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卷106 志八十一 选举一 学校一

Volume 106 Treatises 81: Selection and Examinations 1, Xue Xiao Yi

Chapter 106 of 清史稿 · Draft History of Qing
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1
Treatise 81
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Selection and Examinations, Part 1
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沿 沿 西 沿
Of all ancient methods for recruiting talent, none was more fully developed than that of the Western Zhou—and nowhere was talent gathered in greater abundance. From the Tang dynasty onward, the older selection system was set aside in favor of subject-based examinations, a practice successive dynasties retained. The Ming went further, confining examination topics to the Four Books and the Five Classics (Changes, Documents, Odes, Spring and Autumn, and Record of Rites)—essays on these themes were known as regulated exposition. The Qing adhered to the Ming system for more than two centuries. Men who entered service by other paths might rise, but they never stood on equal footing with graduates of the civil examinations. Under the Kangxi and Qianlong emperors, special examination categories were instituted. The erudition and eminent literary composition examinations were celebrated for bringing genuine talent into service. Even so, candidates were tested only in poetry, fu, policy essays, and disquisitions. In the dynasty's closing years, the pace of change accelerated daily. Reformers argued that examination graduates could no longer meet the demands of the age; the examinations were abolished and modern schools established. New educational models from East and West were adopted, overturning the selection and examination conventions that had governed China since Tang and Song times. The school systems of the earlier and later periods were altogether different institutions. The present chapter summarizes these regulations—their continuity and reform—and records how the old and new systems diverged.
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Schools, Part 1
5
沿
Qing dynasty schools followed the Ming system. In the capital the National University served as the apex institution, alongside banner schools, schools for the imperial clan, and other official academies. In the provinces, education was organized through prefectural, departmental, and district schools.
6
簿 仿 滿 滿
After the Shizu Emperor established the capital at Beijing, the Ming Northern Directorate was renovated as the Imperial University. In Shunzhi 1 (1644), the posts of libationer, vice director, directorate assistant, erudite, instructor, study director, study recorder, archivist, and registrar were created. Six lecture halls were established for instruction and study—Following Nature, Cultivating the Way, Sincere Heart, Correct Righteousness, Honoring Aspiration, and Broadening Enterprise—retaining Ming nomenclature. Li Ruolin, Junior Mentor of the Heir Apparent, became the first libationer. He petitioned to follow the early Ming model and broaden enrollment: official students included, beyond grace enfeoffment cases, sons of seventh-rank officials and above who were diligent and studious; common students included, beyond tribute graduates, stipendiary, augmented, and attached licentiates of superior literary attainment—all to be examined by the provincial education intendant and sent to the Directorate. He noted that the institution's name, guozi, signified that the sons of the state's elite were to study there. Under the previous dynasty, newly invested dukes, marquises, earls, and imperial sons-in-law all entered the National University to study. He also asked that sons of Manchu meritorious officials who wished to study be sent to the Directorate. The throne approved additional Manchu vice directors and instructors—marking the beginning of Eight Banner students' enrollment at the Directorate. Subsequently enrollment was restricted, regulations revised repeatedly, until the system grew increasingly detailed. Students at the Directorate fell into two categories: tribute students and directorate students. There were six types of tribute student: annual, grace, selected, superior, supplementary, and quota tribute. There were four types of directorate student: grace, enfeoffment, superior, and quota directorate students. Enfeoffment directorate students were of two types: grace enfeoffment and hardship enfeoffment. All were known collectively as Imperial University students.
7
滿 滿 簿
Students in the six halls were divided into inner and outer classes. Initially the inner class numbered one hundred fifty, twenty-five per hall; the outer class one hundred twenty, twenty per hall. The Ministry of Revenue disbursed annual stipends for lamp oil and study expenses, with graded rewards; surplus funds covered emergency relief. Early in the Qianlong reign, the inner class was raised to thirty per hall, three hundred inner and outer combined. The outer class of one hundred twenty was then abolished, inner-class stipends increased, and twenty-four inner-class places reassigned to the outer class. Early in Jiaqing, Eight Banner students and those from Daxing and Wanping counties, living near home and not residing in dormitories, were barred from promotion to the inner class. To fill a class vacancy, students first presented themselves at the Directorate for examination—the kao dao. Those placed in the first or second rank underwent a second examination—the kao yan. Only tribute students in the first or second rank, or directorate students in the first rank, were permitted to enroll for study. Return after leave expired was termed fu ban. Inner-class students often lodged with relatives; Manchu, Mongol, and Han Banner grace directorate students training in translation or archery who could not attend for the full month were reassigned to the outer class. Missing one major examination, or absenting oneself without cause three or more times, carried demotion to the outer class by regulation. A register of accumulated faults disciplined students who failed to follow instruction. All comings and goings were recorded in a ledger maintained by the directorate assistant. Leave was granted to visit parents, complete marriage, observe mourning, report illness, or when a co-resident uncle or elder brother died childless; students were required to return by a fixed deadline. Late return brought punishment; unauthorized departure meant dismissal; impersonation meant expulsion.
8
Examination of students proceeded as follows: on the first and fifteenth of each month, after the libation ceremony, the erudite assembled students in the lecture hall to expound the classics. During the first ten days of the month, instructors delivered lectures on textual meaning. After the full moon, the study director and study recorder each lectured once. Joint lectures, review lectures, written presentations, and recitations from memory occurred three times monthly in rotation. Core curriculum comprised the Four Books, Five Classics, Nature and Principle, and Comprehensive Mirror; students who mastered the Thirteen Classics, Twenty-one Histories, or broader learning advanced according to their attainment. Students copied several hundred characters daily from Jin and Tang model calligraphy, recorded progress in a daily lesson book, submitted it to instructors every ten days for correction, and presented it to the hall on the first and fifteenth for inspection. On the fifteenth of each month, libationer and vice director alternated in examining one Four Books essay and one poem—the major examination. The libationer's quarterly and vice director's monthly examinations required Four Books and Five Classics essays, plus edicts, announcements, memorials, policy essays, and legal judgments. On the first of each month, the erudite's hall examined classic texts, exegesis, and policy essays. On the third, instructors examined students; on the eighteenth, study directors and recorders did so—each session requiring one Four Books essay, one poem, and one classic text or policy essay.
9
滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿簿
The point-accumulation and departmental service system was practiced in the early dynasty. Upon completing residence, directorate students were assigned to ministries and courts to learn administrative practice. After three months of attendance verification and one year of service, they were sent to the palace examination. Exemptions from residence or from one or two months of service were granted by special edict, not as regular practice. In Shunzhi 3 (1646), Libationer Xue Suoyun established the point system for Han directorate students: beyond regular coursework, monthly tests in classic meaning and policy essays; those passing were ranked first class. Twelve first-class annual results constituted a passing grade, exempting students from departmental service and qualifying them for preferential selection at the palace examination. In Shunzhi 15 (1658), Libationer Gu'erjia Hun proposed: "On the kao dao examination day, select the most outstanding directorate students for point accumulation; those not selected would, upon completing their term, be referred to ministries for service. Point accumulation was limited to one year. Beyond regular lessons, monthly examinations awarded one point for first class, half a point for second class, and none below second class. Students who mastered all Five Classics, knew the complete histories thoroughly, or excelled at copying Zhong and Wang calligraphy received one point even if their essays failed. Eight points constituted a passing grade; fewer than a dozen students achieved this annually. Grace, selected, annual, and supplementary tribute students, upon completing service, took the office examination; following teaching-assistant precedent, top-top rolls received subprefect posts, top rolls magistracies. Quota directorate students and tribute students without accumulated points took the office examination together at the palace examination. Of every hundred candidates, eight received principal appointments; the remainder filled prefectural and district assistant posts. Students with insufficient points, though originally assigned to departments, could not receive preferential selection when referred to the ministry. They might return to study until accumulating full points if they wished." The proposal was approved. That year, Censor Wang Mingyue, citing congestion in the tribute pipeline, petitioned to suspend grace, selected, and annual tribute temporarily. Resident students became scarce, making point comparison impractical. In Shunzhi 17 (1660), Gu'erjia Hun memorialized to abolish the point system, which was never revived. Early in Kangxi, departmental assignments ceased; upon completing residence, students took the ministry examination and were appointed subprefect, subprefect judge, assistant magistrate, registrar, or clerk. Thereafter ministries and courts no longer received directorate students; only those proficient in literary studies and regular script were sent to compilation bureaus, where years of service determined appointment according to earned rank, with outstanding performers sometimes promoted.
10
滿
Residence terms varied: grace tribute six months, annual tribute eight; supplementary tribute stipendiary six, augmented and attached eight; selected tribute stipendiary fourteen, augmented and attached sixteen; grace enfeoffment twenty-four, hardship enfeoffment six; quota tribute stipendiary fourteen, augmented and attached sixteen; talented youth twenty-four. Quota directorate students, including purchased enrollment, served thirty-six months. In Yongzheng 5 (1727), calculation excluding the residence term was standardized. All directorate students generally completed three years of study, intercalary months included. Leave, mourning, poor examination results, and recorded demerits extended the term by deducting corresponding time. Students returning within the leave limit, or late with documentation from home officials, had time counted continuously.
11
宿
Under the old system, libationer and vice director jointly administered the Directorate. In Yongzheng 3 (1725), a supervising minister for Directorate affairs was first appointed. In Qianlong 2 (1737), Sun Jiagan, Minister of Justice, supervised Directorate affairs. Earlier, as vice director under the Shizong Emperor, Sun Jiagan memorialized: "School instruction should prioritize classical learning. I request that education officials throughout the realm select licentiates for the Imperial University, and that the Nine Ministers recommend scholars distinguished in classics and conduct as instructors—to cultivate talent through classical studies alone. After three years, examine their achievement and recommend them for appointment." Before the proposal could be implemented, he was promoted to libationer and renewed his petition; the Shizong Emperor approved. Previously, Imperial University students were nominally in residence but mostly lodged elsewhere. They assembled only for libation ceremonies, hall sessions, quarterly examinations, and monthly lessons. The Directorate's five hundred numbered rooms had fallen into disrepair for lack of funds, leaving no lodging for students. Sun Jiagan reported: "Selected tribute students from all provinces gather in the capital; more than three hundred require Directorate lodging. The six halls serve only for study, not residence. I request official quarters south of the Directorate for instructors and resident students. Six thousand taels of silver were allocated annually for lectures, board, clothing, and student relief." The request was approved. This became known as the Southern Academy.
12
仿 滿
He then petitioned to revive the Song Confucian Hu Yuan's method of separate halls for classical studies and practical administration. Students of the classics might specialize in one classic or study several, drawing on imperially authorized commentaries and transmitted exegeses to expound the moral principles governing daily life. Students of practical administration studied ritual institutions, taxation and corvée, law, frontier defense, hydraulic engineering, astronomy, river management, and mathematics. Some specialized in a single subject, others in several, all seeking thorough understanding of origins, practice, benefits, and abuses. Examinations required deep classical learning, practical understanding of governance, and demonstrated commitment to historical learning and care for the people. After three years, students were ranked to reward achievement and discipline failure. The proposal was approved. Students recorded insights and questions item by item for instructor critique, then submitted them to the hall on schedule. Quarterly and monthly examinations were revised to require one Four Books essay, one exegesis essay per classic, and one policy question on practical administration. The Gaozong Emperor lavished attention on the Imperial University. Sun Jiagan enforced a rigorous curriculum with generous rewards; the six halls' lecturers were the finest scholars of the age. Juren Wu Ding and Liang Xixing were appointed vice directors on recommendation for their classical scholarship. Jinshi Zhuang Hengyang; juren Pan Yongji, Cai Dejun, Qin Huitian, and Wu Nai; tribute students Guan Xianyao and Wang Wenzhen; and directorate student Xia Zonglan—all distinguished classical scholars—were successively appointed Directorate officials. They headed the six halls, each presiding over one classic, and were known as the "Four Worthies and Five Gentlemen." Teachers and students flourished together, all striving to pursue genuine learning. Libationer Zhao Guolin argued that beyond classical and practical studies, students should practice examination essays, and petitioned to distribute imperially approved Four Books model essays for study. This too was approved.
13
仿
The Qing placed enormous weight on the emperor's ceremony of inspecting learning at the Imperial Academy. In Shunzhi 9 (1652), the Shizu Emperor first performed the learning inspection. The Duke Who Extends Sageliness, Five Classics doctors, and descendants of Confucius and other sages were summoned to the capital in advance to witness the ceremony. After completing the libation sacrifice, the emperor proceeded to the imperial lecture pavilion in the Hall of Human Relations. The libationer lectured on the Four Books; the vice director on the classics. An edict was proclaimed exhorting the university students. The following day, the Duke Who Extends Sageliness received ceremonial robes; Directorate officials received graded rewards. Descendants of the sage lineages were sent to study at the Directorate. Subsequent emperors made this a regular practice. In Qianlong 48 (1783) an edict declared: "The ancient National University system—the Son of Heaven's piyong—exists to perform ritual and music, spread moral transformation, display civilization, and extend educational grace. Its significance is paramount. The National University gathers the realm's finest scholars; its institutions should be commensurately grand. The piyong hall had been absent since Yuan and Ming times; it should be rebuilt to complete the institution." Ministers Debao and Liu Yong, the latter also supervising Directorate affairs, and Vice Minister Decheng were ordered to build it south of the Hall of Human Relations according to classical ritual specifications. It was completed the following year. The year after, the Gaozong Emperor personally presided over the lecture ceremony at the piyong. Grand Secretary and Earl Wu Mitai and Grand Secretary Cai Xin, who supervised Directorate affairs, lectured on the Four Books. Libationers Janggiya Jishan and Zou Yixiao lectured on the Book of Changes. The emperor issued two imperial essays expounding their meaning. Three thousand eighty-eight princes, dukes, the Duke Who Extends Sageliness, grand secretaries, officials, and students gathered around the bridge to hear the lecture. After the ceremony, a banquet was held at the Ministry of Rites with generous rewards. The emperor honored learning; his ministers, living in an age of enlightenment, assisted in spreading culture—a refinement acclaimed as reaching its zenith. After Jiaqing, the learning-inspection ceremony was generally maintained. Early in Xianfeng it was still performed once.
14
Late in Daoguang, an edict ordered reform of the Southern Academy. Though more than a hundred students resided there, Directorate regulations had long fallen into disuse and proved difficult to restore. With the outbreak of war in Xianfeng, annual allocations were cut and regulations repeatedly revised. Early in Tongzhi, because the National University taught only literary arts without practical benefit, disquisitions and policy essays were added to the curriculum. Examination topics drew on classics, histories, and Neo-Confucian texts, rewarding students attentive to current affairs. The following year, annual funding was increased by three thousand taels. In Tongzhi 9, the original allocation was restored. Forty students of superior scholarship were selected for the Southern Academy with generous stipends, and literary culture gradually revived. In Guangxu 2 (1876), twenty additional places were created. In Guangxu 11 (1885), provincial juren were permitted to enter the Directorate as juren directorate students. Thereafter juren and tribute or directorate students alike—whether or not they held principal appointments or teaching assignments—were permitted to enter the Directorate to broaden educational reach.
15
沿 祿 滿 西西
Tribute and directorate student categories largely followed Ming practice. Annual tribute selected the longest-serving stipendiary students from prefectural, departmental, and district schools in order of seniority. In Shunzhi 2 (1645), provinces were ordered to send annual tribute scholars to the capital. Prefectural schools sent one annually, departmental schools two every three years, district schools one every two years—one principal and two alternates each. Education intendants conducted strict selection; unqualified candidates were returned to their schools. Five or more such cases resulted in salary penalties for the education intendant. In Shunzhi 15 (1658), candidates were inspected upon arrival at the ministry; only those still vigorous were sent to the Directorate. In Kangxi 1 (1662), tribute quotas were reduced to two per three years for prefectural schools, one per two years for departmental schools, and one per three years for district schools. In Kangxi 8 (1669), the Shunzhi 2 quotas were restored. In Kangxi 26 (1687), the palace examination for annual tribute students was abolished. Thereafter education intendants examined them in order, referred them to the ministry, and appointed them as provincial instructors. After appointment, governors-general conducted an additional examination; fewer annual tribute students entered the Directorate. Grace tribute followed Ming practice: on state celebrations or imperial accessions, the student next in line for annual tribute was advanced as grace tribute. In Shunzhi 1 (1644), an edict ordered that the year's principal tribute candidate become grace tribute and the next annual tribute. Subsequent grace edicts followed the same practice. In Shunzhi 9 (1652), fifteen licentiates from the Five Sage lineages who witnessed the ceremony were sent to the Directorate and granted grace tribute status. After Qianlong, it became regular practice to grant sage descendants who witnessed the imperial learning inspection entrance to the Directorate as stipendiary, augmented, or attached students. During the Kangxi and Qianlong reigns, when emperors toured the east and visited Qufu in person, selecting descendants of the Five and Thirteen Sage lineages for the Imperial University, this was special favor to sage descendants, not regular practice. Selected tribute followed the Ming selected-tribute system, instituted in Shunzhi 1 (1644). Shuntian sent six, each provincial prefectural school two, and each departmental and district school one. In Kangxi 10 (1671), education officials were ordered to select first- and second-class licentiates of combined literary and moral excellence for the Imperial University, following Libationer Cha Lu's petition. The following year, Eight Banner licentiates were first included: two Manchu and Mongol, one Han Banner. Provincial selected tribute had become rife with unqualified candidates. In Kangxi 37–38, Libationers Temude and Sun Yueban personally examined Shanxi's six selected candidates including Zhang Hanchong, Shaanxi's four including Lü Erheng, and Guangdong's three including Chen Qiwei—all failed literary standards with erroneous characters. Their papers were rejected, education officials punished, and selection suspended. In Yongzheng 1 (1723), Minister of Rites Chen Yuanlong petitioned for stricter Imperial University study regulations. The ministry ruled that because directorate students entered through purchase and able scholars were scarce, education officials should resume selecting candidates for the Directorate. The proposal was approved. In Yongzheng 5 (1727), the Shizong Emperor observed that annual tribute based on stipend seniority often produced elderly candidates; to obtain outstanding talent, selection was essential. Selection was ordered every six years thereafter. The following year, education intendants were instructed not to confine selection to first- and second-class licentiates but to test policy essays on current affairs; candidates demonstrating insight and ability, whatever their rank, could be selected after inquiry into their conduct. Selected tribute to the National University reached its peak under Yongzheng and Qianlong.
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滿 祿 滿 仿 西西西西
Early in Qianlong, the court examination system was established: first- and second-class candidates were selected for imperial audience and appointment. Third-class candidates were assigned to study at the Directorate. The selection procedure was soon discontinued. After three years, the libationer ranked students and recommended them for appointment as magistrates or instructors. In Qianlong 7 (1742), the emperor held that selection every six years produced too many candidates and obstructed juren advancement. Moreover, outstanding licentiates could distinguish themselves at the civil examinations without relying solely on selection. The interval was changed to twelve years. This became permanent practice. In Qianlong 16 (1751), because instructors throughout the realm were often senile and unqualified yet clung to their posts, although regulations required review every six years, superiors often treated instructor posts as sinecures and granted excessive leniency. An edict ordered thorough review and dismissal of unfit instructors. Court ministers proposed that governors-general and governors review instructor vacancies every three years and fill them with selected tribute graduates from the court examination. Those not selected continued to study at the Directorate as before. In Qianlong 41 (1776), superior court examination graduates were also appointed seventh-rank capital officials. In Qianlong 55 (1790), re-examination was introduced for the court examination. Education intendant selection comprised two sessions testing Four Books essays, classic texts, and policy essays. In Qianlong 17 (1752), classic text examinations were changed to exegesis. In Qianlong 23 (1758), regulated verse in five characters and eight rhymes was added. Governors-general and governors conducted joint re-examinations. The court examination required one essay on calligraphy and one poem. Those who entered the Directorate via the supplementary board: in 1645, Shuntian provincial examinees on the supplementary list who were additional or supplementary licentiates were allowed to qualify as tribute students at the Directorate. Grain-stipend licentiates and grace, selected, and annual tribute students were exempt from studying at the Directorate and proceeded directly to the palace examination. In 1658, all other tribute categories were suspended; only supplementary-board candidates continued to be forwarded as before. In 1662, the quota for supplementary tribute was abolished. In 1672, on a memorial from Zha Lu, it was restored; under the former system, selection as superior tribute carried weight equal to selected tribute. As early as 1645, the court had ordered that provinces need not limit candidates to a single licentiate class, but choose men outstanding in scholarship and conduct—two from major prefectural schools and one from minor ones—for the Directorate. In 1685, because admission to the Directorate had been reduced to purchase alone, impoverished scholars had no way to reach the capital; selection and forwarding were restored under the 1645 precedent. Under Yongzheng, tribute and directorate categories were first sorted out: grain-stipend and additional licentiates could qualify as superior tribute; supplementary licentiates as superior directorate students. In 1739, large provinces were capped at five or six nominees, medium provinces at three or four, and small provinces at one or two, preventing indiscriminate filling of posts. Every three years the education intendant, acting with the governor-general and governor, submitted nominees for examination in two sessions, much like the selected-tribute procedure. Candidates sat for Four Books essays, exegesis, classic texts, and policy essays; poetry was added later. In 1758, superior students reaching the ministry were placed under the same court-examination rules as selected tribute. They were examined in one composition and one poem; those whose writing showed clarity and mastery were advanced to the Imperial College; the crude or negligent were sent home for the education intendant to discipline. In 1764, a provincial commissioner asked to suspend superior selection in years when selected tribute was held; the ministry ruled that with selected tribute every twelve years and commissioners serving three-year terms, each province should still nominate only a handful of superior candidates and demote the inferior, as before. In 1814, Censor Huang Zhongjie submitted a detailed memorial asking that superior students receive palace examination and appointment on the same terms as selected tribute. The Ministry of Rites deliberated and rejected the proposal. He also asked that they be excused from traveling to the capital for the court examination, as a gesture of leniency. The Emperor replied that superior students who passed the court examination and were recognized as tribute students fulfilled the very meaning of presenting tribute at court. Abolishing the court examination would make the title and the practice diverge. He refused. In the end, however, with no path to office, many never traveled to the capital to take the examination. In 1863, the court decided that beginning with the jiazi cycle, superior students would sit a palace examination divided, like the Shuntian provincial examination, into southern, northern, and central rolls. The northern roll comprised the Eight Banners, Fengtian, Zhili, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, and Gansu; the southern roll, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Anhui, Fujian, Hubei, and Hunan; the central roll, Sichuan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou. First- and second-class graduates were appointed magistrates or instructors; third-class graduates, assistant instructors. Grace, selected, supplementary, annual, and superior tribute were collectively known as the 'Five Tribute' categories. Apart from the examination curriculum, advancement through these channels was termed the regular path. Thus they were distinguished from irregular, purchased, or miscellaneous routes into office.
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滿 仿 滿 西使 滿滿
Grace directorate students came from graduates of the Eight Banners Chinese official schools and from Manchu and Han students completing the mathematics course. So were descendants of sages who attended imperial lecture ceremonies, military licentiates, ritual-attendant students, and distinguished youths admitted to the Directorate—all counted as grace directorate students. Precedent tribute paralleled precedent directorate status: grain-stipend, additional, or supplementary licentiates, or distinguished directorate students who purchased tribute standing, were termed precedent tribute; distinguished youths who purchased directorate standing were termed precedent directorate students. Every route into office through purchase had to pass through these categories. Whether studying at the Directorate or remaining on local registers, all were counted as directorate students. Grace yin privilege: when Manchu and Han officials' sons were sent by imperial order to the Directorate, successive grace edicts set civil and military rank thresholds at court and in the provinces, and yin sons were admitted. In 1645, civil officials of fourth rank or higher at court and third rank or higher in the provinces, and military officials of second rank or higher, were each required to send one son to the Directorate. In 1654, Aisin Gioro yin students were placed on the same footing as other officials' yin sons and sent to the Directorate. Sons of bond-servant officials under company commanders had traditionally been barred from yin admission to the Directorate. In 1670, that restriction was lifted. Yin admission for imperial clansmen began in 1713. Martyrdom yin dated from 1647, when the son of Lü Mingxia—vice commissioner on the Shaanxi Guyuan circuit, who died in service—was admitted to the Directorate. In 1652, officials of third rank or higher—Manchu and Han, at court or in the provinces—who completed a three-year term and died in diligent service could yin one son into the Directorate. Later the rule was widened so that heads of provincial commissions and assistant prefectural and county officials who died in martyrdom could yin a son as well.
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使 滿
Foreign students at the Directorate: in 1688, the king of Ryukyu first sent the sons of attendant ministers, including Liang Chengji, with the tribute embassy to pursue study there. In 1728, Russia sent students such as Luka to remain in China; Manchu and Han assistant instructors taught them on a monthly stipend of silver, grain, and supplies, and when their studies ended they were sent home—missions of this kind followed one after another. As late as the Tongzhi era, Ryukyuan students were still arriving.
19
Among other cases, in 1645 thirty students were chosen from the fifteen Fengtian schools that had followed the Qing armies through the pass and admitted to the Directorate as a model for the empire. In 1654, campaign-following grain-stipend licentiates were permitted to become tribute directorate students. Licentiates with second-class military merit could qualify as student directorate status. With a further second-class merit citation, they could qualify as tribute students—termed merit tribute. The practice was soon discontinued—a wartime expedient of the dynasty's founding years.
20
殿 滿
Selection of collation copyists began in 1738, when the Directorate was told to nominate ten young regular-path tribute students with neat script for copying duty at the Hall of Military Glory. At the end of their term, merits were reviewed for promotion. In 1769 the Directorate route was closed; selection returned to collation tribute students under the Ministry of Personnel. When the ministry later lacked qualified men, selection again fell to selected, supplementary, and superior tribute students in the Directorate. During Jiaqing ten additional posts were authorized, but the expansion was not continued.
21
簿 滿滿 滿 滿 簿 簿 滿
When Five Tribute graduates took up posts, the education intendant and governor inspected them and reported to the ministry; by examination cycle and seniority, grace, selected, and supplementary tribute were appointed instructors, annual tribute assistant instructors. Under Kangxi, purchased annual tribute was likewise appointed to assistant instructorships. Early in Yongzheng, purchased tribute students who would have become instructors were made assistant magistrates instead, and assistant instructors chief clerks. Thereafter grain-stipend licentiates who purchased annual tribute still took assistant instructorships; while robust grace, selected, and supplementary tribute graduates could take posts as assistant judges in Zhili prefectures. After Jiaqing, selected tribute not placed at the court examination and all grace, supplementary, annual, and superior tribute students could, in provincial examination years, petition to take civil posts or teaching appointments. Superior tribute seeking instructorships were ranked after annual tribute and assigned assistant instructorships. Early in Daoguang, Manchu and Mongol regular-path tribute students were allowed to take office, their seniority weighed together with Manchu appointees. For the tribute-directorate examination for office, regulations required completion of the Directorate term before a candidate could be forwarded. Only in special-grace examination years was the Directorate term requirement waived. All regular-path and purchased tribute and directorate students, together with candidates awaiting collation, instructorship, or proofreader posts, sat the examination alike. Those already in teaching posts or office, who had purchased rank, or who held inherited posts were ineligible. Originally the examination for office was annual; tribute and directorate students alike were registered for assistant prefect, assistant judge, assistant magistrate, chief clerk, and clerical posts. In 1736, the examination for office was tied to provincial examination years and was not held in grace-cycle years. Grace, selected, and supplementary tribute who ranked first class were appointed assistant prefects, second class assistant judges, third class assistant magistrates. Annual tribute of first class became chief clerks; second class, clerical posts. Candidates who had originally sought instructorships were left free to keep them. Purchased tribute and directorate students who passed were appointed under the annual tribute rules. In 1791 the examination for office was suspended. In 1800 it was held only once more. In 1905, Yuan Shikai, governor-general of Zhili, and others memorialized on creating outlets for tribute students and licentiates after the abolition of the civil examinations, proposing 'expanded quotas for superior tribute within three examination cycles over ten years. Selected tribute in the jiyou cycle to continue as before; court examination graduates to receive capital posts or magistracies. Over three cycles, governors and education intendants would examine and forward academic tribute skilled in mathematics, geography, finance, military affairs, diplomacy, railways, mining, police work, or foreign law; every three years a cohort roughly two or three times the metropolitan quota would be sent to the capital. Those who passed in the capital would be appointed secretaries, Hanlin compilers, or magistrates.' The throne ordered the proposals deliberated and carried out. The following year the Office of Government Affairs worked out the details: jiyou selected tribute would double its quota; superior tribute would be examined in the current bingwu year. Thereafter examinations would be held every three years at four times the standing quota. Grain-stipend licentiates nominated for tribute might be doubled in number. Ministries and courts examined collation copyists in three grades: juren, Five Tribute graduates, and licentiates. After two years, meritorious service was rewarded with promotion. The best juren and superior or selected tribute graduates could be promoted to seventh-rank minor capital posts. Rules for taking office were widened as well: all Five Tribute graduates could be registered for Zhili assistant judges, provincial surveillance and salt-transport secretaries, prefectural assistant judges and secretaries, and assistant magistracies, either for formal selection or probationary assignment. In this way the Five Tribute categories endured through the entire Qing dynasty.
22
滿 滿滿
Mathematics was administered under the Directorate of Education as the Directorate Mathematics School. In 1739 quotas were set at twelve Manchu and twelve Han students, plus six Mongol and six Han Banner students. Twenty-four additional Han students pursuing study were later enrolled. Following the emperor's Principles of Mathematical Astronomy, instruction was divided into three parts: lines, surfaces, and solids. Each part had to be mastered within one year. The seven luminaries required two years. Quarterly and annual examinations were held. After five years, Manchu, Mongol, and Han Banner students who passed were reported to the ministry and appointed astronomical officers in their banners by seniority. Han students who were juren became erudites; tribute students, directorate students, and licentiates became astronomical officers.
23
滿便滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿 滿
Beyond these, schools under the Imperial College included the Eight Banners official schools. In 1644, Director Ruolin memorialized: "The Imperial College stands in an out-of-the-way corner northeast of the city, making attendance difficult for Banner youths. We propose establishing academies in each Manchu Banner garrison, with instructors from the College's two halls and six lecture halls teaching locally and reporting to the Directorate for periodic examinations." The ministries deliberated and approved. Each Banner thereupon built school quarters. Each company commander nominated one official school student; one in ten studied Chinese texts, the remainder Manchu script. In 1645, on Suoyun's recommendation, two Banners were merged into a single school. Each school employed ten instructors, chosen as appropriate from licentiates in the capital and provinces. Enrollment quotas were later adjusted repeatedly; instructors were chosen from students at the Imperial College, limited to grace, selected, supplementary, and annual tribute graduates. When no such candidates existed, precedent directorate students could also qualify by examination. Serving presented licentiates were likewise eligible for selection by examination on the same terms. In 1723, sixteen Banner Mongols from the guards, squad leaders, and vanguard cavalry who were proficient in Manchu and Mongol were appointed Mongol-language instructors. Under former rules, official school students were nominated and sent by company commander. In 1727, each Banner's enrollment was fixed at one hundred. Sixty places were for Manchus, half studying Manchu texts and half Chinese. Mongol and Han Banners had twenty each; selection was banner-wide and not confined to individual companies. Younger students studied Manchu script; older ones Chinese literature. Thirty Manchu, ten Mongol, and ten Han Banner educational stipend soldier quotas were assigned, and their grain pay distributed to students. Five Chinese instructors were fixed per Banner. Early in the Qianlong reign, the standard course for official school students was set at ten years; in the first three years they studied the classics under examination by the Directorate minister, and those of keen talent and scholarly ambition were placed in the Chinese class; older students who had originally pursued translation were placed in the Manchu class. In the third year, an imperially appointed minister examined those proficient in Chinese and advanced them as directorate students to the Imperial University. Together with Han tribute and directorate students they pursued the classics and practical governance; at term's end the outstanding were recommended for examination and appointment. In 1743, the three-year term for Chinese instructors was fixed; upon completion they were presented to the throne by grade. First-class graduates were appointed magistrates; second-class, magistrates or educational posts by selection. First-class instructors who served another three years and truly taught with dedication could be appointed magistrate outright. Mongol instructors who completed five years and taught diligently were appointed guard or vanguard sergeants. Two Manchu assistant instructors per Banner were chosen from Eight Banners civil jinshi and licentiates, translation jinshi and licentiates, grace, selected, supplementary, and annual tribute students, civil and translation licentiates, dismissed officials, and clerks. In 1768, for bondservants of the five lower Banners, ten additional students per Banner were authorized. Six Manchu, two Mongol, and two Han Banner places—without grain stipends. In 1789, ten places were cut from each Banner's quota of one hundred; twenty students with thorough command of the classics and superior literary skill received additional stipends as encouragement. After the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns, official schools gradually decayed, and Banner youths depended on them alone for advancement. Instructors received routine appointment when their terms ended; monthly examinations became hollow formalities. Though repeated imperial edicts urged reform, revitalization proved impossible. In the early Guangxu period, serious efforts were made to reorganize the schools. Each school was assigned one Manchu or Han jinshi official as superintendent to oversee students' coursework and instructors' diligence. Two senior officials of jinshi rank, one Manchu and one Han, were appointed commissioners for the Eight Banners official schools. Each school added one Hanlin compiler or reviewer. Monthly and seasonal examinations were assigned to different officers for supervision. In spring and autumn they still reported to the Directorate for joint examinations as before.
24
During the Tongzhi and Guangxu reigns, the Imperial College and official schools still produced a considerable number of examination graduates. Yet instruction remained confined to the eight-legged essay, and the old institutions scarcely changed. In 1905 the Directorate minister memorialized adding modern sciences at the Southern Academy; soon the Imperial Directorate was abolished and the Ministry of Education established. Sacrificial rites at the Confucian temple were placed under one assistant director of the former Directorate. Eight Banners official schools were merged into modern schools; the mathematics course was renamed the Astronomical and Mathematical Study and placed under the Astronomical Directorate. Thus the Imperial University and the examination system were abolished together.
25
滿 滿 滿 滿 殿 滿
Imperial clan schools originated in the court of Yu, when Kui was ordered to preside over music and instruct the heir's sons. The Three Dynasties had no term "imperial clan school," yet the institution was fully in place. After Tang and Song the name existed, but the regulations were not set out in detail. In Shunzhi 10 of the Qing, each Banner established an imperial clan school and chose Manchu licentiates as teachers. All sons of unenfeoffed clansmen aged ten or above entered to study Manchu script. In Yongzheng 2 regulations were fixed: the left and right wings each had Manchu and Chinese schools; princes, dukes, generals, and idle clansmen under eighteen entered to study Manchu or Chinese and archery. One prince or duke supervised the whole. Chief and deputy superintendents were filled by clansmen of senior rank and age. Two Manchu-script instructors were chosen from idle Banner members and from jinshi, licentiates, tribute students, and licentiates skilled in translation. Two archery instructors were chosen from idle Banner members and guard sergeants skilled in archery. For every ten students one Chinese instructor was appointed, examined and assigned by the Ministry of Rites from licentiates or tribute students. Upon completing a three-year term, instructors were ranked by grade and appointed. In year 11, each school had two Hanlin officials to direct the curriculum, lecturing on the classics and grammar on alternate days. Early in Qianlong, one Manchu and one Han capital official each supervised instruction; monthly examinations covered classics, translation, and archery. In year 9, every five years a minister was dispatched to examine students of both wings jointly; ranks were fixed by imperial order and they were registered as having passed the metropolitan examination. In metropolitan examination years, students of translation, together with Eight Banners translation tribute students, were presented, granted jinshi, and appointed extra secretaries in prefectural administrations. Students of Chinese took the palace examination with all tribute scholars, were granted jinshi ranks, and appointed to Hanlin and ministry posts. In year 10, examinations in Chinese and translation produced no fine compositions. An edict stated: "Our dynasty esteems fundamental duties; imperial clansmen should all study Manchu and master archery. We truly fear that studying Chinese will lead them into the frivolous habits of the Han. Emperor Shizu ordered the cessation of Chinese study in order to strengthen substance and reject ornament. Hereafter, clansmen unable to study Chinese should each be skilled in martial arts and prepared as useful servants of the state." The next year quotas were fixed: seventy for the left wing, sixty for the right. In year 21, nine Chinese instructors were cut and replaced with translation instructors. Archery instructors were increased to one per wing. Early in Jiaqing, the quotas of both wings were unified and ten places added to the right wing. Each school was fixed at three Manchu instructors and four Chinese. In year 13, each wing added thirty places, bringing the total to one hundred—a permanent quota.
26
滿 滿
Aisin Gioro schools: in Yongzheng 7, the Eight Banners were ordered to establish Manchu and Chinese schools beside their yamen; Aisin Gioro sons aged eight to eighteen entered to read and practice archery, on regulations roughly like imperial clan schools. A prince or duke served as superintendent; examinations were held in spring and autumn. Every three years an imperially appointed minister examined jointly with the Imperial Clan Court, with rewards and punishments by rank. Upon completing their studies, they took the same annual, triennial, provincial, and metropolitan examinations as other Banner people and were examined for secretary and clerk posts. Enrollment quotas were: Bordered Yellow 61, Plain Yellow 36, Plain White and Plain Red 40 each, Bordered White 15, Bordered Red 64, Plain Blue 39, Bordered Blue 45. Manchu and Han instructors, two each per Banner. Only the Bordered White Banner had one each.
27
滿 滿 滿 使
Jingshan official school: in Kangxi 24, official quarters north of the Meridian Gate were set up as a school, and 360 young boys were chosen from company commanders and stewards of the inner three banners. For Manchu script, three rooms were set up, each with three instructors. For Chinese books, three rooms were set up, each with four instructors. At first Manchu instructors were seasoned inner-palace officials; Chinese instructors were licentiates of superior literary skill examined by the Ministry of Rites. Soon the selection changed to Grand Secretariat secretaries skilled in calligraphy and archery for Manchu instructors, and seasoned new jinshi for Chinese instructors. After Yongzheng, Chinese instructors were chosen from licentiates and tribute students; upon completing three years, the Ministry of Personnel was consulted for appointment. After three years of study, first-class students were appointed clerks; second-class, warehouse attendants or keepers. In Qianlong 44, four students from Muslim company commanders were permitted to enroll. During Jiaqing, quotas were fixed at Bordered Yellow and Plain White 124 each, Plain Yellow 140, and four Muslim youths.
28
滿 使 滿
Xian'an Palace official school: in Yongzheng 6, ninety young boys from the inner three banners and outstanding Banner youths were chosen, and Hanlin officials residing at Xian'an Palace were appointed to teach them. Twelve Chinese rooms and three Manchu rooms each had one instructor; archery and Manchu language had three each, on the same selection rules as Jingshan official school. Every five years an imperial minister examined them; first- and second-class graduates were appointed seventh- and eighth-rank clerks. Chinese instructors served three years, Manchu-language and archery instructors five years—merits were deliberated separately for appointment. Early in Qianlong, Chinese instructors were chosen from new jinshi; if insufficient, presented licentiates from the Mingtong list were examined and appointed. Upon completion, jinshi were appointed secretaries or magistrates; licentiates, magistrates or educational posts. After year 23, regardless of years enrolled, students might be examined for translation secretary, clerk, or warehouse attendant. Quotas were fixed at nine Chinese instructors and six Manchu.
29
滿
Imperial clan and Aisin Gioro schools were under the Imperial Clan Court; Jingshan and Xian'an Palace schools under the Imperial Household Department. Superintendents and instructors alike generally lacked able talent, and funds were wasted to no purpose. In the worst cases schoolhouses stood empty; at term's end they merely reported by precedent that a certain number of students had completed their studies. In 1902, Hanlin reader-in-waiting Bao Xi memorialized that, following the precedent of merging the Tongwen Guan into the university, imperial clan, Aisin Gioro, and Eight Banners official schools should be merged into primary and secondary schools, all under the commissioner of education. The court approved.
30
滿
Other institutions included hereditary-office official schools, Eight Banners and Ministry of Rites charity schools, and schools of the Vanguard Camp, Outer Firearms Camp, Yuanmingyuan, and Guard Corps—all Qing foundations for Manchu and Mongol language and script.
31
Confucian schools at the prefectural, departmental, county, and guard levels followed the fully developed Ming system. When the Shunzhi Emperor pacified the realm, he ordered relief for impoverished students, privileges for enrolled licentiates, and official grain stipends. In 1650, the Nanjing Imperial Directorate was converted into the Jiangning prefectural school. Soon the reclining-stele inscription was issued, carved in stone, and set up at provincial Confucian schools. An edict to the Ministry of Rites read: "When emperors govern, cultural instruction comes first. When ministers serve their sovereign, classical learning is the foundation. Since the turmoil of late Ming, warfare consumed each day, and scholarly instruction was neglected. Now that the realm is gradually settled, I shall promote literary instruction, honor the classics, and open the age of great peace. Your ministry shall instruct provincial education commissioners to train scholars in Neo-Confucian principle, moral conduct, statecraft, and historical precedent until they are thoroughly mastered. Those who grasp principle become true scholars; those who apply it become capable officials. Those who show genuine learning I shall promote without regard to seniority and employ with distinction." At first each province had an education circuit, staffed by ministry directors who were jinshi graduates. Only Shuntian, Jiangnan, and Zhejiang had superintending education commissioners drawn from the Hanlin. Circuits for Xuanda, Sujiang, Jiangan, Huaiyang, and Zhaoqing were first set up separately and later merged. The Upper and Lower Yangzi and Hunan-Hubei circuits were re-divided after an earlier merger. In the Yongzheng period all were uniformly renamed education commissioners, with one per province. Fengtian was assigned to the prefectural vice commissioner; Taiwan to the Taiwan circuit intendant. Gansu received an education commissioner only after its own examination hall was established.
32
滿滿 滿 滿 滿
Each school had instructors: prefectures a professor, departments a director of studies, counties an instructor—each assisted by an assistant instructor. Staff quotas were periodically reduced or merged. Licentiates were classified as grain-stipend, additional, and supplementary students. New entrants were called supplementary licentiates. Grain-stipend and additional quotas were fixed and filled by top ranks in the annual and triennial school examinations. Licentiate quotas at first varied with local scholarly culture, divided among large, medium, and small schools. Large schools had forty places, medium thirty, and small twenty. Later prefectures were treated as large schools; large departments and counties as medium schools at half quota; small schools four or five places. In 1670 large prefectures, departments, and counties kept their old quotas; medium schools were fixed at twelve places and small at seven or eight. Quotas were later increased repeatedly. Manchu, Mongol, and Han Banner youths at first entered through Shuntian examinations: 120 each for Manchu and Han Banner, 60 for Mongol. Under Kangxi this was reduced to 40 for Manchu and Mongol and 20 for Han Banner. It was soon raised again to 60 for Manchu and Mongol and 30 for Han Banner. Education commissioners served three-year terms. They held annual and triennial examinations. Triennial provincial licentiate examinations were suspended in 1658 and restored in 1673.
33
西 滿
School entrance examinations at first required one Four Books essay and one discourse on the Classic of Filial Piety; when Filial Piety topics ran short, questions were also drawn from Neo-Confucian texts such as the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate, Tongshu, Western Inscription, and Correcting Ignorance. Later the main test was fixed at two Four Books essays and the re-examination at one Four Books essay and one Elementary Learning discourse. Early in Yongzheng, triennial examinations added a classics essay. In winter, when daylight was short, one essay and one classic. Soon triennial tests beyond Four Books and classics added policy essays, still drawing on the Classic of Filial Piety. Early in Qianlong, re-examinations also included Elementary Learning discourses. In the mid-reign, one literary essay and one classic essay. Five-character regulated verse in six lines was added. The early emperors successively issued the Sacred Edicts for Wide Instruction and admonitions to scholars for provincial schools. In the Yongzheng period Academician Zhang Zhao required schoolboys at county and prefectural re-examinations to recite one passage from the Sacred Edicts, which became permanent rule. All newly admitted licentiates, like directorate students in residence, were required to study at school until the next intake filled the quota.
34
Instructors examined students through monthly lessons and seasonal tests; beyond Four Books essays, policy discourses were also required. The following day several key articles on penal law and fiscal administration in the Great Qing Code were lectured. Monthly, students assembled at the Hall of Bright Ethics to hear admonitions to scholars and the reclining-stele regulations read aloud. Except for mourning, illness, study travel, or other approved cause, three missed monthly lessons brought admonition; a full year of unjustified absence brought dismissal. Examination papers were forwarded to the education commissioner for review. By the Jiaqing period monthly lessons had largely ceased. Censor Xin Congyi raised the issue, and an edict ordered rectification. Thereafter most instructors were mediocre and unfit; the names of teacher and student remained, but instruction was hollow.
35
滿
Education commissioners evaluated instructors on literary conduct and diligence in training students, recommending or dismissing them as warranted. In the Kangxi period governors-general and governors were ordered to examine them. Later, after the Ministry selected educational appointees, they were examined at the governor's yamen before taking office. Those of fourth rank and above received credentials and took office; fifth rank studied three years and were re-examined; sixth rank were removed from office. Early in Yongzheng, both fourth- and fifth-rank failures were released to study further. After six years, instructors who had diligently taught without student misconduct were recommended by governor, governor-general, and education commissioner for promotion to magistrate.
36
西
On tour, the education commissioner worshipped Confucius, ascended the Hall of Bright Ethics, and received successive bows from official students. Licentiates drew lots to lecture on the classics and each explained three articles of the Great Qing Code, standing on the west. When finished, they stood on the east to await rewards and punishments.
37
Licentiate examinations: under the old rule both annual and triennial tests required two Four Books essays and one classic. After candles were forbidden in the examination hall, classics topics were by rule omitted. In 1723 triennial tests added a classic essay; in winter, one essay and one classic. In 1728 the annual test was set at two essays and one classic; winter at one essay and one classic. The triennial test required one essay, one classic, and one policy; in winter the classic was dropped. In 1758 the annual test was one essay and one classic; the triennial, one essay, one policy, and one poem—with the same winter format. Absentees were given a deadline to make up the examination. After three absences, dismissal. Later the rule was relaxed: dismissal came only after five or more absences.
38
使 滿
Garrison examinations: under early Qing rules, literate sons of provincial garrison officers and soldiers traveled to the capital to test. In the Qianlong period Deputy Commander Jin Hang asked that annual and triennial candidates first be tested in archery by the garrison general and then sent to nearby prefectural or provincial schools. A stern imperial edict sharply rebuked the proposal. In 1799 Hunan provincial treasurer Tong En memorialized along the same lines, and an edict approved it. One candidate was admitted for every five or six tested; company commanders supervised them. They trained in Manchu and archery at the garrison; the prefectural school taught literary arts. The next year an edict declared: "The Manchu foundation of our dynasty puts archery first. If Banner sons treat reading and examinations as their sole skill, slight archery, and neglect military training, they betray the very purpose of the garrisons. Hereafter sons of garrison officers and soldiers in the provinces must not, because examinations were made convenient, abandon their proper occupation." The edict closed.
39
滿 滿
Grain-stipend and additional places for Han Banner licentiates began in 1652. In 1671 Manchu and Mongol licentiates also received grain-stipend and additional places. At first each had twenty places; later Han Banner was reduced by ten. In the Yongzheng period quotas were fixed at 60 for Manchu and Mongol and 30 for Han Banner. Provincial grain-stipend and additional quotas were: prefectures 40, departments 30, counties 20, guards 10. For newly established schools, prefectural quotas followed departmental, and departmental followed county. Where one school was divided into two, quotas were split equally or apportioned between them.
40
The six-rank promotion and demotion system was more detailed than under the Ming. First rank: additional, supplementary, green-gown, and community students all advanced to grain-stipend status. Without a grain-stipend vacancy, supplementary, green-gown, and community students advanced to additional status. Without an additional vacancy, green-gown and community students reverted to supplementary status and awaited grain-stipend. Those whose grain-stipend or additional standing had been suspended or reduced were restored. Second rank: additional students advanced to grain-stipend; supplementary, green-gown, and community students to additional. Without an additional vacancy, green-gown and community students reverted to supplementary. Those suspended from grain-stipend and reduced to additional were restored to grain-stipend. Those reduced from additional to supplementary were restored to additional but could not advance to grain-stipend. Third rank: those suspended from grain-stipend were restored and placed on the waiting list for grain-stipend. Restoration after mourning, after recovery from illness and re-examination, or after review of special cases was permitted; green-gown students sent to community schools reverted to supplementary status; those reduced from grain-stipend to additional could not be restored. Fourth rank: grain-stipend students were spared punishment but lost stipends without vacating their places; they had six months to study before re-examination. Those under suspension or reduction were not permitted the limited re-examination. Additional, supplementary, green-gown, and community students all received corporal punishment and reproof. Fifth rank: grain-stipend suspension created a vacancy. Those suspended from grain-stipend were reduced to additional; additional to supplementary; supplementary to green-gown; green-gown to community school; those already in community schools were dismissed as commoners. Sixth rank: grain-stipend students of ten years or more were sent to community schools; those of six years or more, together with additional students of ten years or more, were made local clerks; the rest were dismissed as commoners. Students enrolled less than six years were sent to community schools. Triennial first- and second-rank students went to the provincial examination; grain-stipend and additional places were filled as in the annual test, which usually listed only third rank. Eight Banners licentiates received grain pay; fourth rank or below lost it, restored if they ranked first through third the next session. Superior ranks advanced to grain-stipend or additional; inferior ranks were reduced to green-gown or community status, as with Han licentiates. The Eight Banners valued archery highly and often did not strictly demand literary accomplishment, placing weaker students in lower ranks.
41
Licentiates enjoyed preferential treatment and were by precedent exempt from corvée and levies. Impoverished grain-stipend students received school rents for their support. Minor violations were punished by prefectural, departmental, or county instructors; major ones were reported to the education commissioner for dismissal and subsequent punishment—local officials could not punish licentiates on their own authority. Beyond grading examinations, the education commissioner rewarded excellence and punished failure as encouragement and deterrent. If instructors shielded poor students or the education commissioner failed to punish reported cases, penalties ranged from salary fines and demotion to dismissal. Such were the general outlines of the system.
42
滿使
In late Guangxu the examination system was abolished; in 1906 both annual and triennial school examinations ceased. With examinations ended, licentiates nationwide lacked occupation; the court proposed broader employment and examinations for transcription posts in ministries and courts. In years of superior examination, officials and instructors were to recommend candidates of fluent style and clear reasoning—100 for large provinces, 70 medium, 50 small—for registration as patrol inspectors or clerks, or probationary appointment. Provincial education commissioners were reorganized into bureaus supervising modern schools. Soon education commissioners were abolished and selection of instructors ceased. Those remaining in office handled licentiate qualification examinations, filial integrity nominations, and related matters; at term they might become magistrates, subprefects, or salt treasury superintendents. Confucian schools were not formally abolished, but they had long been hollow in substance.
43
滿
Military students were attached to Confucian schools and were commonly called military licentiates. Early in Shunzhi, child examinations for capital guard military students were under the Ministry of War. In 1664 they were placed under the education bureau; provincial military students were jointly supervised by Confucian school instructors. Beyond archery, they studied the Seven Military Classics, Hundred Generals' Biographies, the Classic of Filial Piety, and the Four Books. The education commissioner examined them every three years. Shuntian once had a military school; after Eight Banners Confucian instructors took charge of Manchu, Mongol, and Han Banner military students, the military school office was abolished. Military students of Daxing and Wanping were under Shuntian instructors, with quotas like civil schoolboys divided among large, medium, and small schools. Quotas were progressively reduced from twenty to seven or eight. Examinations had outer and inner sessions: archery first, then policy essays indoors. First- and second-rank annual examination results qualified students as military licentiates. Military students thus had annual but not triennial examinations.
44
Provincial academies supplemented what official schools could not provide; they were first established in provincial capitals. The Shunzhi Emperor distributed treasury funds to encourage academies throughout the realm. Prefectures, departments, and counties then followed, engaging scholars of classical learning and moral conduct as directors; many outstanding men emerged from them. The Qianlong Emperor issued clear edicts of encouragement, comparing academies to the schools of ancient feudal states. As Confucian schools declined and instructors neglected their duties, talent cultivation depended almost solely on academies. Their contribution to nurturing talent was considerable.
45
There were also charity schools and community schools. Community schools were set up one per rural district; men of superior conduct served as teachers, exempt from corvée and given grain stipends as appropriate. All local boys aged twelve or above were required to attend. Charity schools began with one in each of the capital's five wards; later many provinces established them to teach impoverished boys or gifted sons of Miao, Man, Li, and Yao peoples. Their regulations were simple and need not be described here.
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