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卷108 志八十三 选举三 文科武科

Volume 108 Treatises 83: Selection and Examinations 3, Wen Kewuke

Chapter 108 of 清史稿 · Draft History of Qing
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1
Treatise 83
2
殿 殿
Under the Qing, recruitment through the examination system followed the Ming practice of requiring eight-legged examination essays. Examination topics were set from the Four Books and the Five Classics—the Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Odes, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Book of Rites—in compositions known as regulated essays. Every three years the great triennial examinations were held: candidates were tested in the provinces in what was called the provincial examination, and those who passed became juren. The next year the juren were examined in the capital in the metropolitan examination; those who passed became tribute scholars. The emperor personally examined them in court in the palace examination, and successful candidates were ranked in the first, second, and third classes. The first class comprised three men—the zhuangyuan, bangyan, and tanhua—who were granted the title of jinshi with highest honors. A number of candidates in the second class were granted the status of jinshi. A number of candidates in the third class were granted the status of associate jinshi. The top candidate in the provincial examination was called jieyuan; the top candidate in the metropolitan examination was called huiyuan; and the first-ranked candidate in the second class was called chuanlu. All of these titles continued to follow the Ming nomenclature. After the Shunzhi Emperor unified the empire, in Shunzhi year 1 it was decreed that provincial examinations would be held in years of the Rat, Horse, Rabbit, and Rooster, and metropolitan examinations in years of the Dragon, Dog, Ox, and Sheep. The provincial examination was held in the eighth month and the metropolitan examination in the second month. Both examinations held the first session on the ninth day, the second on the twelfth, and the third on the fifteenth. The palace examination was held in the third month.
3
殿
In Shunzhi year 2, regulations governing the examination grounds were issued. The Ministry of Rites deliberated and responded. Supervising Secretary Gong Dingzi memorialized: "Under the former Ming system, the first session required seven current-style essays; the second session one discourse and one memorial, plus five legal judgments; and the third session five policy questions. As various officials had requested, two current-style essays should be cut, poetry should be added beyond the discourse, memorial, and judgments, and the policy questions should be dropped in favor of memorials to the throne." The emperor did not approve. He ordered that the former regulations remain in force. The first session set three topics from the Four Books and four from each of the Five Classics; each candidate was assigned one classic. The Four Books were examined according to Zhu Xi's collected commentaries; the Book of Changes according to the Cheng commentaries and Zhu Xi's original meaning; the Book of Documents according to Cai Shen's commentary; the Book of Odes according to Zhu Xi's collected commentary; the Spring and Autumn Annals according to Hu Anguo's commentary; and the Book of Rites according to Chen Hao's collected explanations. Later the Spring and Autumn Annals no longer used Hu Anguo's commentary; candidates wrote on narratives drawn from the Zuo Commentary, with supplementary use of the Gongyang and Guliang commentaries. The second session required one discourse, five legal judgments, and one topic drawn from edicts, mandates, or memorials to the throne; the third session required five policy questions on the classics, history, and current affairs. The provincial and metropolitan examinations followed the same format. During the Qianlong reign the metropolitan examination was moved to the third month and the palace examination to the fourth, and this arrangement became permanent.
4
調 調 調使使 調 殿
Before the provincial examination, the education intendant tested students who had mastered all three sessions and forwarded their records, while impersonation and fraudulent entry were prohibited. Tribute students and imperial academy students enrolled in the academy were examined and nominated by their own academy officials. Candidates from families of actors, bondsmen, and runners, as well as those in mourning for their parents, were barred from the examination. The front of each examination booklet recorded the candidate's name, native place, age and appearance, background, three generations of ancestry, and the classic he had studied. Examination papers were rejected for violations of form if characters were misplaced, regular and cursive script was incomplete, margins were overrun or left blank, erasures or smudges were excessive, the seven compositions in the first session shared identical opening and closing function words, a memorial in the second session omitted the reign title, policy topics in the third session were miscopied, or taboo names of imperial ancestors, the emperor, or Confucius were not avoided. The candidates' original papers written in black ink were called mojuan. The fair copies written in vermilion ink were called zhujuan. The chief examiner marked papers with a black brush and associate examiners with a blue brush. During the Qianlong reign associate examiners were briefly required to use a purple brush instead. Before long the blue brush was restored. The examination compound was called the tribute academy; each candidate's booth was called a cell; and the soldiers assigned to guard the cells were called cell guards. When examiners entered the compound the gates were sealed and locked, and inner and outer sections were separated by curtains. Officials outside the curtain, such as superintendents and supervisors, were called outer-curtain officials; inside, the chief and associate examiners were called inner-curtain officials. There were also inner supervisors responsible for discipline who did not take part in grading papers. A senior official oversaw the entire examination; for the provincial examination he was called the supervising commissioner. In Shuntian the post was held by the prefect; in the provinces it was first held by the touring censor, and after the touring censorate was abolished by the provincial governor. For the metropolitan examination the post was called director of the tribute presentation and was held by a vice minister of rites. In Shuntian the superintendent was the assistant prefect and the supervisors were censors. Initially in the provinces the superintendent was the provincial treasurer, the supervisor the provincial judge, and each was assisted by circuit intendants. During the Yongzheng reign, because the provincial administration and surveillance commissions oversaw a province's fiscal and judicial affairs, and examiners remained inside the compound for more than a month, the posts of superintendent and supervisor were assigned exclusively to two circuit intendants to avoid administrative neglect. Supervisors for the metropolitan examination were censors. At the palace examination the emperor issued questions from the throne; court officials who were jinshi served as reading officials, drafted the ranking for presentation, and the emperor either confirmed it or altered it. The zhuangyuan of the first class was appointed compiler; the bangyan and tanhua were appointed revising compilers; and jinshi of the second and third classes were appointed, according to rank, as Hanlin bachelors, secretaries, drafting clerks, couriers, reviewers, erudites, investigating censors, prefects, magistrates, and other posts.
5
沿
The Qing regarded the civil service examinations as the supreme means of selecting talent. Although the initial regulations largely followed Ming precedents, the dynasty treated examination honors with gravity, guarded rigorously against abuses, legislated comprehensively, and secured talent in abundance—far surpassing previous dynasties. Changes in regulations and shifts in custom during this period were closely tied to the rise and fall of talent and to the successes and failures of court governance. A record of the major developments cannot be omitted.
6
使 使 西
The first session of the provincial and metropolitan examinations tested eight-legged essays. In Kangxi year 2 regulated compositions were abolished: the five policy questions from the third session were moved to the first, the second session gained one discourse, and memorials and judgments remained unchanged. The conduct and character examinations were discontinued. In Kangxi year 4, Vice Minister of Rites Huang Ji said: "The examination system has always comprised three sessions. The classics were tested first so that candidates might expound the subtle teachings of the sages and thereby reveal their inner disposition. Policy discourses followed so that candidates might demonstrate mastery of historical change past and present, thereby revealing their talent and judgment. Now only policy discourses are used and one session has been eliminated—this seems far too simplified. Moreover, if the classics are no longer tested in written compositions, candidates will cease to study the learning of the sages. I request that the former three-session system be restored." The request was approved. In Kangxi year 7 the original system was restored and eight-legged essays were reinstated. In Kangxi year 24, following the request of Supervising Secretary Yang Ershu, the Four Books topics for both the metropolitan examination and the Shuntian examination were issued by imperial command. At that time candidates customarily skipped the edict and mandate topics; discourses, memorials, judgments, and policy questions were largely identical and plagiarized. Although the examination was nominally a three-session test, in practice the first session carried the greatest weight. Within the first session, compositions on the Four Books carried the greatest weight. In Kangxi year 26 the edict and mandate topics were abolished; shortly afterward candidates were required to write on all five classics. Discourse topics had formerly been drawn from the Classic of Filial Piety. In Kangxi year 29 topics were also drawn from Neo-Confucian moral philosophy, the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate Explained, Penetrating the Classic of Changes, Western Inscription, and Correcting Ignorance. In Kangxi year 57 discourse topics were drawn exclusively from Neo-Confucian moral philosophy. At the beginning of the Yongzheng reign, an edict declared that the Classic of Filial Piety and the Five Classics were equally important as the foundation for transforming the people and establishing custom. Although Song Neo-Confucian writings could supplement the classics and commentaries, they were not as comprehensive as the words of the sages; discourse topics therefore continued to be drawn from the Classic of Filial Piety.
7
使 沿
In Qianlong year 3, Vice Minister of War Shuhede said: "The examination system selects candidates by their writings and appoints officials according to formulae—this is already a flawed method. Moreover, accumulated abuses grow deeper by the day and opportunists more numerous. The ancients inquired into affairs and examined words; what candidates wrote was precisely the official duties they would be expected to perform in office. Current-style essays are merely empty words unsuited to practical use. Examination essay studios circulate them, copied and plagiarized endlessly in superficial phrases and specious arguments, sprawling and fragmented. Candidates study only until they can win a degree. Each specializes in one classic and prepares model topics—more than a hundred for some classics, several dozen for others. The ancients spent a lifetime studying a classic and still found it insufficient; today candidates master one in a few months and consider themselves fully prepared. Memorials and judgments can be prepared in advance; policy answers merely follow the topic perfunctorily without original insight. The system truly fails to identify worthy men. The examination regulations should be revised and reorganized, and another method devised for selecting men of genuine talent and real learning." The memorial was referred to the Ministry of Rites, which replied: "Methods for selecting officials differed by era. Before the Three Dynasties men were drawn from the schools; under Han from county and commandery clerks; under Wei and Jin from the nine-rank system; and from Sui and Tang to the present from the civil service examinations. Although examination methods differed, from the Ming to the present all have relied on current-style examination essays. The flaw in examinations under the poetry and fu format was that it prized empty elegance without practical use. The classics examination relied only on memorization without comprehension of meaning. This was what Tang Zhao Kuang called "what is studied is not what is used; what is used is not what is studied." The flaw in current-style examination essays is precisely what the vice minister has now described. Even sages cannot devise legislation without flaws; the task is to remedy them as circumstances require. Su Shi said: "The way to obtain worthy men lies in knowing men." The way to know men lies in holding them to real achievement. If officials hold candidates to real achievement, even under the present method, by rousing and encouraging them talent can naturally flourish. If one pursues reputation alone, even lofty talk of returning to antiquity will, once new laws are made, merely produce new abuses and ultimately do nothing to cultivate worthy scholars. To claim that current-style essays, classic expositions, memorials, judgments, and policy discourses are all empty plagiarized words without use is precisely the fault of failing to hold candidates to real achievement. Whatever is spoken aloud or written on paper is, in a sense, empty words—why should only today's examination essays be singled out? Current-style examination essays address the teachings of Confucius and Mencius and their subtle and profound essentials. Candidates may draw on the classics, histories, masters, and collections to bring out their brilliance; and model themselves on established rules and standards to satisfy formal requirements. Although called a minor skill, men of civil and military ability and outstanding talent have never failed to emerge from it. To fail to strive to correct the abuses of a degenerate age and instead blame the inadequacy of the method itself—is this not going too far? Even for classic expositions, memorials, judgments, discourses, and policy questions, if one truly demands real achievement, is satisfaction easily attained? Although the classics were ranked equally with the Four Books, long-standing custom led candidates not to study them devotedly. If this were made a binding regulation, only skilled work would be accepted. Memorials, judgments, discourses, and policy questions should all receive additional review. Only candidates with thorough mastery of literary composition and understanding of statutes and ordinances could write memorials and judgments. Only candidates with discernment to discourse on antiquity, talent for decisive judgment, comprehension of past and present, and clear knowledge of current affairs could write discourses and policy questions. Which of these reforms would not demand visible, practical measures? One would have to abandon current law for the ancient system—building academies, supporting itinerant scholars, appointing officials and teachers within every hundred li, and holding lawsuits and military councils there. One would also have to weed out the undisciplined, exile them to remote regions, and exclude them from respectable society for life. Would this not be hopelessly disruptive and unworkable? Moreover, the hearts of men are no longer those of antiquity—the court demands substance, but candidates answer with reputation alone. Promote filial piety, and men cut flesh from their thighs or live beside graves to win renown; promote integrity, and men affect coarse dress, plain fare, and shabby carriages to parade their virtue. They vie with one another in pretense, trading on hollow reputations to win office. Once in office, they abandon every pretense and prove worse than the most ordinary official. Such cases are especially rife among recent recommendations for Filial and Incorrupt and Upright and Direct candidates—one can point them out by the dozen—so what good would reform do? If examiners truly carried out the imperial will—holding titles to their meaning, rooting out entrenched abuses, and closing every loophole—literary standards would rise and genuine talent would appear without any need to overhaul the system." The proposal was accordingly dropped. Grand Secretary Ortai then dominated the government, forcefully upheld the rebuttal, and the civil examination with its regulated essays was spared abolition. In Qianlong 22, an edict called for shedding old habits and seeking real results: classic exposition moved to the second session, discourses, memorials, and judgments were dropped, and regulated verse in five-character lines with eight rhymes was added. The following year, a discourse on moral principle was restored to the first session. Censor Yang Fangli memorialized asking that the provincial and metropolitan exams include questions drawn from the Rites of Zhou and the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. The emperor replied that the substance of the two Rites was already fully covered in the Record of Rites and declined the proposal. In year 47, regulated verse was placed after the first-session essay, and the discourse on moral principle after the second-session classic exposition. In year 52, the Gaozong Emperor argued that grading by individual classic invited corruption. Moreover, candidates who mastered only one classic and neglected the rest were hardly pursuing the path of genuine scholarship. He ordered that from the following year's wushen provincial exam, the provincial and metropolitan examinations over five sessions would rotate through one classic each year. Once the cycle was complete, discourse topics were dropped from the second session of the provincial and metropolitan exams, and all Five Classics were tested together. The change was permanently codified.
8
宿 滿 沿
Setting examination topics was the weightiest matter at the civil examinations. In Kangxi 52, chief examiners tended to set questions from polished, auspicious phrases in the Four Books and Five Classics, so many candidates passed with essays prepared in advance. An edict declared that examiners need no longer avoid inauspicious wording in questions. Examiners had previously been barred from setting questions on passages they themselves had answered in their own examinations; that prohibition was now lifted. Session after session, examiners were punished for mistakes in their questions. Earlier, in Kangxi 56, on the advice of Palace Attendant Wang Yiqing, candidates were generally forbidden to write out the connecting function words in the seven-part essay—opening, continuation, exposition, and commentary—to prevent coded signals. In Qianlong 47, examiners were required to supply the prescribed connecting words in advance on the question paper for candidates to use. In Jiaqing 4 the rule was abolished as irrelevant to examination fraud. From mid-Ming onward, the large concluding summary at the end of a regulated essay was often used as a coded signal. Late in the Kangxi reign it was formally banned. In Qianlong 12, Compiler Yang Shuzeng petitioned to restore the large summary, but Grand Secretary Zhang Tingyu and others argued it would do no good and would only open new loopholes, and the court rejected the proposal. First-session essays were originally capped at five hundred fifty characters; in Kangxi 20 the limit was raised by one hundred. In year 54, top metropolitan graduate Shang Juyi was disqualified because his lead essay exceeded twelve hundred characters. In Qianlong 43 the provincial and metropolitan exams fixed seven hundred characters as the standard length per essay; overlong papers were rejected. Thereafter the rule remained unchanged. Third-session policy answers were originally limited to three hundred characters. In Qianlong 1 candidates were forbidden to pad their policy answers with empty headings and perfunctory filler. Later examiners sometimes set questions of five or six hundred characters, and shallow candidates simply reworked the question text into an answer. In year 36 Left Censor-in-Chief Zhang Ruogui raised the issue, and an edict reaffirmed the original rule. In year 51 answers under three hundred characters were penalized under the error rule with suspension from future exams. Yet examiners and candidates alike prized the first session and neglected the third—a habit too entrenched to shift. The regulated essay prized lucid language and sound reasoning above all. In Shunzhi 9, top metropolitan candidate Cheng Keze was disqualified for contradicting the intent of the classics. Chief examiner Academician Hu Tongyu and his colleagues were punished as well.
9
使
The Yongzheng Emperor repeatedly exhorted examiners to uphold purity, authenticity, elegance, and correctness. In Qianlong 1 the Gaozong Emperor proclaimed: "The state selects scholars through classical learning to gauge the depth of their scholarship and the strength of their character. The direction of literary fashion bears upon the fortune of the age itself. The first signs in the hearts of men and the habits of scholars may seem slight when they appear, yet their consequences are immense. The standard must be made plain so that candidates know clearly what to emulate and what to avoid." Academician Fang Bao was then ordered to compile forty-one fascicles of current-style essays by leading Ming and Qing authors under the title Imperially Approved Four Books Essays, and issue them as the official models. Over time, candidates writing regulated essays plagiarized flashy phrases without grasping fundamentals; Yang Shuzeng even proposed abolishing the form altogether to cure the disease. In year 45, third-ranked metropolitan graduate Deng Chaojin was faulted for a lead essay crude and muddled in meaning, and Jiangnan provincial top graduate Gu Wen for a Four Books essay written entirely in parallel prose; the examiners were all punished. During the Jiaqing era, candidates mined obscure books for recondite phrases and vied to dazzle with novelty; Censor Xin Congyi criticized the trend. An edict declared: "Lately scholars hunt out bizarre expressions, dressing shallow learning in obscurity—a grave violation of proper literary form. Examiners must each identify and reject spurious styles. Fragmented and outlandish essays must not be passed." Dynasty after dynasty held examiners responsible for correcting literary style, yet never with lasting effect. Commentators held that literary style reflects the fortune of the age. Many of the Qing dynasty's leading statesmen rose through the examinations, and all were masters of the regulated essay. In the dynasty's early years, writers such as Xiong Bolong, Liu Zizhuang, and Zhang Yushu produced essays of grand scope and power, reviving a moribund tradition. After the Kangxi reign the style grew steadily more orthodox, with Li Guangdi and Han Tan as its leading exemplars. Fang Bao of Tongcheng brought the virtues of ancient prose into the examination essay—a style rightly regarded as the supreme model. Between the Yongzheng and Qianlong reigns writers flourished, standards grew ever finer, and the rules became fully codified. By the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns the dynasty's fortunes waned, scholarly standards eroded, and literary style grew ever thinner. In the dynasty's final years, as plagiarism and mediocrity spread, the regulated essay became a byword for everything wrong with the system.
10
In Guangxu 24, Huguang Governor-General Zhang Zhidong memorialized the throne on reforming the civil examinations. In year 27 the provincial and metropolitan first session was changed to five essays on Chinese political history, the second to five questions on foreign politics and practical sciences, and the third to two Four Books essays plus one Five Classics essay; other examinations followed suit. This followed Zhang Zhidong's proposal. The new format remained in force until the civil examinations were abolished.
11
西 祿 滿
Under the original system, provincial and metropolitan chief and deputy examiners for Shuntian and Jiangnan and chief examiners for Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Huguang, and Fujian were drawn from eight Hanlin officials. Other provinces drew examiners from supervising censors, vice directors of the Court of Imperial Entertainments, department officials of the six ministries, court messengers, drafting secretaries, and judicial reviewers. Each post was assigned to a fixed province. In Kangxi 3 this fixed assignment system was abolished. Shuntian initially followed the other provinces, appointing one chief and one deputy examiner. In mid-Qianlong the number rose to three, drawn from assistant grand secretaries and officials ranked from minister down to vice censor-in-chief; compilers and reviewers were no longer eligible. During the Daoguang reign, three or four examiners were appointed. After the Tongzhi reign the quota was fixed at four. Initially examiners were not restricted by background; in early Kangxi, Directors Cai Zou and Cao Shouwang both served as examiners despite being elevated tribute scholars rather than jinshi. In year 10, on Censor He Yuanying's petition, examiners were limited to jinshi degree holders. Juren degree holders were still occasionally appointed. In Yongzheng 3 new examination regulations limited examiners to Hanlin and jinshi officials in the ministries and courts, though recommendations continued to supplement selection. In Qianlong 9, Censor Li Qingfang reported: "Ministers recommend forty-nine chief examiners—four Manchu, sixteen from the provinces, and the rest all from Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Those recommended are mostly personal acquaintances—men of wealth who lean on influence. Upright men who refuse to court the powerful go unrecommended, as do scholars from remote regions whose voices carry no weight and whose circles run no wider than their home districts. I ask that all eligible candidates be tested in a general examination instead." The emperor suspected Qingfang had been passed over for recommendation and spoke in irritation; he denied the petition and kept both examination and recommendation in place. After year 36 the examination system was permanently codified. Initially imperial examination results were published in full; later the rankings were fixed in secret and no longer announced. After the Jiaqing reign, vice ministers, academy readers, and third-rank capital officials were tested separately in what was called the Grand Examination for Assignment. Metropolitan examination directors were initially drawn from four to six senior grand secretariat and ministry officials, sometimes as many as seven. Later the number was reduced to two or three, or four or five. After the Xianfeng reign four directors became the standard appointment.
12
調
Associate examiners: initially the Shuntian examination drew on capital officials, appointing both prefects and district magistrates. Other provinces used subordinates of jinshi officials, neighboring provinces' jinshi prefects and magistrates, or provincial-examination instructors; the number of grading rooms was not fixed. The metropolitan examination initially employed twenty associate examiners—twelve Hanlin officials, four censors from the six sections, one each from the Personnel, Rites, and War ministries, and one rotated among the Revenue, Punishments, and Works ministries each session. Later the quota was fixed at eighteen, with Shuntian following the same arrangement. In Kangxi 54, room examiners from different provinces were paired to grade together for mutual oversight, bringing the total to thirty-six. The arrangement was soon abandoned. During the Kangxi and Yongzheng reigns, associate examiners for the Shuntian provincial examination stopped drawing on capital officials and relied solely on county magistrates from Zhili who held jinshi or juren degrees. Every province likewise stopped appointing its own sitting county magistrates and instead brought in jinshi and juren from neighboring provinces who were on the rolls of their native places. Large provinces received eighteen examiners, medium provinces fourteen, and small provinces between twelve and ten, with the classics distributed evenly among them for reading and grading. Subsequent adjustments varied, and the number for small provinces was eventually cut to eight. Under Qianlong, the metropolitan examination in the Ministry of Rites hall and the Shuntian provincial examination once more drew on capital officials by imperial appointment, and the provinces again used local officials who held jinshi or juren degrees. In his forty-second year on the throne, Qianlong abolished the practice of assigning separate grading sections for the Five Classics. Among Shuntian associate examiners, examiners from the southern and northern provinces recused themselves from the southern and northern registration scroll groups, border-province examiners from the middle group, and at the metropolitan examination sections examiners from the same province avoided one another, and the like.
13
輿 鹿 宿 西西西西 西西西西 西西西 西 西西西西 西 西西西西
Chief examiners held overall responsibility for evaluation, while associate examiners handled branch grading, and every dynasty treated their appointment with the utmost seriousness. In the Kangxi reign, Zheng Jiang, a Hanlin bachelor serving as a Shuntian associate examiner, was appointed compiler after his grading was judged fair and competent. In the first year of Yongzheng, the chief metropolitan examiners Zhu Zhi and Zhang Tingyu conducted a selection widely regarded as fair, and the emperor rewarded them with the titles of Grand Tutor and Grand Preceptor, each with appropriate additional honors. Examiners who judged unfairly or performed their duties carelessly received punishment without mercy. Corruption involving cheating signals and bribery, however, was treated as a far graver offense. In Shunzhi 14 (1657), Shuntian associate examiners Li Zhenye and Zhang Wopu took bribes from the supervising secretary Lu Yiji, the doctor Cai Yuanxi, and the jinshi Xiang Shaofang to pass Tian Sa and Wu Zuolin as juren. The supervising secretary Ren Kebo submitted an impeachment memorial, and an investigation confirmed the charges. An edict ordered seven men executed together in public, their estates confiscated, and their parents, brothers, wives, and children banished to frontier service. Associate examiners Cao Benrong, a lecturer, and Song Zhicheng, an attendant reader, were demoted for failing to detect the fraud. The Jiangnan chief examiners Fang You, a reader, and Qian Kaizong, a compiler, traded in cheating signals; Jiangning bookshops even published a sensational romance said to be worth ten thousand taels of gold mocking the scandal. Censorial officials filed one memorial after another demanding punishment, and the Ministry of Justice conducted a trial that confirmed the charges. Emperor Shizu was furious. Fang You, Qian Kaizong, and seventeen others including the associate examiner Ye Chuhuai were all executed in public, and their wives, children, and estates were confiscated. The shock was immediate and widespread, and examination corruption remained largely suppressed for decades. In Kangxi 50 (1711), the Jiangnan scholars Wu Bi and Cheng Guangkui bribed the associate examiner and compiler Zhao Jin and passed the examination. Both men were widely known to be poor writers, and public outrage erupted. Once the case reached the throne, the emperor ordered Minister Zhang Penghe to conduct a rigorous inquiry jointly with the Jiangnan governor-general and governor. Jiangsu Governor Zhang Boxing accused Governor-General Gali of selling passes and covering up wrongdoing, while Gali countered by impeaching Zhang for other offenses; an edict stripped both men of their posts. Zhang Penghe was told to investigate further with Grain Transport Commissioner He Shou, and their report recommended demoting Gali and dismissing Zhang Boxing. Believing the two officials had papered over the scandal and struck a deal, the emperor sent Ministers Mu Helun and Zhang Tingshu to reinvestigate; their report largely confirmed Zhang Penghe's account. The Board of Punishments ruled that such mutual denunciation was unworthy of senior ministers and recommended that both men be removed from office. In the end the emperor dismissed Gali from office. Zhang Boxing, whose reputation for integrity was well established, was formally stripped of rank but allowed to remain in office. Zhao Jin and the associate examiners Wang Yueyu and Fang Ming were sentenced to death, while the chief examiner Zuo Bifan lost his office for failing to detect the fraud. That year the Fujian associate examiner Wu Zhaozhong was likewise executed for bribery, while the chief examiners Jie Xiao, a compiler, and Liu Yan, a director, were dismissed for failing to detect it. In Xianfeng 8 (1858), the Shuntian juren Ping Ling's marked copy and original script did not match; public outrage erupted, and Censor Meng Chuanjin exposed the scandal. Prince-ministers led by Zaiyuan investigated and found that the chief examiner and grand secretary Bai'en, acceding to a request from his servant Jin Xiang, had passed Luo Hongyi's paper in the section graded by the associate examiner and compiler Pu An. Under precedents governing illicit contact, entrusted favoritism, and bribery involving cheating signals, Bai'en and Pu An were executed, while several dozen others were sentenced to military exile, banishment, demotion, or dismissal. The associate examiner Cheng Tinggui's son Bingcai, a director, was executed for handling cheating signals, and Cheng Tinggui himself was banished. Zaiyuan, Dihua, and the investigating ministers, above all Su Shun, had long despised the civil examination system and already nursed a grievance against Bai'en. They therefore engineered a major prosecution and sought the harshest punishment for Bai'en. Contemporary commentators argued that because Jin Xiang was already dead, the case rested on unreliable testimony. Even so, from the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns onward, sons of the elite treated prestigious examination success as something they were entitled to inherit. When this prosecution broke, the entrenched customs of the Beijing provincial examination were transformed overnight. In Guangxu 19, the compiler Ding Weiti served as chief examiner for Shaanxi, and his examination-year friend Rao Shiteng had already worked through intermediaries to secure favors on his behalf. When the scheme was discovered, both men were arrested for interrogation. Shiteng took his own life, and both men were soon stripped of their offices. Some were punished even without proven involvement in cheating signals or bribery. In Kangxi 38 (1699), Censor Lu You charged the Shuntian examination with unfair grading; the chief examiner Li Pan, a compiler, was banished, and the associate chief examiner Jiang Chenying, also a compiler, was implicated, imprisoned before he could answer the charges, and died in jail. Jiang Chenying was a celebrated Zhejiang man of letters, admired for his ancient-style prose; the entire court knew he was innocent, and all mourned his fate. In 1705, the Shuntian chief examiners Wang Song, a vice minister, and Yao Shilao, a tutor, graded papers carelessly, leaving many failed scripts entirely unmarked. Failed candidates fashioned straw effigies and came to their gates to thrash them in protest. Once the incident was reported, both men were dismissed from office. In 1721, the associate chief metropolitan examiner Li Fu, a vice censor-in-chief, applied the Tang practice of open recommendation and selected several celebrated scholars. Failed candidates clamored at his gate; he was impeached, dismissed, and sent to perform labor service on the Yongding River. Even so, that session drew in nearly every distinguished scholar of the day, and contemporary opinion largely approved of the result. Other bribery involving cheating signals went undetected, and penalties for lesser lapses followed no single standard; precedents varied widely. Provincial examination quotas were generous at the start of Shunzhi: Shuntian and Jiangnan each passed more than 160 candidates; Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Huguang, and Fujian each passed over 100; Henan, Shandong, Guangdong, Sichuan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Guangxi, and Yunnan stepped down from the 90s; and Guizhou, with 40, had the smallest quota. Quotas were distributed and filled separately for each classic. At the Shuntian examination, Zhili students in the bei registration group took about seventy percent of the quota, North imperial students in the min group about thirty percent, while Xuanhua (dan mark) and Fengtian (jia mark) received only two or three passes apiece. At the Jiangnan examination, South imperial students in the min group took about twenty percent of the quota, with the rest reserved for the combined Jiangsu-Anhui provincial student quota. After the South imperial academy was abolished, its quota was folded into that of the North imperial academy. In Shunzhi 14, imperial students were split into southern and northern registration scroll groups: Zhili's eight prefectures together with Yanqing, Baobao, Liaodong, Xuanfu, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, Sichuan, and Guangxi formed the northern group; Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, and Guangdong formed the southern group; quotas were then set according to candidate numbers. In Shunzhi 17, every province's passing quota was reduced by half. Under Kangxi, provincial quotas were repeatedly increased. In Kangxi 50, each province's quota was raised by another fifth. In Yongzheng 1, Hunan and the northern circuit held separate examinations and divided passes according to the previous quota. Individual provinces saw modest adjustments up or down. In Qianlong 1, Shuntian min-character registration scrolls were divided into southern, northern, and middle groups: Fengtian, Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Shanxi, and Shaanxi formed the northern group; Jiangnan, Jiangxi, Fujian, Zhejiang, Huguang, and Guangdong the southern group; each received a quota of 39 passes. Sichuan, Guangxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou were grouped separately as the middle registration scroll group, with a ratio of one pass per fifteen candidates. Jiangnan was split into upper- and lower-river circuits, with lower-river Jiangsu allotted sixty percent of the passes and upper-river Anhui forty percent. In Qianlong 9, search procedures at the examination gates were tightened sharply. At the Beijing provincial examination, more than forty candidates were caught with hidden notes, nearly 3,900 were turned away on the spot, and several hundred more submitted blank papers, left their essays unfinished, or wrote off-topic answers. After punishing education officials and academy libationers for laxly sending up candidates, the emperor ordered every province's quota cut by one-tenth. Quotas were then fixed as follows: Shuntian's southern and northern min groups at 36 each; the middle group at one in twenty; bei-character at 102; jia and dan at 4 each; Jiangnan upper river 45 and lower river 69; Zhejiang and Jiangxi 94 each; Fujian 85; Guangdong 72; Henan 71; Shandong 69; Shaanxi 61; Shanxi and Sichuan 60 each; Yunnan 54; Hubei 48; Hunan and Guangxi 45 each; Guizhou 36. Thereafter these quotas were applied consistently without exception. In Guangxu 1, Shaanxi and Gansu held separate examinations, passing 41 and 30 candidates respectively. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns, provinces repeatedly contributed millions in war funds, and quotas were repeatedly increased in return. Bonus quotas were granted as follows: Sichuan 20, Jiangsu 18, Guangdong 14, Fujian and Taiwan 13, Zhejiang, Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Shanxi, Anhui, Gansu, Yunnan, and Guizhou 10 each, Shaanxi 9, Henan and Guangxi 8 each, and Zhili and Shandong 2 each. In some cases these additions pushed quotas above the levels first established.
14
西 西西 西
The metropolitan examination had no permanent quota; in Shunzhi 3 and 9 it was set at 400 passes each time, divided among southern, northern, and middle scroll groups. The southern scroll comprised Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, and Guangdong, plus Jiangning, Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, Zhenjiang, Huai'an, Yangzhou, Huizhou, Ningguo, Chizhou, and Taiping prefectures and Guangde prefecture, with a quota of 233 passes. The northern scroll comprised Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, and Shaanxi, plus Shuntian, Yongping, Baoding, Hejian, Zhengding, Shunde, Guangping, and Daming prefectures, Yanqing and Baobao, and Fengtian, Liaodong, Daning, Wanquan, and related districts, with a quota of 153 passes. The middle scroll comprised Sichuan, Guangxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou, plus Anqing, Luzhou, Fengyang, Chuzhou, Xuzhou, Hezhou, and related prefectures and departments, with a quota of 14 passes. In Shunzhi 12, the middle scroll was absorbed into the southern and northern groups. Later the middle group was repeatedly split and recombined, and at times the southern, northern, and middle scrolls were further divided into left and right subgroups. At other times Sichuan, Guangdong, Yunnan, and Guizhou were given their own registration marks, with one, two, or three passes assigned separately. In Kangxi 51, because provincial pass numbers were uneven and border provinces were sometimes left out, the southern, northern, official, and common character marks were abolished and quotas were assigned province by province. Quotas were then set by imperial decree according to the number of candidates. Over the years metropolitan examinations usually passed a few hundred candidates, sometimes only a little over a hundred; the highest total was 406 in 1730 (Yongzheng gengxu), and the lowest 96 in 1789 (Qianlong jiyou).
15
仿 輿 西
The practice of passing candidates who completed essays on all Five Classics followed the Ming precedent. The first session required three composition essays and four classic essays; candidates who submitted strong complete Five Classics papers were known as twenty-three-essay examinees. At the Shandong provincial examination of 1645 (Shunzhi yiyou), Fa Ruozhen, who had written complete Five Classics essays, was granted a secretarial post in the Grand Secretariat and allowed to sit for the metropolitan examination on the same footing as a juren. At the Shuntian provincial examination of 1687 (Kangxi dingmao), the Zhejiang imperial student Cha Shihan and the Fujian tribute student Lin Wenying; and at the 1692 (renshen) Shuntian southern min examination, the imperial students Zhuang Lingyu and Yu Changce—all of whom had additionally written the full twenty-three essays on the Four Books and Five Classics in violation of the prescribed format—were reported to the throne and all granted juren status. An edict declared that the practice need no longer be forbidden, and it was soon codified as a rule. Provincial and metropolitan examinations each granted three passes beyond the regular quota for outstanding Five Classics papers. When the second session added one edict-style essay and one grand-proclamation essay, ever more candidates took up the practice. In Zhili, Shaanxi, and other provinces, Five Classics candidates sometimes even took first place. In Kangxi 50, each province's provincial quota was raised by one, Shuntian's by two, and the metropolitan quota by three. In Kangxi 56, the Five Classics examination was suspended. At the start of Yongzheng, the practice was restored. Shuntian allotted four passes in the min registration group; in the provinces, one extra pass was added for every nine regular quota places. In populous provinces with strong fields of candidates, three or four additional alternate-list places were sometimes granted beyond the regular quota. In 1726 (Yongzheng bingwu), an edict ruled that candidates who made the Five Classics alternate list that year would be treated as juren and allowed to sit for the metropolitan examination—a privilege of unusual breadth. In Qianlong 16, the practice of granting passes for complete Five Classics papers was finally abolished.
16
西西西西
When emperors lectured at the Imperial Academy, extra passes were granted to Academy students at the Beijing examination, and grace-edict examinations widened provincial and metropolitan quotas—all of these fell outside the standing quota. In addition to the main lists at provincial and metropolitan examinations, candidates could pass on a supplementary alternate list; metropolitan alternate-list graduates were exempt from the palace examination and referred to the Board of Civil Appointments for office. In Kangxi 3 the practice was abolished. Original provincial alternate-list quotas were: Shuntian 20, Jiangnan 12, Jiangxi 11, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Huguang 10 each, Shandong and Henan 9 each, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Sichuan, and Guangdong 8 each, and Guangxi 6. Candidates were chosen for literary excellence, without regard to which classic examination room they had been assigned. In Kangxi 1 the alternate list was suspended. In Kangxi 11 alternate-list passes were restored under the former rules. Yunnan's quota rose by five and Guizhou's by four. Thereafter most provinces generally awarded one alternate-list place for every five main-list passes, though this did not apply when grace-examination years expanded the regular quota. In Yongzheng 4, that year's session alone allowed candidates who had previously made the alternate list and did so again to be recognized as juren—a break from normal practice.
17
In Yongzheng 5, provincial governors and education commissioners were directed to identify posts vacated by elderly instructors, and to fill them with juren whose failed metropolitan papers that year showed competent prose. Under Qianlong, the practice was repeated periodically, with large, medium, and small provinces each selecting several dozen candidates. Candidates in the mingtong category were ranked on a separate list. In Qianlong 26, the court decided to select forty central-secretariat clerks beyond the mingtong list, and to appoint several mature candidates suited to teaching as district instructors and academy recorders. The emperor approved. In Qianlong 55 the entire system was abolished. Thereafter failed candidates were selected from beyond the main list as copyist clerks—several hundred, or roughly one to two hundred, at the Beijing examination. The metropolitan quota for copyists was fixed at forty, to supply manuscript copying for the various agencies; over time they could earn consideration for appointment. By casting a wider net, the state opened more avenues of advancement to poor scholars.
18
滿 殿滿
The Eight Banners took mounted archery as their foundation, prizing martial skill over literary accomplishment. When the Shunzhi Emperor came to the throne, he decreed that civil examinations were open—but Banner personnel were excluded. In Shunzhi 8, the Board of Civil Appointments memorialized that Banner youths included many able men who could serve as upright officials, and urged reopening examinations under precedent, with the best provincial and metropolitan candidates appointed to office. The emperor approved. Banner provincial and metropolitan examinations began that year. At the time each niru had a fixed quota of Banner youths studying Manchu and Chinese; candidates for examination and office were drawn exclusively from this pool, and others were barred from studying. Often there were not enough qualified candidates to fill the allotted passes. From Shunzhi 14 through Kangxi 15, Banner examinations were repeatedly suspended and revived. Initially provincial, metropolitan, and palace examinations ranked Manchus and Mongols on one list and Han Bannermen and Han Chinese on another. In Kangxi 26, Banner candidates were ordered to compete on the same footing as Han Chinese. Regulations were soon fixed: at provincial and metropolitan examinations candidates first had to pass mounted and foot archery; only then could they take the civil papers. Literary study would not be allowed to displace martial training—a rule made permanent. Initially Banner provincial exams required only one composition in Manchu or Mongolian; at the metropolitan level the requirement doubled. Han Banner candidates took two literary essays and one on the classics; those weak in the classics took an extra literary essay instead. The second and third sessions each required one essay and one policy question. Requirements increased with each session, and once Bannermen competed alongside Han Chinese, the old abbreviated format was gone.
19
滿滿 滿滿 滿 滿 滿 滿
Provincial quotas set in Shunzhi 8 were fifty each for Manchus and Han Bannermen and twenty for Mongols; later Manchu and Han Banner quotas were cut by one-fifth and the Mongol quota by one-fourth. In Kangxi 8, Manchus and Mongols were grouped as the Man registration category and Han Bannermen as the He category, each with ten passes. In Kangxi 26 the Han Banner quota was cut by five. Quotas were later raised again in stages. In Qianlong 9 quotas were cut by one-tenth, fixing Manchu and Mongol passes at twenty-seven and Han Banner passes at twelve. During Tongzhi, war-fund contributions added six passes for Manchus and Mongols and four for Han Bannermen. Provincial garrisons initially sent candidates to the Shuntian examination; in Jiaqing 18 they began holding examinations in their own provinces. The quota was one in ten, usually capping at three; alternate-list rules applied as elsewhere. Initial metropolitan quotas were twenty-five jinshi each for Manchus and Han Bannermen and ten for Mongols. In Kangxi 9, following the provincial model, the Man and He categories each passed four. Later quotas were set ad hoc by imperial order, with no fixed number.
20
殿 殿滿
Imperial clansmen did not take provincial or metropolitan examinations; both the Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors had issued explicit edicts forbidding it. In Qianlong 8 the Imperial Clan Court examined the clan academy and promoted top graduates such as Yu Dingzhu to jinshi, who then took the palace examination together—the start of a formal imperial-clan metropolitan track. The practice was soon abandoned. In Jiaqing 6 clansmen's participation in provincial and metropolitan examinations was first codified. Beforehand the Imperial Clan Court or Fengtian clan academy tested mounted archery as usual; clansmen then took one essay and one regulated poem either before, after, or on the same day as the civil provincial or metropolitan examination, finishing in a single day. The provincial quota was one pass in nine. At the metropolitan level examiners forwarded a few selected papers for the emperor's personal judgment on a separate list. Palace and court examinations treated Manchu and Han candidates alike, though appointments such as Hanlin bachelor varied.
21
殿 西西 調 殿
In Shunzhi 15, after bribery scandals brought down examiners in Shuntian and Jiangnan, the emperor personally re-examined candidates from both provinces—the origin of provincial re-examination. One hundred eighty-two Shuntian candidates, including Mi Hanwen, were confirmed and allowed to proceed to the metropolitan examination. Ninety-eight Jiangnan candidates, including Wang Puxun, were recognized as juren. Twenty-two were barred from the metropolitan examination and struck from the rolls. Wu Keming alone, whose essays proved consistently superior across three examinations, was exceptionally allowed to take the palace examination with full standing. In Kangxi 38, citing unfair selection at the Beijing examination, the emperor ordered candidates re-examined within the palace. Candidates ranked third class or above could proceed to the metropolitan examination; fourth-class candidates were dismissed. In 1712 (Kangxi renchen), Shuntian provincial top graduate Zha Weiren fled when a cheating scheme was exposed; suspecting that some new jinshi had passed by proxy, the emperor re-examined them personally at Changchun Garden and dismissed five. Metropolitan re-examination began at this time. Under Qianlong, re-examination was applied inconsistently: sometimes provincial governors and education commissioners re-examined candidates after the provincial lists; sometimes only juren from Jiangsu, Anhui, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Guangdong, and Shanxi who had passed as tribute scholars or academy students in three prior bingwu sessions; sometimes only newly passed jinshi or Beijing juren were re-examined—always by last-minute edict, never as fixed rule. In Qianlong 54, tribute scholar Shan Kehong was disqualified when his re-examination poem was flawed and did not match his winning paper. A stern edict declared that without rigorous re-examination at the metropolitan examination, true talent could not be distinguished from the lucky. By the early Jiaqing reign this became fixed law. In Daoguang 23 the rule was fixed: every provincial juren had to undergo re-examination in the capital; none could sit for the metropolitan examination without it. Those delayed by circumstance could complete re-examination within the next three examination cycles. Except when mourning obligations granted an extension, failure to appear without valid cause was treated as deliberate evasion and permanently barred a candidate from the metropolitan examination and capital appointment review. Re-examination was held in the second month of the metropolitan examination year. During Xianfeng and Tongzhi, blocked roads delayed travel; in late Guangxu, after the Boxer settlement forced examinations out of Beijing to Henan, candidates were sometimes allowed to take the metropolitan examination before re-examination—exceptions, not standing practice. Re-examination faults—poor prose, flawed regulated verse, formatting errors, or failure to observe imperial, ancestral, and Confucian taboos—could suspend a candidate from one or more metropolitan and palace examination cycles. Incoherent writing, or writing or handwriting inconsistent with the passed paper, resulted in dismissal. In Qianlong 58, eight passed juren including Deng Fenchun were belatedly re-examined; five were suspended, two expelled, and all supervising officials censured. In later sessions similar dismissals and punishments occurred. In the dynasty's final years enforcement grew lax. At the Guangxu 19 Beijing examination dozens passed by ghostwriting or impersonation. Censors impeached six juren; an official review found mismatched papers for Cai Xueyuan, Huang Shusheng, and Wan Hang, who were expelled; the other three passed re-examination without penalty; supervisors faced no consequences—and impostors kept appearing.
22
調 殿 西 西 退
Regulations required provincial examination papers to reach the ministry for collating review within the deadline after results were posted; delays were penalized. The rule prevented examiners from altering papers after the examination to evade official review. Collating review first targeted fraud and favoritism, then examined defects. Minor wording slips were overlooked. Suspicious wording or improper form could strip a juren of status. When a threshold number of defective papers was reached, chief and associate examiners faced dismissal or arrest. Below that threshold, penalties were salary forfeiture or demotion. Careless review, passing batches of plagiarized or shoddy essays, papers violating format rules, garbled language, miswritten topic characters, incomplete original or fair copies, copying errors—all drew differentiated penalties on curtain officials and candidates alike. Never before had regulations been so strict. Collating review was initially overseen by the Ministry of Rites and its censorate bureau; under Kangxi specially appointed grand ministers took over. As more papers reached the capital, the nine chief ministers were ordered to review them jointly. Ministry officials, busy with regular duties, reviewed papers in spare hours and often treated the task as routine. In early Qianlong, review passed to fifth-rank and higher censors, juren-origin capital officials of vice-minister rank and above, and senior Hanlin and Secretariat compilers, who met in the court chamber. Compilers and proofreaders were later added to the roster. A fixed roster of forty was established to ensure accountable review. Previously reviewers did not sign their reports, and there was no accountability for performance. Reviewers often claimed leniency and declined to pursue cases to the end. In Qianlong 21 reviewers were first required to sign their reports with rank and name. In Qianlong 25 grand-minister re-review was formalized, with rewards and punishments applied by rule—marking the first rigorous enforcement. That year Qin Huitian, Guanbao, and Qian Rucheng were specially appointed re-review commissioners. When the review concluded, original reviewer Censor Zhu Pilie accused them of favoritism, and the Grand Council was ordered to investigate. Qin Huitian and colleagues were found to have wrongly rejected papers and overlooked faults; Zhu Pilie was faulted for an unsubstantiated impeachment—all were referred to the ministry for adjudication. At that point collating reviewers handled their duty with real rigor, brooking no laxity, and broke the old habit of perfunctory compliance. Gong Huanwen, Minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud; Censors Yan Xunqi, Zhu Ji, and Zhu Pilie; and early in Jiaqing Censor Xin Congyi—all won renown for painstaking, exacting review. Many examiners and candidates were known to have been punished in successive rounds for such findings, though some surely used review as a pretext for revenge. In Qianlong 60 (1795), the top metropolitan graduate was Wang Yiwu of Zhejiang, with second place going to his younger brother Yixian—an outcome that struck the emperor as highly unusual. Chief director Vice Minister Dou Guangnai had long feuded with Heshen and had alienated colleagues by harshly denouncing junior officials; many now hoped to use the affair against him. They seized on identical phrasing in both brothers' essays—"the way of kings rests upon human sentiment"—as evidence of collusion. Wang Yiwu was placed last on the list and barred from the palace examination. Dou Guangnai was reduced to fourth rank and forced to retire; deputy directors Vice Minister Liu Yueyun and Rector Hutuli were each demoted four ranks. When the palace examination results were announced and Yixian ranked first, the emperor's concerns eased. The emperor told the court: "Surely this is no secret arrangement of my own making?" Wang Yiwu later entered the Hanlin Academy as well. In Jiaqing 5, reviewers Xin Congyi and Dai Lu combed the northern metropolitan examination papers and policy topics with relentless exactness. Xin Congyi, a native of Jiangxi, had long been famed for severity in review. That year Jiangxi produced only one successful candidate; Dai Lu's son failed, and many attributed the harsh findings to his overzealous scrutiny. On learning of this, the emperor ordered both removed from the review roster. During Tongzhi, Vice Minister Liang Sengbao of the Court of State Ceremonial again became feared for review practices that were excessively strict. On the whole, once collating review became routine, it corrected literary standards, exposed abuses, and strengthened the examinations—a contribution that was far from insignificant.
23
西西西 滿 滿 西西 殿殿 便
There was no fixed quota for Hanlin bachelors. In Shunzhi 3 the Founding Emperor first tested tribute scholars at court, conferred degrees on the top three graduates including Fu Yijian, and selected forty-six men, among them Liang Qingkuan, as Hanlin bachelors. Selections were made again in Shunzhi 4 and 6. In Shunzhi 9, on a memorial from supervising secretary Gao Xinyu, Hanlin bachelors were allocated among the provinces by large and small quotas. Zhili, Jiangnan, and Zhejiang received five each; Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, Shandong, and Henan four each; Shanxi and Shaanxi two each; Guangdong one; and Han Bannermen four. A separate list appointed nine Manchu and Mongol compilers, associate compilers, and Hanlin bachelors. Thereafter Hanlin selection followed these rules. Whether Manchus, Mongols, and Han Bannermen were included remained variable. During Kangxi, new jinshi could petition to train in the inner secretariat. They commonly pleaded family service in the academies and secretariat, or the scarcity of literary officials in frontier provinces. Such requests were sometimes granted. From Kangxi 45 through 67 every province had graduates chosen for the Hanlin. Emperor Yongzheng had ministers nominate candidates they knew; after the palace audience he personally tested their literary skills. In Yongzheng 1–2, Han Bannermen, Mongols, and graduates from Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, Hunan, and many frontier provinces often went unselected. In Yongzheng 3 Vice Minister Li Zhong'e of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices petitioned for province-by-province selection to broaden the talent pipeline. The court rejected the proposal. In Yongzheng 5 the throne ordered the Grand Secretariat to settle Hanlin selection rules; the court adopted the Yongzheng guimao (1723) precedent—after the palace examination all jinshi were tested in the Hall of Preserving Harmony, with the Nine Ministers still required to submit formal recommendations. The examination comprised four genres: discourse, edict, memorial, and poetry. This marked the origin of the court examination for Hanlin selection. In Qianlong 1 Censor Cheng Shengxiu argued: "The Hanlin holds a position of the highest trust; to recruit truly capable men, the very first step of entry must be kept upright. Once the recommendation system took hold, candidates presented themselves for recognition and opened wide the door to patronage; Opportunists rubbing their hands in anticipation found it easiest of all. It should be abolished immediately. The throne approved. Emperor Qianlong forbade the old habits of new jinshi—lobbying for patronage and submitting ornate parallel-prose encomia. He scrutinized their literary work, had ministers assess deportment and age, ranked them in three tiers, and made the final Hanlin selection himself. In Qianlong 3 ministerial selection was abolished; graduates were presented by province and degree rank, with final appointments made on the spot. Later reigns continued the practice. From Jiaqing on, Hanlin quotas routinely doubled the old standard, and every province had at least one selection.
24
滿 調
Selection of Hanlin bachelors was known as guanxuan—"Hanlin selection." Originally they studied Manchu and Chinese texts under the inner court, taught by academicians or readers-in-waiting. From Kangxi 9 the Hanlin Academy stood as a separate institution; the chancellor led Hanlin selection each round, with Grand Secretariat academicians sometimes assisting. In Kangxi 33 several senior expositor- and reader-grade officials of proven learning were appointed as junior instructors to share teaching duties. In Kangxi 60 Minister of Rites Chen Yuanlong was put in charge of Hanlin instruction. Thereafter any minister, vice minister, or secretariat academician not serving as chancellor could serve as a grand instructor—one Manchu and one Han. In Yongzheng 11 a dedicated instructors' hall was established, stocked with palace editions of the classics, histories, poetry, and prose; the Board of Revenue paid monthly stipends and the Board of Works furnished the premises—an arrangement of exceptional favor for Hanlin bachelors in training. After three years they sat the dispersal examination; the best remained in the Hanlin as compilers or proofreaders, while others were posted as supervising secretaries, censors, department secretaries, palace secretaries, judicial intendants, county magistrates, or educators. Rules varied over time, and some were appointed compilers or proofreaders before completing the three-year term. Service in the inner court, missions to the provinces, textual collation leading to promotion, or summons to special literary examinations—all could exempt one from the dispersal test. Those who remained in the Hanlin followed a distinct track of promotion. Most Qing chief ministers rose through this route, and countless others became senior ministers and frontier governors. Scholars prized Hanlin selection above all, and the top three palace graduates most of all. During Kangxi, Hanlin bachelor Zhang Yishao left the academy for a county magistracy and later became prefect of Qinzhou; his father, Grand Secretary Yushu, petitioned for his recall to the capital, and he was reappointed compiler. In Kangxi 30 (1691), noting that no northerner had ranked among the top three for some time, the emperor personally placed Huang Shulin third in the first class. Huang Shulin was from Daxing. During Yongzheng, Zhang Tingyu's son Ruogao placed third in the first class at the palace audience; Zhang Tingyu firmly objected, and the emperor, honoring his scruples, placed the young man first in the second class instead.
25
西
Earlier, in Shunzhi 9 forty Hanlin bachelors were chosen; twenty young men of fine appearance were assigned Manchu study, and in later rounds roughly a dozen per cohort studied Manchu and were tested at dispersal. In Qianlong 13 Compiler Qian Weicheng placed third class in Manchu and was required to retest in Chinese before he could remain in the Hanlin. Those who focused on Manchu often let their Chinese skills slip. In Qianlong 16 the emperor ruled that Manchu was seldom needed and frontier provinces produced few Hanlin selections; bachelors from Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, Guangdong, Guangxi, and the like need not study Manchu, while other provinces might assign only one to three younger men—enough to preserve the form of dynastic practice. Those on leave, in mourning, or advanced in years were routinely allowed to switch to Chinese study. Manchu study dwindled steadily thereafter. The practice was formally discontinued in the Daoguang era. At the start of Tongzhi, Hanlin bachelors were set to study the classics, history, statecraft, and the Neo-Confucian masters of the Lian-Luo and Guan-Min lineages. In late Guangxu a jinshi academy was founded to teach top graduates, Hanlin bachelors, and capital officials modern law and administration—or to fund study abroad. Graduates were examined and the best received appointments and accelerated promotion. Both experiments were short-lived.
26
殿 滿 西 滿 調 殿 殿 西殿
Under the original rules sons of high officials and established families sat the same examinations as everyone else—yet passed far out of proportion to their numbers. Those caught using illicit connections included Fang Gongqian's son Zhang Yue, who in Shunzhi 14 passed the Jiangnan examination through ties with chief examiner Fang You, a kinsman; exposed, he was banished. In Kangxi 23 Censor-in-Chief Xu Yuanwen's son Shusheng and Reader-in-Waiting Xu Qianxue's son Shuping both passed the Shuntian examination; because every candidate under the southern quota that year came from Jiangsu or Zhejiang, the emperor ordered a rigorous inquiry. Five candidates were disqualified; Shusheng and Shuping were among them. In Kangxi 39 the emperor noted that gentry families were monopolizing quotas at the expense of poor scholars. At the palace examination he instructed the examiners to place ministers' sons in the third class that year as a deliberate check on their advantage. An edict soon established separate official-family and commoner rolls: in provincial exams one official-family pass per twenty Manchu and combined-register papers, and one per ten provincial quota places—with the same ratio for supplementary lists. In the metropolitan exam, except for Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, and Guangxi, one official-family pass was allowed per twenty candidates. Official-family rolls at the metropolitan level were soon abolished. In Qianlong 15 ministers complained that official-family candidates were overfavored; when the ministry proposed keeping the old rules, the emperor rebuked their partiality, faulted Personnel and Rites staff for mishandling official-family rolls, and ordered a fresh review. The first proposal set one official-family pass per twenty-five quota places and excluded sons of Personnel and Rites staff and Grand Secretariat readers from official-family rolls. The following year the threshold was set at capital civil officials of fourth rank and above, provincial civil officials of third rank and above, military officials of second rank and above, and Hanlin, Secretariat, and censorate officials. Provincial quotas were also cut—Shuntian by fourteen, Zhejiang by six, and others by one to five places each. In Qianlong 23 Grand Secretaries Jiang Pu and Academician Zhuang Cunyu raised the issue again. Official-family ratios were fixed at one pass per twenty papers in large provinces, fifteen in medium provinces, and ten in small ones; Bannermen followed the small-province rule and the southern and northern Beijing quotas the medium-province rule; the middle quota received one dedicated place, with any fractional remainder counted toward the commoner roll. These ratios became permanent law. Sons, brothers, and clansmen of provincial and metropolitan examiners, room examiners, supervisors, chief examiners, and examination staff were required by rule to withdraw. During Yongzheng and Qianlong they sometimes sat separate examinations with imperially assigned topics, marked by specially appointed senior officials. In Qianlong 9 separate testing was abolished, and sons and relatives of paper-handling, sealing, copying, and proofreading staff were brought under the same withdrawal rules. The dynasty held the civil examinations in the highest regard and would not tolerate undeserved success. Yet for favored ministers, venerable scholars, and candidates from the frontier, the throne did not hesitate to grant exceptional favor. Standing precedents for honoring retired or serving ministers—granting their sons juren or jinshi degrees as part of reward or posthumous rites—need not be rehearsed here. In Yongzheng 7, for instance, ministers nominated twelve men who had sat the exams without passing—including Grand Secretary Jiang Tingsi's son Pu and Minister Ji Zengyun's son Huang—and all were granted juren degrees. Vice Minister Liu Shengfang's son Junbang, who had not even sat the exam because of illness, was granted juren—a mark of truly exceptional favor. During Kangxi, Zhejiang juren Zha Shenxing, Jiangsu juren Qian Mingshi, and students He Chuo and Wang Hao of Anhui won imperial notice for their literary talent. Summoned to examination in the Southern Studio, He Chuo and Wang Hao were granted juren degrees. In Kangxi 42 He Chuo, Wang Hao, and Jiang Tingsi were granted jinshi degrees. In Kangxi 60 Palace Attendant juren Wang Lansheng and Liubao—both renowned scholars who had failed the metropolitan exam—were granted jinshi degrees. In Yongzheng 8 Jiangnan juren Gu Tiancheng and Guangdong juren Lu Bofan were granted admission to the palace examination. In Qianlong 18 Palace Attendants and Imperial University students Xu Yang and Yang Ruilian were granted juren degrees. In Qianlong 43 Assistant Instructor Wu Shenglan and Acting Assistant Instructor Zhang Xinian were granted admission to the palace examination for their work on the Siku Quanshu—both far outside ordinary precedent. Since the Qianlong reign, metropolitan candidates aged seventy or older who failed the exam were granted honorific titles such as vice director of studies, compiler, proofreader, or director of study. Elderly licentiates who sat the provincial examination were granted juren degrees on the supplementary list. In Yongzheng 11 an edict directed that among failed metropolitan papers from Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangdong, Guangxi, Sichuan, and Fujian, candidates of acceptable literary skill and proven ability be chosen—ten men including Shi Yu for the palace examination, and forty including Zhao Shengqi for selective appointment. Early in Qianlong the same selection continued, and frontier scholars still benefited from this exceptional favor.
27
西西西 西 沿 西
Examinations occasionally departed from the norm. In Shunzhi 3, at Grand Secretary Ganglin's request, provincial and metropolitan exams were held again to recruit talent while the realm was still being pacified. In Shunzhi 16, with Yunnan and Guizhou newly incorporated and administrators urgently needed, the Ministry of Rites examination was held again—both occasions breaking the usual rat-and-ox-year schedule. In Kangxi 16 Shuntian received a specially dispatched examiner; Shandong, Shanxi, and Shaanxi were examined jointly with Henan; Huguang and Jiangxi with Jiangnan; and Fujian with Zhejiang. The exam was held in the ninth month with one pass per fifteen candidates; there was no supplementary list and no metropolitan examination. On the Jiangnan list, no candidate from Jiangxi ranked among the successful. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns, with war underway, many provinces skipped examinations for several rounds. Sometimes several rounds were combined into one examination with double the usual quota. Sometimes only selected prefectures, departments, and counties within a province held exams, with reduced quotas. Exam dates might slip to the tenth or eleventh month, without regard to the usual schedule. Under the original system, the chief Shuntian examiner was always a Hanlin official. Early in Kangxi, following Ming practice, the previous round's top palace graduate served as chief examiner. Candidates hoping for a lucky break could cultivate connections with the examiner in advance. In Kangxi 20 Compiler Gui Yunshu presided over the Shuntian examination and published a pledge to root out entrenched abuses and accept no secret collusion. When the list was posted, failed candidates raised an uproar, hoping to provoke a major scandal. Minister of Justice Wei Xiangju made the facts public, and the uproar subsided. That practice was soon abolished as well. In Kangxi 2 the Shuntian Spring and Autumn exam topic rendered "Lord of Zhu" as "people of Zhu," and examiners including Bai Naizhen were dismissed. Candidates disqualified for writing the character zi were retested by Hanlin Academy officials; the best were approved as juren, but none ranked among the successful. In Yongzheng 1, after the Shuntian results, Grand Secretary Wang Youling and Southern Studio Hanlin scholars were ordered to review failed papers; two were passed. That year the metropolitan examination was re-reviewed in the same way, and seventy-eight previously failed candidates passed. In Yongzheng 2, seventy-seven passed. In Qianlong 1, thirty-eight passed. The practice was not revived. In Yongzheng 4, after Zhejiang natives Zha Siting and Wang Jingqi were punished for writing treasonous books, Zhejiang's provincial and metropolitan examinations were suspended. Before long, at Li Wei's petition, the ban was lifted. In Yongzheng 7 Zhu Zhenji, prefect of Lianzhou in Guangdong, privately enshrined Lü Liuliang; licentiate Chen Xi was the first to denounce him, and the emperor commended his action. An order directed that among Lianzhou candidates who completed that round's examination, the provincial education commissioner select four outstanding scholars and reward them with juren degrees. At the Qianlong 46 (1781) xinchou metropolitan examination, Jiangnan provincial top graduate Qian Qi topped both the metropolitan and palace examinations. At the Jiaqing 25 (1820) gengchen metropolitan examination, Guangxi provincial top graduate Chen Jichang likewise topped both the metropolitan and palace exams—an achievement scholars admiringly called the "Triple Crown." In the entire Qing dynasty, there were only these two. The Eight Banners sat the same examinations as Han Chinese, but from Kangxi and Qianlong onward none ranked among the top three palace graduates. In Tongzhi 4 the Mongol Chongqi placed first in the chief grade; in Guangxu 9 the imperial clansman Shouqi placed second; Han Bannermen among the top three were especially numerous. The standing practice of granting juren for donations to army rations, disaster relief, and palace construction, or for capturing rebels and killing bandits with merit—including precedents of elevating tribute students and Imperial University students to juren, and juren to jinshi—were likewise ad hoc measures of their time.
28
滿 滿 滿滿 滿滿 滿 滿 殿 滿 調 殿
Initially, beyond the Mongol script, the Taizong devised the Manchu script. In Tiancong 8 the Ministry of Rites tested scholars: Ganglin and one other passed, and Ebot and two others who studied Mongol script passed—all were granted juren degrees. The examinations were held again thereafter. In Shunzhi 8 Eight Banners provincial examinations were held; candidates unable in Chinese wrote one Manchu essay. The exams were held once more and then discontinued. Early in Kangxi translation provincial exams were revived, but once Manchus and Han were combined for civil examination essays, the translation track was abolished. In Yongzheng 1 an edict ordered that Manchu Bannermen, in addition to the Chinese-script licentiate, juren, and jinshi examinations, sit a separate translation examination. The court proposed testing all three sessions together, with two Manchu and two Han chief and deputy examiners and four Manchu associate examiners. An edict ordered that the provincial exam test only one session—either one memorial or one topic from the Four Books and Five Classics—with fewer Han examiners, more copyists, and the rest following civil examination practice. Later, translation topics drawn from imperial edicts, Essentials of Neo-Confucian Principle, or the Lesser Learning were limited to three hundred characters. In Qianlong 3 candidates were required to compose one Manchu essay in addition to the translation topic. In Qianlong 7 the metropolitan examination's first session was set to Manchu-script Four Books essays plus one essay each on the Classic of Filial Piety and Neo-Confucian principle. The second session tested translation. All Manchus, Han Bannermen, tribute students and Imperial University students in Manchu and Chinese script, and clerks were eligible for the provincial examination. Civil juren and military officials capable of translation were permitted to sit the metropolitan examination. They first tested mounted archery as usual. For the Mongol translation track, in Yongzheng 9 an edict ordered one Mongol chief examiner with twice as many associate examiners. Initially both provincial and metropolitan topics required translating one Four Books passage and one memorial from Mongol into Manchu script. In Qianlong 1 this was changed to translating Manchu texts on Neo-Confucian principle and the Lesser Learning; Mongol candidates sat the same session as Manchu translation examinees but on a separate list. At that time roughly five or six hundred sat the Manchu-script provincial exam with a quota of thirty-three passes, while fifty or sixty sat the Mongol-script exam with a quota of six. Translation provincial and metropolitan examinations were originally scheduled once every three years, but no metropolitan exam followed the provincial round. In Qianlong 4, after six provincial rounds had passed without one, the metropolitan examination was finally held in the eighth month. Twenty Manchus and two Mongols passed. Because numbers were small, an edict exempted them from the palace examination; all received jinshi status, and the best were appointed department secretaries in the Six Ministries. In Qianlong 22, because translation candidates mostly hunted through texts for phrases without grasping the substance of translation, an edict suspended the examination. In Qianlong 43 provincial examinations were revived and the posts of copyist and proofreader were abolished. The next year's metropolitan exam ordinarily required at least sixty candidates, but that round had only forty-seven; special permission was granted to exempt the palace examination, following the Qianlong 4 precedent. Thereafter, every three years whether to hold the examination was decided by imperial order. In Qianlong 52 provincial and metropolitan exams were reset to once every five years, yet from Qianlong 53 through Jiaqing 8 the metropolitan hall was held only once—still falling short of the standard quota of sixty. Moreover, surrogate test-takers and identity fraud were abuses impossible to fully root out. Mongol-script examinations were sometimes suspended when fewer than seven or eight candidates appeared. Although edicts repeatedly exhorted that the national language and mounted archery were the Banner people's foundation, candidates remained few. In Jiaqing 8, at Vice Minister Geng Yin's request, the old three-year cycle was restored as the regular practice. In Jiaqing 24 re-examination for provincial and metropolitan translation exams was fixed to follow civil examination practice. In Daoguang 8 translation associate examiners were abolished; only toward the dynasty's end were Hanlin bachelors first employed. Provincial Banner garrisons initially sat only Chinese-script provincial and metropolitan exams; in Daoguang 23 they switched to translation exams with one pass per ten candidates and a quota of three. Imperial clansmen sitting translation examinations began in the Qianlong era. They received a separate topic, with quotas set by imperial order. As for the Qing military examination: from the Shunzhi Emperor's first year an edict ordered its establishment—provincial exams in zi, wu, mao, and you years and metropolitan exams in chen, xu, chou, and wei years, following civil examination rules. Provincial exams were held in the tenth month—Zhili and Fengtian at Shuntian prefecture, other provinces at the provincial administration commission. Successful candidates were called wujuren (military licentiates). The following September the metropolitan examination was held in the capital; successful candidates were called military jinshi. Both provincial and metropolitan examinations were divided into three inner and three outer sessions. The first round tested mounted archery; the second tested foot archery and martial skill—the outer field. The third round comprised two policy questions and one essay—the inner field. Outer-field examiners for Shuntian and the metropolitan hall were four inner-court grand ministers, grand secretaries, or commanders-in-chief. Inner-field examiners were two Hanlin officials for Shuntian and two senior officials from the Grand Secretariat, ministries, Censorate, Hanlin, or Secretariat for the metropolitan hall. Associate examiners were four jinshi-origin capital officials for Shuntian and four jinshi-origin officials from the Secretariat, Censorate, or ministries for the metropolitan hall. The Vice Minister of War served as chief examiner of military juren at the metropolitan examination. In each province the governor-general and governor served as supervisor and chief examiner, with four jinshi-origin prefects and county magistrates as associate examiners. The outer field was assisted by provincial military commanders and regional generals. The remaining posts—coordinator, archery supervisor, examination monitor, paper handler, sealer, gate guard, patrol, searcher, and supply staff—all had fixed appointees, generally fewer than at the civil examination hall. At the palace examination four court ministers were selected as paper readers; under imperial oversight they reviewed mounted archery and martial skill, then tested policy essays. Before the throne the names of zhuangyuan, bangyan, and tanhua were proclaimed aloud, exactly as in the civil examinations.
29
滿
Under the initial system, first-grade jinshi might be appointed deputy commander, regimental commander, brigade commander, or battalion commander; second- and third-grade jinshi received posts as garrison commander or acting garrison commander. Later the first-place first-grade graduate received a first-rank imperial bodyguard post; second and third place received second-rank bodyguard posts. Second- and third-grade jinshi received third-rank and blue-plume bodyguard posts, with varying appointments as garrison commanders in camps and guards. All provincial military licentiates and Green Standard soldiers could sit the provincial exam; military juren and serving lieutenants, platoon commanders, gate and post station officers, senior lieutenants, and those versed in literary composition could sit the metropolitan exam. Only those over sixty were barred from testing. Later, metropolitan military examinations were limited to candidates of military juren origin. During Kangxi, hoping to recruit men skilled in both civil and military arts, civil licentiates were permitted to sit military provincial exams and civil juren military metropolitan exams—greatly breeding examination-hall abuses. In Qianlong 7, at Censor Chen Dajie's memorial, the mutual civil-military testing precedent was abolished.
30
滿
Under the initial system, the first round tested mounted archery at a felt ball and the second foot archery at a cloth target—nine arrows in each. Two hits in mounted archery and three in foot archery constituted a passing grade; candidates then demonstrated martial prowess through bow-drawing, saber drill, and stone-lifting. In Shunzhi year 17 the martial prowess tests were suspended; in Kangxi year 13 they were restored. Mounted archery was reset with the target at thirty-five paces and three hits required for a passing grade; candidates who failed could not proceed to the second round. Foot archery was set at eighty paces, with two hits required for a passing grade. Candidates were then tested with bows rated at eight, ten, and twelve strength; sabers weighing eighty, one hundred, and one hundred twenty jin; and stones weighing two hundred, two hundred fifty, and three hundred jin. Candidates had to draw the bow fully, flourish the saber in prescribed patterns, and lift the stone one foot from the ground; passing required success in one or two of the three tests, and failure barred entry to the third round. Those who passed were stamped on the cheek; later the stamp was moved to the forearm to prevent impersonation. In Kangxi year 32 foot archery was changed to a target at fifty paces, with two hits required for a passing grade. During the Qianlong reign it was changed again to thirty paces, six arrows, and two hits for a passing grade. Mounted archery added a ground-ball target; for bow-drawing, saber drill, and stone-lifting, candidates had to achieve first or second grade in at least one item before passing—this became permanent regulation.
31
Inner-field discourse topics had traditionally been drawn from the Seven Military Classics. The Kangxi Emperor found their literary meaning confused and contradictory, and ordered that the Analects and Mencius be added. Discourse topics were then set at two: the first drawn from the Analects and Mencius, the second from Sunzi, Wuzi, and the Methods of Sima.
32
西西西西
Provincial military examination quotas were fixed in Kangxi year 26 at roughly half the civil examination quotas of each province. During the Yongzheng reign there were minor adjustments; only Shaanxi and Gansu, whose candidates were robust and skilled in archery and horsemanship, each added thirty quota places between the Kangxi and Qianlong reigns. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns, provinces that contributed war funds received expanded quotas, following the civil examination precedent. In total the quotas stood at: Shuntian 110, Han Bannermen 40, Fengtian and Jinzhou 3, Jiangnan 81, Fujian 63, Zhejiang and Sichuan 60 each, Shaanxi 59, Henan 55, Jiangxi, Guangdong, and Gansu 54 each, Shanxi 50, Shandong 48, Yunnan 42, Guangxi 36, Hubei 35, Hunan 34, and Guizhou 25. Metropolitan military examination quotas ranged from as many as three hundred to as few as one hundred. During the Kangxi reign the inner field was divided into southern and northern scrolls, with fifty passes in each. In Kangxi year 52 allocation by province began; just before each examination the number of outer-field passes was submitted for imperial decision.
33
In Jiaqing year 6 the Jiaqing Emperor held that civil and military examinations were equally important. Civil regulations were extremely strict with thorough fraud prevention, while military examiners decided passes face to face—especially prone to abuse. He ordered that, following the civil collating-review precedent, provincial nomination rolls record each successful candidate's mounted and foot archery and martial prowess in detail for submission. Provinces submitted the rolls to the Ministry of War; Shuntian separately appointed collating-review officials to verify them. Those improperly passed or who inflated their reports were punished without mercy. Re-examination for military candidates began in the Qianlong reign. The initial regulation was strict and applied only to the metropolitan examination. Those who failed were barred from the examination cycle and examiners faced disciplinary proceedings. Three failures in re-examination led to removal from the rolls. In Daoguang year 15 Shuntian military juren were first re-examined following the metropolitan precedent. In Xianfeng year 7 provincial military juren were re-examined following the Shuntian precedent, though somewhat more leniently.
34
Under the initial system the outer field had only a single passing grade; superiority in archery and horsemanship or martial prowess made no difference in ranking. The inner field selected solely by literary merit, so candidates skilled in riding and shooting or practiced in field arts might be passed over. In Kangxi year 52 the metropolitan outer field was ordered to select candidates of notable talent in mounted and foot archery and martial prowess, register them under the hao character mark, and secretly send the list to the inner curtain. Inner-field examiners first selected from hao-marked papers those whose writing showed clear comprehension. If insufficient, they then chose from passing-grade papers. In Yongzheng year 2, following Vice Minister Shi Yizhi's memorial, every province's provincial outer field likewise registered a separate hao mark; later hao papers were subdivided into double-hao and single-hao categories. The inner field passed double-hao candidates first, then single-hao. Yet passing-grade papers often numbered over a thousand, with only a few passes awarded—hence inner-field abuses of impersonation and substitution flourished. In Qianlong year 24 Censor Ge Tao memorialized to abolish these abuses. The outer field tightened passing standards, the inner field dropped Four Books discourses, and literary merit required only rough competence—writing gradually lost weight. In Jiaqing year 12 provincial and metropolitan inner-field policy discourses were changed to dictation of over one hundred characters from the military classics; error-free copies constituted a passing grade. Associate examiners were abolished; emphasis fell entirely on riding, shooting, and martial prowess, and the inner field became a mere formality. Dynasty after dynasty followed this practice without change. In Guangxu year 24 officials inside and outside the court requested reform of the old military examination system, abolishing bow, arrow, saber, and stone in favor of firearms; the request was not approved. In Guangxu year 27 the military examinations were finally abolished because hard bow, saber, stone, and mounted and foot archery had no relevance to modern warfare.
35
滿 滿
Manchu participation in military examinations began in Yongzheng year 1, with twenty provincial passes and four metropolitan passes. In Yongzheng year 12 an edict suspended them; for decades none were held again. In Jiaqing year 18 the old system was restored. Manchu and Mongol provincial examinations passed thirteen candidates; garrison troops in each province tested in that province at roughly one in ten, at most ten passes and at least one. Metropolitan examinations had no fixed quota. Commandants of vanguard cavalry, gate officers, blue-plume squad leaders, baitangga, enjiwei, imperial guard vanguards, guardsmen, squad leaders, armored cavalry, patrol battalion majors and captains, civil drafting clerks of the seventh and eighth ranks, clerks, and yin students were all permitted to sit the provincial military examination alongside military students. Provincial and metropolitan inner and outer fields examined them by the same rules as Han Bannermen and Han Chinese.
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