Sui and Tang · Emperor of Tang from AD 712 to 756

Emperor Xuanzong of Tang 唐玄宗

Táng Xuánzōng

Attested AD 710 - AD 756

Passages
77
Chapters
15
Histories
5

Overview

Emperor Xuanzong of Tang was an emperor of Tang from AD 712 to 756.

IdentityHistorical · Male

Other names

TypeEnglishChinesePinyin
Personal name Emperor Ming 明皇 Minghuang
Temple name 明皇 Minghuang

Life and dates

Attested activity

Show 27 more source-backed claims

Family

Immediate relationships attested in the translated histories.

Key source chapters

  1. New Book of Tang, Chapter 113 Volume 113 Biographies 38: Tang, Zhang, Xu 1 passage
  2. New Book of Tang, Chapter 121 Volume 121 Biographies 46: Liu, Zhong, Cui, and the Two Kings 33 passages
  3. New Book of Tang, Chapter 53 Volume 53 Treatises 43: Finance and Economics 3 8 passages
  4. Old Book of Tang, Chapter 27 Volume 23 Treatises 3: Rites 3 6 passages
  5. Old History of the Five Dynasties, Chapter 143 Volume 143: Treatises 5 Rites 2 5 passages

Career and standing

Places and affiliations

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Learning and skills

Works and attributed material

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Events and relationships

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Assessments and attributes

Source notes

References in the histories

77 passages

Old Book of Tang, Chapter 27Volume 23 Treatises 3: Rites 3 · 6 passages
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履冰又上奏曰：臣聞夫婦之道，人倫之始。尊卑法於天地，動靜合於陰陽，陰陽和而天地生成，夫婦正而人倫式序。自家刑國，牝雞無晨，四德之禮不愆，三從之義斯在。即《喪服四制》云：「天無二日，土無二王，國無二君，家無二尊，以一理之也。故父在為母服周者，見無二尊也。」准舊儀，父在為母一週除靈，再周心喪。父必三年而後娶者，達子之志焉。豈先聖無情於所生，固有意於家國者矣。原夫上元肇年，則天已潛秉政，將圖僭篡，預自崇先。請升慈愛之喪，以抗尊嚴之禮，雖齊斬之儀不改，而几筵之制遂同。數年之間，尚未通用。天皇晏駕，中宗蒙塵。垂拱之末，果行聖母之偽符；載初之元，遂啟易代之深釁。孝和雖名反正，韋氏復效晨鳴。孝和非意暴崩，韋氏旋即稱制。不蒙陛下英算，宗廟何由克復？《易》云：「臣弒其君，子弒其父，非一朝一夕之故。」其斯之謂矣。臣謹尋禮意，防杜實深，若不早圖刊正，何以垂戒於後？所以薄言禮教，請依舊章，恩敕通明，蒙付所司詳議。且臣所獻者，蓋請正夫婦之綱，豈忘母子之道。諸議多不討其本源，所非議者，大凡只論罔極之恩；喪也寧戚；禽獸識母而不識父；秦燔書後禮經殘缺，後儒纘集，不足可憑；豈得與伯叔母服同，豈得與姑姊妹制等；三王不相襲禮，五帝不相沿樂；齊斬足為升降，歲年何忍不同：此並道聽途說之言，未習先王之旨，又安足以議經邦理俗之禮乎？臣請據經義以明之。所云「罔極之恩」者，春秋祭祀，以時思之。君子有終身之憂，霜露之感，豈止一二周之服哉！故聖人恐有朝死而夕忘，曾鳥獸之不若，為立中制，使賢不肖共成文理而已。所云「喪也寧戚」者，孔子答林放之問。至如太奢太儉，太易太戚，皆非禮中。苟不得中，名為俱失，不如太儉太戚焉。毀而滅性，猶愈於朝死夕忘焉。此論臨喪哀毀之容，豈比於同宗異姓之服？所云「禽獸識母而不識父」者，禽獸群居而聚筜，而無家國之禮，少雖知親愛其母，長不解尊嚴其父。引此為諭則亦禽獸之不若乎！所云「秦燔書後禮經殘缺，後儒纘集，不足可憑」者，人間或有遺逸，豈亦家戶到而燔之？假若盡燔，苟不可信，則墳黃都謬，庠序徒立，非聖之談，復云安屬？所云「與伯叔姑姊服同」者，伯叔姑姊有筵杖之制、三年心喪乎？所云「五帝不相沿樂，不相襲禮」，誠哉是言！此是則天懷私苞禍之情，豈可復相沿樂襲禮乎？所云「齊斬足為升降」者，母齊父斬，不易之禮。按《三年問》云：「將由修飾之君子與，三年之喪，若駟之過隙，遂之，則是無窮也。然則何以周也？曰：至親以周斷。是何也？曰：天地則已易矣，四時則已變矣，其在天地之者，莫不更始焉，以是象之也。然則何以三年？曰：加重焉耳。」故父加至再周，父在為母加三年心喪。今者還同父沒之制，則尊厭之律安施？《喪服四制》又曰：「凡禮之大體，體天地，法四時，則陰陽，順人情，故謂之禮。」訾之者是不知禮之所由生。非徒不識禮之所由制，亦恐未達孝子之通義。臣謹按《孝經》，以明陛下孝治之合至德要道，請論世欲訾禮之徒。夫至德謂孝悌，要道謂禮樂。「移風易俗，莫善於樂，安上治民，莫善於禮。」又《禮》有「無體之禮，無聲之樂。」按《孝經援神契》云：「天子孝曰就，就之為言成也。天子德被天下，澤及萬物，始終成就，則其親獲安，故曰就也。諸侯孝曰度，度者法也。諸侯居國，能奉天子法度，得不危溢，則其親獲安，故曰度也。卿大夫孝曰譽，譽之為言名也。卿大夫言行佈滿，能無惡稱，譽達遐邇，則其親獲安，故曰譽也。士孝曰究，究者以明審為義。士始升朝，辭親入仕，能審資父事君之禮，則其親獲安，故曰究也。庶人孝曰畜，畜者含畜為義。庶人含情受朴，躬耕力作，以畜其德，則其親獲安，故曰畜也。」陛下以韋氏構逆，中宗降禍，宸衷哀憤，睿情卓烈。初無一旅之眾，遂殄九重之妖，定社稷於阽危，拯宗枝於塗炭。此陛下孝悌之至，通於神明，光於四海，無所不通。使諸侯得守其法度，卿大夫得盡其言行，士得資親以事君，庶人得用天而分地。此陛下無體之禮，以安上理人也。上元以來，政由武氏，文明之後，法在凶人。賊害宗親，誅滅良善，勳階歲累，酺赦年頻。佞之則榮華，正之則遷謫。神龍、景雲之際，其事尤繁；先天、開元之間，斯弊都革。此陛下之無聲之樂，以移風易俗也。臣前狀單略，議者未識臣之懇誠。謹具狀重進，請付中書門下商量處分。臣言若讜，然敢側足於軒墀；臣言不忠，伏請竄跡於荒裔。 Lu Lubing again submitted a memorial: Your servant has heard that the way of husband and wife is the beginning of human relations. Honored and lowly take law from Heaven and earth; movement and stillness accord with yin and yang. When yin and yang are harmonious, Heaven and earth generate and complete; when husband and wife are correct, human relations are thereby ordered. From regulating the family to governing the state, the hen has no morning cry; the rites of the four virtues do not fail, and the obligation of the three followings is here. The Four Mourning Systems says: "Heaven has no two suns, earth has no two kings, the state has no two rulers, and the household has no two honored ones; these are ordered by one principle. Therefore when the father is alive, one wears one-year mourning for the mother, showing that there are not two honored ones." According to the old ritual, when the father was alive, for the mother one removed the spirit seat after one cycle and observed inner mourning for two cycles. That the father must wait three years before marrying again expresses the son's intent. How could the former sages have had no feeling for the one who gave birth, when they were certainly intent on household and state? Looking back, in the first year of Shangyuan, Zetian had already secretly taken hold of government. Planning usurpation, she first honored her ancestors. She requested raising compassionate mourning to oppose the rites of reverence; although the forms of trimmed and unhemmed mourning were not changed, the system of mats and seats became the same. For several years it still was not generally used. The Heavenly Emperor died, and Zhongzong suffered dust and exile. At the end of Chuigong, the false tally of the Sage Mother was indeed carried out; in the first year of Zaichu, the deep provocation for changing dynasties was opened. Although Xiaohe was called a return to correctness, the Wei clan again imitated the morning cry. Xiaohe suddenly died contrary to expectation, and the Wei clan immediately took charge. Had it not been for Your Majesty's heroic planning, how could the ancestral temples have been restored? The Changes says: "When a minister murders his ruler or a son murders his father, it is not the cause of one morning or one evening." This is what it means. Your servant has carefully sought the meaning of ritual, and its guard and prevention are truly deep. If we do not early plan to cut and correct this, how can we transmit warning to later times? Therefore I briefly spoke of ritual teaching and requested following the old statutes. The gracious edict was penetrating and clear, and I received referral to the responsible offices for detailed deliberation. What your servant submitted was a request to correct the bond of husband and wife; how could it forget the way of mother and son? Most deliberations do not examine the root and source. What they criticize generally only discusses boundless grace, that in mourning one should prefer grief, that birds and beasts know their mothers but not their fathers, that after Qin burned the books the ritual classics were damaged and later Confucians compiled them and are not reliable, that how could it be the same mourning as for paternal uncles' wives, how could it equal the rules for paternal aunts and sisters, that the Three Kings did not inherit one another's rites and the Five Emperors did not follow one another in music, and that trimmed and unhemmed garments are enough for increase and reduction while one cannot bear for the years to differ. These are all words heard on the road, not practiced in the former kings' intent. How are they enough to discuss the rites that order the state and regulate custom? Your servant requests to rely on classic meaning to clarify it. As for what is called "boundless grace," spring and autumn sacrifices remember it by season. A gentleman has lifelong grief and the feeling of frost and dew; how could it stop with one or two cycles of mourning dress? Therefore sages feared that some would have a morning death and evening forgetfulness, worse than birds and beasts, and established a middle regulation, so that worthy and unworthy together completed pattern and principle. As for what is called "in mourning, prefer grief," this is Confucius answering Lin Fang's question. As for too extravagant and too frugal, too easy and too grief-stricken, all are not within the ritual mean. If one cannot attain the mean, both are called losses, though too frugal and too grief-stricken are better. Destroying oneself and extinguishing one's nature is still better than morning death and evening forgetfulness. This discusses the appearance of grief and self-damage when facing mourning; how can it be compared to mourning dress for the same lineage and different surnames? As for "birds and beasts know the mother but not the father," birds and beasts live in flocks and gather without the rites of household and state. When young, they may know to love their mothers, but when grown they do not understand honoring their fathers. If this is cited as an analogy, are we not worse than birds and beasts? As for "after Qin burned the books, the ritual classics were damaged, and later Confucians compiled them, so they cannot be relied upon," among people there may have been texts left or lost; did Qin burn them from house to house? Suppose they were all burned. If they cannot be trusted, then the ancient classics are all mistaken, schools stand in vain, and to what does talk that rejects the sages belong? As for "the same mourning as paternal uncles' wives and paternal aunts and sisters," do paternal uncles' wives, paternal aunts, and sisters have a system of mats and staffs or three years of inner mourning? As for "the Five Emperors did not follow one another in music and did not inherit one another's rites," true indeed are these words! This was Zetian's feeling of harboring selfishness and wrapping disaster; how could one again follow her music and inherit her rite? As for "trimmed and unhemmed are enough for increase and reduction," trimmed for mother and unhemmed for father is unchanging ritual. According to Questions on Three Years: "Is it because of cultivated gentlemen? Three years of mourning is like a team of four horses passing a crack; if one extended it, it would be endless. Then why stop with one year? It says: the closest kin are cut off by a year. Why is this? It says: Heaven and earth have already changed; the four seasons have already changed; among what is within Heaven and earth, nothing has not begun anew, and this is used to model it. Then why three years? It says: weight is added." Therefore for the father it is increased to two full cycles, and while the father is alive, for the mother it is increased by three years of inner mourning. If now it is returned to the rule for when the father has died, where will the law of honored suppression be applied? The Four Mourning Systems also says: "In general, the great body of ritual embodies Heaven and earth, takes law from the four seasons, follows yin and yang, and accords with human feeling; therefore it is called ritual." Those who criticize this do not know from what ritual is born. Not only do they not understand from what ritual is made; I also fear they have not grasped the general obligation of a filial son. Your servant has carefully examined the Classic of Filial Piety to make clear that Your Majesty's filial governance accords with utmost virtue and the essential way, and I request to discuss those in the age who wish to criticize ritual. Utmost virtue means filial piety and fraternal respect; the essential way means rites and music. "For changing customs, nothing is better than music; for securing superiors and governing the people, nothing is better than ritual." Also, the Ritual has "formless ritual and soundless music." According to the Filial Piety apocryphon Yuan Shen Qi: "The Son of Heaven's filial piety is called completion; completion means accomplishing. When the Son of Heaven's virtue covers All Under Heaven and his grace reaches the myriad things, beginning and end are accomplished, and then his parents obtain peace; therefore it is called completion. A feudal lord's filial piety is called measure; measure means law. When a feudal lord resides in his state and can uphold the Son of Heaven's laws and measures, not becoming endangered or overflowing, then his parents obtain peace; therefore it is called measure. A minister or great officer's filial piety is called reputation; reputation means name. When a minister or great officer's words and conduct spread fully and can have no evil name, and his reputation reaches far and near, then his parents obtain peace; therefore it is called reputation. A shi's filial piety is called investigation; investigation takes clarity and examination as its meaning. When a shi first enters court, leaves his parents and enters service, and can examine the rite of using the father as resource to serve the ruler, then his parents obtain peace; therefore it is called investigation. A commoner's filial piety is called storing up; storing up takes containing and preserving as its meaning. When a commoner contains feeling and receives simplicity, personally plowing and laboring in order to store up his virtue, then his parents obtain peace; therefore it is called storing up." Because the Wei clan plotted rebellion and Zhongzong suffered disaster, Your Majesty's imperial heart was grieved and angered, and your sagely feeling was outstanding and fierce. At first you had not even one brigade of troops, yet you destroyed the monster in the ninefold palace, fixed the altars of soil and grain in danger, and rescued the imperial branches from mire and ashes. This is the utmost of Your Majesty's filial piety and fraternal respect, penetrating to spirits and brightness, shining over the four seas, with nothing it does not reach. It lets feudal lords keep their laws and measures, ministers and great officers exhaust their words and conduct, shi use kinship to serve the ruler, and commoners use Heaven and divide earth. This is Your Majesty's formless ritual, by which you secure superiors and order the people. Since Shangyuan, government came from the Wu clan; after Wenming, law lay with cruel people. They harmed imperial kin, killed the good, accumulated merit ranks every year, and frequently held feasts and amnesties. To flatter them brought glory; to correct them brought demotion and exile. During Shenlong and Jingyun, these affairs were especially numerous; between Xiantian and Kaiyuan, these abuses were all reformed. This is Your Majesty's soundless music, by which you changed customs. Your servant's previous statement was brief, and the debaters did not understand my earnest sincerity. I have carefully prepared this statement and present it again, requesting that it be sent to the Secretariat-Chancellery for deliberation and disposition. If your servant's words are honest, then I dare stand beside the palace steps. If your servant's words are not loyal, I humbly request exile to the distant borders.
玄宗又手製答曰：「從服有六，此其一也。降殺之制，禮無明文。此皆自身率親，用為制服。所有存抑，儘是推恩。朕情有未安，故令詳議，非欲苟求變古，以示不同。卿等以為『外族之親，禮無厭降，報服之制，所引甚疏』。且姨舅者，屬從之至近也，以親言之，則亦姑伯之匹敵也。豈有所引者疏，而降所親者服？又婦，從夫者也。夫之姨舅，夫既有服，從夫而服，由是睦親。實欲令不肖者企及，賢者俯就。卿等宜熟詳之。」耀卿等奏曰：「陛下體至仁之德，廣推恩之道，將弘引進，以示睦親，再發德音，更令詳議。 Xuanzong again composed a personal reply: "There are six kinds of derivative mourning, and this is one of them. As for the rules of lowering and reducing, the ritual has no clear text. These all proceed from oneself in leading kin and are used to make mourning dress. What is preserved and restrained is entirely a pushing outward of grace. My feeling is not settled, and therefore I ordered detailed deliberation; I did not wish merely to seek alteration of antiquity in order to show difference. You and the others consider that 'for kin of the external clan, ritual has no suppressing reduction, and the reciprocal mourning system is drawn from very distant cases.' But maternal aunts and uncles belong to the closest of derivative kin. Speaking by kinship, they also match paternal aunts and uncles. How could the examples cited be distant, while the mourning for close kin is reduced? Also, a wife follows her husband. Since the husband has mourning for his maternal aunts and uncles, she wears mourning by following her husband, and in this way kinship is harmonized. I truly wish to make the unworthy reach upward and the worthy bend downward. You and the others should examine this thoroughly." Yaoqing and the others memorialized: "Your Majesty embodies utmost benevolence and extends the Way of grace broadly, intending to enlarge drawing-in and show harmony among kin; you have again issued virtuous words and again ordered detailed deliberation.
Old Book of Tang, Chapter 85Volume 81 Biographies 31: Cui Dunli, Lu Chengqin, Liu Xiangdao, Li Jingxuan, Li Yiyan, Sun Chuyue, Le Yanwei, Zhao Renben · 3 passages
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Old History of the Five Dynasties, Chapter 143Volume 143: Treatises 5 Rites 2 · 5 passages
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History of Liao, Chapter 63Volume 63 Tables 1: Lineage · 1 passage
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契丹地直京師東北五千里而贏，東距高麗，西奚，南營州，北靺鞨、室韋，阻冷陘山以自固。射獵居處無常。其君大賀氏有勝兵四萬，析八部，臣于突厥，以為俟斤。凡調發攻戰，則諸部畢會，獵則部得自行。與奚不平，每鬬不利，輒遁保鮮卑山。武德初，武德初 初原作「中」，據下文二年及舊唐書一九九下契丹傳改。大帥孫敖曹與靺鞨長突地稽俱來朝。二年，入犯平州境。六年，君長咄羅獻名馬、豐貂。貞觀二年，摩會來降，突厥請以梁師都易契丹，太宗曰：「契丹、突厥不同類，師都唐編戶，我將擒之，不可易降者。」三年，摩會入朝，賜鼓纛，由是有常貢。帝伐高麗，悉發契丹、奚首領從軍。還過營州，以窟哥為左武衞將軍。大帥辱紇主據曲率眾來歸，辱紇主據曲 辱紇主原誤「紇主」，據新唐書二一九契丹傳改。據曲，參卷三二校勘記[七]。即其部為玄州，以據曲為刺史，隸營州都督府。窟哥舉部內屬，乃置松漠都督府，以窟哥為都督，封無極男，賜姓李氏。以達稽部為峭落州，紇便部為彈汗州，獨活部為無逢州，芬問部羽陵州，突便部為日連州，芮奚部為徒河州，墜斤部為萬丹州，伏部為匹黎、赤山二州，俱隸松漠府，以辱紇主為刺史。窟哥死，與奚叛，行軍總管阿史德樞賓執松漠都督阿不固，阿不固 按新唐書契丹傳作阿卜固。獻于東都。窟哥二孫：曰枯莫離，彈汗州刺史、歸順郡王；曰盡忠，松漠都督。敖曹曾孫曰萬榮，敖曹曾孫曰萬榮 曾孫，舊唐書契丹傳同。新唐書契丹傳作「有孫曰萬榮」。歸誠州刺史。時營州都督趙文翽數侵侮其下，盡忠等怨望，與萬榮共舉兵，殺文翽，據營州，自號「無上可汗」，推萬榮為帥。不二旬，眾數萬，攻崇州，執擊討副使許欽寂。武后怒，詔將軍曹仁師等二十八將擊之，更號萬榮曰「萬斬」，盡忠曰「盡滅」。戰西硤石黃獐谷，王師敗績。進攻平州，不克。武后益發兵擊契丹。萬榮夜襲檀州，清邊道副總管張九節拒戰，萬榮敗走。俄盡忠死，突厥默啜襲破其部。萬榮收散兵，復振。別將駱務整、何阿小入冀州，殺刺史陸寶積，掠數千人。武后聞盡忠死，詔夏官尚書王孝傑等率兵十七萬討萬榮，戰東硤石，敗績，孝傑死之，萬榮進屠幽州。又詔御史大夫婁師德等率兵二十萬擊之，萬榮乘銳，鼓行而南，殘瀛州屬縣。神兵道總管楊玄基率奚掩擊，神兵道總管楊玄基 原作神兵總管楊立基，據新唐書契丹傳改。大破萬榮，執何阿小，別將李楷固、駱務整降。萬榮委軍走，玄基與奚四面合擊，萬榮眾潰，東走。張九節設三伏待之。萬榮窮蹙，與家奴輕騎走潞河東，憊甚，臥林下。奴斬其首以獻，九節傳東都。契丹餘眾不能立，遂附突厥。開元二年，盡忠從父弟失活率部落歸唐。 : 失活，玄宗賜丹書鐵券。開元四年，與奚長李大酺偕來，詔復置松漠府，以失活為都督，封松漠郡王；仍置靜析軍；以失活為經略大使，八部長皆為刺史。五年，以楊氏為永樂公主下嫁失活。五年以楊氏為永樂公主下嫁失活 按舊唐書契丹傳，「開元三年，其首領李失活率種落內附。明年，失活入朝，封宗室外甥女楊氏為永樂公主以妻之。」六年，卒。 : 娑固，失活之弟，帝以娑固襲爵。開元七年十一月，娑固與公主來朝。衙官可突于勇悍，得眾心，娑固欲除之；事泄，可突于攻之，娑固奔營州。都督許欽澹及奚君李大酺攻可突于，不勝，娑固、大酺皆死。（韓愈作可突干，劉昫、宋祁及唐會要皆作可突于。） : 鬱于，娑固從父弟也，可突于推以為主，遣使謝罪，玄宗冊立襲娑固位。開元十年，鬱于入朝，以慕容氏為燕郡公主下嫁鬱于，卒。 : 咄于，咄于 按新、舊唐書契丹傳及通考三四五並作吐于。鬱于之弟，襲官爵。開元十三年，咄于復與可突于猜阻，與公主來奔，改封遼陽王。遼陽王 按新、舊唐書契丹傳作遼陽郡王。 : 邵固，咄于之弟，邵固咄于之弟 按新、舊唐書契丹傳作李盡忠之弟。國人共立之。開元十三年冬，朝于行在，從封禪泰山，改封廣化郡王，以陳氏為東光公主下嫁邵固。東光公主 新、舊唐書契丹傳作東華公主。十八年，為可突于所弒，以其眾降突厥，東光公主走平盧。 : 屈列，屈列 新唐書契丹傳作屈烈，張九齡曲江集八作據埒。不知其世系，可突于立之。開元二十二年六月，幽州節度使張宇珪大破可突于。幽州節度使張守珪 新、舊唐書契丹傳並作幽州長史張守珪。按當時張守珪官銜為「幽州節度副大使、幽州長史兼御史大夫」，見曲江集九。十二月，又破之，斬屈列及可突于等，傳首東都，餘眾散走山谷。 過折，過折 按曲江集卷五、卷八作鬱捷，卷九、卷十一作過折。遇、鬱音同，過似應作遇。本契丹部長，為松漠府衙官，斬可突于及屈列歸唐。幽州節度使張守珪立之，封北平郡王。是年，可突于餘黨泥禮弒過折，屠其家，一子剌乾走安東，拜左驍衞將軍。自此，契丹中衰，大賀氏附庸於奚王，以通于唐，朝貢歲至。至德、寶應間再至，大曆中十三至，大曆中十三至 原誤「大曆十二年」，據新唐書契丹傳改。按大曆凡十四年，約每年一次。貞元九年、十年、十一年三至，元和中七至，太和、開成間四至。泥禮，耶律儼遼史書為涅里，陳大任書為雅里，蓋遼太祖之始祖也。 李懷秀，唐賜姓名，契丹名迪輦俎里，契丹名迪輦俎里 按上文作迪輦組里。本八部大帥。天寶四年降唐，拜松漠都督。安祿山表請討契丹，懷秀發兵十萬，懷秀發兵十萬 按新唐書契丹傳，安祿山發幽州、雲中、平盧、河東兵十餘萬。非懷秀發兵十萬。與祿山戰潢水南，祿山大敗，自是與祿山兵連不解。耶律儼紀云，太祖四代祖耨里思為迭剌部夷離菫，遺將只里姑、括里，大敗范陽安祿山于潢水，適當懷秀之世。則懷秀固遙輦氏之首君，為阻午可汗明矣。 楷落，以唐封恭仁王，代松漠都督，遂稱契丹王。其後寖大，貞元四年，犯北邊，幽州以聞。自祿山反，河北割據，道隔不通，世次不可悉考。世次不可悉考 按百官志一，遙輦九帳大常袞司已列遙輦九世可汗世次。 : 契丹王屈戍，武宗會昌二年授雲麾將軍，是為耶瀾可汗。授雲麾將軍是為耶瀾可汗 「是為耶瀾可汗」原在下文「幽州節度使」下，誤以屈戍為幽州節度使。據新唐書契丹傳改。幽州節度使張仲武奏契丹舊用回鶻印，乞賜聖造，詔以「奉國契丹」為文。（高麗古今錄作屈戌。） : 契丹王習爾，習爾 新唐書契丹傳作習爾之。是為巴剌可汗。咸通中，再遣使貢獻，部落寖強。 : 契丹王欽德，習爾之族也，是為痕德蓳可汗。光啟中，鈔掠奚、室韋諸部，皆役服之，數與劉仁恭相攻。晚年政衰。八部大人，法常三歲代，迭剌部耶律阿保機建旗鼓，自為一部，不肯受代，自號為王，盡有契丹國，遙輦氏遂亡。 : 蕭韓家奴有言，先世遙輦可汗洼之後，國祚中絕，自夷離菫雅里立阻午可汗，大位始定。今以唐史、遼史參考，大賀氏絕于邵固，雅里所立則懷秀也，其間唯屈列、過折二世。屈列乃可突于所立，過折以別部長為雅里所殺。唐史稱泥里為可突于餘黨，則洼可汗者，殆為屈列耶？ Khitan territory lay five thousand li northeast of the capital, stretching east to Goguryeo, west to the Xi, south to Yingzhou, and north to the Mohe and Shiwei, with the Lengling range as their barrier. They hunted for a living and moved their camps at will. The Dahe chiefs commanded forty thousand warriors organized in eight tribes; they acknowledged the Turks as overlords and served as irkin. All tribes mustered for war, but each could hunt on its own. They feuded constantly with the Xi, usually lost, and retreated to the Xianbei Mountains. Early in the Wude era — the opening "chu" was originally written "zhong," corrected from the year-2 notice and Jiu Tang Shu 199b — Grand Chief Sun Aocao and the Mohe leader Tudi Ji presented themselves at court. In year 2 they raided Pingzhou. In year 6 Chief Zhuoluo offered fine horses and pelts. In Zhenguan year 2 Mo Hui surrendered; when the Turks asked to swap Liang Shidu for the Khitan, Taizong replied, "Khitan and Turk are not kin; Shidu is a subject household of Tang — I mean to take him — and I will not trade away those who have submitted." Mo Hui visited court in year 3, received drums and banners, and thereafter paid regular tribute. Campaigning against Goguryeo, the emperor drafted every Khitan and Xi leader. On the return through Yingzhou he appointed Kuge Left Martial Guard General. The grand chieftain Quju brought his people in; ruhezhu was his chiefly title, while the parallel account reverses the transmitted name Juqu to Quju. See Xin Tang Shu 219 and juan 32 note [7]. His band became Xuan Prefecture under Juqu, attached to Yingzhou. When Kuge led the whole tribe inward, Songmo Protectorate was founded: Kuge became protector, was enfeoffed Lord of Wuji, and received the surname Li. The Daqi became Qiaoluo Prefecture, Hebian Tanhan, Duhuo Wufeng, Fenwen Yuling, Tubian Rilian, Ruixi Tuhe, Zhuijin Wandan, and the Fu line the twin prefectures Pili and Chishan — all under Songmo, with their respective chieftains as prefects. After Kuge's death they rebelled with the Xi; campaigning general Ashide Shubin seized Songmo protector Abu Gu (A Bu Gu in Xin Tang Shu) and sent him to Luoyang. Kuge left two grandsons: Kumoli, Tanhan prefect and Prince of Guishun, and Jinzhong, Songmo protector. Aocao's great-grandson Wanrong — the line repeats; Jiu Tang Shu agrees; Xin Tang Shu reads "had a grandson Wanrong" — held Guicheng Prefecture. Yingzhou protector Zhao Wenbi bullied their people until Jinzhong and Wanrong rose together, killed Wenbi, seized Yingzhou, proclaimed themselves "Supreme Khans," and made Wanrong commander. Within twenty days they mustered tens of thousands, took Chongzhou, and captured suppression vice-commissioner Xu Qinji. Empress Wu sent Generals Cao Renshi and twenty-seven others, renaming Wanrong "Wan the Beheaded" and Jinzhong "Jin the Exterminated." At Huangzhang Valley west of Xiashi the imperial force was routed. They failed to capture Pingzhou. Wu sent more troops. Wanrong struck Tanzhou by night; Zhang Jiujie of the Qingbian command drove him off. Jinzhong soon died and Turk Mokchuo shattered the tribe. Wanrong regrouped. Lieutenants Luo Wuzheng and He Axiao entered Jizhou, killed prefect Lu Baoji, and carried off thousands. Learning of Jinzhong's death, Wu ordered Wang Xiaojie and one hundred seventy thousand men against Wanrong; at East Xiashi they were beaten, Xiaojie was killed, and Wanrong sacked Youzhou. Lou Shide followed with two hundred thousand; Wanrong marched south in full vigor and ravaged Yingzhou's counties. Shenbing commander Yang Xuanji — the text's Yang Liji is wrong per Xin Tang Shu — led Xi auxiliaries, crushed Wanrong, captured He Axiao, and accepted the surrender of Li Kaigu and Luo Wuzheng. Wanrong abandoned his army; Xuanji and the Xi closed in from four sides until his host broke and fled east. Zhang Jiujie laid three ambushes. Cornered, Wanrong fled east of the Lu River with a household slave; exhausted, he lay under trees while the slave took his head to Jiujie, who sent it to Luoyang. The Khitan remnant could not endure and joined the Turks. In Kaiyuan year 2 Jinzhong's cousin Shihuo brought the tribe back. : Shihuo received an iron certificate from Xuanzong. In Kaiyuan year 4 he came with Xi chief Li Dachi; the court restored Songmo, made Shihuo protector and Prince of Songmo, re-created the Jingxi Army, appointed him frontier commissioner, and made the eight chiefs prefects. In year 5 the Yang clanswoman became Princess Yongle and married him — per Jiu Tang Shu, "In Kaiyuan year 3 their chief Li Shihuo led his tribes to submit inward; the next year Shihuo entered court, and the emperor's clanswoman Yang was made Princess Yongle and given to him in marriage." He died in year 6. : Suogu, Shihuo's brother, inherited. In Kaiyuan 7/11 Suogu and the princess attended court. Yamen officer Ketuyu was bold and popular; Suogu tried to kill him, the plot failed, Ketuyu attacked, and Suogu fled to Yingzhou. Protector Xu Qindan and Xi lord Li Dachi attacked Ketuyu, failed, and both died. (Han Yu writes Ketugan; Liu Xu, Song Qi, and Tang Huiyao write Ketuyu.) : Yuyu, Suogu's cousin, was set up by Ketuyu, apologized to court, and Xuanzong confirmed him in Suogu's place. In Kaiyuan 10 Yuyu came to court; a Murong clanswoman became Princess of Yancheng and married him; he died. : Tuyu (Zhuoyu in this text; Tuyu in both Tang histories and Tongkao 345), Yuyu's brother, succeeded. In Kaiyuan 13 he quarreled with Ketuyu and fled with the princess; the court enfeoffed him Prince of Liaoyang (Commandery in both Tang histories). : Shaogu, Tuyu's brother — both Tang histories say Li Jinzhong's brother — was raised by the people. In Kaiyuan 13 winter he attended the mobile court, joined the Fengshan at Mount Tai, became Prince of Guanghua, and a Chen clanswoman became Princess Dongguang (Donghua in both Tang histories) and married him. In year 18 Ketuyu murdered him, led the people to the Turks, and the princess fled to Pinglu. : Qulie (Qulie in Xin Tang Shu; Zhang Jiuling's Qujiang ji 8 has Julei), lineage unknown, enthroned by Ketuyu. In Kaiyuan 22/6 Zhang Shougui of Youzhou — both histories say chief administrator; his title was "Vice Military Commissioner of Youzhou, Chief Administrator of Youzhou, and Censor-in-Chief," per Qujiang ji 9 — routed Ketuyu. In month 12 he won again, beheaded Qulie, Ketuyu, and others, sent heads to Luoyang; survivors hid in the hills. Guo-zhe (Yujie in Qujiang ji 5 and 8; guo may stand for yu) was a Khitan chief and Songmo yamen officer who killed Ketuyu and Qulie and submitted. Zhang Shougui made him Prince of Beiping. That year Ketuyu's follower Ni-li killed Guo-zhe and exterminated his house; son Lagan escaped to Andong as Left Xiaowei General. Thereafter the Khitan waned; the Dahe clung to the Xi king to reach Tang with yearly tribute: twice in Zhide–Baoying, thirteen visits in the Dali era (not "the twelfth year of Dali"; the era lasted fourteen years), thrice in Zhenyuan 9–11, seven in Yuanhe, four in Taihe and Kaicheng. Ni-li — Nieli in Yelü Yan, Yali in Chen Daren — was ancestor to Liao Taizu. Li Huaixiu, given Tang name and surname, Khitan name Dilian Zuli (Zuli above), was chief of the eight tribes. In Tianbao 4 he surrendered and became Songmo protector. An Lushan asked to campaign against the Khitan; the text says Huaixiu raised one hundred thousand — Xin Tang Shu says Lushan raised over one hundred thousand from four commands, not Huaixiu's army — and defeated Lushan south of the Huangshui, after which war with Lushan never ceased. Yelü Yan records that Taizu's fourth-generation forebear Noulishi, yilijin of the Yila, sent Zhiligu and Kulie to rout Fan Yang Lushan at the Huangshui in Huaixiu's day; Huaixiu was thus the first Yaolian lord and Zuwu Khan. Kai-luo, enfeoffed Prince Gongren, replaced the Songmo protector and was called Khitan king. The state grew; in Zhenyuan 4 it raided the north and Youzhou reported. After Lushan's rebellion Hebei warlords blocked the roads and many generations are lost — yet Officials Treatise 1 lists nine Yaolian khans in the Nine Accounts office. : King Qushu, in Huichang 2 made Cloud-Banner General, was Yelan Khan — the title was misplaced under a Youzhou commissioner entry and is corrected per Xin Tang Shu. Commissioner Zhang Zhongwu said the Khitan still used Uyghur seals and begged a new imperial seal inscribed "Khitan Serving the State" (Goryeo's record has Quxu). : King Xier (Xierzhi in Xin Tang Shu) was Bala Khan; in Xiantong he twice sent tribute and the tribes strengthened. : King Qinde of Xier's line was Hendejin Khan; in Guangqi he raided Xi and Shiwei until all served him and fought Liu Rengong repeatedly; late in life his rule failed. Great men of the eight tribes rotated every three years, but Yila chief Yelü Abaoji raised his own banners, refused rotation, called himself king, seized all Khitan lands, and ended the Yaolian. : Xiao Hanjianu held that after Yaolian Khan Wa the line broke until yilijin Yali enthroned the Zuwu Khan. Comparing Tang and Liao sources, the Dahe ended with Shaogu; Yali's enthronement was Huaixiu; only Qulie and Guo-zhe lay between. Qulie was Ketuyu's puppet; Guo-zhe, a collateral chief, was killed by Yali. Tang history calls Ni-li Ketuyu's remnant — so was Wa perhaps Qulie?
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二十一年，耀卿為京兆尹，京師雨水，穀踊貴，玄宗將幸東都，復問耀卿漕事，耀卿因請「罷陝陸運，而置倉河口，使江南漕舟至河口者，輸粟於倉而去，縣官雇舟以分入河、洛。 In Kaiyuan 21 (733), now metropolitan governor of Jingzhao, Yaoqing faced floods in the capital and soaring grain prices as Xuanzong prepared to move to Luoyang. Asked again about transport, he urged: 'End the Shan overland haul, build river-mouth granaries where Jiangnan convoys would unload and leave, and have the state hire boats to move grain into the Yellow River and Luo systems.
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開元末，為唐安令，與楊國忠善，累遷京兆少尹，為吐蕃吊祭使，還，會玄宗西狩，詔留光遠為京兆尹、西京留守、采訪使。 At the end of the Kaiyuan era he served as magistrate of Tang'an, was on good terms with Yang Guozhong, and rose repeatedly to vice governor of Jingzhao. Sent as mourning envoy to Tibet, he returned just as Emperor Xuanzong fled west; he was ordered to remain as governor of Jingzhao, custodian of the western capital, and investigation commissioner.