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卷二百五十五 列傳第一百四十三 劉宗周 黃道周

Volume 255 Biographies 143: Liu Zongzhou, Huang Daozhou

Chapter 255 of 明史 · History of Ming
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Liu Zongzhou (Sub-biographies: Zhu Yuan and Wang Mushu)]〉 Huang Daozhou (Ye Tingxiu)]〉
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Liu Zongzhou, whose style name was Qidong, came from Shanyin. His father Liu Po held licentiate status. His mother, Lady Zhang, was five months pregnant when Po died. Once Zongzhou was born, the household was desperately poor, and his mother took him to be raised at her parents' home. Later, when his grandfather grew old and ill, Zongzhou returned home to care for him, chopping firewood, drawing water, and preparing medicinal gruel. But he was very frail in body, and his mother worried over him incessantly until she herself fell ill. Poverty compelled her to endure the illness without seeking treatment. In the twenty-ninth year of the Wanli reign, Zongzhou passed the jinshi examination, but his mother died at home. Zongzhou rushed home for the funeral and built a mourning hut within and outside the middle gate, weeping there day after day. After the mourning period ended, he was appointed courier official and asked leave to support his grandparents. Further deaths in the family kept him at home for seven years before he finally reported for duty. His mother's steadfast virtue was reported to the court.
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At that time the Kun and Xuan factions were at odds with the Donglin. Zongzhou memorialized the throne: "The Donglin was where Gu Xiancheng taught. Gao Panlong, Liu Yongcheng, Jiang Shichang, and Liu Yuanzhen were all men of worth. Yu Yuli and Ding Yuanjian plainly never betrayed their principles and bore the spirit of true statesmen. Ministers may rank men by pedigree, but they must not quarrel over opinions; they may criticize the Donglin, but they must not form Kun and Xuan factions. The factionalists erupted in protest, and Zongzhou thereupon asked to retire.
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鹿 西 祿
In the first year of Tianqi he was recalled to serve as director of rites. He memorialized: "Wei Jinzhong leads the emperor into riding, archery, and theatrical diversions, while the Lady of Fengsheng comes and goes as she pleases. In a single move three remonstrating officials were driven out and one punished, all by secret edicts; the trend is toward calling a deer a horse, wielding the power of life and death, and controlling the fate of the realm. War rages in the east and west—how can the empire be entrusted to eunuchs? Jinzhong was Wei Zhongxian, who in a fury suspended Zongzhou's salary for half a year. He soon urged that, since the law had not been upheld, Cui Wensheng should be executed for regicide, Lu Shou for illicit collusion, Yang Hao, Li Ruzhen, Li Weihan, and Zheng Zhifan for losing armies and territory, and Gao Chu, Hu Jiadong, Kang Yingqian, Niu Weiyao, Liu Guojin, and Fu Guo for abandoning cities and fleeing in rout; he urged the immediate recall of Li Sancai as Minister of War, the employment of celebrated men of clear opinion such as Ding Yuanjian and Li Pu, and the restoration of remonstrating officials such as Yang Lian and Liu Chongqing, to revive the spirit of holding fast to integrity and dying for righteousness. The emperor rebuked him sharply. He rose through the posts of vice director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, director of the Court of Imperial Seals, and vice minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud, then retired on grounds of illness. In the fourth year he was recalled as right vice commissioner of the Transmission Office, but on arrival he found Zhongxian had nearly wiped out the Donglin, and Zongzhou again firmly declined the post. Zhongxian accused him of affectation and disdain for public life and struck him from the official rolls.
5
In the winter of the first year of Chongzhen he was summoned to serve as metropolitan prefect of Shuntian. He declined, but the court would not accept his resignation. In the ninth month of the following year he entered the capital and submitted a memorial:
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Your Majesty strives tirelessly for good government and finds no rest from dawn till night. Yet in pressing for results too urgently, you cannot help seizing small gains and rushing after quick victories—how can this bring about the governance of Tang and Yu? Is not what you are urgently pursuing today for quick results military affairs? If garrison defense were truly taken as the supreme strategy, with streamlined troops, economized rations, and rectified penal administration spreading authority and trust, then in time none would fail to submit at the first rumor—but Your Majesty is now bent on revival and has set a deadline for campaigning beyond the frontier. At this season when treasury, granaries, and armories stand empty and resources are exhausted, draining the empire to feed hungry troops only makes the army more arrogant; massing the empire's armies to gamble on one battle yet finding no day fit for battle—this strategy is deeply mistaken.
7
Is not what you are scrupulously pursuing today for petty gains national finance? Your Majesty attends to the people's afflictions with compassionate concern, yet because the Minister of Revenue reports shortage, what is sought at once are all policies of extortion and exaction. When regular levies fall short, miscellaneous surcharges follow; when assessed penalties fall short, melting-loss fees are added. Flood, drought, and disaster harm go altogether unheeded; beatings grow harsher by the day, people on the roads dare not speak out, and common folk even sell wives and children to meet demands. Local officials treat extortion as conscientious administration, and policies of nurturing the people have vanished; superiors take urgent tax collection as the basis for evaluation, and the methods of promotion and demotion are lost. To hope that the state will have wealth in its treasuries is already impossible.
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詿
As the pursuit of utility and profit gains sway, the court daily grows more vexatious and harsh. Every matter is investigated beyond endurance, every man is picked at beyond endurance; thus names and realities fall into confusion and laws and orders multiply without end. Recently punishments for corrupt officials were made especially severe; from the chief ministers downward, more than ten suffered heavy penalties, yet the wind of greed has not fully ceased—the means of guidance have not been sound. Jia Yi said: "Rites forbid wrong before it happens; law is applied after it has already happened. If men are truly guided by rites, all will have the conduct of scholar-gentlemen and none the heart of dogs and swine—this is what is meant by forbidding wrong before it happens. Now all who have erred in office or been accused of bribery, even when already cleared, still face the clerks' deliberations; tortuous statutes and cunning slander cut off every path of reform, and men increasingly learn to be dull and shameless, adorning their outward appearance to deceive Your Majesty. The integrity of scholars decays by the day and official corruption grows plainer by the day. How can Your Majesty examine each case one by one?
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便
Moreover, the reason Your Majesty toils and burns with anxiety above is that worthy gentlemen have not been obtained for employment, yet those you praise and entrust are all men who rush about gathering tasks: taking exposure for shrewdness, accusation for uprightness, and ready compliance for talent—how then can worthy men be found and employed? When the right man is found, you demand perfection too far and may discard his strengths for his faults; you blame too harshly and may turn a fault into a fatal error.
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使 使
Moreover, what Your Majesty plans often goes beyond what ministers expect, and you cannot avoid a tendency to act on your own judgment. Ministers below have no leisure to remedy faults; slanderers and flatterers take advantage to drive wedges, and suspicion begins from this. To rely on one man's intelligence and not let ministers fully exert their loyalty is for the ears and eyes sometimes to be blocked; to rely on one man's keen judgment and not let grandees and the people settle what is right is for opinions sometimes to shift. There are secret edicts and memorials held in the palace—how can you pursue the splendor of the Xixi and Qiyuan reigns? For decades factionalism has destroyed how many upright men of the empire, and it still spreads without end. Your Majesty wishes to break the gentlemen to appease petty men's anger and employ petty men to accomplish the gentlemen's public duty—the overturned cart of former days will appear again throughout the empire.
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使
Your Majesty's zeal for good government is pressed too urgently. It ferments into utility and profit; utility and profit without end turn into penal statutes; penal statutes without end flow into suspicion; suspicion without end accumulates into obstruction. The peril of rectifying people's hearts is what secretly grows in the dark without one's knowing it. If you can truly establish the central standard and silently rectify your heart, so that what your heart sends forth is all the goodness of benevolence and righteousness—benevolence to nurture the empire, righteousness to rectify the myriad people—from the court to the four seas, all transformed by benevolence and righteousness—Your Majesty would at once stand beside Yao and Shun.
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The emperor thought him impractical and broad-minded, yet sighed at his loyalty.
13
退
Before long the capital came under attack; the emperor ceased holding court, and memorials were mostly held in the palace without response. An edict was transmitted to prepare eight hundred cloth sacks; eunuchs vied to present horses and mules, and officials were also ordered to present horses. Zongzhou said: "Someone must be moving the emperor toward relocating the court. He then went to the Meridian Gate, kowtowed, and remonstrated: "Whether the state's strength is great or small depends on whether the people's hearts are secure or in peril. I beg Your Majesty to come out and take the throne at the Gate of Imperial Zenith, extend audience to the hundred officials, and declare plainly that the ancestral temples and imperial tombs are here, and that steadfast defense is the only plan—there is no other. He prostrated himself awaiting a reply; from morning till evening he waited, and only when a eunuch transmitted an edict did he withdraw. As rice prices soared, he asked to abolish the nine-gate levies, repair market quarters to house the poor, provide gruel to nourish the aged and sick, and strictly enforce the baojia system; popular sentiment was somewhat calmed.
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使 便殿 使
At the time many grand secretaries and assisting ministers were imprisoned; Zongzhou said: "State affairs have come to this—the ministers bear responsibility and cannot escape guilt; Your Majesty should also share the blame. Yu and Tang blamed themselves, and their states rose swiftly. Formerly Your Majesty suspected the ministers on grounds of personal ties; the ministers were all within suspicion, and day by day and month by month it formed a hidden blockage—those who understood were deeply troubled. Today you should reveal sincere heart as the foundation for relieving difficulty: hold court in the side hall to extend audience to scholar-officials, return draft rescripts to the Grand Secretariat, return ordinary administration to ministries and courts, and give remonstrating officials the power to approve what is fit and reject what is not. If they are ineffective, then replace them accordingly; do not imprison them on the spot to make them guilty. Lately the court has bound civil officials like helpless chicks while treating martial stalwarts no differently from spoiled sons, gradually reversing favor and awe. Neither civil nor military men are trusted enough, and one or two inner eunuchs are exclusively relied upon; beyond the commanderies authority is delegated to them in turn. From antiquity there has never been a case where eunuchs commanded armies without harming the state. He also impeached Ma Shilong, Zhang Fengyi, Wu Aheng, and others for their crimes, offending the emperor.
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In the third year, on leave for illness, he advanced the doctrine of praying to Heaven for an enduring mandate, saying:
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詿
Of the great ways of patterning Heaven, none surpasses valuing the people's lives; then punishments should be fitting and even-handed. Your Majesty restrains subordinates with heavy statutes: factions of rebellion are punished, frontier failures are punished. All who err in office—the severe are beaten to death, the light are banished; half the court offices are stained with the garb of punishment. Yet what most wounds the body's politic is nothing like the imperial prison of edict. Vice censor-in-chief Yi Yingchang was sent down to the clerks for having reversed a verdict; the judicial offices surely take forced confessions for loyalty and uprightness—ruthless prosecutors follow one upon another throughout the empire. I wish that you embody Heaven's heart that loves life, first abolish the imperial prison of edict, and moreover pardon Yingchang—then this is one path of praying to Heaven for an enduring mandate.
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宿
Of the great ways of patterning Heaven, none surpasses enriching the people's livelihood; then levies and collections should be slow and light. Tax arrears are being exacted at once, and next year's dues are already being collected in advance; at every level collectors hound the people for payment, neighborhoods are worn to exhaustion, and corrupt officials have become an ever greater calamity for common folk. In Guizhou, touring censor Su Yan was reported to his superiors over items found in his luggage. If the touring inspector himself accepts bribes, why bother investigating his lower-ranking staff? Predatory officials who bleed the people dry are everywhere to be found across the realm. I urge you to honor Heaven's compassion for living things by abolishing the new military levy first and strictly disciplining the official class—another way to seek Heaven's blessing for a lasting reign.
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Yet the sovereign is, after all, Heaven's principal heir; and his chief ministers are the household stewards of that heir. Your Majesty chooses ministers through special imperial appointment. I also beg you to share that same humane spirit—do not purge your opponents, manufacture major prosecutions against court officials, and visit upon the state the disaster of factional strife; Do not coddle those who profit from their achievements, steer the sovereign toward ruthless accumulation of power, and bring about the conditions for the empire to crumble from within.
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Zhou Yanru and Wen Tiren were displeased when they read the memorial. Because the court was praying for rain while Zongzhou claimed illness, they accused him of deliberate defiance, aroused the emperor's wrath, and drafted an imperial reply to rebuke him. They also demanded that he present plans to supply the army adequately; Zongzhou answered with a detailed program, and neither Yanru nor Tiren could find fault with it.
20
As mayor of the capital, he overhauled the administration and made a point of reining in the great clans. When eunuchs tried to intervene in his affairs he simply ignored them; some traded insults with him, but Zongzhou kept governing as he saw fit. When a retainer of the Earl of Wuqing assaulted a student, Zongzhou had the man beaten and put in the cangue outside the earl's residence. On one of his outings he saw actors carrying locked trunks; he had them burned in the open street. He showed particular concern for widowed households and the poorest families. After a year in office he resigned citing illness and went home; the people of the capital shut down the markets in protest.
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退
In the seventh month of the eighth year, with the Grand Secretariat short of members, the emperor ordered the Ministry of Personnel to nominate officials at home on leave, and the names of Sun Shenxing, Lin Qian, and Zongzhou were submitted. An edict commanded the relevant offices to press them to come at once; Zongzhou firmly declined, but the emperor would not accept his refusal. The following year, in the first month, he reached the capital; Shenxing had already died, and he attended court together with Lin Qian. The emperor asked about the availability of capable men, military supplies, and the raging disorder of the roving rebels. Zongzhou said: "Your Majesty is too eager for quick results, too harsh in applying the law, too busy issuing orders, and too casual in promoting or dismissing officials throughout the realm. Officials fear punishment and hide their mistakes rather than do their jobs; so there are men but they serve no purpose, funds but they are wasted, generals who cannot discipline their troops, and soldiers who cannot defeat the rebels. The rebel bands are your own people; treat them wisely and they will return to peaceful life as ordinary subjects. What matters now above all is winning back popular loyalty, and that begins with easing the pressure on local administrators. Heavy punishment destroys local governance; ruined governance drives the people to despair—and from that despair, banditry grows daily." When Zongzhou had finished speaking, the emperor turned to military affairs. Zongzhou replied: "The key to resisting foreign enemies is to put our own house in order first. When domestic order is sound, distant peoples will submit of their own accord—just as the savage Miao yielded when the sage-king danced with shield and plumes rather than fought. If Your Majesty governs with the same heart as Yao and Shun and follows their example, the empire will settle itself without further force." With that he finished his answer and hurried out of the hall. The emperor turned to Wen Tiren, dismissed Zongzhou's advice as unrealistic, named Lin Qian to the Grand Secretariat, and gave Zongzhou a different post. Zongzhou was soon made left vice minister of Works. A month later he submitted the 《Memorial of Grief and Indignation at the Hardships of the Age》, saying:
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使 使
Your Majesty is determined to set things right, yet you have had no time to study the principles by which the sage-kings of antiquity ruled, and much of what has been attempted has missed the mark. You first fixed your hopes on frontier glory, and the governor-general then put forward the plan to recover lost territory within five years—the seed from which later disasters grew. During the Jisi campaign of 1629, the state lacked wise counsel, and the court began to look on the scholar-official class with growing contempt. From then on the court's eyes and ears fell to palace attendants, its trust to military commanders, governance came to prize harsh legalism, policy dissolved into petty detail, and the empire's affairs grew worse by the day until they seemed beyond repair. The secret police kept watch on all sides, and the culture of informers flourished; the imperial prison reached even into the gentry, and no distinction remained between high office and low; everyone scrambled merely to avoid blame, and deceit became ever more widespread; every decision awaited the emperor's word alone, and flattery grew day by day. The law no longer ran through the Ministry of Justice, yet offenders multiplied daily; imperial edicts piled punishment upon punishment, and the emperor personally judged thousands of cases each year until the virtue of sparing life was altogether lost. Petty scribes shaped the emperor's decrees until the throne's words lost their dignity, and exactions reached down to the smallest matters until the body of government itself was injured. Punishment fell heaviest on tax collection, yet officials grew greedier, clerks more brutal, and arrears ever larger; Beatings multiplied until the people were worn to the bone; harsh law and heavy levies together crushed them, and banditry rose day by day. Appoint a grand coordinator and the ministers' real authority thins; dispatch supervising commissioners and frontier commanders' responsibility grows faint. Governors and governors-general lost real power and generals grew daily more timid; military officers ignored the law and soldiers grew daily more insolent—and with cowardly generals and arrogant troops, the court's authority stopped at the desk of every frontier commander. The court set deadlines for suppressing rebels, yet in the field commanders daily killed innocent people to claim credit, and the common folk suffered ever more grievously. Then Heaven seemed at last to move your heart: you removed the grand supervisors, chose local officials with greater care, issued invitations to worthy men, reined in ruthless magistrates, and proclaimed a new beginning—I and a few colleagues had begun to wash away our doubts and hope for genuine accord between ruler and ministers, never imagining how hard that meeting would prove. You found a man like Wen Zhenmeng and dismissed him on a single accusation, breaking the bond of trust among your chief ministers; You found a man like Chen Zizhuang and punished him for excessive bluntness, until the court no longer heard the anxious voice of honest remonstrance. These matters touch the very body of the state and the hearts of the people; they are no small thing.
23
使
Your Majesty must honor Heaven by sharing its will to nurture life, and not rely on thunder and terror alone; You must follow the ancestral institutions that took antiquity as their guide, and not change them lightly. Issue orders that are brief and to the point, nurture talent with generosity, and strengthen the nation's lifeblood with loyalty and forbearance. Proclaim benevolent policies and win back the scattered loyalty of the realm; restore the inner court to its proper duties, punish cowardly commanders who broke discipline, and be cautious in altering the fiefs of imperial clansmen. Send court officials with funds from the inner treasury to tour the provinces as pacification commissioners, and pardon those who fled into exile without guilt. Station troops at strategic passes, fortify defenses and clear the countryside, and let the rebels exhaust themselves until they surrender of their own accord. Beyond punishing the ringleaders, you could finish this campaign without killing another soul—why must you parade the army in review.
24
When the memorial arrived, the emperor was furious and repeatedly ordered the Grand Secretariat to draft a harsh reply. Each time a draft was submitted, the emperor would take the memorial in hand, read it again, rise from his seat, and pace back and forth several times. Before long his anger cooled; he issued an edict of inquiry, saying that senior ministers should weigh affairs in light of the state's needs and the times, and should not imitate petty officials who blame the court to burnish their own reputations—yet he also praised Zongzhou's integrity and blunt honesty.
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At the time the Court of the Imperial Stud lacked funds for horse prices; an edict invited voluntary donations, and Wen Tiren, the Duke of Chengguo Zhu Chunchen, and many others contributed. The court also debated canceling the next year's tribute audience at court. Zongzhou regarded soliciting donations and canceling court audiences as a grave humiliation for the state. The emperor was displeased, but in his heart he admired Zongzhou's loyalty and wanted all the more to give him greater responsibility. Wen Tiren feared this outcome and recruited a fellow townsman from Shanyin named Xu Hu to submit a memorial arguing that Zongzhou was strong in moral learning but weak in practical judgment. Because Xu Hu came from the same district as Zongzhou, the emperor took his account as reliable and dropped the plan to promote him further.
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That autumn he submitted three memorials asking to resign and leave office. When he reached Tianjin he learned that the capital was under attack, and so he stayed there to recover from his illness. In the tenth month, once affairs had settled somewhat, he submitted a memorial that read:
27
退
In the Jisi crisis, Yuan Chonghuan alone misled the state. Petty men competed to settle old factional scores; anyone who differed from them was branded a member of Chonghuan's clique, slandered day after day, and driven from office one by one. From that point petty men rose while upright officials fell back; eunuchs handled affairs while the outer court was steadily pushed aside. Paperwork multiplied daily, deceit grew worse daily, court governance decayed daily, and frontier defense deteriorated daily. The disaster we face today has in truth been brewing ever since the Jisi crisis.
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Zhang Fengyi was derelict at the center of government, yet you gave him sole command of the campaign—how can that answer for the death of Wang Qia? Ding Kuichu and others failed on the frontier, yet you allowed them to serve while bearing guilt—how can that answer for the death of Liu Ce? Of the relief armies sent from the garrisons, how many raced to reach the capital first—and none were punished for delay; how can that answer for the death of Geng Ruju? And now you would spend the people of two prefectures and eight counties merely to settle the affairs of a band of well-fed marauders—how then can the court officials who crowd together as if they had nothing to answer for make amends to Han Kuang, Zhang Fengxiang, Li Banghua, and others who were banished or driven from office? Is it not that they once purged their opponents without mercy, yet today find it easy enough to shield their own allies? From this I understand that petty men will never stop bringing calamity upon the state.
29
祿
Once Tang Dezong said to his ministers: "People say Lu Qi is treacherous and wicked, but I myself notice nothing of the kind." The ministers replied: "That is precisely what makes Lu Qi treacherous and wicked." I have pondered this saying again and again; it holds the essential key to unmasking villains for all time. Hence the saying: "The greatest villain looks loyal; the greatest flatterer looks sincere. In recent years Your Majesty has hated cliques and private alliances, yet officials have mostly risen by informing on one another; Your Majesty has valued integrity, yet officials have mostly won favor through cautious conformity; Your Majesty has prized diligence, yet officials have rushed to agree with you and called that respect; Your Majesty has valued thorough oversight, yet officials have nitpicked petty matters to show how sharp they are. All such men belong to the very type that looks loyal and sincere; examine their motives and you find nothing but self-interest and salary. If Your Majesty fails to see through them and keeps employing them, you will gather every petty man in the empire at court without even realizing it. Even if the realm lacks talent, how could it be that every capable man comes from the ranks of the eunuchs? Yet whenever crisis comes, Your Majesty invariably entrusts them with great responsibility. Eunuch commissioners were sent to the three auxiliary garrisons, and to Tongzhou, Tianjin, Linqing, and Dezhou; Their rank was then raised until it matched that of governors-general. If eunuchs serve as governors-general, what place is left for the actual governors-general? If the governor-general has no real power, what purpose is there in appointing provincial governors and censors? That is why the border provinces became a proving ground.
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退
Petty men constantly band together to bolster one another, while the gentleman stands apart in dignified independence. There have always been upright officials who made use of lesser men, but no upright official has ever joined a faction of them. If Your Majesty truly wishes to promote the upright and remove the corrupt—the very hinge on which order and chaos turn—yet still lets eunuchs interfere, you are openly telling them which side to favor. When a clear-sighted minister remonstrates, even if Your Majesty rejects his advice, why must you also drive him from office? Yet Censor Jin Guangchen was actually dismissed for it, as if Your Majesty feared offending the eunuchs—that is scarcely the message to send the empire.
31
Among today's worst abuses of criminal justice: Cheng De was an overbearing official, yet he was banished only on a corruption charge—how does that vindicate the decree against graft? Shen Shaofang had served more than ten years as a provincial inspector, yet was banished on a trumped-up charge of lobbying—how does that uphold the standard meant to curb factionalism? In the Zheng Yan affair, men were punished on false charges—how does that teach the people to honor family duty? In each of these cases the former Grand Secretary Wen Zhenmeng pulled strings and settled scores—the old trick of purging rivals—and no courtier dared object.
32
Your Majesty had no way of learning any of this. Alas—in eight years, who held the reins of government, that things have come to this! Your servant cannot defend Chief Grand Secretary Wen Tiren. As the ode says: "Who raised the mischief—still, to this day, a grievous thorn? That describes Tiren. When the memorial reached the throne the Emperor flew into a rage; Tiren submitted a furious rebuttal, and Zongzhou was reduced to commoner status.
33
殿
In the ninth month of year fourteen the Ministry of Personnel needed a Left Vice Minister; the court's nomination did not please the Emperor. At court the Emperor sighed and told his ministers: "Liu Zongzhou is honest and outspoken—he will serve well. The appointment was made at once. He declined twice but could not refuse, and set out for the capital. On the road he submitted three memorials: on clarifying sage learning as the foundation of rule; on embodying it as the core of government; and on upholding it as the path to a well-ordered realm—in all, several thousand words. The Emperor responded with a warm commendation. The following August, before he even reached the capital, he was promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief. He protested vigorously, but an imperial order commanded him to proceed at once. A month later he was received in audience at Wenhua Hall. The Emperor asked what the Censorate's duty was. He answered: "To set one's own house in order, and thereby set the bureaucracy in order. What must be kept within: uprightness before sovereign and father, integrity before every scholar-official under Heaven—only then will the bureaucracy take that standard as its mirror. Senior officials must uphold the law, junior officials must stay honest, and discipline must be restored—that is the duty, and holding touring censors accountable comes first. Appoint the right men as touring censors, and local governance will be clean and the people will thrive. The Emperor said: "Carry this out with all your strength, as I expect of you." He then submitted a program of six reforms: restoring proper governance, upholding the law, defending the dignity of the state, uprooting hidden enemies, punishing corrupt officials, and tightening administrative discipline—and the Emperor approved it warmly. Soon he impeached Censors Yu Shangyou and Yan Yunjing and recommended Yuan Kai and Cheng Yong in their place—the Emperor agreed to both. Yu Shangyou later accepted a high post from Li Zicheng and was forever after condemned by posterity.
34
In the tenth month of winter the capital came under attack. He called for honors for Lu Xiangsheng, who had died in the field; for posthumous punishment of Yang Sichang, the minister who had betrayed the realm; and for the arrest of the domineering general Zuo Liangyu; Fortify the passes against a rebel counterthrust; hold Lu against a breakthrough crossing; and strengthen Tongzhou, Tianjin, Linqing, and Dezhou against a southward advance. The Emperor could not adopt all of these measures.
35
西 使
On the last day of the intercalary month he summoned his ministers to audience at the Middle Left Gate. Jiang Cai and Xiong Kaiyuan had been thrown into the imperial prison for remonstrating; Zongzhou rallied the Nine Ministers to intercede. On entering court he learned that a secret order had condemned both men to death. Zongzhou stared in shock and told the others: "Today we must remonstrate with every seal left blank—we cannot rest until the case is transferred to the Ministry of Justice. When they came before the throne, Censor Yang Ruoqiao recommended the Westerner Adam Schall as an expert in firearms and asked that he be summoned for a trial demonstration. Zongzhou said: "Frontier officials no longer study the arts of defense and garrison duty—they rely entirely on firearms. Cities have fallen one after another lately—is that because we lacked firearms? We use them to subdue the enemy, but once the enemy has them they can subdue us—did not Hejian fall precisely to enemy firearms? The fundamental policy of the state rests on law and discipline. Field marshals grow insubordinate and relief columns stall—why indulge them and waste effort on such useless schemes? Turning to the question of which commanders should stay or go, he called first for the removal of Supreme Commander Fan Zhichuan. He added: "For fifteen years Your Majesty's decisions have missed the mark, and that has brought us to today's ruin. Without reckoning with how disaster began, and instead trying to patch present failures with every expedient at hand—that is not the path to lasting stability. The Emperor's face darkened. "The past cannot be undone—what then is to be done?" Zongzhou answered: "Your Majesty must speak plainly and govern openly—let the whole realm share in judgment of right and wrong, let the nation participate in choosing officials, promote talent, open the channels of remonstrance, and step by step begin anew with the people." The Emperor said: "War fires are already at the capital's gates, and the state is near collapse—what is to be done now?" Zongzhou said: "Military strength begins with trained soldiers; trained soldiers require chosen generals; good generals require worthy governors and commanders; and worthy governors require the right leaders in the Ministries of Personnel and War. As a Song statesman said: "When civil officials refuse bribes and military officers fear no death, the realm is at peace." Those words are the very medicine the age needs. Men are judged today only on brilliance and reputation, never on moral character; no commander lacking in integrity has ever dared lead from the front or inspired real discipline in his troops. Men who talk fast and act boldly are praised as talented, but such gifts win promotions, not victories—what good are they in deciding the fate of the realm?" The Emperor said: "In a crisis, talent comes before scruples." Zongzhou replied: "Every past collapse has come from greed and lax discipline; so in a crisis integrity must come before talent." The Emperor said: "A great commander needs a broader vision than mere integrity alone can provide." Zongzhou said: "Need I argue further? Take Fan Zhichuan—lacking in integrity, with every officer from general to captain buying his post—that is why the army fell apart. From this it is clear that character must come first." The Emperor's expression softened. "I understand," he said. He told Zongzhou to rise.
36
使 使 使 調
Zongzhou then submitted a memorial from the floor: "Your Majesty has just issued an edict calling for men of talent, yet Jiang Cai and Xiong Kaiyuan have already been punished for speaking out. Never in this dynasty has a censor been thrown into the imperial prison—if it happens now, these two will be the first. Your Majesty's generosity is boundless—even rash men like myself and blunt ones like Huang Daozhou have been granted mercy—why are these two men denied even that? The Emperor said: "Huang Daozhou had learning and principles—they are not in the same class." Zongzhou said: "They may fall short of Huang Daozhou, but the court has always treated censors with dignity—accept good advice and reject bad, but do not destroy the men. Even if they deserve punishment, the matter belongs before the regular courts. To throw them at once into the imperial prison is to wound the dignity of the state itself." The Emperor flew into a rage. "The Ministry of Justice and the Brocade Guard are both courts of law—where is the distinction? And punishing one or two censors—how does that damage the state? Are graft, law-breaking, and deceit of the throne all to go unpunished?" Zongzhou said: "The Brocade Guard are pampered noblemen's sons—what do they know of justice? They take their orders from the eunuchs. Even for crimes of graft and treason, the case must still go to the regular judiciary." The Emperor exploded: "Such blatant favoritism—how can you hold the censor's post!" After a pause he said: "Someone must be behind Xiong Kaiyuan's memorial—I suspect it is Zongzhou himself." Jin Guangchen objected. The Emperor shouted Guangchen down and ordered both men punished. The next day Jin Guangchen was demoted three ranks and reassigned; Zongzhou was dismissed; the Ministry of Justice deliberated his sentence. The grand secretaries withheld the order and pleaded before the Emperor with the original edict in hand; Zongzhou was spared execution but banished as a commoner.
37
駿駿 駿 駿 駿
Two years after his return home, the capital fell. Zongzhou marched on foot with a weapon to Hangzhou and demanded that Governor Huang Mingjun proclaim the Emperor's death and raise troops against the rebels. Huang urged restraint. Zongzhou blazed with anger: "The throne itself has been overthrown, and you command the province—yet instead of taking up arms and weeping blood to rally vengeance, you cite 'restraint' as an excuse to do nothing? Huang Mingjun murmured agreement. The next day Zongzhou pressed him again. Huang Mingjun said: "We cannot proclaim the funeral without an imperial mourning edict. Zongzhou said: "Good heavens—what moment is this, and where would such an edict come from!" Huang Mingjun finally proclaimed the mourning. When asked when he would march, Huang said: "Our arms and armor are not yet ready. Zongzhou sighed: "Ah—this man is capable of nothing worth doing!" He then joined the former Vice Minister Zhu Dadian and the former palace advisers Zhang Zhenchen and Xiong Rulin in raising a volunteer army. Just as they were about to march, the Prince of Fu assumed regency at Nanjing and recalled Zongzhou to his former rank. Zongzhou declined the post while national vengeance remained unfulfilled, calling himself a private subject of the wilderness, and submitted a memorial on current policy, declaring:
38
The paramount task today is vengeance against the rebels—without it, Your Majesty's purpose in crossing the Yangtze cannot be made clear; Nothing short of a resolute decision to lead the campaign in person can stir the empire's spirit of loyal service.
39
西
First, seize advantageous ground and plan the advance north. The lower Yangtze is no place to settle for mere survival; I urge an active strategy to recover the north. Fengyang—the old "Central Capital"—commands Xuzhou and the Huai region to the east, Henan to the north, and Jingzhou and Xiangyang to the west, while lying close to Nanjing to the south. Station Your Majesty's expeditionary force there. Keep all appointments provisional under a "mobile court" designation, preserving among your ministers some sense of shared guilt and penitence. Advance step by step from there, and Qin, Jin, Yan, and Qi will surely rally to the cause.
40
Second, strengthen the frontier defenses so they can actually hold the line. For hundreds of miles along the Huai and Yang regions, two commissioners with full military authority were stationed—yet they could not repel the enemy. They raced each other south and surrendered the entire north bank without a fight. Lu Zhenfei, commissioner of grain transport, held Huai city while keeping his family on boats far away—a clear signal that flight was acceptable; Soon the garrison generals Liu Zeqing and Gao Jie were likewise sending their families south of the Yangtze. Desertion on the battlefield is a capital offense. I say the governor and both garrison commanders all deserve execution.
41
Third, review ennoblements and rewards carefully to restore military discipline. Review every commander's titles and rewards: distinguish the deserved from the gratuitous. Strip lesser offenders of their marquisates; revoke earldoms from the worst. If the Left Marshal was ennobled for recovering territory while Gao and Liu were rewarded for defeat and flight, who would not claim a title? Indiscriminate rewards to generals invite the same from civil officials, and from regional officials to palace eunuchs. The empire will lose heart when it sees this.
42
使
Fourth, audit former officials and restore ministerial standards. After the fall of Beijing, some took offices under the puppet regime and rebelled; some took such offices and fled; some abandoned their posts; some abandoned imperial missions. None deserve pardon. Judgment should be swift and differentiated, as a warning for the future.
43
Many more accepted the rebel regime's appointments in the south and wavered between loyalty and surrender; They will surely spin excuses to confuse the people. These too must be punished without mercy. He continued:
44
When the rebels swept through Shaanxi and Shanxi toward the capital, panic spread everywhere—yet the Jiangnan region sat undisturbed while governors and commissioners failed to send a single rider to aid the capital. The rebels rode straight to the Forbidden City. Standing idle while the emperor and dynasty perished—that is the first count against the frontier officials. Once the dreadful news was confirmed, ministers should have seized their arms and fought immediately to redeem themselves—not even waiting for breakfast. Instead they looked to Nanjing for safety, quarreled over defensive strategies, shirked military responsibility to outsiders, and fought over credit for policy decisions—that is another count against them. Once the new court was established, a northern expedition should have been launched the very same day. At minimum, send an envoy by secret route north: rally the elders of Yan, summon the princes of the frontier, mourn the ancestral temples, recover the emperor's coffin, and find surviving members of the imperial clan. Better still, mobilize Zheng Zhilong of Fujian: sail a fleet to Tianjin while the frontier governors and garrisons coordinate a rising—the cause might yet be saved. The court conceived none of these plans—another count of disloyalty against the ministers. Officials punished and dismissed should have been restored according to the late emperor's will. Instead blanket amnesties have been granted. The verdicts against the eunuchs have been overturned by contradictory edicts. Rapacious figures of that ilk will all be rehabilitated—yet another count of disloyalty. I say accountability should begin with every negligent minister, at court and in the provinces.
45
The emperor accepted the memorial and ordered it deposited in the Historical Archives. Court and country were shaken. Ma Shi Ying, Gao Jie, and Liu Zeqing were enraged and increasingly bent on killing Zongzhou. Zongzhou repeatedly requested leave without success, then submitted a bold memorial impeaching Ma Shi Ying, declaring:
46
Your Majesty's accession in the Huai region was Heaven's own gift. Yet for escort duty of the slightest kind, one man entered the Grand Secretariat, took control of the central administration, and accepted hereditary honors without a qualm—was that not Ma Shi Ying? Then Li Zhan boasted of having settled the succession and goaded the court into factional strife. Liu Kongzhao, angered by unequal rewards, turned his fury on the chief minister. The court erupted in uproar, and the dark faction began to stir. Invoking "military expertise" lets traitors off scot-free; opening the path to "surrender" welcomes back deserters—and ministers of the Grand Secretariat are resigning one after another. With factional warfare consuming the court, who has time to fight the rebels in the north? The foundations of the new state are already neglected—how can we speak of recovering the realm? Gao Jie was a deserter, yet he was treated like a spoiled favorite—a growing threat to the throne. After the Huai-Yang disaster, the court could easily have reprimanded the governor and circuit intendant to appease him—but that only fed his arrogance, shielded as he was by Ma Shi Ying's protection. Generals Liu and Huang each held established garrison posts, yet their territories were shuffled like chess pieces until mutual suspicion reigned. The four garrisons north of the river were carved up to appease Gao Jie—how could that not inflame their ambitions? He alone started it all. Since the founding of the dynasty, the Metropolitan Garrison has been commanded by meritorious nobles, with senior officers as deputies. At the very founding of the state, Your Majesty appointed the eunuch Lu Jiude to command the Metropolitan Garrison—Ma Shi Ying cannot evade responsibility for that.
47
In sum, war and rebellion spring from the collusion of petty men—and petty men and eunuchs are invariably partners in crime. Never in history have eunuchs held power while generals won victories in the field. I urge Your Majesty to read the balance of power clearly: dismiss Ma Shi Ying but send him to supervise Fengyang, coordinate the garrisons, and settle on a military strategy. Even if Shi Kefa does not return to the central administration, he should march north from the Huai, cross the Yellow River, establish a separate command, and coordinate with Ma Shi Ying in a pincer movement. As for the Metropolitan Garrison command—cancel that appointment outright. Record it in the annals as the Hongguang era's first great act of statecraft.
48
The emperor replied with a gracious edict and urged him to come to court at once.
49
駿 輿 使
Ma Shi Ying was furious. That same day he submitted his resignation and declared at court: "Lord Liu calls himself a private subject of the wilderness and omitted the new imperial title from his memorial—a plain refusal to acknowledge the Son of Heaven." His client Zhu Tonglei then impeached Zongzhou for requesting that the court move to Fengyang: "Fengyang is a prison city. He means to confine the emperor there while he and Shi Kefa install the Prince of Lu. His troops are already hidden at Danyang. Guard against them at once." Meanwhile Liu Zeqing and Gao Jie plotted day and night to kill Zongzhou. Failing in that, they sent ten groups of assassins after him. Zongzhou was then at Danyang, sitting upright all day without a trace of fear. Assassins came and went but none dared strike. Meanwhile Huang Mingjun came to court, and his troops reached Jingkou and fought with the river-defense forces. Ma Shi Ying, believing Zhu Tonglei's accusation, was terrified as well. Then Liu Zeqing memorialized: "Zongzhou secretly sabotages the recovery effort, seeks to execute us, inflames the troops, and invites disaster upon the people." Liu Liangzuo also submitted a memorial accusing Zongzhou of championing the "Three Cases," leading the factional alliance, and urging a personal campaign—plotting, like Chao Cuo, to hold power while the emperor marched, and, like Sima Yi, to shut the gates against the throne. Before that memorial was even issued, Liu Zeqing drafted another, signed by Gao Jie, Liu Liangzuo, and Huang Degong, declaring: "Zongzhou urged Your Majesty to lead the campaign personally, endangering the throne, and meant to place you in the midst of battle and peril. This was not Zongzhou's plot alone—Jiang Yueguang and Wu Shen were his co-conspirators. Yueguang is ambitious and bold; enthroning the emperor was never his true aim. He secretly formed a faction, purged the loyal, and then meant to seize the imperial carriage and relocate the court. If Wu Shen and Zongzhou enter the capital, we shall cross the Yangtze, appear before the throne, denounce these traitors face to face, and uphold the 《Spring and Autumn Annals》 principle of punishing rebels." When the memorial arrived, the court was horrified. An edict was issued calling for harmony and unity. Zongzhou had no choice but to enter court on the eighteenth day of the seventh month. When Liu Zeqing's memorial was issued, he sent a copy to Gao Jie. Gao Jie said: "We are soldiers—since when do we meddle in court affairs?" Huang Degong submitted a defense: "Your subject had no part in this." Ma Shi Ying suppressed it and never forwarded it to the throne. Shi Kefa, indignant, sent envoys to question every garrison. All denied knowledge of the plot. He reported this to the throne, and Liu Zeqing and his allies lost heart.
50
退
Ma Shi Ying, already hostile to Zongzhou, sought all the more to remove him—and recommended Ruan Dacheng as a military expert. An edict summoned him to court in formal dress. Soon afterward, by special imperial order he was appointed additional Right Vice Minister of War. Zongzhou said: "Whether Ruan Dacheng is appointed or dismissed bears on the survival of the southern regime—I cannot remain silent. If the court will not listen, I too shall resign." The memorial was rejected. Zongzhou resigned, and the emperor granted him the use of official transport. Before departing, he submitted a final memorial outlining five points:
51
滿
First, restore sound governance; do not let present pleasures eclipse long-term strategy. The dynasty has suffered catastrophe, yet the court busies itself with new projects as though no one any longer aspires to recover the north. Palaces rise, curios accumulate, and actors and plays fill the halls; eunuchs pack the court, imperial guards fill every seat, and royal in-laws crowd the halls; slanderers thrive, the channels of remonstrance are blocked, and official conduct is in chaos. This is what it means to indulge the present and forget the larger design.
52
Second, clarify the nation's true direction; do not let factional malice undermine upright conduct. The charge of "faction" is a weapon petty men wield against the upright—it hollowed out the state in the late emperor's reign, and that lesson stands before us. Now the chief villains are being rehabilitated, while gentlemen who died for their principles or for the country seem to have been punished beyond death itself. The cause is plain: one man's appointment, justified by precedents from three reigns, has been used to purge the old guard. Private alliances weigh heavier than loyalty to the throne; he forms a faction himself while accusing others of factionalism—this is how malice grows and upright conduct is destroyed.
53
滿
Third, set governance on the right footing; do not put punitive law ahead of moral instruction. The late emperor leaned heavily on punitive law, and the appetite for executions began with Wen Tiren. The cycle of executions widened day by day until resentment poisoned the realm. Recently corrupt officials have been condemned without proper inquiry; restitution is demanded before guilt is even established. If an inspector like Yu Haoshan were to tour the provinces, using Cheng De's case to curry favor with the chief minister—who could tell justice from flattery? Corruption in the Bureau of Appointments' military affairs draws public outrage, yet even the guard officials dare not investigate—what then is the purpose of the secret police? It only diminishes the emperor's moral authority and damages the foundations of rule—this is what it means to fixate on punishment and forget moral instruction.
54
Fourth, strengthen the nation's foundations; do not let troubles abroad ferment crisis at home. When Huai and Yang first reported unrest, it was not long before the Gao and Huang garrisons mobilized and turned on each other. Four garrisons, each nominally thirty thousand strong, slaughter one another instead of fighting the enemy—and daily demand that the court broker peace. To what end? Maintaining a hundred and twenty thousand soldiers who never fight, and paying rations for a hundred and twenty thousand soldiers who never fight—this is a sure path to ruin. Rather than cut them back, the court only adds new levies and exorbitant taxes. To keep a few predatory warlords and sacrifice the realm to their ambitions—this is how external threats are nurtured into civil catastrophe.
55
The emperor responded with a gracious edict acknowledging the memorial.
56
西
The following May, the Southern Capital was lost. In June the Prince of Lu surrendered, and Hangzhou fell as well. Zongzhou was at his meal when he shoved the table aside and broke into agonized weeping. From that moment he refused food. He moved outside the city walls. Some urged him to follow the examples of Wen Tianxiang and Xie Fangde. Zongzhou said, "When the Northern Capital fell, one might die or one might live; I was in the countryside, and restoration still seemed possible. When the Southern Capital fell, the emperor had abandoned his own throne—yet one might still choose to die or to live, in hope that another leader would emerge. Now our own region of Yue has surrendered. If an old minister such as I does not die, what am I waiting for? If one argues that without office one need not share a city's fate, must one not still share one's native soil's fate? This was why Jiang Wanli chose death." He went to pay farewell at his ancestors' graves, then took a boat past Xiyang Harbor and threw himself into the water. The water was too shallow, and the boatmen pulled him out. He fasted for twenty-three days. At first he still drank tea; for the last thirteen days he would not swallow even a spoonful of water. With his disciples he discussed and answered as though nothing were amiss. He died on the eighth day of the intercalary sixth month, aged sixty-eight. Among his disciples who died for principle were Zhu Yuan and Wang Muzhi.
57
便 便 滿 使 使
Zhu Yuan, courtesy name Kaimei, was from Haining. In the sixth year of Chongzhen (1633) he passed the provincial examination. Feeling himself too young and his learning incomplete, he secluded himself in a hermitage on a mountain peak for three years of study, rarely showing his face even to the monks. In the winter of the fifteenth year (1642) he traveled to the capital for the metropolitan examination, just as Liu Zongzhou was remonstrating at court over the dismissal of Jiang Cai and Xiong Kaiyuan. Zhu Yuan submitted a forceful memorial: "Liu Zongzhou is blunt and upright by nature, endowed with loyalty and filial devotion. Since taking office he has lived on frugal meals and slept little, devoting himself to repaying the state's grace. The realm faces calamity on every side and corruption runs rampant. If you seek an upright man to enforce discipline, who is better than Liu Zongzhou? If Liu Zongzhou is dismissed as inflexible, his successor will surely be obsequious; if he is dismissed as obstinate, his successor will surely be sly and expedient. Once such obsequious and crafty men rise, they will trade favors for bribes and invert right and wrong. I beg Your Majesty to revoke the order and restore him to office. The realm would be the better for it." The emperor, displeased, barred Zhu Yuan from the metropolitan examination and referred the matter to the Board of Rites. Zhu Yuan had never met Liu Zongzhou before, but once granted leave he went to visit him. Liu Zongzhou asked, "Did you act without ulterior motive, or were you moved by a craving for reputation?" Zhu Yuan rose from his seat and said frankly, "Your reputation fills the realm. I would be ashamed not to join your school. I wish to become your disciple." The following year he followed Liu Zongzhou to Shanyin. When the Board of Rites reported its findings, Zhu Yuan was thrown into the imperial prison and interrogated about who had incited him. Zhu Yuan said, "A man lives or dies by his own conviction. Why would I take orders from anyone?" The case passed to the Ministry of Justice, and fellow jinshi submitted a joint memorial demanding his release. Soon after, the capital fell. Zhu Yuan arranged the funeral of Wu Linzheng, the Vice Minister of Ceremonies who had died in the fall, and escorted his coffin home. He went to the Nanjing Ministry of Justice to pursue his old case, but the minister ordered him to desist. He memorialized calling for the execution of corrupt ministers, but the Transmission Office suppressed it. The supervising secretary Chen Zilong recommended Zhu Yuan and the Hanlin attendant Tu Zhongji as men of principle fit for censorial posts. Tu Zhongji was from Zhangpu. As a common student he had traveled a vast distance to petition on Huang Daozhou's behalf and was punished with beating and exile. The recommendation was rejected.
58
After Liu Zongzhou was dismissed and returned home, Zhu Yuan visited him frequently to study. When he had done wrong, he would go to a private room, kneel in tears, and chastise himself. When Hangzhou fell, Zhu Yuan was burying his mother and rushed to complete the funeral. After the burial he returned home, made offerings, and hanged himself. He was thirty-five. Two days later Liu Zongzhou died of starvation.
59
Wang Muzhi, courtesy name Yuanzhi, was from Kuaiji. A student, he was wild and unrestrained. Later he became Liu Zongzhou's disciple, to the derision of his fellow students. When Hangzhou fell, Liu Zongzhou was starving himself but had not yet died. Wang Muzhi wrote: "Master, I urge you to end your life soon, lest you be mocked by someone like Wang Yanwu." Soon a friend came to call. Wang Muzhi asked, "What will you do?" The friend replied, "One always has the example of Tao Yuanming." Wang Muzhi said, "No. We are men who love pleasure. Given time, I fear we could not hold to such restraint." One day he summoned all his old friends for a farewell feast, with musicians playing. When the wine was spent, he took a lamp, walked out, and drowned himself beneath Willow Bridge—one month before Liu Zongzhou's death. His countrymen gave him the posthumous title Master of Righteous Integrity.
60
Liu Zongzhou first studied under Xu Fuyuan. He later entered the Donglin Academy, where he studied with Gao Panlong and others. He also took part in the gatherings at Feng Congwu's Shoushan Academy. In the Yue region after Wang Yangming, learning passed through Wang Ji, then Zhou Rudeng and Tao Wangling, then Tao Shiling—each generation more infused with Chan Buddhism. Tao Shiling taught on White Horse Mountain, preaching karmic causality, drifting ever further from Wang Yangming's teaching. Alarmed by this trend, Liu Zongzhou founded the Zhengren Academy and gathered like-minded scholars for serious study. Near death he told his disciples: "The heart of learning is sincerity; reverence is its practice. Through reverence comes sincerity; through sincerity one reaches Heaven. Few who preach innate moral knowledge avoid sliding into Chan." Liu Zongzhou spent little time in office. In serving the emperor he did not equate agreement with loyalty. Even in a private room at court he would not sit facing south—the direction reserved for the emperor. Whether presiding over major trials, attending great deliberations, or receiving imperial commands, he would always step back, bow, and stand for a long moment. When at home on sick leave he went about on foot in coarse robes, eating simple food, delighting in the Way and accepting poverty. When summoned to office he would set out at once, sometimes without even proper ceremonial dress. Scholars know him as Master Niantai. His son Liu Zuo, courtesy name Bosheng.
61
Huang Daozhou, courtesy name Youping, was from Zhangpu. He passed the jinshi examination in the second year of Tianqi (1622). He was appointed a Hanlin bachelor and Compiler, serving as book bearer at the imperial lecture sessions. By custom, book bearers advanced on their knees. Huang Daozhou alone refused. Wei Zhongxian fixed him with a menacing stare. Not long after, he returned home to mourn his mother.
62
調
In the second year of Chongzhen (1629) he resumed office and was promoted to Right Sub-Reader. He submitted three memorials to save the former chancellor Qian Longxi. Though Huang Daozhou himself was demoted, Qian's death sentence was commuted. In the first month of the fifth year (1632), while awaiting reassignment, he fell ill and requested leave. Before departing, he submitted a memorial:
63
簿 調
"Your servant has studied the Book of Changes since youth, taking Heaven's way as his standard. Across twenty-four centuries of history, its judgments of order and chaos have scarcely ever missed. The year Your Majesty took the throne corresponds to the top line of the Hexagram Army, which reads: "The sovereign receives Heaven's mandate to establish states and lineages; petty men must not be employed." You seek worthy men but cannot find them quickly; you would punish the wicked but cannot easily cut them off. Your Majesty possesses the qualities of a true sovereign, yet petty men harbor ambitions to seize power. Since coming to court I have found the ministers devoid of vision, obsessed with petty details. Those managing domestic affairs speak only of harsh enforcement; those managing the frontiers preach only appeasement. Speak of benevolence and righteousness and they dismiss it as impractical pedantry; praise legalism and administrative minutiae and they call it worldly wisdom. Endless audits tie the bureaucracy in knots for months on end; a single inconsistency triggers a chain of reprisals. When Your Majesty seeks to restore discipline and repel foreign threats, ministers use it to multiply laws and crush the scholar-official class; when you seek to purge corruption and punish the guilty, they use it to settle scores and consolidate power. Those in the outer court who dare deceive Your Majesty are not the rigid conservatives but the power-hungry schemers; those in the inner court who dare deceive you are not minor peculators but the great wielders of hidden patronage and influence. I urge Your Majesty to rise above petty counsel and consult history: from antiquity to the present, no ruler who counted grains of rice or hairs on eyelashes ever achieved a great vision or the golden age of the sage-kings. Petty men are always wise after the fact and never before. They refused to relieve the siege at Ling, yet insisted the fort at Ling could never have been built; They neglected the islanders, yet insisted the island forces were unusable; Soldiers deserted from prolonged stagnation, yet they blamed the unrest on insufficient troops; Supplies were squandered through leaky administration, yet they attributed failure to inadequate funding. Men look blindly and listen falsely, deceiving one another until all is ruined beyond repair. I tremble at where this leads. Since the second year of your reign, every effort to purge corruption through investigation has only multiplied the abuses; Every attempt to cow the wicked through harsh punishment has only drained your authority. Surely this is the moment to abandon the Legalism of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang and return to the Confucian ideals of the Zhou—to set aside petty severity in favor of generous governance.
64
The emperor took offense, seized on the phrases "entanglements" and "guilt by association," and ordered Huang Daozhou to explain himself in full. Huang Daozhou submitted a memorial stating:
65
退 駿 祿 駿使
In recent years the ministers' every scheme and calculation has served anything but the throne. In appointing men and handling affairs they do nothing but settle scores. Since the spring before last they have talked endlessly of border affairs—not for Your Majesty's frontiers, but to weaponize the borders on behalf of a treacherous eunuch faction; Since last spring they have harped on the examination system—not for Your Majesty's examinations, but to turn the examinations into a weapon against personal enemies. Is this not precisely what I meant by "entanglements" and "guilt by association"? Throughout history, when foreign threats persisted, ministers united in fear of foreign threats; When petty men had not been removed, ministers united in fear of petty men. Now they leave everything to Your Majesty and the dynasty, while ministers reduce themselves to squabbling over tax collection and legal disputes. When their policies fail, they declare that nothing can be done; When their appointees fail, they declare that no worthy men can be found. This is what I call getting everything backward. Thirty years of factional strife have brought us to this pass. Now they hunt down every gifted scholar-official—and in an emergency, who will be left to serve? Those who refuse bait and walk away are never ordinary fish; Those who cling to the trough for feed are never fine horses. Feed scholars with salary and emoluments, and you will attract only those who crave wealth; Drive men with the whip, and only worn-out hacks will answer the call. Your Majesty knows full well what sort of talents and motives these ministers possess. If you recognize them as petty men yet employ petty men to restrain them, the petty men's power only grows; If you recognize worthy men yet pair them with petty men, the worthy will accomplish nothing. All the talent in the empire is either in office or in the wilderness. Men I know personally include Ma Rujiao, Mao Yujian, and Ren Zanhua; men of known reputation include Hui Shiyang and Li Banghua; men still on the rolls include Xu Liangyan, Zeng Ying, Zhu Dadian, Lu Menglong, and Zou Jiasheng—all of them exceptional. Given each his own theater of command, they would surely distinguish themselves.
66
His words were aimed at Grand Secretaries Zhou Yanru and Wen Tiren. The emperor grew angrier still and stripped him of office, reducing him to commoner status.
67
宿 谿
In the ninth year (1636), he was recalled on recommendation and restored to his former post. The following year, in the intercalary month, during a drought rite of self-examination Huang Daozhou memorialized: "Recently court and country have fasted and prayed for the people, yet within five days two ministers were thrown into prison—and not one official spoke up with a memorial. How can such men be expected to quell rebellion, punish the wicked, and support enlightened rule? Your Majesty burns with anxiety above, the people suffer below, yet the ministers between them hold their tongues and pocket their hands. Men with any conscience at all ought not behave so." He submitted another memorial: "Your Majesty is generous and magnanimous, yet some ministers have held great power for seven or eight years without result and remain untouchable. Over time the state has lost all moral compass, the court all sense of justice. Officials everywhere act with mere expediency. This is truly infuriating. Yet what they see and hear depends entirely on the tone set from above. When the throne presses for tax collection, officials below press for bribes; When the throne delights in petty legal exactitude, officials below delight in vicious cunning; When the throne delights in informers, officials below delight in false accusations. With north and south at war, how can the court descend to the level of marketplace gossips, wrangling over family quarrels and settling petty grudges?" At the time Wen Tiren was recruiting scoundrels to engineer prosecutions against the Donglin and Fushe factions, which is why Huang Daozhou raised these points.
68
He was soon promoted to Right Preceptor of the Heir Apparent and placed in charge of the Classics Bureau, but submitted a memorial declining the appointment. In it he listed three faults, four shames, and seven men superior to himself. The three faults and four shames were confessions of his own failings. The seven betters ran: "In moral character lofty and peerless, I am not the equal of Liu Zongzhou; In sincerity of feeling and depth of devotion, I cannot match Ni Yuanlu; In depth of thought and far-reaching vision, I cannot match Wei Chengrun; In bold remonstrance and uncompromising integrity, I cannot match Zhan Erxuan and Wu Zhiyu; In refined taste and erudition, I cannot match the Huating scholar Chen Jiru and the Longxi licentiate Zhang Xie; And among the men languishing in prison, in simple integrity and pure conduct, I cannot match Li Ruchen and Fu Chaoyou; In literary talent and force of character, in unyielding integrity despite adversity, I cannot match Qian Qianyi and Zheng Man." Zheng Man was then facing severe condemnation for beating his mother. The emperor read the memorial with alarm and rebuked Huang Daozhou for turning truth on its head. Huang Daozhou submitted a defense, again shielding Zheng Man. The emperor flew into a rage and issued a stern edict of reprimand.
69
Huang Daozhou's literary renown and moral stature were unmatched. Stern, uncompromising, and inflexible, he would not bend to convention. Grandees and ministers mostly feared and resented him, seizing on his "not equal to Zheng Man" remark as a talking point against him. That winter lecturers for the crown prince were selected. Wen Tiren had already been dismissed. Zhang Zhifa was chief minister and excluded Huang Daozhou from consideration. His colleagues Xiang Yu and Yang Tinglin protested, submitting memorials recommending Huang Daozhou in their stead. Zhang Zhifa objected: "Zheng Man beat his mother—the imperial decree on the matter is explicit. Huang Daozhou declared himself Zheng Man's inferior—how can he tutor the crown prince?" Huang Daozhou then claimed illness and asked to retire. The request was denied.
70
歿
In the second month of the eleventh year (1638), the emperor attended the Classics lecture. Minister of Justice Zheng Sanjun had just been arrested. Lecturer Huang Jingfang interceded for him, but the emperor refused. The emperor was then revisiting the case of the former lecturer Yao Ximeng, who had once argued against converting all grain tribute payments to silver. Huang Daozhou had not followed the discussion closely and assumed the emperor meant to show leniency toward Zheng Sanjun out of regard for Yao Ximeng. He spoke up: "The late Assistant Grand Secretary Wen Zhenmeng was upright all his life yet never received imperial grace. Scholars like Zheng Sanjun in life, like Wen Zhenmeng and Yao Ximeng in death—men even remotely like them are scarce." The emperor, finding his answer wide of the mark, rebuked him and ordered a written reply. He submitted again and was rebuked again; only after a third submission did the matter end. None of Huang Daozhou's proposals ever won imperial approval—yet he kept speaking without cease.
71
In the sixth month, the court conducted a joint nomination for grand secretaries. Huang Daozhou, by then serving as daily lecturer and promoted to Junior Guardian, was among those nominated. The emperor passed him over and appointed Yang Sichang and four others. Huang Daozhou then drafted three memorials—one impeaching Yang Sichang, one Chen Xinji, one Fang Yizao, Liaodong grand coordinator—submitting all three the same day. In the memorial against Yang Sichang he wrote:
72
使使 谿
Under heaven there is no son without a father, and no subject without loyalty. Wei Kaifang neglected his parents—Guan Zhong compared him to a pig or dog; Li Ding failed to mourn his stepmother—the Song dynasty unanimously denounced him as less than human. Now we have Yang Sichang, who did not observe proper mourning yet took up office at Sima Hall. The Xuan-Da governor-general Lu Xiangsheng, with his father's coffin still on the road, pleaded in anguish for a nearby replacement—yet suddenly came an edict nominating men still at home in mourning. If men in mourning can be promoted, then officials who receive news of a parent's death need not resign; If they need not resign on receiving news of a death, then sons need not honor fathers and ministers need not serve their rulers with loyal devotion. Even if talent is desperately scarce, how can we let the disloyal and unfilial take office in succession, spreading their corruption through the empire? Yang Sichang's two years in office have already shown his caliber—his schemes to snare enemies everywhere, his talk of appeasement and self-congratulation. To raise another ill-omened man and set him alongside Yang Sichang is to invite disaster. Your Majesty rules through filial piety. Even minor domestic disputes among scholar-officials are judged by law—yet violations of mourning and destruction of human relations are suddenly exempt. I submit that this cannot be allowed.
73
Regarding Chen Xinji, he wrote:
74
使
He did not complete his mourning, took underhanded shortcuts, and relied on court favoritism. Even if the empire were utterly bereft of talent, men like this ought not be entrusted with such power. History holds cases where loyal and filial men failed despite their virtue—but never has a disloyal, unfilial man passed through the gates of honor and moral achievement. At twenty I farmed with my own hands until they cracked and blistered, supporting my two parents. After forty, stripped of my rank, I walked two thousand li carrying my belongings on my back, never pausing to remove my sandals. Now past fifty, I have no wife and children to support, no servants to maintain. Even if no one else remained, I would gladly surrender this fine office and take charge of a lock and key—why must you appoint men stained with filth and ill omen to defile the imperial court?
75
谿
Regarding Fang Yizao, he fiercely denounced the folly of seeking peace. The emperor suspected Huang Daozhou of resenting his rejection and believed the references to "scholar-officials" and "family squabbles" were meant to exonerate Zheng Man. He ordered the Ministry of Personnel to discipline him. Yang Sichang then memorialized: "Zheng Man beat his mother—he is beneath beasts. Now Huang Daozhou declares himself inferior even to Zheng Man—and his purpose is plainly to shield the guilty and cover the absurdity of his earlier praise. His motives are transparent." He then asked to be dismissed. The emperor issued a gracious edict reassuring him.
76
退 退 退
On the fifth day of the seventh month, the emperor summoned the Grand Secretariat and the senior ministers to Ping Terrace, Huang Daozhou included. The emperor discussed official business with his ministers. After a long while he turned to Huang Daozhou and asked: "Whatever one does without ulterior motive is said to express Heavenly Principle; whatever one does from ulterior motive is called human desire. Your three memorials came just as the court recommendation passed you over—were they truly without ulterior motive?" Huang Daozhou replied: "All three of my memorials concerned the fundamental moral order of the state. I am confident they sprang from no private motive." The emperor said: "Then why did you not speak out sooner?" He answered: "Before, silence was still possible. After Yang Sichang was directly appointed, if I held my tongue, there would never again be a day to speak." The emperor said: "Integrity is indeed a fine virtue, but one must not scorn others and stubbornly persist in error. Only Boyi embodied the Sage's ideal of purity. Petty scruples and punctilious caution—that is mere probity, not true purity. Huang Daozhou's answers missed the emperor's point, and the emperor rebuked him repeatedly. Daozhou pressed on: "Only the filial and dutiful can govern the empire and nurture all things beneath Heaven. Without filial piety and fraternal duty at the root, how can there be any branches or leaves?" Yang Sichang stepped forward and said: "Your servant was not born ignorant of the world—I know full well what a parent is. But consider: the bond between ruler and minister takes precedence, as does the bond between father and son—and the duty to one's sovereign comes before the duty to one's father. In antiquity, when each state had its own ruler, a minister could leave one court for another; but today ruler and subject belong to a single unified realm. There is nowhere under Heaven to flee one's sovereign. Benevolence does not abandon one's kin, yet righteousness does not defer to the ruler—one cannot simply favor one over the other. I submitted four memorials begging to be excused, expecting that men such as Liu Dingzhi and Luo Lun among the Hanlin Academicians would memorialize boldly on my behalf and help me fulfill my duty. Yet when I reached the capital, I heard that Huang Daozhou—revered as a master of character and learning—declared himself inferior to Zheng Man." The emperor said: "Exactly. I was just about to ask about that. He then asked Huang Daozhou: "In antiquity men's hearts were without ulterior purpose; today each pursues its own master. That is why Mencius sought to rectify the human heart and silence pernicious doctrine. The heterodox doctrines of old stood apart as a separate school. Today they attach themselves directly to the texts of the sages—a far greater threat to the moral order. And why do you say you are not Zheng Man's equal?" He answered: "When Kuang Zhang was rejected by the whole state, Mencius still treated him with courtesy. I mean only that in writing I am not Zheng Man's equal." The emperor said: "Kuang Zhang failed in his duty to his father—how can that be compared to Zheng Man, who beat his mother? When you declare yourself inferior to him, is that not mere factional loyalty?" Huang Daozhou said: "When the multitude condemns a man, one must examine the matter carefully." The emperor said: "Why did Chen Xinji take underhanded shortcuts and rely on court favoritism? And you speak of soft flattery and ingratiating smiles—who is it that kowtows and performs every petty favor?" Huang Daozhou had no answer, and could only say: "When the heart is corrupt, every course of action becomes corrupt." The emperor said: "Mourning is an inauspicious occasion by nature—but does that mean anyone in mourning is an ill-omened person? That all who suffer bereavement are bringers of misfortune?" Huang Daozhou said: "In antiquity during the three-year mourning, even the emperor's command did not cross the mourner's threshold. Mourners considered themselves bearers of ill omen; that is why military ritual required breaking a special "inauspicious gate" when troops marched forth. Exemption from mourning duty at the frontier may be acceptable; at the court it is not." The emperor said: "If a man is fit for service, why distinguish between court and frontier?" Huang Daozhou said: "Since Luo Lun protested mourning exemptions, our dynasty has granted duoqing to more than fifty officials—and most served on the frontier. Yang Sichang on the frontier might be acceptable; at the seat of power he is not; even at the central command it would be questionable; in the Grand Secretariat it is unacceptable. Yang Sichang alone might be tolerated—but when he summons allies and draws in others like himself until the court becomes a realm of mourning exemptions, that is utterly intolerable. The emperor pressed him with questions for a long while. The emperor said: "Shaozheng Mao was once also hailed as a man of renown—rebellious and treacherous in heart, perverse and obstinate in conduct, eloquent yet deceitful of speech, glossing over wrong as right, recording vileness with vast learning—and he did not escape the sage's punishment. Many men today resemble him." Huang Daozhou said: "Shaozheng Mao's intentions were corrupt. My heart is upright—not a trace of private motive. The emperor flew into a rage. After a pause, the emperor ordered him to withdraw and wait for the imperial decision. Huang Daozhou said: "If I hold back today, I fail Your Majesty; if Your Majesty executes me today, Your Majesty fails me." The emperor said: "A lifetime of learning, and all you have become is a sycophant! He shouted at him to leave. Huang Daozhou kowtowed, rose, then knelt again and said: "Your servant ventures to distinguish the meaning of loyalty and sycophancy. When one speaks boldly and independently before one's sovereign, you call it sycophancy—yet slander, flattery, and barefaced adulation before one's lord you call loyalty? If loyalty and sycophancy cannot be told apart, right and wrong are confounded—how can the realm be well governed?" The emperor said: "True enough—I did not casually call you a sycophant. But I ask about one thing and you answer about another—if that is not sycophancy, what is? Again he shouted at him to leave. Yang Sichang then said: "How far the moral sense of men has fallen! Huang Daozhou behaves with such brazen defiance—can he go uncorrected? He then summoned the civil and military officials, all listened to the emperor's admonition, and withdrew.
77
便 西
At this time the emperor was consumed by military concerns and believed Yang Sichang alone could be entrusted with great affairs. He appointed him despite the mourning prohibition. Huang Daozhou clung to classical precedent and lost the emperor's favor. In audience his answers were anything but deferential. The emperor's rage was intense and he wished to impose heavy punishment, but he feared Huang Daozhou's great reputation and did not dare act decisively. When Liu Tongsheng and Zhao Shichun also impeached Yang Sichang, the emperor was ready to impose severe punishment—but the ministry's proposed penalty for Huang Daozhou was conspicuously lenient. Yang Sichang feared that if Huang Daozhou escaped lightly, the attacks against him would never cease. He urgently hired men to impeach Huang Daozhou. Zhang Ruoqi, a principal clerk in the Ministry of Punishments who sought transfer to the Ministry of War, curried Yang Sichang's favor with a memorial: "I have heard that the sovereign's dignity brooks no second master above him; no minister may harbor treasonous ambition—and ambition once shown must be punished by death. Huang Daozhou and his followers now fabricate accusations that damage Your Majesty's sacred virtue. They parade praises unprecedented in history—all originating with Huang Daozhou—and there is no fault they will not lay at the feet of their sovereign. By withholding the full record of the recent audience, these men who betray the public interest and cling to faction spread agitation to confuse the realm and keep private accounts to poison posterity—obscuring Your Majesty's sincere intent to rectify hearts and silence pernicious doctrine. This is deeply harmful. The emperor immediately issued an edict to the court, warning officials not to let Huang Daozhou manipulate them into faction—several hundred words in all. Huang Daozhou was demoted six ranks and appointed assistant registrar of the Jiangxi Surveillance Commission. Zhang Ruoqi received his transfer to the Ministry of War as he had hoped.
78
西 西
Before long, the Jiangxi governor Xie Xuelong submitted recommendations for officials under his jurisdiction and praised Huang Daozhou in the highest terms. By precedent such recommendations were simply forwarded to the relevant ministry for action, and the emperor did not review them again. But Grand Secretary Wei Zhaocheng, who deeply hated Huang Daozhou, drafted an edict rebuking Xie Xuelong for indiscriminate recommendation. The emperor flew into a rage, immediately struck both from the rolls, and sent them to the Ministry of Punishments prison on charges of partisan subversion. Both were flogged eighty strokes, and a full investigation of their faction was ordered. The case implicated the compiler Huang Wenhuan, the Ministry of Personnel clerk Chen Tianding, the Ministry of Works clerk Dong Yanghe, and the Secretariat drafter Wen Zhenheng—all were imprisoned. Ye Tingxiu of the Ministry of Revenue and the student Tu Zhongji, who had petitioned on their behalf, were also imprisoned. Minister Li Juesi proposed a lenient sentence. The emperor issued a severe reprimand and ordered banishment to the malarial south. Still deeming this too lenient, he dismissed Li Juesi, transferred the prisoners to the Brocade Guard for interrogation under torture, then returned them to the Ministry of Punishments prison. More than a year later, Minister Liu Zeshen and others memorialized: "For these two men, perpetual banishment is the utmost penalty. Beyond that lies only death. Death is reserved for failures on the frontier or for greed and cruelty—not for men who merely speak their minds. Huang Daozhou is guilty of neither border failure nor corruption, yet would gain the name of a man executed for speaking out. That may satisfy his enemies—but it is unworthy of our sage sovereign's magnanimity. Your Majesty's concern is faction—but faction is proved by conduct, not words. Huang Daozhou's bold memorials are mere words. A few friends shared his fate in dismissal—where is the faction that warrants invoking the full force of imperial law? And surely Your Majesty bears no deep grudge against Huang Daozhou. If the imperial mind should soften but we have already settled on death, how could we undo it? They resubmitted their original proposal, and the two were banished permanently to Guangxi.
79
殿
In the eighth month of the fifteenth year of the reign, Huang Daozhou had already been in exile for a year. One day the emperor summoned the five grand secretaries to the rear hall of Wenhua Palace. Holding a document, he asked casually: "What sort of men are Zhang Pu and Zhang Cai?" They all answered: "Scholars who love learning." The emperor said: "Zhang Pu is dead, and Zhang Cai is a minor official—why do censorial officials praise them so eagerly?" They answered: "They are men of real learning. The censorial officials regret that their talents were not fully employed." The emperor said: "They are not without bias, all the same. At this Zhou Yanru, believing Yang Sichang already dead and himself newly restored as chief minister, wished to invoke public sentiment and create an opening for Huang Daozhou. He answered: "Zhang Pu and Huang Daozhou alike are not without prejudice—but because they are genuine scholars, everyone regrets their fate. The emperor said nothing. Jiang Dejing said: "Huang Daozhou was recently banished—a lenient punishment from Your Majesty. Yet his family is poor and his children young. He truly deserves pity. The emperor smiled faintly. Huang Yan added: "He is also profoundly filial toward his parents. Wu Xingshen said: "Huang Daozhou's learning is encyclopedic, and he lives in the utmost austerity. The emperor did not reply—he only smiled. The next day an edict restored Huang Daozhou to his former office. Huang Daozhou submitted a memorial of thanks from the road, praising Xie Xuelong and Ye Tingxiu as worthy men. After his return the emperor summoned him. Huang Daozhou wept at the sight of the throne: "I never expected to see Your Majesty again. I have been ill with a condition of old age. He requested leave, and permission was granted.
80
殿
After some time the Prince of Fu assumed the regency and appointed Huang Daozhou Left Vice Minister of the Ministry of Personnel. Huang Daozhou was reluctant to take office. Ma Shi Ying goaded him: "All eyes are on you, sir. If you refuse to serve, do you mean to join Shi Kefa in installing the Prince of Lu? At last he had no choice but to attend court. He presented nine policies for recovery, was appointed Minister of Rites, and was charged with managing the Household of the Heir Apparent. Yet the court grew worse by the day. Ministers left office one after another. Those with insight could see the regime was doomed. The next March he was sent to offer sacrifices at the tomb of Yu the Great. Before his departure he again submitted his recovery policies, but they were not adopted. He had barely finished his mission when the Southern Capital fell. He met Zhu Yujian, the Prince of Tang, at Quzhou and submitted a memorial urging him to take the throne. The prince appointed Huang Daozhou Grand Secretary of the Hall of Martial Brilliance. Huang Daozhou's learning and integrity were of the highest order, and the prince treated him with exceptional respect, conferring a banquet in his honor. Zheng Zhilong held the title Marquis Who Penetrates All and ranked above Huang Daozhou. Many urged that Zhilong be brought down—a quarrel that divided civil and military officials. A student submitted a memorial attacking Huang Daozhou as impractical and unfit for the chancellorship. Knowing the hand of Zheng Zhilong behind it, the prince had the provincial education censor flog the petitioner.
81
西
At this time national power was failing and real authority rested with the Zheng clan. The great commanders, confident in imperial favor, held back and would not once cross the frontier to raise troops. Huang Daozhou volunteered to go to Jiangxi himself and plot recovery. He set out in the seventh month. Wherever he passed, men rallied from far and near; he raised more than nine thousand volunteer troops and marched from Guangxin toward Quzhou. In the twelfth month he reached Wuyuan and met Qing forces. Defeated in battle, he was seized and taken to Jiangning, confined in a separate cell, and in prison garb continued to write. On the way to execution he passed the East Flowery Gate, sat down, and refused to rise. "This is close to the tomb of the dynastic founder," he said. "I can die here. The executioner agreed. His aides—Secretaries-in-Attendance Lai Yong and Cai Shaojin, and Principal Clerk Zhao Shichao of the Ministry of War—died with him.
82
歿
Huang Daozhou's learning spanned the ages. Wherever he went, scholars flocked to him. On Tongshan, an islet off the coast, was a stone chamber where Huang Daozhou had lived and studied since childhood. Scholars therefore called him Master Stone Studio. He mastered astronomy, calendrics, and cosmological texts. His works—《Correct Images of the Changes》, 《Profound Mirror of the Three Changes》, and 《Canon of the Grand Envelope》—puzzled scholars who spent years on them without fully grasping their doctrines, yet he applied them to forecast the rise and fall of dynasties. After his death his family found a small notebook in which he had written that he would die in the bingxu year at age sixty-two. Only then did they believe he could foretell the future.
83
鹿
Ye Tingxiu was a native of Puzhou. He passed the jinshi examination in the fifth year of the Tianqi reign. He served successively as magistrate of Nanle, Hengshui, and Huolu, then entered the capital as judicial assistant of Shuntian Prefecture. When the Duke of Ying, Zhang Weixian, disputed land with commoners, Ye Tingxiu ruled in the commoners' favor. Weixian had Censor Yuan Hongxun petition for a rehearing, but the original judgment stood. Weixian appealed to the throne. The emperor ultimately upheld Ye Tingxiu's ruling and returned the land to the commoners.
84
During the Chongzhen reign he was promoted to Principal Clerk in the Nanjing Ministry of Revenue, then went into mourning for the loss of both parents. When his mourning ended he came to the capital. Before receiving a new appointment he submitted a memorial on the abuses of local administration, saying: "In tax collection alone, beyond the regular levy come miscellaneous exactions; beyond newly added taxes come secret surcharges; beyond fixed quotas come forced contributions. Common people are ruined and dispossessed—how can they not turn to banditry? To remedy the abuses of the counties, one must begin with the supervising commissioners and prefects. If the source is not cleared, how can the stream run pure? The recommendation system has been in place for years, yet worthy appointees remain scarce. The law of collective responsibility must therefore be enforced with rigor. The emperor accepted his advice and appointed him Principal Clerk of the Ministry of Revenue. The emperor appointed Fu Yongchun Minister of Personnel. Ye Tingxiu declared that Fu Yongchun was a mediocrity unfit to direct appointments. Within four months Fu Yongchun was indeed disgraced. When Huang Daozhou was arrested and imprisoned, Ye Tingxiu submitted an urgent memorial in his defense. The emperor was enraged. Ye Tingxiu was beaten one hundred strokes and thrown into the imperial prison. The next winter he was banished to Fujian.
85
祿
Ye Tingxiu had studied under Liu Zongzhou and attained profound mastery. Among Liu's disciples he ranked first. Though he did not know Huang Daozhou personally, he had risked his life to plead for him. When he received a severe punishment, he bore it without distress. After Huang Daozhou was released, Supervising Secretary Zuo Maodi and Censor Li Yuexin successively recommended Ye Tingxiu again; the chief ministers also praised his worth, and Huang Daozhou pleaded for him once more from the road. The emperor ordered the relevant offices to review the case; before long the chief ministers recommended him again. In the winter of the sixteenth year a special edict restored him to his former rank. But the capital fell before he could take up the post. Under the Prince of Fu, Vice Minister of War Xie Xuelong recommended Huang Daozhou and also named Ye Tingxiu, who was ordered to serve as Vice Censor-in-Chief. When he returned to court, Ma Shi Ying, who detested him, demoted the appointment to Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. After the fall of the Southern Capital, the Prince of Tang summoned him, appointing him Left Vice Censor-in-Chief and promoting him to Right Vice Minister of War. When the cause failed, he took the tonsure and lived out his days as a monk.
86
The historian comments: In what Liu Zongzhou and Huang Daozhou set forth, they struck deep at the abuses of their age. Their judgments on talent and integrity, distinguishing the loyal from the sycophantic, stand as a mirror for all ages. Yet those who heard them dismissed them as impractical and kept their distance—seduced by doctrines of expedient reform. The 《Commentary》 says: "Though in peril in every movement, yet holding firm to one's purpose and never forgetting the people's distress"—both ministers embodied this. They gave their lives to perfect humanity, never betraying their plain integrity. What they upheld—was it not truly sublime!
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