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卷三百二十 列傳第二百〇八 外國一 朝鮮

Volume 320 Biographies 208: Foreign States 1 - Korea

Chapter 320 of 明史 · History of Ming
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1
滿 西 西西
Korea was the kingdom granted to Jizi as his fief. Before the Han dynasty it was known as Joseon. At first it fell under the control of Wei Man from Yan; Emperor Wu of Han conquered the region and established the four commanderies of Zhenfan, Lintun, Lelang, and Xuantu. In the late Han, a man of Fuyu named Gao took the land, renamed the state Goryeo (also called Goguryeo), and established his capital at Pyongyang—the former Lelang commandery. Eventually Tang forces broke the kingdom, and it shifted eastward. In the Later Tang period, Wang Geon supplanted the Gao line, absorbed the territories of Silla and Baekje, moved his seat to Songak and called it the Eastern Capital, while keeping Pyongyang as the Western Capital. The kingdom lay adjacent to the Khitan in the north, the Jurchen in the west, and Japan to the south. In the Zhiyuan period of Yuan, the Western Capital was brought under direct rule and the Dongning Circuit Administration Office was established, with Jichiling as the border.
2
使 使
When the Ming dynasty rose, Goryeo was ruled by King Zhuan. In the first year after the founding emperor took the throne, he dispatched envoys with an imperial letter bearing the seal. In the second year he sent back refugees from their kingdom. Zhuan sent a memorial of congratulation, presented tribute goods, and asked to be invested with a title. The emperor dispatched Seal Officer Qiesi with an edict and a patent of investiture on a golden seal, naming Zhuan King of Goryeo, and granted him an imperial calendar and brocade silks. That autumn Zhuan sent Cheng Weide, Director of the General Department, and Jin Jialiang, General of the Thousand-Ox Guard, with memorials of thanks and congratulations on the emperor's birthday, and requested the prescribed form of sacrificial garments; the emperor ordered the Ministry of Works to prepare and bestow them. As Weide and his party prepared to depart, the emperor casually inquired: "What does the king devote himself to in running his kingdom? Are his cities and fortifications kept in repair? Are his arms and armor in good order? Are his palaces and halls built to proper splendor?" He kowtowed and replied: "Your subject bounded by the eastern seas knows only to honor and worship the Buddha; he has had no leisure for anything else." The emperor then wrote to admonish him: "In antiquity kings and feudal lords relied on strategic terrain and never laid aside arms. The people regard food as their heaven, and every state must have a seat from which to issue its commands. If you have subjects but no fortified cities, what will your people depend upon? If martial readiness is neglected, your prestige will weaken; if the fields lie fallow, your people will struggle for food; and to have dwelling chambers but no hall of audience is to show no dignity befitting a ruler. I find each of these practices deeply objectionable. The great business of a state lies in sacrifice and in arms. If you neglect these two and devote yourself only to Buddhism in pursuit of merit, the example of Emperor Wu of Liang stands as a clear warning. Your kingdom adjoins the Khitan and Jurchen in the north and the Japanese in the south; you would do well to give careful thought to your defenses." He also bestowed copies of the Six Classics, the Four Books, and the Comprehensive Mirror. From then on tribute missions arrived regularly; on New Year's Day and the emperor's birthday they sent envoys to offer congratulations, and this became their annual custom.
3
使 使 便 使 使 使
In the first month of the third year he dispatched envoys to perform sacrifices to the mountains and rivers of their kingdom. That year the civil examination edict was issued to Goryeo; Zhuan sent a memorial of thanks, presented tribute goods, and returned the golden seal that Yuan had bestowed upon him. The Secretariat reported: "Goryeo tribute envoys often carry private goods to sell in the markets; they should be taxed; and they frequently take Chinese goods out of the country; it would be prudent to forbid this." Both proposals were rejected. In the fifth year he petitioned to send sons and younger brothers to the Imperial Academy; the emperor replied: "Study at court is a worthy undertaking, but the sea crossing is long and perilous—do not compel those who are unwilling." Tribute envoys Hong Shifan, Zheng Mengzhou, and more than 150 others sailed to the capital; thirty-nine were lost at sea in a storm, Shifan among the dead. The emperor was moved with pity and sent the former Privy Council Commissioner Yanandali to tell them not to send tribute so often. Yet Zhuan again sent his Secretariat Associate Director Jiang Renyu to present horses in tribute, while his New Year's Day envoys led by Jin Xu had already arrived; the emperor sent them all back. He told the Secretariat officials: "Goryeo's tribute missions come too often, wearing out its people and risking their lives on the sea. They should follow the ancient custom of feudal lords and send envoys once every three years. Tribute should consist only of local products and must not be excessive. Make my wishes clearly known to them."
4
In the sixth year Zhuan sent Jialiang and others to present fifty horses; two died en route, and Jialiang reported the loss. When the horses were delivered, he made up the shortfall with his own private horses. The emperor, disgusted by this lack of sincerity, refused the tribute. In the seventh year he sent Gate Guard Commander Zhou Yi, Zheng Bi, and others with tribute, petitioning for annual missions by land through Dingliao rather than by sea, and labeling the goods as "for delivery to the Imperial Storehouse Directorate." The Secretariat reported: "The Yuan had an Imperial Storehouse Directorate, but our dynasty has no such office—the wording suggests bad faith." The emperor ordered the tribute refused. That year Zhuan was assassinated by the powerful minister Li Renren. Zhuan had no son of his own and had adopted Biao, son of his favored minister Xin Chun, as heir; Renren then installed Biao on the throne.
5
簿使使 使 使 使 使 使
In the eighth year Biao sent Registry Director Cui Yuan to announce the mourning, reporting that a former tribute envoy named Jin Yi had killed the Ming envoy Cai Bin, and that the new king Biao had executed Yi and confiscated his property. The emperor suspected fraud, detained Yuan, and dispatched envoys to offer sacrificial condolences. In the tenth year envoys came requesting a posthumous title for the late King Zhuan; the emperor said: "Zhuan was murdered long ago, and they ask for a title only now—they wish to borrow our authority to pacify their people and cover up their regicide; this cannot be granted. As for the envoys we have been holding, send them back." Yuan was then released and sent home. That summer Zhou Yi was again sent with horses and tribute goods, but the emperor refused them. In winter they again sent envoys to congratulate the coming New Year. The emperor said: "King Zhuan of Goryeo was murdered and treacherous ministers seized power; by the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals, rebels must be punished—what more need be said? Yet every envoy claims to be sent by the new king; the Secretariat should dispatch someone to inquire after the new king's condition and where authority now lies. If government proceeds as before and the new king is not a prisoner, then as the late king promised they must present a thousand horses each year; next year they must also send a hundred jin of gold, ten thousand taels of silver, a hundred fine horses, and ten thousand bolts of fine cloth, and return all Liaodong subjects we hold in detention—only then will it be clear that the throne is legitimate and authority is intact, and I shall have no further doubts. Otherwise the king-killers must be punished without mercy."
6
使使
In the fourth month of the eleventh year Biao again sent Yi with tribute. In the twelfth year he ordered the Liaodong frontier commanders Pan Jing and Ye Wang to tighten border defenses. That winter Biao sent Li Maofang and others with tribute, but they were turned away for failing to meet the agreed terms. In the thirteenth year Liaodong escorted the Goryeo envoy Yi to the capital; the emperor instructed Jing and the others: "Goryeo murdered its king and killed our envoy; they pleaded to send tribute yet missed the deadline; now they send Yi with empty words to mask their deceit—they will surely become a border menace. From now on, refuse all further envoys and cut off contact." Yi was then detained in the capital. In the sixteenth year they sent tribute and were refused; he ordered the Ministry of Rites to rebuke them for overdue missions and the insolence of their accompanying ministers; if they truly wished to honor the agreement, they must deliver all tribute owed from the five years of default. In the sixth month of the seventeenth year Biao sent Stud Director Cui Juan and Ceremonies Director Jin Jinyi with two thousand horses in tribute. They also reported that gold was not produced locally and asked to substitute horses in its place; all other terms would be honored. Liaodong commander Tang Shengzhong pleaded on their behalf, and the emperor consented. Their requests for Zhuan's posthumous title and for Biao's investiture as king, however, were still denied.
7
使
In the first month of the eighteenth year the tribute envoys arrived. The emperor told the Rites officials: "Goryeo repeatedly asked to be bound by agreement; I refused several times, yet they persisted; so I demanded annual tribute to test their sincerity—not to enrich myself. Now that they have submitted, reduce their tribute quota to one mission every three years with fifty horses. Their next tribute should come at the New Year of the twenty-first year." In the seventh month Biao petitioned to succeed to the kingship and requested a posthumous title for the late king. He invested Biao as King of Goryeo and granted the late King Zhuan the posthumous title Gongmin.
8
使 西
In the second month of the nineteenth year they sent envoys with ten thousand bolts of cloth and a thousand horses. In the ninth month they sent a congratulatory memorial and tribute goods. Thereafter their tribute regularly exceeded the prescribed quota and never waited the full three-year interval. In winter an edict dispatched Assistant Commander Gao Jianu to buy horses in Goryeo with brocade and cloth. In the third month of the twentieth year Gao Jianu returned and reported that Goryeo had declined payment for the horses; the emperor ordered full compensation paid. Earlier, when warfare broke out in Liaoning and Shenyang at the end of Yuan, refugees fleeing the turmoil had migrated to Goryeo. On this occasion, taking advantage of the horse purchase, the emperor ordered them sought out, and more than three hundred Liaoning and Shenyang refugees were returned. In the twelfth month he ordered the Ministry of Revenue to notify the King of Goryeo: "North of Tieling, the lands east and west that formerly belonged to Kaiyuan shall fall under Liaodong's jurisdiction. South of Tieling, what formerly belonged to Goryeo shall remain under your kingdom's jurisdiction. Each side should respect its proper borders and refrain from encroachment."
9
便 使西 使退
In the fourth month of the twenty-first year Biao petitioned that the Tieling region had been held by his house for generations and asked that the former arrangement stand. The emperor said: "Goryeo's traditional border was the Yalu River; this talk of Tieling is transparent deceit. Convey my words to them: let them keep to their place and not provoke trouble." In the eighth month Goryeo chiliarch Chen Jing defected and reported: "In the fourth month of that year Biao planned to raid Liaodong and sent Military Affairs Director Cui Ying and Li Chenggui to muster troops at the Western Capital. Chenggui posted Chen Jing at Aizhou, but the army withdrew when supplies ran out. The king flew into a rage and executed Chenggui's son. Chenggui turned his army around, stormed the capital, and imprisoned the king and Cui Ying." Fearing he would be implicated, Chen Jing defected. The emperor ordered Liaodong to tighten its defenses and sent scouts to monitor the situation. In the tenth month Biao asked to abdicate in favor of his son Chang. The emperor said: "I had heard their king was imprisoned; this must be Chenggui's doing—for now let us wait and see how matters develop."
10
使 使
In the twenty-second year Chang, who was administering state affairs, petitioned to come to court; the emperor refused. That year Chenggui deposed Chang and installed Yao, Lord of the Dingchang State Academy, on the throne. In the first month of the twenty-third year they sent envoys to announce the change. In the third month of the twenty-fourth year an edict authorized horse purchases in Goryeo. In the eighth month Yao, who was administering state affairs, delivered the fifteen hundred horses purchased on order. The emperor said: "The rulers and ministers of the Three Han have been in turmoil for two reign-periods now. Now King Yao has ascended the throne; as a descendant of the Wang line, envoys should be sent to congratulate him." In the twelfth month Yao sent his son Shi to court to congratulate the coming New Year. Before Shi could return, Chenggui declared himself ruler and took the kingdom; Yao was sent to live at Yuanzhou. The Wang line had held the throne for several centuries since the Five Dynasties period; with this it came to an end.
11
退 輿 使 使
In the ninth month of the twenty-fifth year Goryeo Privy Office Director Zhao Pang and others presented a memorial from the State Deliberative Office reporting: "Since King Gongmin died without an heir, the powerful minister Li Renren installed Xin's son Biao to rule; he was tyrannical and bloodthirsty and even planned to invade the border, until General Li Chenggui refused and withdrew the army. Biao, guilt-stricken and fearful, abdicated in favor of his son Chang. The people would not accept this and petitioned Queen Consort An of the late King Gongmin to choose the clansman Yao to administer state affairs. Four years had passed; Yao proved benighted and cruel, trusting slanders and killing meritorious elders; his son Shi was dull-witted, and the people judged Yao unfit to rule the realm. By Queen Consort An's authority, Yao has now been removed to a private residence. No member of the Wang house commands the people's trust; at court and in the country alike, all look to Chenggui. We ministers together with the elders of the realm jointly recommend him to rule; we await Your Majesty's gracious approval." The emperor, considering Goryeo a distant eastern realm beyond direct Chinese governance, ordered the Ministry of Rites to convey his reply: "If you truly follow Heaven's way, win the people's hearts, and refrain from provoking border trouble, with envoys coming and going freely—that will be your kingdom's blessing, and I shall have no cause to punish you." In winter Chenggui learned of the crown prince's death and sent envoys with condolences, also requesting a change of the kingdom's name. The emperor ordered that the ancient name Joseon be restored.
12
使綿 使 使
In the second month of the twenty-sixth year they sent envoys with more than nine thousand eight hundred horses; the court ordered more than nineteen thousand seven hundred bolts of silk and cotton cloth sent in payment. In the sixth month he sent a memorial of thanks with horses and tribute goods, surrendered the late King Gongmin's golden seal, and asked to change his own name to Tan. The request was granted. That month the Liaodong Regional Military Commission reported that Joseon had recruited more than five hundred Jurchen, secretly crossed the Yalu River, and planned to raid the border. The court then dispatched envoys with an imperial admonition, warning of the consequences. Tan received the admonition, submitted a fearful apology and tribute, and sent more than three hundred eighty fugitive soldiers and civilians in shackles to Liaodong.
13
使 使
In the twenty-seventh year Tan sent his son to present tribute. In the twenty-eighth year they sent the envoy Liu Xun to congratulate the coming New Year. The emperor found the memorial's language disrespectful and rebuked them sharply. Xun reported that the memorial had been drafted by Secretariat Reviewer Zheng Daochuan; the emperor ordered Daochuan arrested and released Xun to return home. In the twenty-ninth year they sent the memorial drafters Zheng Zong and two others, who claimed the memorial was actually their work and that Daochuan was too ill to travel. The emperor judged Zong and his colleagues to be troublemakers who stirred conflict in their kingdom and detained them. In the winter of the thirtieth year their envoys were again detained because the memorial contained insulting language. At the beginning of the Jianwen reign Tan petitioned that he was advanced in years and asked that his son Fangyuan succeed him. The request was granted.
14
使
When Emperor Chengzu took the throne, he dispatched officials to deliver the accession edict. In the first month of the first year of Yongle Fangyuan sent envoys to pay tribute at court. In the fourth month accompanying minister Li Guiling was again sent with tribute, reporting that Fangyuan's father was ill and needed camphor, aloeswood, storax, and fragrant oil; he brought cloth to purchase them. The emperor ordered the Imperial Medical Academy to bestow the items and returned their cloth. Fangyuan sent a memorial of thanks and requested court robes and books. The emperor praised his admiration for Chinese ritual and bestowed a golden seal, patent of investiture, court robes with nine emblems, jade scepter and pendant, the queen consort's pearl-and-emerald seven-pheasant crown with cloud collar and golden pendant, along with classics, silks, and lining fabrics. Thereafter tribute missions arrived four or five times each year.
15
In the twelfth month of the second year an edict named Fangyuan's son Ti heir apparent, as he had requested. In the twelfth month of the fifth year three thousand tribute horses arrived at Liaodong; the Ministry of Revenue was ordered to send fifteen thousand bolts of silk and cloth in payment. In the sixth year Heir Apparent Ti came to court and was granted gold-woven brocade. When he departed, the emperor personally composed a poem and bestowed it upon him. At that time Joseon presented women to the inner palace, and four were installed as consorts. That autumn accompanying minister Zheng Zhuo was sent to announce the death of his father Tan. Officials were dispatched to offer condolences, and the posthumous title Kangxian was granted.
16
祿
In the sixteenth year he reported that Heir Apparent Ti was unworthy while the third son Tiao was filial, fraternal, and diligent in study and enjoyed the people's trust; he asked to name Tiao successor, and an edict left the choice to the king. He then sent a memorial of thanks, stating his advanced age and asking that Tiao administer state affairs. Vice Director Han Que of the Court of Imperial Entertainments and Assistant Director Liu Quan of the Court of State Ceremonial were ordered to invest Tiao as King of Joseon. By then the emperor had moved to the Northern Capital, bringing Joseon closer; its deference to the great power grew ever more respectful, and the court treated it with special honor that no other state could match.
17
In the twentieth year Fangyuan died and was granted the posthumous title Gongding. In the seventh month of the twenty-first year Tiao asked to name his eldest son Xiang heir apparent, and the request was granted. Earlier Tiao had been ordered to present ten thousand horses; now the full quota arrived and he was rewarded with white gold and silks.
18
In the third month of the second year of Xuande eunuch officials were sent to bestow white gold and silk gauze, and a separate edict ordered five thousand horses to supply frontier needs. In the ninth month the full quota arrived. In the fourth year the emperor wrote to Tiao: "Rare birds and exotic beasts are not what I value; do not present them." Later he again instructed Tiao: "Gold and jade vessels are not produced in your kingdom; cease presenting them—local products to show sincerity are enough." In the eighth year Tiao petitioned to send sons and younger brothers to the Imperial Academy or the Liaodong Academy; the emperor refused but bestowed the Five Classics, Four Books, Nature and Principle, and Outline and Details of the Comprehensive Mirror.
19
滿 使 使調
In the third month of the first year of Zhengtong fifty-three Joseon women including Jin Hei were released and sent home. Jin Hei and the others had been in the capital since the beginning of Xuande; eunuch officials were now dispatched to escort them home. In the eighth month of the third year Tiao was granted the distant-travel cap, crimson gauze robe, jade pendant, and red ceremonial shoes. Earlier Jianzhou chieftain Tongcang had taken refuge within Joseon's borders and had already returned to Jianzhou. Joseon reported: "In the past he came to me in destitution and I treated him well. Now he has ungratefully returned to Li Manzhu's camp in Jianzhou, and I fear they will conspire to raid the border." The Jianzhou chieftain reported that Joseon had pursued and killed his followers and detained more than 170 households. In the fifth year an edict ordered Tiao to return them. In the fifth month of the seventh year the emperor instructed Tiao: "Along the Yalu River the Dongning Guards and others lie close to your borders; many common people flee to your kingdom or are lured away by your subjects—whether Han Chinese or Jurchen, send them to the capital upon arrival." Earlier the Oirat had secretly ordered the Jurchen tribes to entice Joseon into turning against China. Tiao refused and reported the matter to the court. The emperor praised his loyalty, commended him by edict, and bestowed colored silks. In the spring of the ninth year, when Japanese raiders violated the border, Tiao ordered his generals to capture more than fifty men and send them in shackles to the capital. In the tenth year the remaining bandits were again captured and presented. The emperor repeatedly issued edicts of commendation and bestowed enhanced rewards. In the winter of the thirteenth year envoys were ordered to mobilize Joseon and Wild Jurchen troops to assemble in Liaodong for a campaign against northern raiders. At that time Emperor Yingzong had been captured on the northern campaign; the Prince of Cheng ascended the throne and dispatched officials to deliver an edict to their kingdom.
20
西滿 使
In the first year of Jingtai five hundred horses were presented in tribute. A memorial reported that by imperial order they were to supply twenty or thirty thousand horses, but neighboring raiders had recently provoked conflict and many horses and livestock had perished, so they could not fulfill the quota for the moment. An edict stated: "The raiders have now subsided somewhat. For horses already delivered, pay the full price. For those not yet delivered, cease and do not send further tribute." That summer Tiao died; condolence sacrifices were bestowed, the posthumous title Zhuangxian was granted, and his son Xiang was invested as king. At the same time Liaodong reported raiders entering Kaiyuan and Shenyang, plundering people and livestock; Jianzhou, Haixi, and Wild Jurchen chieftains including Li Manzhu were implicated as guides, and Xiang was instructed to coordinate pincer attacks to intercept and destroy them. That autumn an additional fifteen hundred or more horses were presented in tribute. Court robes were bestowed and full payment made. In winter patents of investiture were again bestowed upon Xiang and his consort Lady Quan, and his son Hongye was invested as heir apparent. In the second winter, because Jianzhou chieftains were secretly in contact with Joseon, Xiang was admonished to sever relations with them. In the third autumn Xiang died and envoys came to announce the mourning. Eunuch officials were dispatched to offer condolences; the posthumous title Gongshun was granted, and his son Hongye was ordered to succeed to the throne. Hongye had reigned three years; because he was young and afflicted with a chronic illness from infancy, he asked that his uncle Jun administer state affairs. In the seventh year he petitioned to abdicate, and Jun was then invested as king. Jun asked to name his son Yang heir apparent, and the request was granted.
21
In the third year of Tianshun frontier generals reported that commanders of the three Jianzhou guards were privately allied with Joseon, fearing they would become a threat to China. Jun was therefore admonished not to stir trouble and bring later regret. Jun submitted a memorial in defense; he was again instructed: "During the Xuande and Zhengtong years, because your kingdom and they raided each other, an edict ordered you to settle grievances and cease hostilities—it never authorized contact, bestowal of rewards, or granting of offices. They already hold offices from the court, and you grant them offices as well—this is to set yourself against the court. Your majesty has always upheld ritual and righteousness—why do you now embellish your faults and cover up your wrongdoing? From now on you should cut off private ties so as to preserve your fine reputation." In the fourth year Jun was again instructed: "Your majesty reported that Nibolihai, commander of the Maolian Guard, had conspired to incite rebellion and that he has already been put to death according to law. The law applies only within one's own realm—how can it be imposed on a neighbor's territory? If Nibolihai was guilty, you should have reported the matter to the court for adjudication. Now that you have taken it upon yourself to kill him, why should his son Abiche's wish for revenge be surprising? I hear Abiche's mother is still alive; you should promptly send her to the Liaodong Regional Military Commission and let Abiche take her back, so as to settle the feud." In the fifth year Jianzhou tribesmen raided Yizhou, killing and plundering; Jun petitioned for an imperial order to have the loot returned. The Ministry of War deliberated: "Joseon had earlier lured and killed Nibolihai, then enticed the commander-in-chief Wuke and sent troops to plunder his family. The tribesmen are in fact seeking revenge; Joseon should be told that these raids are entirely of its own making, and that only by keeping to its proper place and observing the law can border trouble be averted." The proposal was approved.
22
In the first winter of Chenghua, the attending minister Li Menjiong came to court but died en route. The court ordered a coffin and sacrificial offerings provided, and also bestowed colored silks to console his family. At that time Joseon was frequently sending rare objects as tribute; in the third spring an edict instructed Jun to restore the regular tribute and cease presenting curiosities. At that time the court was campaigning against Jianzhou and ordered Jun to send troops to assist in the punitive expedition. Jun dispatched Kang Chun, director of the Central Secretariat Office, to lead more than ten thousand men across the Yalu and Poju Rivers, storm the stockades of Jiuxian Prefecture, and take many heads and captives.
23
使 使便 使
In the first month of the fourth year officials were sent to present captives. An edict ordered generous rewards, and a commendatory instruction was issued. That year Jun died and was granted the posthumous title Huizhuang. Eunuchs Zheng Tong and Cui An were dispatched to invest the heir apparent Hwan as king and to grant a patent of investiture to his consort Lady Han. After they had set out, the Liaodong touring censor Hou Ying submitted a memorial, saying: "Liaodong has been raided year after year; its wounds have not yet healed, and now the harvests have again failed, leaving soldiers and civilians without enough to eat. The eunuch Zheng Tong and his entourage have caused disturbances at every relay station they have passed. Your subject finds that in earlier years men of learning, literary accomplishment, and reputation were selected from the Hanlin Academy to serve as envoys. Now Tong and An are both men of Joseon; their ancestral graves and clans are all there, and in audience with their king they must demean themselves—this greatly debases the dignity of China. I beg that the existing order be suspended and that one man be chosen from among the Hanlin Academy, the supervising secretaries, or the courier officials to serve as envoy instead." The emperor said: "What Ying has said is entirely correct. Henceforth rewards and gifts may be sent by inner-court officials, but the chief and deputy investiture envoys shall be chosen from among learned and upright court officials."
24
In the sixth year Hwan fell gravely ill; because his own son was still young, he appointed Yeol, son of his elder brother the former heir apparent Yang, to administer state affairs, and sent attending ministers to report the matter. When he died, the posthumous title Xiangdao was granted; Yeol was ordered to succeed to the throne, and Yeol's wife Lady Han was enfeoffed as queen consort. In the tenth year Yeol's father, the heir apparent Yang, was posthumously enfeoffed as king with the posthumous title Huaijian, and his mother Lady Han as queen consort, as requested.
25
In the fourth month of the eleventh year Yeol reported that Jianzhou tribesmen had gathered with the Maolian and other guards to harass the border without cease, and requested an imperial order of admonition. In the tenth month of the twelfth year Yeol requested investiture for his second wife Lady Yin, and patents of investiture together with caps and robes were bestowed. At that time foreign states were forbidden to trade in weapons; Yeol submitted a memorial: "Our small kingdom borders wild tribes to the north and lies adjacent to the Wokou islands to the south; in the use of the five weapons, not one may be lacking. Yet the ox horns needed for bow materials must be obtained from the superior state. In the time of the August Emperor gunpowder and cannon were once granted; we now hope to be specially permitted to purchase bow horns and not be subject to the same prohibition as other foreign peoples." The Ministry of War set an annual purchase of fifty bow horns; later, because this proved insufficient, a request was made to remove the quota, and an edict permitted double the purchase.
26
滿 使 使
In the tenth month of the fifteenth year Yeol was ordered to dispatch troops for a pincer attack on the Jianzhou Jurchen. Yeol then dispatched the Right Assistant Minister Yu Yuzhao to lead troops to the Manpu River, but they arrived late because the ice had melted. He then dispatched the Left State Councillor Yun Pisaang, the military commissioner Jin Qiao, and others to cross the river and advance in suppression. In the spring of the sixteenth year attending ministers were sent to report victory; the emperor ordered an inner-court official to carry an edict commending their ability to follow the achievements of their forebears, and gold and silks were bestowed; the officers who had led the troops received rewards according to precedent. When the envoys later returned, his minister Xu Xi was dispatched to escort them. When Xi returned to Kaizhou, two thousand Jianzhou horsemen intercepted him, seizing more than thirty of his attendants and more than 230 horses, with other losses in similar proportion. When this was reported, the Duke of Ying Zhang Mao, Minister of Personnel Yin Min, and others held that Liaodong had been at war for years and should not be lightly stirred; Yeol should be instructed accordingly. An edict ordered the Liaodong frontier officials to put the border defenses in order and further commanded the interpreters to pursue the seized goods to the end, with recovery expected without fail; Xi was also granted white gold and colored silks as consolation.
27
In the seventeenth year Yeol reported that his second consort Lady Yin had lost virtue and had been deposed, and requested that his secondary consort Lady Yin be newly enfeoffed. The request was granted. In the fourth month of the nineteenth year Yeol's eldest son Jeong was invested as heir apparent.
28
In the twelfth month of the seventh year of Hongzhi Yeol died and was granted the posthumous title Kangjing. In the fourth month of the following year Jeong was invested as king, and his wife Lady Shen was enfeoffed as queen consort. In the twelfth year Jeong submitted a memorial: "Our countrymen have repeatedly violated prohibitions by hiding on sea islands and enticing soldiers and civilians; the problem has gradually spread. We beg permission for our kingdom to conduct searches and purges on its own. As for those who fall within the territory of the superior state, we request that officials be ordered to pursue and capture them." At that time the Liaodong frontier officials also submitted a memorial agreeing with Jeong's report, and approval was granted. In the winter of the fifteenth year Jeong's eldest son was invested as heir apparent.
29
使
In the second year of Zhengde, because the heir apparent had died young, Jeong grieved himself into illness and petitioned to entrust state affairs to his younger brother Yeok; his subjects again petitioned to invest Yeok. The Ministry of Rites ordered Yeok to administer state affairs provisionally, with investiture to follow only after Jeong's death. Later, when the attending ministers Lu Gongbi and others arrived at the capital on a tribute mission, they again requested investiture for Yeok, but the court did not approve. In the twelfth month Jeong's queen mother submitted a memorial that Yeok was the elder, virtuous, and capable of bearing heavy responsibility. Thereupon the Ministry of Rites submitted a memorial: "Jeong has abdicated because of chronic illness; Yeok, as his younger brother by blood, has accepted the charge—the succession is clear and brotherly affection has not been lost. Throughout the kingdom officials and people unanimously raise no objection; their request should be granted." The emperor then approved Yeok's succession to the throne, dispatched an inner-court official with an edict of investiture, and also bestowed a patent of investiture upon his consort Lady Yin. Initially, when Chenggui established himself in power, he and the chief minister Li Renren were of different clans. During the Yongle reign, when sacrificial texts for the seas and mountains were issued, Chenggui was called a son of Renren, and the Ancestral Admonitions also recorded that Chenggui, son of Renren, changed his name to Dan. Later Chenggui's son Fangyuan submitted a memorial in defense, and the Taizong Emperor permitted the correction. At this time, when the Collected Statutes of the Great Ming was being revised, the Ancestral Admonitions was still listed under Joseon. The tribute envoys purchased copies and returned home; Yeok submitted a memorial fully setting forth the royal lineage, arguing that no regicide or rebellion had occurred in earlier generations, and requesting correction. The Ministry of Rites deliberated: "The Collected Statutes records in detail the institutions of this dynasty; matters involving foreign states, when doubtful, are appropriately omitted. Moreover, Chenggui's acquisition of the throne issued from the command of the imperial ancestor; that he was not descended from Renren is attested by the Taizong Emperor's edict of approval—his request should be granted." An edict said: "Approved."
30
In the winter of the fifteenth year an inner-court official was ordered to invest Yeok's son Geo as heir apparent; Yeok was granted gold, silks, pearls, and jade, and ordered to gather rare objects and boys and girls to present as tribute. In the sixteenth year Shizong ascended the throne; the ritual officials said: "When the Son of Heaven has just taken the throne, the dignity of China should be upheld and the beginnings of familiarity and contempt from foreign peoples cut off. We request that Yeok be told this was not the court's intent, that the inner-court officials be recalled, and that nothing be demanded." The emperor approved.
31
In the eighth month of the second year of Jiajing captives of Wokou were presented as tribute, and eight persons from China who had been seized were also sent back. White gold, brocade, and cotton were bestowed.
32
In the eighth month of the eighth year the attending minister Liu Pu submitted a statement: the dynastic founder Li Dan was a native of Jeonju in our kingdom. His twenty-eighth-generation ancestor Han served Silla as Minister of Works. When Silla perished, the sixth-generation descendant Jingxiu entered Goryeo. The thirteenth-generation descendant Anshe served the Yuan as darughachi of the Nanjing chiliarch office. When warfare arose in the late Yuan, An's great-great-grandson Zichun and his son Chenggui moved eastward to escape the turmoil. In the xinchou year of Zhizheng, the tenth year of King Gongmin, Red Turban bandits entered the territory; Chenggui fought the bandits with merit and was appointed to a military office, though he was not yet well known. Gongmin had no heir and secretly kept Sinchun's son Biao as his own; in his later years he was murdered by the favorite minister Hong Lun and the palace attendant Cui Wansheng. The powerful minister Li Renren executed Lun and Wansheng and enthroned Biao, promoting Chenggui to Palace Attendant-in-Ordinary. Biao dispatched Chenggui to invade Liaodong; Chenggui refused and turned his army back. Biao was afraid and abdicated in favor of his son Chang. Chang was dismissed for using a false surname; Yao, Lord of Dingchang and a descendant of the Wang house, was again enthroned, and Renren was banished abroad. Yao again behaved without the Way; the people supported Chenggui, petitioned the August Emperor, and had him established as king with his name changed to Dan; Yao was provided a separate residence for the rest of his life—in fact no murder had ever occurred. Previously, during the Yongle and Zhengde reigns, repeated memorials had all received imperial approval, yet the record had still not been corrected. Now, upon the occasion of revising the Collected Statutes, we beg that this be cleared and vindicated." An edict ordered it sent to the Historiography Institute for compilation.
33
In the second month of the eighteenth year, when the rites were completed for installing Ruizong in the Imperial Ancestral Temple and for his associated sacrifice in the Bright Hall, Yeok submitted a congratulatory memorial. The emperor personally received them at the Gate of Receiving Heaven and granted a banquet at the Ministry of Rites.
34
使
In the winter of the twenty-third year Yeok died. In the first month of the twenty-fourth year word of his death arrived; the posthumous title Gongxi was granted. An edict ordered his son Geo established in succession. Geo died before a year had passed and was granted the posthumous title Rongjing. In the ninth month Geo's younger brother Hon, who was administering state affairs, dispatched envoys to thank the court for the sacrificial offerings and posthumous title and to request succession to the enfeoffment; an edict approved this.
35
使 沿
In the twenty-fifth year Hon dispatched envoys to send more than six hundred coastal foreigners who had gone to sea to the border, and gold and silks were bestowed. In the first month of the twenty-sixth year Hon reported: "Never before had people from Fujian sailed the open sea to our kingdom; going to Japan to trade, they were driven by wind and drifted ashore, and in all more than a thousand were captured before and after, all carrying weapons and goods, so that even Chinese cannon fell into Wokou hands—we fear this may provoke hostilities." An edict said: "In recent years lawbreaking people along the coast, especially in Fujian, have repeatedly been captured by foreign states, to the injury of the state's dignity. Maritime officials were ordered to be inspected and impeached by touring censor-investigators. Silver and silks were still granted to the king, to reward his loyalty."
36
In the winter of the thirty-first year, because the musical instruments granted during the Hongwu and Yongle reigns had fallen into disrepair, Hon petitioned for pitch pipes and asked that music officials be sent to the capital for training; the request was granted.
37
In the fifth month of the thirty-fifth year four Japanese pirate ships, routed while retreating from Zhejiang and the Nanjing region, drifted ashore in Korea. Hon sent troops to attack and annihilate them, captured more than thirty Chinese prisoners and collaborators, and presented them to the court; on the occasion of the Winter Solstice tribute, the emperor granted an imperial letter of praise. In the eleventh month of the thirty-eighth year he submitted a memorial: "In the fifth month of this year twenty-five pirate ships reached our coast; I ordered Generals Li Duo and others to destroy them almost to a man, capturing more than three hundred Chinese subjects including Chen Chun; among them were sixteen who had colluded with the pirates and served as guides, including Chen De—all have been sent to Your Majesty's court." An edict of commendation was issued again, with generous gifts of silver and silks, and Li Duo and the others were rewarded according to rank.
38
In the ninth month of the forty-second year Hon again petitioned to clarify that his ancestors were not descendants of Li Renren; although the revised Collected Statutes had already set the record straight, he asked that the names of the founding ancestor Dan and his son Jachun be entered; the emperor ordered them appended to the Collected Statutes.
39
使
In the sixth month of the first year of Longqing officials were dispatched to promulgate the accession edict. At that time the emperor was about to visit the Imperial Academy; the envoys asked to stay and observe the ceremony, and permission was granted. That winter Hon died; he was granted the posthumous title Gongxian, and his nephew Son was ordered to succeed to the throne.
40
使
In the first month of the first year of Wanli, when the rites were completed for bestowing the posthumous title upon Emperor Muzong and the honorific titles upon the empress dowagers, Son sent a congratulatory memorial and presented tribute goods and horses. At that time Son repeatedly petitioned for a copy of the Collected Statutes of the August Ming, seeking to vindicate his ancestor King Kangxian Dan. In the first month of the sixteenth year the Collected Statutes were completed; the tribute envoy Yu Hong happened to be in the capital and requested the promised volumes, to fulfill the earlier imperial command. The request was granted. In the eleventh month of the seventeenth year the attending ministers Qi Qin and others came to offer Winter Solstice congratulations and reported that in the sixth month a ship from Great Ryukyu had been blown ashore; they asked that all the men and women aboard be sent to the capital and then released with travel documents. The court approved.
41
使 紿 西 退
In the eleventh month of the nineteenth year a memorial reported that the Japanese warlord Kampaku Hideyoshi had declared he would invade in the third month of the coming year; an edict ordered the Ministry of War to strengthen coastal defenses. Hideyoshi was a man of Satsuma Province who had first served under the Japanese regent Nobunaga. When Nobunaga was murdered by his own followers, Hideyoshi seized command of Nobunaga's armies, proclaimed himself regent, and forced more than sixty provinces to submit. Korea and Japan's Tsushima Island lay within sight of each other, and Japanese traders regularly crossed back and forth to exchange goods. In the fifth month of summer in the twentieth year Hideyoshi dispatched his generals Yukinaga and Kiyomasa with a fleet to press Busanjin, secretly crossing the Imjin River. Korea had long known peace, its soldiers were unused to war, and Son was given to drink and had let defenses lapse; when the island invaders struck without warning, the armies broke and fled at the first sight of them. Son abandoned the capital, entrusted state affairs to his second son Hun, and fled to Pyongyang. Soon afterward he fled again to Uiju and asked to submit to Ming protection. In the seventh month the Ministry of War ordered him to hold strategic positions and await the arrival of Ming troops; rally the whole kingdom to defend the throne and plan for recovery. But by then the invaders had already entered the capital, desecrated royal tombs, seized princes and ministers, and looted the treasuries; nearly all eight provinces had fallen, and the enemy was poised to cross the Yalu at any moment; pleas for aid crowded the roads without end. The court held that Korea was the outer bulwark of the empire and a territory that must be defended at all costs. The courier Xue Pan was sent to exhort Son with the duty of restoration, and word was spread that a hundred thousand Ming troops would soon arrive. But the invaders had already reached Pyongyang, and the Korean king and his ministers, in growing desperation, withdrew to Ai Prefecture. The guerrilla commander Shi Ru and others led troops to Pyongyang and were killed in battle. The vice commander Zu Chengxun led troops across the Yalu to their aid and barely escaped with his life. The court was shaken, and Song Yingchang was appointed grand coordinator. In the eighth month the invaders entered Haedeok and other districts; Minister of War Shi Xing could think of no solution and proposed sending a scout; Shen Weijing of Jiaxing volunteered. Weijing was a marketplace ruffian. At that time Hideyoshi was stationed on Tsushima and had posted generals such as Yukinaga to hold key positions in support. Weijing reached Pyongyang and abased himself in ceremony before the enemy. Yukinaga deceived him, saying: "If the Celestial Court will kindly hold its armies in place, I shall withdraw before long. Let the Taedong River be the boundary—all lands west of Pyongyang shall remain Korea's." Weijing reported this to the court. The court judged the Japanese offer a deception and urged Song Yingchang and the others to advance. But Shi Xing was much taken in by Weijing, commissioned him as a guerrilla commander, and sent him to the front, also supplying gold for covert negotiations. In the twelfth month Li Rusong was appointed supreme commander of the eastern expedition. In the first month of the following year Rusong led the generals forward and won a great victory at Pyongyang. Yukinaga crossed the Taedong River and fled back to Ryongsan. The four lost provinces of Hwanghae, Pyeongan, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon were all recovered, and Kiyomasa also retreated to the capital. After his victory Rusong pressed forward with light cavalry to Pyojeok Pavilion, was defeated, and withdrew to Kaesong. The full account is given in the Biography of Li Rusong.
42
便 使 耀 西
At first, when Rusong mustered the army, he wished to execute Weijing, but desisted on the advice of the staff officer Li Yingshi. After this defeat his confidence waned; Song Yingchang was eager for a quick success, and the invaders, short of provisions, also wished to withdraw—thus arose talk of enfeoffment and tribute. Song Yingchang received the Japanese reply to Weijing's letter and ordered the guerrilla commander Zhou Hongmo to go with Weijing and instruct the enemy to surrender the capital, return the princes, and release captives as agreed. The invaders did abandon the capital and flee in the fourth month. By then more than a thousand li of Korean territory south of the Han River had been recovered; the Ministry of War argued that the king should return to hold the kingdom while Ming garrisons, long exhausted overseas, should be withdrawn in stages. An edict approved the proposal. Song Yingchang submitted a memorial saying: "Although Busan lies on the southern coast, it is still Korean territory; if the Japanese watch us withdraw and suddenly invade again, Korea will not be able to hold out and all our gains will be lost. Deploying troops for joint defense is the best course; even if withdrawal is discussed, we should wait until the Japanese have fully withdrawn, then leave a measured garrison behind." The ministry decided to leave five thousand troops from Jiangsu and Zhejiang garrisoned at key points, and instructed Son to rebuild and drill his forces rather than rely on outside aid. Soon afterward Shen Weijing returned from Busan with Japanese envoys to sue for peace, but the invaders then attacked Haman and Jinju, pressed into Jeolla, and declared that all lands south of the Han River would be theirs, with the capital and the Han River as the boundary. Rusong judged Jeolla rich and fertile and Namwon Prefecture its vital choke point; he ordered the generals to divide forces and hold the key positions. Soon the invaders did divide their forces to attack, and Ming troops also scored kills and captures. The supervising secretary Zhang Fuzhi and the Liaodong censor-in-chief Zhao Yao both argued that peace and tribute should not be accepted lightly. In the seventh month the invaders moved from Busan to Saseongpo and returned the princes and ministers. The army had long been exposed in the field; once word of withdrawal spread, it was impossible to keep the troops under control much longer. Song Yingchang asked to retain Liu Ting's Sichuan troops, the southern forces under Wu Weizhong and Luo Shangzhi, and Ji and Liaodong troops totaling sixteen thousand, with Ting to deploy them as far as Daegu; monthly rations of fifty thousand taels were to come from the Ministries of Revenue and War. By then treasury funds issued for military expenses had already exceeded a million taels. Court officials argued that draining the interior to strengthen the frontier was no long-term strategy and proposed that the retained Sichuan troops train under Liu Ting while Korea itself supply the rations. An edict then ordered the withdrawal of Wu Weizhong's troops and the others, retaining only Liu Ting's force for defense. The Korean heir apparent Imhae-gun Gyeong was instructed to reside in Jeolla, and Gu Yangqian was appointed grand coordinator. In the ninth month Son submitted a memorial of thanks, for the three capitals had been recovered and the kingdom restored. Yet the invaders still held Busan, and Shi Xing grew ever more committed to peace negotiations alone. In the ninth month the Ministry of War section chief Zeng Weifang said: "The regent's main force has already returned; Yukinaga remains behind. Knowing our troops have not yet withdrawn, he dares not launch a single attack. If he wishes to return and report to the regent to gather forces and invade again, the winds are unfavorable and winter cold is bitter. Whether we make peace or not, he will leave either way. When Shen Weijing earlier negotiated in the Japanese camp, Haman and Jinju soon fell; yet people cling to hopes of peace and expect no attack next year—those who rush toward peace are precisely rushing toward the next invasion. Whether we make peace or not, they will come either way. Korea should be ordered to defend itself, tend the dead and care for the bereaved, drill troops and store grain, and seek to grow strong on its own." The emperor agreed and issued lengthy edicts instructing Son accordingly.
43
西 使
In the first month of the twenty-second year Son dispatched Jin Chui and others to present tribute in thanks. The Ministry of Rites bureau director He Qiaoyuan submitted a memorial: "Chui wept and reported that the pirates were rampant and that more than sixty thousand Koreans had been slaughtered without resistance. The Japanese envoys spoke with insolent disrespect; Shen Weijing had dealings with them and, rather than speak of alliance, kept saying they were begging to surrender. Your subject respectfully submits the letter sent inland by Xu Yi, a Chinese captive from the nineteenth year of Wanli, the Japanese reply to Liu Ting, and recommendations on handling the invasions over the years, and begs a special edict urgently halting enfeoffment and tribute." An edict ordered the Ministry of War to deliberate. At that time officials submitted memorial after memorial, all urging an end to enfeoffment and tribute and calling for renewed discussion of war and defense. In the eighth month Gu Yangqian submitted a plan for negotiated tribute: the tribute route should run through Ningbo, the regent should be enfeoffed as King of Japan, Yukinaga's forces should be ordered to withdraw entirely, and enfeoffment and tribute should proceed as agreed. In the ninth month Son petitioned for assurance that his kingdom would be preserved. The emperor sharply rebuked the officials for obstruction and stripped Censor Guo Shi and others of their posts. An edict summoned Konishi Yukufusa to court, gathered senior officials for face-to-face deliberation, and set three conditions: first, compel the Japanese to withdraw entirely; second, once enfeoffed, no tribute would be accepted; third, swear never again to invade Korea. The Japanese envoys agreed to all three, and this was reported to the throne. The emperor again addressed them at the Left Gate, his instructions growing ever more detailed. In the twelfth month the enfeoffment plan was settled; Marquis of Linhuai Li Zongcheng was appointed chief envoy, with Commander Yang Fangheng as deputy, to travel with Shen Weijing to Japan; a golden seal was granted to the Japanese king, and Yukinaga was appointed Assistant Commissioner-in-chief.
44
In the ninth month of the twenty-third year Son petitioned to establish his second son Hun as heir. Earlier, Son's eldest son by a concubine, Imhae-gun Gyeong, had fallen into enemy hands; shock and grief had brought on illness; the second son Gwanghae-gun Hun had gathered the scattered populace and won considerable merit, and a memorial requested that he be made heir. Minister of Rites Fan Qian argued that the principle of succession and the fixed order of elder and younger must not be violated, and the request was denied. On this occasion he submitted again, citing the precedent of King Gongding in the Yongle reign; the ritual officials submitted firm objections and the court did not comply. In the fifth month of the twenty-fourth year Son again petitioned to establish Hun; the Ministry of Rites still held firm against it, and an edict followed their recommendation. At that time no crown prince had been established and court and country alike were uneasy; hence Minister Fan Qian submitted three memorials on Korea's succession dispute and held firmly to his position.
45
使 使 使使 使使 使
In the ninth month the investiture mission arrived in Japan. Earlier, Shen Weijing had reached Busan and on his own authority had presented Hideyoshi with python-pattern jade, the Yishan cap, maps, military treatises, and fine horses. Li Zongcheng, however, had been driven off by the Japanese garrison commanders for his greed and debauchery; he abandoned the imperial patent and edicts and fled under cover of night. When the affair came to light, he was arrested and brought to trial. Yang Fangheng was then appointed chief envoy, with Weijing added as deputy bearing a Shenji Camp commission. When the investiture patent was delivered, the regent was furious that no Korean princes had come to give thanks; he sent only two envoys with Suzhou white silk as congratulatory gifts, refused to receive the Ming mission, and told Weijing: "If you have no thought of restoring the two princes, the three ministers, the three capitals, and the eight provinces as the Celestial Court agreed, and now send a petty official with trifling gifts to congratulate us—is this meant to insult our realm? Or to insult the Celestial Court itself? Moreover, I shall leave Shimazu's troops there to await the Celestial Court's decision, and only then withdraw them. The next day he offered tribute and sent envoys bearing two memorials, who crossed the sea with the investiture mission to Korea. The court deliberated sending envoys to Korea to retrieve the memorials for examination: one was a thanksgiving petition, the other asked the Son of Heaven to settle Korea's fate.
46
At first Fangheng had falsely reported that the previous year he had crossed from Busan, the Japanese had received investiture at Osaka, and he had returned by way of Quanzhou. Yet the Japanese were still pressing demands against Korea and kept troops at Busan as before; the thanksgiving memorial was never dispatched in time, and Fangheng returned empty-handed. Only now did Weijing submit the memorials; on inspection they proved perfunctory, and he had earlier used Toyotomi seals and documents, refused to observe the court calendar, and displayed none of a subject's proper deference. Meanwhile Vice Regional Commander Ma Dong at Kuandian reported that Kiyomasa had two hundred ships and was encamped at Gijang. Fangheng at last told the whole story plainly, shifted the blame onto Weijing, and submitted Shi Xing's correspondence. The emperor was enraged and ordered Shi Xing and Shen Weijing arrested for investigation. Minister of War Xing Jie was appointed grand coordinator of Ji and Liaodong; Ma Gui was reassigned as Grand General for Defense against the Japanese, to manage affairs in Korea; Vice Censor-in-Chief Yang Hao was posted at Tianjin to sound the alarm and prepare defenses; Yang Runan and Ding Yingtai served as staff officers at the front.
47
調
In the fifth month Xing Jie reached Liaodong. Yukinaga built watchtowers, Kiyomasa planted crops, the island invaders stockpiled water, and demanded maps of Korea; Xing Jie thereupon resolved on war. Ma Gui looked to advance from east of the Yalu River, but the troops under his command numbered only seventeen thousand, and he requested reinforcements. Xing Jie held that Korean troops were skilled only at naval warfare; he memorialized requesting recruits from Sichuan and Zhejiang, and the mobilization of troops from Ji, Liaodong, Xuanfu, Datong, Shandong, and Shaanxi, along with the Fujian and Wusong fleets, with Liu Ting to command the Sichuan and Huguang forces for the campaign. Ma Gui secretly reported that once the Xuanfu and Datong troops arrived, they could strike Busan while the Japanese were unprepared—Yukinaga would be captured and Kiyomasa would flee. Xing Jie thought this a brilliant plan and ordered Yang Yuan to encamp at Namwon and Wu Weizhong at Chungju.
48
西沿 西西
In the sixth month thousands of Japanese ships anchored at Busan; they killed the Korean prefect An Hongguk and gradually pressed toward Yangsan and Ungcheon. Weijing led two hundred camp troops in and out of Busan. Xing Jie feigned conciliation, ordered Yang Yuan to seize Weijing in a surprise raid, had him bound and sent to Ma Gui's camp, and with Weijing in custody the Japanese guides were cut off at last. In the seventh month the Japanese took Yangsan and Sannang, entered Gyeongju, and invaded Hansan. Commander-in-chief Won Kyun's army collapsed, and Hansan was lost. Hansan Island stood at Korea's western sea gate, shielding Namwon on the right and forming Jeolla's outer defense; once it fell the entire coast lay open, and Tianjin, Dengzhou, and Laizhou could all be reached under sail. Our three thousand naval troops had only just reached Lüshun when Hansan fell; the supreme commander ordered troops to hold the Han and Daedong rivers west of the capital, blocking the Japanese advance westward while protecting the supply lines.
49
西 西退 退 使 調使 使退 使 退 退
In the eighth month Kiyomasa besieged Namwon and attacked by surprise in the night; the defending general Yang Yuan fled. At the time Chen Yuzhong was at Jeonju, only a hundred li from Namwon; when Namwon cried for help Yuzhong dared not go to the rescue, and when he heard it had fallen he abandoned the city and fled. Ma Gui sent guerrilla commander Niu Boying to the rescue; he joined forces with Yuzhong and encamped at Gongju. The Japanese then attacked Jeonju and Gyeongju and pressed toward the capital. The capital stood at the center of Korea's eight provinces; to the east it was shielded by Oryong and Chungju, to the west lay Namwon and Jeonju, and the roads linked them all. With the loss of these two cities, Japanese forces lay to east and west alike; our troops were few and weak, so we fell back to hold the capital behind the Han River's natural defenses. Ma Gui asked Xing Jie to abandon the capital and withdraw to hold the Yalu River. Coastal Defense Commissioner Xiao Yinggong thought this impossible and hurried from Pyongyang day and night to the capital to stop it. Ma Gui dispatched troops to hold Jisan; Korea also mobilized Inspector-General Yi Won-ik to emerge from Oryong into Chungcheong Province and block the enemy vanguard. Once Xing Jie went to the capital in person, morale at last steadied. Xing Jie summoned staff officer Li Yingshi to ask his counsel; Yingshi asked what the court's secret plan was. Xing Jie said: "Open war and secret peace, open suppression and secret appeasement—the government's eight-character secret plan must not be disclosed. Yingshi said: "Then it is easy. The Japanese have rebelled because they despair of receiving an imperial settlement; they have not dared kill Yang Yuan because they still hope for one. Simply send someone to tell them: if Shen Weijing is not executed, they will withdraw." He therefore proposed sending Li Dajian to Yukinaga and Feng Zhongying to Kiyomasa, and Xing Jie agreed. In the ninth month the Japanese reached the Han River; Yang Hao sent Zhang Zhenming with Weijing's handwritten letter to rebuke them for taking up arms, which violated their pledge to wait quietly for an imperial settlement. Yukinaga and Masamori also reproached Kiyomasa for his rash action and withdrew to encamp at Jeongnyeong. Ma Gui then reported a great victory at Cheongsan and Jisan. Xiao Yinggong openly declared: "The Japanese withdrew because of Weijing's letter; at Cheongsan and Jisan there was no engagement at all—how can this be claimed as merit?" Xing Jie and Yang Hao were enraged and impeached Yinggong for cowardice and for not personally going to negotiate over Weijing; Yinggong was arrested.
50
使 西 西
In the eleventh month, as Xing Jie's mobilized troops assembled in force, the emperor released treasury gold to reward the army, bestowed the imperial sword on Xing Jie, and appointed Censor Chen Xiao to supervise the army. Xing Jie convened the generals in great council and divided them into three divisions. Yang Hao together with Ma Gui led the left and right divisions from Chungju and Oryong toward Dongan, pressing toward Gyeongju to attack Kiyomasa exclusively. Li Dajian was sent to Yukinaga with an agreement that he would not come to Kiyomasa's aid. The center division was again dispatched to encamp at Uijeong, supporting Gyeongju to the east and blocking Jeolla to the west. The remaining troops joined the Korean combined camp and feigned attacks on Suncheon and other places to tie down Yukinaga's eastern relief force. In the twelfth month they assembled at Gyeongju. Ma Gui sent Huang Qing with bribes to Kiyomasa to negotiate peace, while leading a great force to pounce on his camp. At the time the Japanese were encamped at Ulsan; the fortress stood on mountainous terrain with a river in the middle linking to the Busan garrison, and the overland route from Uiryang connected to Busan. Ma Gui wished to concentrate on attacking Ulsan but feared Japanese from Busan would come to the rescue via Uiryang; he therefore deployed many decoy forces, sent generals to block the water route, and then pressed close to the enemy fortifications. Guerrilla commander Bai Zhai lured the Japanese into an ambush with light cavalry, beheaded more than four hundred, captured one of their brave generals, and following up the victory seized two palisades. Countless Japanese died in the fire; they then fled to Island Mountain and built three camps in succession. The next day guerrilla commander Mao Guoqi leading Zhejiang troops scaled the walls first; they broke through in succession with many kills and captures, but the Japanese held fast behind their walls and would not come out. Island Mountain overlooked Ulsan and stood higher; the stone walls were very strong, and our troops suffered many casualties in uphill assaults. The generals then deliberated: "The Japanese have difficulty with the water route and supplies will be hard to sustain; we need only sit and wear them down, and Kiyomasa can be taken without a fight. Yang Hao and the others agreed; they divided forces and besieged for ten days and nights; the Japanese were starving badly and feigned surrender to slow the assault. Suddenly Yukinaga's relief force arrived in strength and was about to circle behind the army. Yang Hao could not even issue orders; he whipped his horse and fled west, and all the armies collapsed. They withdrew to the capital; twenty thousand soldiers perished. When the emperor heard of it, he was shaken with rage. Yang Hao was dismissed pending investigation and replaced by Tianjin Grand Coordinator Wan Shide. The affair is detailed in Yang Hao's biography.
51
西 西
In the first month of the twenty-sixth year, Xing Jie, because the previous campaign had lacked naval troops and achieved nothing, increased recruitment of Jiangnan naval forces, proposed sea transport of supplies, and planned for a prolonged campaign. In the second month Admiral Chen Lin arrived with Guangdong troops, Liu Ting with Sichuan troops, and Deng Zilong with Zhejiang and direct-command troops, arriving one after another. Xing Jie divided the forces into three divisions, forming four routes by land and sea, each with its own commander. The center route was Li Rumei, the eastern route Ma Gui, the western route Liu Ting, and the naval route Chen Lin—each held his assigned sector and undertook suppression as opportunity offered. At the time the Japanese also divided into three strongholds. On the eastern route Kiyomasa held Ulsan. On the western route Yukinaga held Surim and Yegeo, building fortifications layer upon layer. On the center route Shimazu held Sacheon. Yukinaga's navy rotated in shifts to deliver supplies, coming and going like flying arrows. Our forces agreed on a date to advance together; soon came word of an alarm at Liaoyang—Li Rusong had been defeated and killed; an edict ordered Li Rumei to return to respond, and Dong Yiyuan replaced him on the center route.
52
When Ding Yingtai impeached Yang Hao, Son petitioned for the emperor's own judgment, urging encouragement and reassurance so that the campaign might be brought to completion. The emperor did not consent. Moreover Ding Yingtai had made fortification a charge against Yang Hao, holding that if strong walls were built the invaders would grow bold and sow future trouble for Korea; Son thereupon submitted a memorial in his own defense. The emperor said: "We have raised troops and disbursed rations year after year because your country has always shown loyalty and obedience; do not let others' words make you doubt yourselves."
53
退 退 退
In the ninth month officers and soldiers advanced by separate routes; Liu Ting pressed toward Yukinaga's camp and arranged a friendly meeting with him. The next day they assaulted the city and beheaded ninety-two. Chen Lin's fleet coordinated in a blockading attack and destroyed more than a hundred Japanese ships. Yukinaga secretly sent out more than a thousand cavalry to block him; Liu Ting fared badly and withdrew, and Chen Lin also abandoned his ships and fled. Ma Gui reached Ulsan and had considerable kills and captures; the Japanese feigned retreat to lure him. Ma Gui entered the empty fortress; ambush troops rose up, and he was defeated. Dong Yiyuan advanced to take Jinju, crossed the river on the momentum of victory, and destroyed two stockades in succession. The Japanese fell back to hold the old camp at Sacheon; after fierce fighting the Ming forces took it and pressed forward toward the new stockade. The stockade faced the river on three sides and connected to land on one; seawater was drawn in as a moat; more than a thousand sea vessels moored beneath it; Jinhae and Goseong were built as wings on left and right. In the tenth month Dong Yiyuan dispatched generals to assault the city from all four sides; using firearms they smashed the stockade gate, and the troops vied to advance and seize the palisades. Suddenly gunpowder in the camp detonated, and smoke and flames rose to fill the sky. The Japanese seized the moment and charged; Japanese from Goseong also arrived, and the army broke in complete rout, fleeing back to Jinju. When the emperor heard of it, he ordered two guerrilla commanders beheaded as a warning to the army; Dong Yiyuan and the others were each told to redeem their offenses by winning merit in battle. That month Fujian Censor-in-Chief Jin Xueceng reported that Hideyoshi had died in Japan on the ninth day of the seventh month, and the Japanese forces all wished to go home. In the eleventh month Kiyomasa put to sea and fled first; Ma Gui then entered Sanchon and Yuro, and Liu Ting attacked and took Yegeo. Shimazu led a fleet to relieve Yukinaga, but Chen Lin intercepted him and won the battle. The Japanese hoisted sail and departed for home. For seven years the Japanese had ravaged Korea; hundreds of thousands of soldiers had been lost and millions in rations wasted, and neither the Central Court nor its tributary kingdom had ever held a clear prospect of victory—only with the kampaku's death did the disaster begin to ebb.
54
In the intercalary fourth month of the twenty-seventh year an edict announcing the defeat of the Japanese was proclaimed throughout the empire, and an imperial command was sent to Son, saying: "The Japanese warlord Hideyoshi has wantonly violated all propriety and trampled your kingdom. We have long regarded your royal house as deeply loyal and steadfast, and Our heart is full of compassion for you. For seven years this enemy has been Our daily preoccupation. At first We sent a limited punitive force; then showed forbearance; at last We brought down stern punishment. Heaven's heart is to spare life, yet to take up arms was not a course We could refuse. To secure the borders and still the turmoil, nothing less than total pacification would suffice. The spirits abhor overflowing evil; Heaven secretly destroyed the chief culprit; Our great army seized the moment, pursued the fleeing enemy, and cut down the monsters to the last; the coastlands were cleared at last, and when the victory report arrived, Our long anxiety began to lift. Though you have recovered what was yours, it is in truth like beginning again; to revive what is withered and rebuild what is broken will demand twice the strength. Though the Japanese have withdrawn, their people still endure across the sea. We now order Xing Jie to withdraw the army and return to the capital, leaving Wan Shide and others behind in appropriate numbers to garrison and defend. You must sleep on brushwood and taste gall, never forgetting the humiliations of the past; with loyalty and filial devotion, carry forward the glory of your forebears." In the fifth month Xing Jie submitted a detailed list of ten items on postwar arrangements for the eastern expedition. First, retain garrison troops—cavalry, infantry, and naval forces by land and sea totaling more than thirty-four thousand men, with three thousand horses. Second, fix monthly pay: more than nine hundred eighteen thousand taels of silver per year. Third, fix grain rations in kind: rice and beans to be allocated from Liaodong, Tianjin, Shandong, and elsewhere, totaling one hundred thirty thousand shi per year. Fourth, retain the Central Route Coastal Defense Intendant. Fifth, establish a rations office. Sixth, strengthen the authority of field commanders. Seventh, add patrol and pursuit units. Eighth, divide coastal defense sectors. Ninth, institute drill and training. Tenth, hold Korea itself responsible for the costs. Court officials argued: "For years the empire has been drained; now at last the burden is lifting. We ought to strengthen our foundations at home, not incur further heavy costs. Moreover, after war and famine that country suffers not only from Japanese raids but also from the burden of our own troops. Postwar arrangements should therefore be negotiated with Korea first: only after gauging whether their supplies are adequate can we decide how many of our troops to keep or withdraw. As for buying more horses, adding standard troops, creating new patrol units, and even the rations-office assistants—all of that should be stopped." The emperor ordered the grand coordinators to consult with the king and submit a considered plan. In the eighth month Son sent tribute goods to assist the great palace works and received rewards according to precedent. In the tenth month he asked that eight thousand naval troops be kept behind to help with coastal defense. The troops being withdrawn were stationed at Liaoyang to stand watch. In the fourth month of the twenty-eighth year he asked that the rice and beans left in storehouses at Uiju and elsewhere be shipped back to Liaoyang. The Ministry of Revenue argued: "Transport is too difficult; better to give the grain directly to Korea, revive its devastated land, and display the emperor's benevolence." An edict replied: "Let it be so."
55
西浿 便便
In the second month of the twenty-ninth year the Ministry of War replied with seven proposals from the grand coordinator: "First, drill the troops. Koreans are fierce and hardy, able to endure cold and hardship, yet they wear long gowns with wide sleeves and are drilled without discipline; they should be taught proper squad organization and formation. Second, hold the strategic passes. Korea is bounded by sea on three sides; Busan faces Tsushima across the strait, with Geoje next in importance—each should be held by strong garrisons, and Ulsan, Gaesan, and other points should be defended as well. Third, repair the mountain passes. The capital rests against mountains to the north and is ringed by the sea to the south. To either side of Chungju lie the U and Juk ridges, where the paths twist like sheep intestines and a single man can hold the pass. The ruins of old camps and fortifications still stand; they should be repaired at once. Fourth, build fortified cities. Of Korea's eight provinces, nine in ten have no walled cities. Northwest of Pyongyang the Yalu and Taedong rivers both run south to the sea. If the Japanese were to send a separate force to seize Pyongyang, the capital would be cut off from support; all these places should be fortified and held. Fifth, manufacture arms and equipment. The Japanese fight well on land but poorly at sea, for their ships are large and heavy and poorly suited to offensive action. Authorize the building of one hundred-odd Fujian-style warships as a surprise force, along with additional divine-engine hundred-bolt rockets. Sixth, seek out men of exceptional ability. Korea honors hereditary office and despises hereditary service; talent is locked in by status, and many flee to the Japanese or to the enemy, becoming a scourge at home—men of ability should be sought without regard to rank. Seventh, strengthen internal governance. Our empire faces the sea to the southeast; Dengzhou and Lüshun are its gateway and Zhenjiang its throat—the troops held in reserve for reinforcement should not all be withdrawn. By securing ourselves we also secure Korea." An edict ordered Korea to carry out these measures with all diligence. In the ninth month a memorial reported that the patents of investiture and ceremonial robes previously granted had been lost in the war and asked for replacements; the request was granted.
56
使 使
At that time Japan was torn by civil strife; Yoshitoshi, lord of Tsushima, sent all surrendered men back to Korea with a letter suing for peace, and also spread word that Ieyasu, Hideyoshi's heir, would supply several hundred thousand shi of grain to finance an army—aimed at coercing Korea. Korea and Tsushima are separated by only a narrow strait; the island grows no grain and depends on Korea for rice. After the war began trade was cut off, and they resorted to every stratagem to force a settlement. When Hideyoshi died and our troops were fully withdrawn, Korea's fear of the Japanese only grew. They wanted to treat with the Japanese, yet feared offending the Ming court. In the twelfth month Son petitioned for guidance because the island Japanese were seeking peace. The Ministry of War held that the matter could not be judged from afar and ordered Grand Coordinator Wan Shide to decide as he saw fit; an edict approved. In the eleventh month of the thirtieth year Son reported that Japanese envoys kept coming to demand peace on their terms, signs of renewed fighting were appearing, and he asked that generals be sent to lead troops and oversee training and defense alongside his own forces. The emperor said: "Officers and soldiers were already left behind to train your forces; the established methods are all in place—there is no need to send more. He therefore ordered Son's envoys to carry back an imperial command of admonition and encouragement. In the ninth month of the thirty-third year Son again asked that Hun be invested as heir apparent; the Ministry of Rites still insisted on the principle of favoring the eldest son. In the fourth month of the thirty-fifth year Son reported that Ieyasu was seeking peace; the Ministry of War decided to leave the decision to the king. Peace negotiations continued without interruption, and only three years later were terms for reopening trade finally settled.
57
In the thirty-sixth year Son died. Gwanghae-gun Hun proclaimed himself regent, sent court ministers posthaste to announce the death, and also requested a posthumous title. The emperor disliked his presumption and refused; he ordered the officials and people of Korea to reach a public decision and report back. At that time the armies of the rising Qing were subduing the Jurchen tribes one by one and drawing ever closer to Korea. The Ministry of War proposed that the Korean king greatly strengthen his defenses and put the frontier in order, and also asked that an edict be sent to the grand coordinators and garrison commanders of Liaodong to dispatch envoys proclaiming the intent of mutual non-aggression. The proposal was approved. In the tenth month Hun was invested as king, at the request of his officials and people. In the second month of the thirty-seventh year Son was given the posthumous title Zhaojing; envoys were dispatched to bestow patents of investiture on Hun and his consort, Lady Liu.
58
Earlier, when Korea's defenses collapsed, it recovered only through Ming power; the Japanese abandoned Busan and fled. Yet they secretly plotted to expand their territory, and the threat never ceased. Rumors then spread along the coast that the Japanese were plotting against Busan and that Korea was in secret communication with them. In the ninth month of the forty-first year Regional Commander Yang Zongye reported the rumors to the court. Hun submitted a memorial in his own defense; an edict comforted him and set the matter aside.
59
In the fourth month of the forty-second year he memorialized asking that his birth mother, Lady Jin, be granted posthumous honors. The Ministry of Rites consulted the Collected Statutes, which held that when the principal wife had been enfeoffed and the birth mother was already dead, posthumous honors could be granted; Lady Jin was therefore enfeoffed as the king's secondary consort. In the eleventh month of the forty-third year he sent felicitations for the winter solstice and also reported that he had bought back books such as Wuxue Bian and Yanshan Tang Bieji, whose accounts of Korean affairs conflicted with the Collected Statutes, and asked that the errors be corrected. The Ministry of Rites replied: "Unofficial histories are not to be trusted. What he asks shows his shame at being mocked alongside rebellious factions; his sincerity deserves compassion, and the matter should be referred to the Historiography Institute." The reply approved. Hun had already secured enfeoffment for his birth mother; now he petitioned again for the grant of ceremonial cap and robes. Rites officials held that Lady Jin was a secondary consort and that ritual distinctions of rank forbade it; they steadfastly refused. In the first month of the forty-fifth year Hun petitioned again and again; the emperor, moved by his repeated earnest pleas, reluctantly consented.
60
調 使 調
In the forty-seventh year Yang Hao led Ma Lin, Du Song, Liu Ting, and others into the field; they were defeated by the Qing armies. Among the Korean officers and soldiers who fought alongside them, some surrendered and some died in battle. Hun sent an urgent appeal for aid; the court responded with an edict granting him special favor and relief. In the eleventh month the Ministry of War replied that the route by which Korean tribute envoys traveled ought to be reinforced with additional garrison troops. An edict ordered that commanders and troops be posted at Jiang and other strategic points, to be assigned and coordinated by Grand Coordinator Xiong Tingbi. In the first month of the forty-eighth year Hun memorialized: "In the eighth month the enemy broke through the North Pass; Jin Taiji burned himself to death, and Bai Yang surrendered. At the Battle of Tieling the Mongol chieftain Zaisai was destroyed as well. We hear that in their councils they argue that Korea, the North Pass, and Zaisai all sent troops to aid the Ming; now that the North Pass and Zaisai are both destroyed, Korea must not be allowed to survive alone. We also hear that they have posted troops at Niumao Stockade and Wanzhe Ridge, intending to raid Kuandian, Jiang, and neighboring districts. Kuandian, Jiang, and the forts at Changcheng, Uiju, and elsewhere stand isolated on opposite banks of the river, exposed to extraordinary danger. If the enemy passes through Yagu Pass on the Aiyang frontier and swings around behind Phoenix City, a single day's march would leave Kuandian, Jiang, and Changcheng unable to defend themselves. Within lie the Eight Stations of eastern Liaodong; without stands the lone city of the Eastern River garrison—they would be cut off from one another, mutual aid impossible. The prospect is enough to chill the heart. We beg that large reinforcements be sent at once so that our forces may act in concert as pincers and hold the frontier firm." At that time urgent reports from the Liaodong garrison claimed that Korea had made peace with the Qing. Court opinion then held that Hun was defiant in public but colluding in secret, and that an envoy should be sent to instruct him—or a general appointed to supervise him. The proposals were tangled and hotly disputed. Hun submitted a memorial in his own defense: "For two hundred years we have served the great power with loyal devotion, holding one and the same principle in life and death." The language was profoundly earnest and moving. The Ministries of Rites and War asked that an edict be issued to reassure him and settle his mind. The emperor approved their proposal, but the edict was conveyed through Korean envoys; no Ming official was sent.
61
輿
In the eighth month of the first year of Tianqi the Korean tribute route was changed: envoys would travel by sea to Dengzhou and then proceed directly to the capital. At that time Regional Commander Mao Wenlong held Pidao, recruiting fugitives as soldiers and depending on Korea for supplies. In the eleventh month Hun memorialized that he could scarcely keep up the supply effort and asked that grain be shipped from Shandong as in the Wanli eastern expedition; the request was granted. In the fourth month of the third year the people deposed Hun and enthroned his nephew Lingyang Lord Jeong, who under Queen Dowager Zhaojing's authority provisionally governed the realm. The State Council was instructed to notify the grand coordinators through official correspondence, and Mao Wenlong reported the matter in a bulletin. Dengzhou Grand Coordinator Yuan Keli submitted: "If Hun has truly acted wickedly, the queen dowager should be allowed to memorialize in full and await the Ming court's decision on who should reign." The memorial was held at court without action. In the eighth month Queen Dowager Lady Jin submitted a memorial asking that Jeong be invested as king. Minister of Rites Lin Yaoyu said: "On Korea's deposition and enthronement, officials inside and outside the court have spoken with loyal indignation. Some urge proclaiming guilt and launching punitive action; some urge holding off on attack, accepting their tribute missions, and verifying the facts; some urge holding them to the great principle and gauging public sentiment; some urge ordering Jeong to strike the enemy and thereby clear himself—all views worth weighing. Of those who held that Hun had truly betrayed his duty and that Jeong had struck down rebel ministers with a loyal heart toward the Ming, Mao Wenlong alone spoke thus. Your Majesty, acting under Heaven to punish rebellion and uphold moral order—this is the proper course of justice. Yet also bearing in mind that they have long been known for deference and stand apart from other frontier peoples, dispatch upright and trusted ministers to join Mao Wenlong, publicly assemble officials and commoners, and inquire again and again. Once the facts have been examined and clarified, submit the matter again for Your Majesty's judgment." The reply approved. In the twelfth month the Ministry of Rites submitted again: "Your subject previously joined the Ministry of War in sending dispatches to the Dengzhou grand coordinator and in writing Commander Mao, dispatching officials to investigate on the spot. We now have twelve joint petitions submitted from that country, from the royal house down to the officials and people of the Eight Provinces, all declaring Jeong deferential. Moreover, their envoys have come in succession with desperate pleas, saying that in this hour of crisis the realm must have a sovereign at its head. We beg that an edict be issued first instructing Jeong to govern state affairs, and that he be ordered to raise troops and collect levies, coordinating with Mao Wenlong in ambush and surprise attack; once affairs gradually take proper order, a senior minister may then be sent to confer formal investiture. Thus Korea could be upheld as a loyal vassal without abandoning the strategy of securing the frontier." This was approved. In the fourth month of the fourth year Jeong was invested as king.
62
In the twelfth month of the fifth year Wenlong reported: "The rebel faction in Korea—Li Shi, Han Minglian, and others—raised troops at Changcheng and marched straight on the royal capital; your subject captured them. The remnant rebels Han Run, Zheng Mei, and others fled into Jianzhou; Left State Councillor Yin Yili agreed to serve as an inside collaborator, planning a major invasion of Korea this winter. Your subject has already advised the king on defense and temporarily moved the troops at Tieshan to Yunchong Island to gather firewood." Deng-Lai Grand Coordinator Wu Zhiwang memorialized: "Commander Mao has since the fifth month built quarters at Xumi—what is called Yunchong Island. Now in the tenth month he has again moved soldiers, civilians, and merchants there to fill it out, and Tieshan has been left empty. Korea's provinces therefore suspect he intends to press too close, to the point of even deploying troops in defense against him. What the garrison commander reports about the rebellion of Li Shi and others and Yin Yili's role as inside collaborator—we have heard faint rumors but dare not believe them hastily. If we believe it, Korean suspicion will only deepen; if we do not, we fear trouble for the future." The Ministry of War said: "The force that checks the enemy state is Korea; the force linked to Korea is the Mao garrison; the official who controls the Mao garrison is the Dengzhou grand coordinator. Now the grand coordinator and garrison commander are at odds, to the point that the garrison commander and the tributary state are at odds as well—deeply harmful." The emperor then admonished the garrison commander and grand coordinator to act in concert, and left Han Run, Yin Yili, and the others for Korea to handle on its own. Jeong again asked that Liaodong refugees be withdrawn and resettled in the interior; the Ministry of War said: "Whether Liaodong people stay or go depends on Mao Wenlong. As long as Wenlong remains, the Liaodong people will not leave for a single day. Koreans may drive them onto the island, but they must not drive them off it. The garrison commander should be ordered to move all Liaodong people onto the island; the Dengzhou grand coordinator should set a deadline to ship grain to Korea and provide relief as needed, to support garrison farming." The emperor approved.
63
In the tenth month of the sixth year Jeong submitted a memorial that read:
64
使 西
The great dynasty's sheltering grace toward our small kingdom treats us as though we wore the same robe as the empire itself. We recently fell into turmoil and secretly communicated with the enemy; August Heaven was enraged and removed our former king from his throne. From the moment I assumed provisional authority I dared not rest; I immediately appointed Envoy Zhang Wan commander with Li Shi as his deputy, entrusted them with the realm's finest troops, and advanced to encamp at Yongbian, wholly under Commander Mao's orders, awaiting the day for a joint punitive campaign. But Shi, with heavy troops in his grasp, secretly nursed ambitions of his own; together with Minglian, prefect of Guibu, he raised troops in rebellion and marched straight on the capital. Wan gathered the remaining troops and pursued from the rear; together with the capital garrison they attacked from both sides, and the rebels were all killed. But the western frontier's military stores and the provisions stockpiled at the garrisons were exhausted in this campaign.
65
After all Liaodong fell, Commander Mao crossed east alone with his army, made his home on the sea, and gathered several hundred thousand Liaodong refugees—a force our small kingdom also relies upon. Yet the frontier is troubled, the land barren, and the people poor; we must supply our own army within while feeding the garrison troops without. Grain is scarce and provision truly hard. Liaodong refugees, driven by hunger, scatter through the villages—the strong seize by force, the weak beg for food. Our kingdom's soldiers and civilians, harassed beyond endurance, abandon their home districts and flee inland. Liaodong refugees, chasing after food, follow them inland as well. From Chang and Ui in the south to An and Suk in the north, outsiders outnumber natives six or seven to three or four. I reported this situation in full earlier; seeing that the Ministry of War has already settled on a course of action, how dare I raise it again.
66
使
As for Han Run and his brother Tan—the sons and nephews of the rebel Minglian—they fled as outlaws and thus lured invaders to attack. Having rebelled against the realm and fled, they are no longer under my authority. Yin Yili once served as Minister of the Board of Rites and Letters; he was never a State Councillor. In recent years he was assigned as liaison officer to Commander Mao; he proved unsuited to the post, was stripped of office, and returned home—there was no disloyalty or rebellion in his case. Commander Mao's charges, based on complaints from Wang Zhongbao and others, had no basis in fact. I suspect that slanderous officials have deceived the supervising grand coordinator to carry out a plot of entrapment.
67
便 退
Commander Mao has long held his post beyond the sea; I have worked with him for nearly ten years. Though gifts and provisions are nearly exhausted and both sides alike suffer hardship, the depth of our friendship has not diminished in the least. Moreover, his move to Xumi was solely to protect his large following and to obtain firewood more conveniently. Advance and retreat are the common lot of armies. Slander and gossip—I originally paid them no heed. I have seen the Ministry and grand coordinator's dispatch speak of 'fearing he presses too close,' of 'driving away his people and driving away his commander,' even of 'deploying troops in defense because the tributary state wavers in loyalty'—it seems affairs beyond the sea are not fully understood. My request to relocate the Liaodong refugees arose because we lacked the strength to support them—not from any fear that they pressed too close. I am now of one heart and one purpose with Commander Mao, striving to build merit and repay our sovereign—how could I harbor the slightest suspicion?
68
The emperor replied: "The king works in harmony with the eastern garrison and cherishes the Central Dynasty; loyalty and sincerity overflow his words. The garrison has long been stationed abroad, and Koreans and Liaodong refugees live intermixed. Long-staying guests burden their host; many mouths consume what little is produced. But for the king's words, I would have failed to see clearly what is happening ten thousand li away. Yet Commander Mao, for the Ming is a force holding the enemy in check; for your kingdom he is lip to your teeth. Fodder and transport by sea—I have already ordered the responsible ministry to arrange delivery on schedule. Refugees from the frontier—I have also ordered Commander Mao to manage them carefully so they will not again become a heavy burden on the king. Rumors spread abroad are not worth taking to heart. Exert united effort with one heart—the king should strive."
69
使 使
In the third month of the seventh year the Ministry of War forwarded Mao Wenlong's bulletin: "Korean officials and civilians lured the enemy to attack Tieshan, wounding a thousand of our soldiers, killing sixty thousand Korean troops, and burning more than a million units of grain; the enemy then turned their armies against Korea." The emperor ordered Wenlong to move quickly and render support as circumstances allowed. Dengzhou Grand Coordinator Li Song memorialized: "The Korean rebel minister Han Run and others led the enemy into Anju; Military Commissioner Nam Yixing burned himself to death; Ming relief troops including Brigade Commander Wang Sangui all fell in battle." He memorialized again: "Uiju, Guoshan, Linghan, and the mountain fortresses all fell; Pyongyang and Hwangju collapsed without a fight; enemy troops reached Jungheung; raiding cavalry ranged between Hwang and Phoenix; they also sent detachments toward Yunchong to attack Commander Mao; the king, officials, and people fled to Ganghwa to escape the disaster." At that time wherever Qing armies marched they took city after city; Korea's walled towns collapsed at the mere rumor of their approach; the Qing then sent envoys to address Jeong. Jeong submitted; the Qing thereupon withdrew their army. In the ninth month Jeong memorialized on the devastation wrought by the invasion. At that time Emperor Xizong died and the Chongzhen Emperor succeeded to the throne; an edict of special favor encouraged and exhorted him.
70
使 便 調 便
In the second year of Chongzhen the twice-yearly tribute mission was reduced to once a year. Earlier the Liaodong route had been cut off, and tribute envoys had traveled through Dengzhou and Laizhou for more than ten years. When Yuan Chonghuan served as supervising commander, he changed the route to Juehua—a roundabout and perilous path—and Korea repeatedly asked that the old route be restored. At this time Zheng Douyuan, Minister of the Board of Taxation, came by the Dengzhou sea route and sent a letter to Grand Coordinator Sun Yuanhua asking him to memorialize on Korea's behalf. Yuanhua assigned officials to escort them and submitted a memorial reporting the matter. The emperor, holding that a fixed order already governed the sea route, regarded a change of route as self-serving and refused. In the sixth month of that year Grand Coordinator Yuan Chonghuan executed Mao Wenlong, Left Grand Guardian and Pacification General of Liaodong, on Shuangdao. In the sixth month of the sixth year Jeong wrote to Regional Commander Huang Long: "Mao Wenlong's former generals Kong Youde and Geng Zhongming have led twenty thousand troops in surrender to the Qing and are now requisitioning grain from Joseon. Our kingdom, because Youde and his men had formerly been a scourge to us on Pidao, has therefore refused." Huang Long reported the matter. In the first month of the tenth year the Taizong Wen Emperor personally invaded Joseon, rebuking them for breaking the alliance and aiding Ming; city after city fell. Joseon sent urgent appeals for help; Regional Commander Chen Hongfan was ordered to mobilize naval forces from the garrisons to go to their aid. In the third month Hongfan reported that the troops and ships had put to sea. A few days later Shandong Grand Coordinator Yan Jizu reported that the tributary state had fallen: Ganghwa was taken, the crown prince captured, and the king had surrendered. They are now building warships in force and advancing against Pidao and Tieshan with great momentum. An urgent order should go to garrison commanders Shen Shikui and Chen Hongfan that holding Pidao firm is the first priority. The emperor, holding that Jizu had failed to coordinate a rescue, sharply rebuked him. Before long Pidao too fell to Qing forces; contact with Joseon was severed, and within a few years Ming itself perished. Though Joseon was called a tributary state under Ming, it was treated little differently from territory within the realm. Tribute missions therefore came in unbroken succession and imperial grants were too numerous to record; only matters bearing on order and disorder are set down in this account. As for the kingdom's customs and local products, these are fully recorded in earlier histories and are not repeated here.
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