Ancient China · Statesman

Duke of Zhou 周公

Zhou Gong

Attested BC 1100 - BC 1000

Passages
76
Chapters
44
Histories
16

Overview

The translated histories identify Duke of Zhou as an aristocrat, named individual, official, and royal family member. This record brings together 76 passages from 44 chapters across 16 histories, with names, dates, relationships, offices, and events preserved as source-backed claims.

Names

TypeEnglishChinesePinyin
Personal Duke of Zhou 周公 Zhou Gong
Personal Dan 旦 Dan
Title Duke 周
Title Duke of Zhou 周公 Zhou Gong
Personal name Duke of Zhou 周公
Personal Duke of Zhou 周公旦 Zhou Gong Dan
Title Duke of Zhou 周 Zhou
Noble title Duke of Zhou 周公 Zhōugōng
Title Duke of Zhou 周公
Title Duke of Zhou 周
Title Duke of Zhou 周公 Zhōu Gōng
Title Duke of Zhou 公旦 Gōng Dàn
Personal Duke of Zhou Dan 周公旦 Zhou Gong Dan
Personal Zhou 周
Personal name Zhou 周 Zhou
Alternate Zhou 周 Zhou
Title Zhou 周 Zhou
Personal Zhou 周 Zhōu
Title Zhou Gong 周公 Zhou Gong
Title Zhou Gong 周 Zhou
Personal Zhou Gong Dan 周公旦 Zhou Gong Dan

Identity

Historicity
Uncertain
Identification
Named
Sex
Male

Roles

  • Aristocrat
  • Named Individual
  • Official
  • Royal Family Member
  • Ruler
  • Scholar
  • Statesman
  • Teacher
  • Writer

Life and dates

Attested activity

Family

Immediate source-linked family. Drag to pan, scroll or pinch to zoom, and select a person to open their record.

  • Kin of King Cheng (成王)
    Kinship Term: assisted as regent-kinsman / 相 · Subject Role: uncle · Object Role: nephew · Line: paternal
  • Kin of Cai Shu (蔡叔)
    Kinship Term: Cai / 蔡 · Line: paternal
  • Kin of King Cheng of Zhou (周成王)
    Kinship Term: Duke of Zhou to King Cheng / 周公 · Line: paternal
    Kinship Term: Duke of Zhou / 周公 · Subject Role: uncle-regent · Object Role: king
  • Child of King Wen (文王)
    Kinship Term: father / 父 · Parentage: biological · Subject Role: son · Object Role: father
  • Kin of Guan (管)
    Kinship Term: Guan / 管 · Line: paternal
  • Sibling of King Wu (武王)
    Kinship Term: younger brother / 弟 · Subject Relative Age: younger · Shared Parentage: full · Subject Role: brother · Object Role: brother

Career and standing

  • Title: Lord of Lu / 魯 · Action: first-enfeoffed · Place: Lu / 魯
    Explicit · shiji:013:s106

Places and affiliations

Works and attributed material

Events and relationships

Assessments and attributes

  • Assessment: Zhou Gong's achievements were invoked as an unsurpassed historical standard · Provenance: Mode: quoted-speech · Speaker Person Id: Su Dai (蘇代)
    Explicit · shiji:073:s0077

Source notes

References in the histories

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Book of Northern Qi, Chapter 31Volume 31 Biographies 23: Wang Xin; Wang Xi · 3 passages
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Book of Chen, Chapter 20Volume 20: Dao Zhongju; Han Zigao; Hua Jiao · 1 passage
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Book of Chen, Chapter 29Volume 29: Zong Yuanrao; Sima Shen; Mao Xi; Cai Zheng · 1 passage
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Book of Han, Chapter 8Volume 7: Annals of Emperor Zhao · 1 passage
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Book of Han, Chapter 65Volume 56: Dong Zhongshu · 2 passages
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Book of Han, Chapter 68Volume 58: Gongsun Hong, Bu Shi and Er Kuan · 3 passages
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Book of Han, Chapter 70Volume 60: Du Zhou · 4 passages
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Book of Han, Chapter 74Volume 64a: Yan, Zhu, Wuqiu, Zhufu, Xu, Yan, Zhong, Wang, and Jia 1 · 1 passage
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Book of Han, Chapter 75Volume 64b: Yan, Zhu, Wuqiu, Zhufu, Xu, Yan, Zhong, Wang, and Jia 2 · 1 passage
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Book of Han, Chapter 76Volume 65: Dongfang Shuo · 1 passage
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譬若以周、邵為丞相，孔丘為御史大夫，太公為將軍，畢公高拾遺於後，弁嚴子為衛尉，皋陶為大理，後稷為司農，伊尹為少府，子贛使外國，顏、閔為博士，子夏為太常，益為右扶風，季路為執金吾，契為鴻臚，龍逢為宗正，伯夷為京兆，管仲為馮翊，魯般為將作，仲山甫為光祿，申伯為太僕，延陵季子為水衡，百里奚為典屬國，柳下惠為大長秋，史魚為司直，蘧伯玉為太傅，孔父為詹事，孫叔敖為諸侯相，子產為郡守，王慶忌為期門，夏育為鼎官，羿為旄頭，宋萬為式道候。」 Imagine the Duke of Zhou and the Duke of Shao as your chancellors; Confucius as chief censor; the Grand Duke as commander; Duke Bi Gao as court remonstrant; Bian Zhuangzi as captain of the guard; Gao Yao as chief judge; Hou Ji as minister of agriculture; Yi Yin as palace treasurer; Zigong as foreign envoy; Yan Hui and Min Ziqian as court scholars; Zixia as master of rites; Yi as western capital intendant; Zilu as capital commandant; Xie as master of guest ceremonies; Guan Longpeng as keeper of the imperial genealogy; the minister Boyi as metropolitan governor; Guan Zhong as northern capital intendant; Lu Ban as chief engineer; Zhong Shanfu as palace chamberlain; the Earl of Shen as master of the horse; Prince Jizi of Yanling as keeper of parks and waters; Baili Xi as commissioner for dependent peoples; Liuxia Hui as chamberlain to the empress; Shi Yu as censor of conduct; Qu Boyu as grand tutor; Kong Fu as supervisor of the heir apparent's household; Sunshu Ao as chancellor to the feudal lords; Zichan as commandery governor; Prince Qingji as a palace gate guard; Xia Yu as cauldron officer; Yi the Archer as vanguard officer; and Song Wan as road-clearing scout."
Book of Han, Chapter 82Volume 71: Jun, Shu, Yu, Xue, Ping and Peng · 2 passages
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昔者帝堯南面而治，先『克膽俊德，以親九族』，而化及萬國《孝經》曰『天地之性人為貴，人之行莫大於孝，孝莫大於嚴父，嚴父莫大於配天，則周公其人也。』 Emperor Yao faced his court and began by illumining matchless virtue and bringing harmony to his nine clans, until his influence spread to every state. The Classic of Filial Piety says that among heaven and earth's gifts none ranks above man, that among human deeds none ranks above filial piety, that honoring the father is filial piety's height, and that joining the father to heaven is its summit—and the Duke of Zhou is the model.
夫孝子善述人之志，周公既成文、武之業而製作禮樂，修嚴父配天之事，知文王不欲以子臨父，故推而序之，上極於後稷而以配天。 A true son carries on his forebears' purpose. The Duke of Zhou, having finished the work of Kings Wen and Wu, composed the rites and music and set his father King Wen beside heaven; knowing that a living son must not overshadow his father, he pushed the line back through the ancestors to Hou Ji so that Hou Ji might share heaven's honor.
Book of Han, Chapter 88Volume 77: Gai, Zhuge, Liu, Zheng, Sun, Wujiang and He · 5 passages
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Book of Han, Chapter 89Volume 78: Xiao Wangzhi · 5 passages
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Book of Han, Chapter 90Volume 79: Feng Fengshi · 1 passage
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Book of Han, Chapter 91Volume 80: The Six Sons of Emperors Xuan and Yuan · 4 passages
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Book of Han, Chapter 96Volume 85: Gu Yong and Du Ye · 3 passages
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音用從舅越親輔政，威權損於鳳時，永復說音曰：「將軍覆上將之位，食豪腴之都，任周、召之職，擁天下之樞，可謂富貴之極，人臣無二，天下之責四面至矣，將何以居之？ When Yin came to power through a maternal uncle and his authority fell short of Wang Feng's, Yong urged him: "You hold a marshal's rank, feed on the richest commanderies, bear the burden of the Zhou dukes, and turn the empire's hinge—you have reached the peak of wealth and power, yet blame now converges from every quarter. How will you bear it?
Book of Han, Chapter 117Volume 100a: Afterword and Family History 1 · 1 passage
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今吾子已貫仁誼之羈絆，繫名聲之韁鎖，伏周、孔之軌躅，馳顏、閔之極摯，既繫攣於世教矣，何用大道為自眩曜？ Now you, sir, have already put on the fetters of benevolence and duty and tied yourself to the reins and locks of reputation. You crouch in the tracks of the Duke of Zhou and Confucius and race toward the utmost earnestness of Yan Hui and Min Ziqian; since you are already bound fast by worldly teaching, why use the great Way merely to dazzle yourself?
Book of Later Han, Chapter 34Volume 30a: Biographies of Su Jing; Yang Hou · 1 passage
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Book of Later Han, Chapter 37Volume 32: Biographies of Fan Hong; Yin Shi · 1 passage
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Book of Later Han, Chapter 108Volume 97: Rituals and Worship Part One · 1 passage
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Book of Later Han, Chapter 125Volume 114: Officials Part One · 1 passage
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Book of Later Han, Chapter 131Volume 120: Treatise on Carriages and Dress, Part Two · 1 passage
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Old Book of Tang, Chapter 27Volume 23 Treatises 3: Rites 3 · 2 passages
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刑部郎中田再思建議曰：干尊坤卑，天一地二，陰陽之位分矣，夫婦之道配焉。至若死喪之威，隆殺之等，禮經五服之制，齊斬有殊，考妣三年之喪，貴賤無隔，以報免懷之慈，以酬罔極之恩者也。稽之上古，喪期無數，暨乎中葉，方有歲年。《禮》云：「五帝殊時，不相沿樂；三王異代，不相襲禮。」《白虎通》云：「質文再變，正朔三而復。」自周公制禮之後，孔父刊經已來，爰殊厭降之儀，以標服紀之節。重輕從俗，斟酌隨時。故知禮不從天而降，不由地而出也，在人消息，為適時之中耳。春秋諸國，魯最知禮，以周公之後，孔子之邦也。晉韓起來聘，言「周禮盡在魯矣。」齊仲孫來盟，言「魯猶秉周禮。」尚有子張問高宗諒陰三年，子思不聽其子服出母，子游謂同母異父昆弟之服大功，子夏謂合從齊衰之制。此等並四科之數，十哲之人，高步孔門，親承聖訓，及遇喪事，猶此致疑，即明自古已來，升降不一者也。三年之制，說者紛然。鄭玄以為二十七月，王肅以為二十五月。又改葬之服，鄭云服緦三月，王云訖葬而除。又繼母出嫁，鄭云皆服，王云從於繼育，乃為之服。又無服之殤，鄭云子生一月，哭之一日；王云以哭之一日易服之月。鄭、王祖經宗傳，各有異同；荀摯采古求遺，互為損益。方知去聖漸遠，殘缺彌多。故曰會禮之家，名為聚訟，寧有定哉！而父在為母三年，行之已逾四紀，出自高宗大帝之代，不從則天皇后之朝。大帝御極之辰，中宮獻書之日，往時參議，將可施行，編之於格，服之已久。前王所是，疏而為律；後王所是，著而為令。何必乖先帝之旨，阻人子之情，虧純孝之心，背德義之本？有何妨於聖化，有何紊於彝倫，而欲服之週年，與伯叔母齊焉，與姑姊妹同焉？夫三年之喪，如白駒之過隙，君子喪親，有終身之憂，何況再周乎！夫禮者，體也，履也，示之以跡。孝者，畜也，養也，因之以心。小人不恥不仁，不畏不義。服之有制，使愚人企及；衣之以衰，使見之摧痛。以此防人，人猶有朝死而夕忘者；以此制人，人猶有釋服而從吉者。方今漸歸古樸，須敦孝義，抑賢引愚，理資寧戚，食稻衣錦，所不忍聞。若以庶事朝儀，一依周禮，則古之人臣見君也，公卿大夫贄羔雁、珪璧，今何故不依乎？周之用刑也，墨、劓、宮、刖，今何故不行乎？周則侯、甸、男、衛，朝聘有數，今何故不行乎？周則不五十不仕，七十不入朝，今何故不依乎？周則井、邑、丘、甸，以立徵稅，今何故不行乎？周則三老五等，父死子及，今何故不行乎？周則冠冕衣裘，乘車而戰，今何故不行乎？周則分土五更，膠序養老，今何故不行乎？諸如此例，不可勝述。何獨孝思之事，愛一年之服於其母乎？可為痛心，可為慟哭者！《詩》云：「哀哀父母，生我劬勞。」《禮》云：「父之親子也，親賢而下無能；母之親子也，賢則親之，無能則憐之。」阮嗣宗晉代之英才，方外之高士，以為母重於父。據齊斬升數，粗細已降，何忍服之節制，減至於周？豈後代之士，盡慚於古。循古未必是，依今未必非也。又同爨服緦，禮經明義。嫂叔遠別，同諸路人。引而進之，觸類而長。猶子咸衣苴枲，季父不服緦麻，推遠之情有餘，睦親之義未足。又母之昆弟，情切渭陽，翟酺訟舅之冤，甯氏宅甥之相，我之出也，義亦殷焉。不同從母之尊，遂降小功之服，依諸古禮，有爽俗情。今貶舅而宗姨，是陋今而榮古。此並太宗之制也，行之百年矣，輒為刊復，實用有疑。 Tian Zaisi, Bureau Director in the Ministry of Justice, made a proposal: Qian is honored and kun is lowly; Heaven is one and earth is two. The positions of yin and yang are divided, and the way of husband and wife is paired with them. As for the awe of death and mourning and the grades of fullness and reduction, the ritual classics have the system of the five mourning grades. Trimmed and unhemmed mourning differ, but the three-year mourning for father and mother has no barrier between noble and base, because it repays the kindness of bearing and cherishing and answers boundless grace. Examining high antiquity, mourning terms had no fixed number; by middle antiquity, only then were there years and months. The Ritual says: "The Five Emperors differed in time and did not follow one another in music; the Three Kings differed in age and did not inherit one another's rites." The Baihu Tong says: "Plainness and refinement change twice, and the first month changes through three and returns." Since the Duke of Zhou made ritual and since Confucius edited the classics, there have been different rules of suppression and reduction to mark the divisions of mourning regulations. Heavy and light follow custom; deliberation and adjustment follow the time. Thus we know ritual does not descend from Heaven or come out from earth; it lies in human increase and decrease, making what fits the time and the mean. Among the states of the Spring and Autumn, Lu best knew ritual, because it was the descendants of the Duke of Zhou and the state of Confucius. When Han Qi of Jin came on a visit, he said, "The rites of Zhou are all in Lu." When Zhongsun of Qi came to make a covenant, he said, "Lu still holds the rites of Zhou." Yet Zizhang asked about Gaozong's three years of silent mourning; Zisi did not allow his son to wear mourning for his divorced mother; Ziyou said that brothers with the same mother but different fathers should wear great-work mourning; Zixia said they should follow the trimmed-mourning rule. These were all among the numbered disciples of the four categories and the ten philosophers, men of high rank in Confucius's gate who personally received the sage teaching; yet when they encountered mourning matters, they still produced doubts like this. This makes clear that since antiquity increases and reductions have not been uniform. As for the three-year system, explanations are confused. Zheng Xuan considered it twenty-seven months; Wang Su considered it twenty-five months. Again for mourning after reburial, Zheng says one wears fine hemp for three months, while Wang says one removes it when burial is completed. Again for a stepmother who remarries, Zheng says all wear mourning, while Wang says that only if one followed and was raised by her does one wear mourning. Again for a child who died young and for whom there is no mourning, Zheng says that for a child born one month, one cries one day; Wang says one day of crying replaces one month of mourning. Zheng and Wang each take the classics as ancestor and the commentaries as lineage, and each has differences. Xun Zhi collected antiquity and sought what was left, alternately reducing and increasing. From this we know that as the sages recede farther away, gaps and losses become more numerous. Therefore it is said that houses that assemble ritual are called gathered lawsuits; how could there be a fixed answer? Yet the three-year mourning for a mother while the father is alive has been practiced for more than forty years. It came from the generation of Gaozong the Great Emperor, not from the court of Empress Zetian. When the Great Emperor ruled and the palace submitted the document, the former deliberations could be put into practice; it was compiled into the regulations, and the mourning has been worn for a long time. What a former king approved was set out as law; what a later king approved was written as ordinance. Why must we oppose the former emperor's intent, block the feeling of a person's son, diminish a pure filial heart, and turn against the root of virtue and obligation? What harm is there to sage transformation? What disorder is there to the constant human order, that one would make the mourning one year, equal to that for paternal uncles' wives, and the same as for paternal aunts and sisters? The three-year mourning passes like a white colt through a crack; a gentleman mourning his parent has lifelong grief, how much more for two full cycles! Ritual is embodiment, practice, showing it by traces. Filial piety is storing up, nourishing, following it by the heart. Petty people are not ashamed of inhumanity and do not fear unrighteousness. Mourning dress has regulations to make foolish people reach upward; they are clothed in mourning garments so that seeing them produces crushing pain. Using this to guard people, there are still those who forget by evening one who died in the morning. Using this to regulate people, there are still those who remove mourning and follow auspicious affairs. Now we are gradually returning to ancient simplicity and must deepen filial piety and obligation. Restraining the worthy and drawing in the foolish, in principle, depends on Ning Qi; eating rice and wearing brocade are things one cannot bear to hear. If ordinary affairs and court ceremony are all to follow the Zhou rites, then when ancient ministers saw the ruler, dukes, ministers, and great officers presented lambs, geese, jade tablets, and disks; why do we not follow this now? Zhou punishments used tattooing, nose-cutting, castration, and foot-cutting; why do we not carry them out now? Zhou had hou, dian, nan, and wei domains, and audiences and visits had fixed numbers; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou did not let one serve before fifty, and at seventy one did not enter court; why do we not follow this now? Zhou used jing, yi, qiu, and dian to establish taxation; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou had three elders and five grades, father dying and son succeeding; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou used caps, robes, fur garments, and chariots in battle; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou divided land and had five geng, and in village and school nourished the aged; why do we not carry this out now? Examples such as these cannot be fully stated. Why only in the matter of filial thought begrudge one year of mourning for one's mother? This can make the heart ache; this can make one wail. The Odes says: "Alas, alas, my father and mother, who bore me with toil." The Ritual says: "When a father loves his child, he loves the worthy and lowers the incapable; when a mother loves her child, if worthy she loves him, and if incapable she pities him." Ruan Sizong, an outstanding talent of Jin and lofty man beyond the world, considered the mother weightier than the father. Based on the thread counts of trimmed and unhemmed mourning, coarseness and fineness already descend. How can one bear for the term of mourning to be reduced to one year? Surely later men are not all ashamed before antiquity. Following antiquity is not necessarily right; following the present is not necessarily wrong. Again, those who share the cooking hearth wear fine hemp; this is a clear meaning of the ritual classics. Elder-brother's wife and younger-brother-in-law are kept distant and treated like people on the road. Drawing them in and advancing them extends by analogy. Nephews all wear hemp mourning, but a younger uncle does not wear fine hemp; the feeling of pushing away is more than enough, and the obligation of harmonizing kin is insufficient. Again the mother's brothers have feeling as close as Weiyang; Di Pu litigated his uncle's injustice, and the Ning family housed a nephew as minister. Since I come from them, obligation too is deep. Not sharing the honor of a mother's sister, they are thereby lowered to small-work mourning. According to the ancient rites, this conflicts with common feeling. Now lowering the maternal uncle while honoring the maternal aunt is to scorn the present and glorify antiquity. These are all Taizong's regulations and have been practiced for a hundred years; rashly cutting and restoring them truly creates doubt.
至七年八月，下敕曰：「惟周公制禮，當歷代不刊；況子夏為《傳》，乃孔門所受。格條之內，有父在為母齊衰三年，此有為而為，非尊厭之義。與其改作，不如師古，諸服紀宜一依《喪服》文。」自是卿士之家，父在為母行服不同：或既周而禫，禫服六十日釋服，心喪三年者； By the eighth month of the seventh year, an edict was issued: "Only the rites made by the Duke of Zhou should remain unaltered through successive ages; how much more since Zixia made the commentary, receiving it from Confucius's school. Within the regulations there is three-year trimmed mourning for a mother while the father is alive; this is something done for a particular purpose, not the meaning of honored suppression. Rather than changing and remaking it, it is better to take antiquity as teacher. The various mourning regulations should all follow the text of the Mourning Dress." From this time, in the households of ministers and grandees, mourning for a mother while the father was alive was carried out differently: some, after one cycle and the end-of-mourning rite, wore end-of-mourning garments for sixty days and then removed mourning, while observing inner mourning for three years;
Old History of the Five Dynasties, Chapter 144Volume 144: Treatises 6 Music 1 · 1 passage
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Book of Liang, Chapter 37Volume 37: Xie Ju; He Jingrong · 1 passage
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History of Liao, Chapter 2Volume 2 Annals 2: Taizu 2 · 1 passage
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History of Liao, Chapter 56Volume 56 Treatises 26: Ceremonial Guards 2 · 1 passage
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History of Liao, Chapter 99Volume 99 Biographies 29: Xiao Yanshou, Yelu Sala, Xiao Susa, Yelu Tabuye, Xiao Tabuye, Xiao Hugu, Yelu Shiliu · 1 passage
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History of Liao, Chapter 102Volume 102 Biographies 32: Xiao Fengxian, Li Chuwen, Zhang Lin, Yelu Yudu · 1 passage
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History of Ming, Chapter 115Volume 115 Biographies 3: Emperor Xingzong Xiaokang, Emperor Ruizong Xingxian · 2 passages
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Book of Southern Qi, Chapter 36Volume 36 Biographies 17: Xie Chaozong, Liu Xiang · 2 passages
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Book of Southern Qi, Chapter 47Volume 47 Biographies 28: Wang Rong, Xie Tiao · 1 passage
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Draft History of Qing, Chapter 483Volume 483 Biographies 270: Confucian Scholars 4: Kong Yinzhi Son: Xing Xie, Yu Qi Son: Chuan Duo, Guang Qi Son: Zhao Huan, Sun :Xianpei, Zeng Sun : Qing Rong, Zeng Sun : Fan Hao, Xuan Sun : Xiang Ke, Lai Sun : Ling Yi · 1 passage
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又增設咸陽姬氏文王后，曲阜東野氏周公後，濟寧閔氏子騫後，濬縣端木氏子貢後，常熟言氏子遊後，鉅野卜氏子夏后，蕭縣顓孫氏子張後，菏澤、肥城兩冉氏伯牛、仲弓後，肥城有氏有子後，鄒平伏氏伏生後，孟縣韓氏文公後，郿縣張氏明公後，各一人。 It further added one post each for the Ji of Xianyang, heirs of King Wen; the Dongye of Qufu, heirs of the Duke of Zhou; the Min of Jining, heirs of Ziqian; the Duanmu of Junxian, heirs of Zigong; the Yan of Changshu, heirs of Ziyou; the Bu of Juye, heirs of Zixia; the Zhuansun of Xiaoxian, heirs of Zizhang; the two Ran lines of Heze and Feicheng, heirs of Boniu and Zhonggong; the You of Feicheng, heirs of Youzi; the Fu of Zouping, heirs of Fusheng; the Han of Mengxian, heirs of Master Wengong; and the Zhang of Meixian, heirs of Master Ming.
Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 3Annals of Yin · 1 passage
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Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 13Genealogical Tables of the Three Dynasties · 1 passage
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Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 57House of Zhou Bo, Marquis of Jiang · 1 passage
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Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 73Biographies of Bai Qi and Wang Jian · 1 passage
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Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 78Biography of Lord Chunshen · 1 passage
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Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 88Biography of Meng Tian · 7 passages
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Records of the Grand Historian, Chapter 99Biographies of Liu Jing and Shusun Tong · 1 passage
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成王即位，周公之屬傅相焉，乃營成周洛邑，以此為天下之中也，諸侯四方納貢職，道裏均矣，有德則易以王，無德則易以亡。 When King Cheng ascended the throne, Zhou Gong's kinsmen served as his tutors and ministers. They then built Chengzhou at Luoyi, making it the center of the realm, so that the feudal lords from the four directions could submit tribute and service over balanced routes. With virtue, one could easily become king; without virtue, one could easily perish.
History of Song, Chapter 497Volume 497: Appendix: History of Song Table Revision of Official Titles · 1 passage
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Book of Sui, Chapter 36Volume 36 Biographies 1: Empresses and Consorts · 1 passage
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Book of Wei, Chapter 27Volume 22: Emperor Xiaowen's Five Princes · 1 passage
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History of Yuan, Chapter 171Volume 171 Biographies 58: Liu Yin, Wu Cheng · 2 passages
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