine parts in ten of the court's mercy fell on Xiong Tingbi—today even he cannot be spared. Those counseling on the grand coordinator argued he should be ordered back to Guangning to reunite with the western allies. But the stores were empty—could he, empty-handed, work a miracle like Shen Baoxu? Those counseling on the frontier commissioner urged that he still be tasked with holding the passes. But what kind of defense was meant—Xiong Tingbi's original plan of three hundred thousand men and a treasury of supplies, aiming for eventual payoff? Or merely to parade a remnant force beyond the pass as a token gesture of resolve? None of these would suffice. If the law for absconding officials is not settled now, what hope remains for the shattered borderlands? The subsequent disposition of culpability largely tracked Hou Zhenyáng's memorial.
16
He then impeached Grand Secretary Shen Hong for conspiring with Madam Ke, Lady of Fengsheng, and several eunuchs as a clique, laying bare in detail Shen's role in framing and killing the former Director of Ceremonies Wang An. Wei Zhongxian that very day had an edict issued banishing Hou Zhenyáng from office. At his farewell audience Hou Zhenyáng submitted further proposals on land tax and irrigation. Because a dismissed official was deemed unfit to counsel, he was stripped of two further ranks and sent home.
17
Hou Zhenyáng served at the Censorate for eight months, filing dozens of memorials. When Chongzhen took the throne he was recalled to his former post—but Hou Zhenyáng had already died. At the petition of his son, Director Zhu Zeng, he was posthumously ennobled as Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
18
When Hou Zhenyáng attacked Madam Ke, Supervising Secretaries Ni Sihui of Qimen and Zhu Qinxiang of Linchuan followed with memorials of their own. The Emperor erupted in fury and demoted all three. Grand Secretary Liu Yizao, Minister Zhou Jiamo, and others intervened with successive appeals—all rejected. Censor Wang Xinyi of Wuxian spoke with particular bluntness; the Emperor's wrath fell on him too, and he was demoted likewise. Wang Xinyi's colleague Ma Mingqi of Longxi remonstrated again, itemizing six reasons Madam Ke must not remain at court. The Emperor considered a harsher penalty but, heeding Liu Yizao and others, settled on stripping one year's salary.
19
Zhu Qinxiang was soon promoted to Vice Minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud. After Yang Lian impeached Wei Zhongxian, Zhu Qinxiang too submitted a trenchant memorial of full-throated condemnation. In year five he was appointed Right Vice Censor-in-Chief and Grand Coordinator of Fujian, earning distinction suppressing the bandits Yang Liu, Cai San, Zhong Liu, and their ilk. He soon crossed Wei Zhongxian and was struck from the register. Ni Sihui ended his career as Nanjing Minister of Grain Storage under Chongzhen; Wang Xinyi as Vice Minister of Justice; Ma Mingqi as Right Censor-in-Chief at Nanjing.
20
鹿
Wang Yuncheng, styled Shuwén, came from Zezhou. During the Wanli reign he passed the provincial examinations and was appointed magistrate of Huolu. Recognized for outstanding governance, he was called to serve as a Nanjing censor. Jinshi holders commanded great prestige then, and men of provincial rank were often treated as lesser. Wang Yuncheng was tall and imposing, his intellect fierce and unrestrained; determined to outshine the jinshi elite, his opening memorial addressed the officials who had lost Liaodong and demanded proper legal reckoning.
21
He next impeached Minister of Justice Huang Kezuan for championing the Consort-in-waiting, misleading Jia Jichun, covering for treasure-stealing palace eunuchs, and rebutting Censor Jiao Yuanpu's memorial on ritual propriety with grotesque distortion. He went on to excoriate the damage wrought by secret inner edicts and memorials withheld from the throne, closing with sharp admonitions to the grand secretaries and senior ministers. The Emperor took offense and suspended his salary. When Supervising Secretary Mao Shilong impeached Deputy Prefect Shao Fuzhong, Wang Yuncheng joined colleague Li Xikong in condemning him. He then issued a sweeping indictment of collapsed discipline, urging an end to indulgence and bureaucratic inertia, with detailed condemnation of the reign's ills.
22
忿 滿 退
At that time the powerful eunuchs Liu Chao and Wei Jinzhong colluded with the wet nurse Madam Ke in a triangle of corruption. Wang Yuncheng filed a defiant memorial cataloguing their crimes, writing in part: "The deathbed eunuch within the palace receives only what the dogs leave behind, denied even the shelter of the imperial canopy; the deathbed minister in the outer court receives a secret summons from within—and is promptly dismissed to tend his fields. A small horse becomes license for reckless galloping—who opened the first breach toward dissolute hunting in the royal parks? Great ministers become targets for petty vindictiveness—who first taught the sovereign to defy his most venerable counselors? Liu Chao and his kind had once kept clear of outer affairs—until Shen Hong and Shao Fuzhong showed them the way, and they grew utterly unrestrained. In time Wang Xinyi, Ni Sihui, and Zhu Qinxiang were expelled; in time the Minister of Works was enlisted for ceremonial promotion duties; in time examiners were appointed by secret edict. The power to install and dismiss great ministers had fallen to two upstart eunuchs. Of late their grip on power has tightened still further; ministers are cast out like leaves in a gale. Wang Ji and Man Chaojian were both demoted to the ranks of commoners. The power to purge great ministers had fallen to two upstart eunuchs. Censorial appointments followed a fixed order of seniority, and promotion during leave had always been governed by established precedent. But because they detested Zhou Chaorui's integrity, an edict suddenly barred him from advancement. The power to shuffle the entire bureaucracy had likewise fallen to those two eunuchs. When a minor princely line inherited the major line, as with the Prince of Qin, sons could not be ennobled as commandery princes. The ancestral rule was explicit. When the ministry and the censorate contested the point and lost, they resigned in succession. Even the power to promote or remove princes of the blood rested with the two eunuchs. They hoarded power, took bribes, dispensed favors, and ruled by fear; the two eunuchs abused their authority at court while Madam Ke plotted from within the inner palace. The disasters wrought by Wang Zhen and Liu Jin were about to repeat themselves." When the memorial reached the throne, Jinzhong and his faction seethed with hatred. Wang Yuncheng filed another special memorial condemning the Qin princedom's abuse of imperial favor, yet the emperor never took the point.
23
調 調
In the sixth month of year three, Yuncheng impeached Jinzhong again, deepening his enmity. The following year Zhao Nanxing took office as Minister of Personnel, recognized Yuncheng's merit, and transferred him north. Soon Nanxing was expelled. Censor Zhang Ne charged that Nanxing's transfer of Yuncheng was unlawful, and Yuncheng was struck from the register. Later Supervising Secretary Chen Weixin impeached Yuncheng again for corruption and malice. An edict ordered provincial authorities to investigate, and he was found guilty of graft. When the Chongzhen Emperor ascended the throne, he remembered Yuncheng's earlier plea to protect the imperial younger brother, recalled his name, and restored him to office. He died soon afterward.
24
In the early Tianqi years the Donglin movement was at its height, and its leaders on the remonstrance circuits worked in close concert. Yuncheng held the southern post and answered the northern wing in concert, and many men of influence feared his sharp tongue. Outspoken and fearless, he crossed the emperor's favorites again and again, yet his moral stature rose high enough to touch the clouds.
25
稿 使
Long ago Lady Zheng schemed against the succession itself, and nowhere did her partisans show themselves more clearly than in the simultaneous enfeoffment of the three princes. Today the historians not only decline to call that wrong—they praise the man's service and rank him beside Chen Ping and Di Renjie. That interpretation defies comprehension. When the matter began there was no edict for simultaneous enfeoffment; Grand Secretary Wang Xijue had almost certainly already petitioned for it in secret. Not until the edict reached the Ministry of Rites did Wang Rujian, Zhu Weijing, Tu Yizhen, Wang Xuezeng, Yue Yuansheng, Gu Yuncheng, Yu Kongjian, and others fight it with desperate eloquence—and together confront Xijue in the court offices. Only then did Xijue grasp that the great principle could not be breached and that the empire would not indulge him. He at once memorialized in self-reproach, and the enfeoffment was stopped. Had Rujian and the rest not fought to the last and not held Xijue to account, simultaneous enfeoffment would have stood, and the doctrine of elevation through the mother would gradually have secured the succession-fixing minister his laurels. Yet they gloss it thus: "The order came and blame was instantly accepted, and so the matter ended." Alas—is this meant to shield Xijue from blame? And one hears that Xijue asked others, "Does Supervising Secretary Wang die with regrets?" Because the matter struck at the succession itself, loyal officials wore themselves to the bone, yet Xijue never held office again for the rest of his life. Do they forget that among the men of old who secured the Liu line and restored the Tang, who ever buried Wang Ling so that he never saw daylight again? Who ever destroyed Zhang Jianzhi, Huan Yanfan, and their four companions and sent them to their graves with thwarted purpose? That is my first reason for rejecting this corrupt reading of events.
26
使 使 使
Second, no case is clearer than Zhang Chachi's assault on the palace. Yet the historians still declare the man innocent, treat the crime as trivial, and invoke the precedents of Wang Dachen and Guan Gao in his defense. That argument, too, defies comprehension. Wang Dachen burst through to the Gate of Heavenly Purity with empty hands. Feng Bao, nursing a grudge against former chief minister Gao Gong, hid a blade in his sleeve and coerced a confession. That was not truth—it was fabrication. Who placed the club in Zhang Chachi's hands, and who commanded the attack? Guan Gao was tortured until no inch of flesh was intact, yet his confession never touched Zhang Ao, and so Emperor Gaozu freed Ao without further inquiry. Can that be compared with the Zhang Chachi case, where the plotters and their masters confessed point by point from their own lips? Once leniency preserved the bonds of kinship; now honest writing preserves truth to warn posterity. The two need not clash. Why insist on hiding what happened? Concealment out of reverence for lord and father may be defensible; but concealment on behalf of traitors and criminals serves what end? That is my second reason for rejecting this corrupt reading.
27
As for the so-called posthumous edict issued after elevating a consort to empress, no emperor in history ever created an empress only as he lay dying. It was nothing but the favored consort's private intrigue, borrowing the empress dowager's authority to smother her own guilt. Hence the label "posthumous edict"—to force compliance as if it were binding law. How then can they still call it the late emperor's true wish, slander Shenzu anew, and quietly make room for those who abetted the enfeoffment? That is my third reason for rejecting this corrupt reading.
28
The late emperor died in virtue after a life of merit; to claim that medicine brought down his death and stain his name was wholly unjust. Yet how could those attending him inside the palace, after years of exhaustion and depletion, have poured aggressive purgatives down his throat? Rumors swirled and suspicion ran deep just as the late emperor died—and at that very moment came word of forced medicine. Who could fail to grieve, rage, and cry out for justice? Those pursuing the guilty grew furious and overwrote the facts; those shielding them seized on the uproar to evade punishment. Lord and father is no subject for trial and error. What minister would dare treat the sovereign's life as a wager? That is my fourth reason for rejecting this corrupt reading.
29
殿
The late emperor had barely succeeded Shenzong and cast his ministers aside when, within two months, the throne mourned two emperors in succession. Your Majesty stands utterly alone, without protector or patron. The palace runs deep, and vermin multiply within it. To choke corruption at the root, extraordinary vigilance was unavoidable. Even setting that aside, what would posterity say of a new emperor vacating the main hall for a former concubine of his predecessor? What becomes of the dignity of the throne? That is why Yang Lian and his colleagues weighed the stakes and urgently petitioned for the palace transfer. The transfer was done and their purpose fulfilled; they had never claimed credit for it. Why then treat their act as crime, imprison them, and drive them away? What motive could justify that? Even had Lady Attendant Li long served the late emperor and borne a princess, the ministers would surely have urged Your Majesty to honor her with due ceremony. Your Majesty is secure, and Lady Li is secure as well. What injustice demands this frantic pretense of grievance where none exists? That is my fifth reason for rejecting this corrupt reading.
30
便 使
Yet more remains unsaid. In the handling of father and son, kin and blood, Shenzu and the late emperor acted with such benevolence, righteousness, filial piety, and kindness that no reproach could rightly attach. Even when the mother's favor and public uproar shook the court, and schemers threatened the realm itself, the ancestral rule of primogeniture held firm—proof of Shenzu's wisdom and the late emperor's filial devotion. What is there to hide, what need to hide, and what could be hidden? If mentioning Lady Zheng's fault is said to dim Shenzu's brilliance, then when Renzong governed amid crisis during Yongle's campaigns, did that ever tarnish Chengzu's name? The historians of that age wrote it plainly in the annals, and no one shrank from the truth out of delicacy. Why alone today invent this doctrine to absolve the guilty—so that yesterday they escaped punishment and today they must be erased from the record? What kind of moral instruction is that? The historiographical bureau is now at work and justice is plain, yet wicked men are allowed to conspire in silence, twisting language and corrupting principle until the three bonds unravel, law itself collapses, and the empire knows only private faction, not sovereign and father. I beg an explicit command that the compiling ministers write according to fact, without hesitation or concealment. Then the dynasty's filial succession will outshine even Wu and Zhou, and the moral order of the age will rest upon it.
31
An edict referred the matter to the History Bureau for deliberation, but in the end nothing was changed. He soon petitioned again to expel Madam Ke from the palace and to execute Cui Wensheng. His enemies were legion, and denounced him as a Donglin partisan. He died in office soon afterward and so escaped the eunuchs' later reign of terror.
32
使
When Lady Attendant Li vacated the palace, five of her inner eunuchs—Liu Chao, Tian Zhao, Liu Jinzhong, and others—were imprisoned in the Ministry of Justice for embezzlement. Minister Huang Kezuan shielded them and repeatedly proclaimed their innocence. The emperor refused, and death sentences were passed. That May, Wang An was removed, and Wei Jinzhong seized control. Zhao and his associates paid heavy bribes and had subordinates such as Li Wensheng file memorials pleading innocence. Jinzhong at once issued an edict commuting the death sentences. Grand Secretaries led by Liu Yijiao remonstrated twice, holding firm. The edict went to the Office of Scrutiny for Justice. Shilong submitted copied memorials for reference three times, and the order nearly stalled. Kezuan then laid out their claims of injustice and asked that the case be sent to the summer judicial review. Jinzhong refused and issued an edict ordering their immediate release. Shilong, furious, impeached Kezuan for fawning on the throne and perverting the law, declaring him unfit for high office, and detailed the crimes of Chao and the rest. From that moment Jinzhong and the eunuchs nursed a bone-deep hatred of Shilong. Jinzhong opened the floodgates of denunciation, falsely accusing the cashiered Tianjin general Chen Tianjue of colluding with Li Chengfang. More than fifty members of his household were seized and thrown into the imperial prison. Shilong at once impeached Brocade Guard officer Luo Sigong and the false accusers. Jinzhong resented Empress Zhang for holding him in check and spread slander claiming the rumor originated with the executed convict Sun Er. Shilong demanded a full investigation of the seditious rumors, the factions behind them, and their masterminds. Jinzhong's hatred deepened.
33
By the ninth month Shilong impeached Shao Fuzhong, deputy prefect of Shuntian, for corruption and greed. Li Xikong and Wang Yuncheng joined the charge, and Fuzhong was terrified. Chao and his associates tempted him with promises of rapid promotion and set him against Shilong. Fuzhong then accused Shilong of embezzling public funds and keeping courtesans while magistrate at Hangzhou. Jinzhong forwarded the memorial from within the palace. Minister Zhou Jiamo and others argued that the mutual accusations were hearsay and pleaded for leniency. Jinzhong refused. Shilong was struck from the register, and Fuzhong was dismissed to idle residence. Jinzhong later took the name Zhongxian, seized open control of the state, and still had not finished with Shilong. That winter in the fourth year, Zhongxian had his own man Zhang Ne impeach Shilong again, and the throne once more ordered his name struck from the rolls. The following March, Shilong's name was woven into Wang Wenyun's confession: he had allegedly taken three thousand taels from Li Sancai and plotted to restore him to the Nanjing Ministry of Personnel. The case went to provincial surveillance for interrogation and recovery of bribes, and he was banished to Pingyang Guard. Before long Fuzhong was brought back into service and swiftly promoted to Vice Minister of War. In the twelfth month of the sixth year, Censor Liu Hui revived Fuzhong's old charges, accusing Shilong of taking ten thousand taels from a man under investigation. The judicial authorities were ordered to arrest and try him. Shilong knew Zhongxian would kill him if he could. In the dead of night he scaled the wall and fled. His concubine, unaware of the escape, thought the authorities had murdered him; she tore her hair loose and wailed in the streets, and the officials were helpless to stop her. Shilong then slipped home in secret, put his wife and children aboard a boat, and crossed Lake Tai to safety.
34
使 使
When the Chongzhen Emperor ascended the throne, Zhongxian was put to death. Court officials pleaded Shilong's case, and an edict fully pardoned his offenses. Shilong then came to court to give thanks and explain how he had been framed. The Emperor took pity on him, restored his rank, and granted retirement—but never called him back to office. Not until Chongzhen 14, when his fellow townsman Zhou Yanru again became chief minister, was Shilong recalled as Deputy Commissioner for Grain Transport, supervising the grain supply of Suzhou, Songjiang, and neighboring prefectures. The following winter he entered the capital as Vice Director of the Court of the Imperial Stud. The next spring he was promoted to Left Vice Censor-in-Chief. Left Censor-in-Chief Li Banghua and Vice Censor-in-Chief Hui Shiyang had not yet reached the capital, so Shilong alone ran the Censorate. The Emperor once told his chief ministers: "By precedent, touring censors went in plain dress to hear the people's grievances. Now they go out with lofty banners and great pennants, lording it over governors; their offices are riddled with secret openings for bribes, and every mission makes them rich as a kingdom. They deserve severe punishment." Hearing this, Shilong impeached Li Sijing, the Fujian touring censor, and had him arrested. In the tenth month he retired, pleading illness. He died after the fall of the dynasty.
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滿
In praise: Man Chaojian was a man of fierce resolve. He spent his utmost strength against a murderous onslaught and, shut in the darkest prison, never repented. Once he took up the censor's path, his outrage at the times only deepened—perhaps a man who stood firm and would not bend back. Jiang Bingqian and Hou Zhenyáng on provincial governors and grand coordinators, and Li Xikong on the "Three Cases"—all hit the mark. Wang Yuncheng assailed Liu Chao and Wei Jinzhong head-on, yet did not suffer the same fate as Yang, Zuo, Zhou, Huang, and their fellows. Mao Shilong, by contrast, slipped away through cunning. Zhongxian's killings succeeded only because the eunuch-adoring faction was eager to destroy good men—putting the blade in others' hands and even claiming credit for the deed. Their guilt plainly exceeds Zhongxian's own.
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