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志八十三
Treatise 83
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有清科目取士,承明制用八股文。 取四子書及易、書、詩、春秋、禮記五經命題,謂之制義。 三年大比,試諸生於直省,曰鄉試,中式者為舉人。 次年試舉人於京師,曰會試,中式者為貢士。 天子親策於廷,曰殿試,名第分一、二、三甲。 一甲三人,曰狀元、榜眼、探花,賜進士及第。 二甲若干人,賜進士出身。 三甲若干人,賜同進士出身。 鄉試第一曰解元,會試第一曰會元,二甲第一曰傳臚。 悉仍明舊稱也。 世祖統一區夏,順治元年,定以子午卯酉年鄉試,辰戌丑未年會試。 鄉試以八月,會試以二月。 均初九日首場,十二日二場,十五日三場。 殿試以三月。
Under the Qing, recruitment through the examination system followed the Ming practice of requiring eight-legged examination essays. Examination topics were set from the Four Books and the Five Classics—the Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Odes, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Book of Rites—in compositions known as regulated essays. Every three years the great triennial examinations were held: candidates were tested in the provinces in what was called the provincial examination, and those who passed became juren. The next year the juren were examined in the capital in the metropolitan examination; those who passed became tribute scholars. The emperor personally examined them in court in the palace examination, and successful candidates were ranked in the first, second, and third classes. The first class comprised three men—the zhuangyuan, bangyan, and tanhua—who were granted the title of jinshi with highest honors. A number of candidates in the second class were granted the status of jinshi. A number of candidates in the third class were granted the status of associate jinshi. The top candidate in the provincial examination was called jieyuan; the top candidate in the metropolitan examination was called huiyuan; and the first-ranked candidate in the second class was called chuanlu. All of these titles continued to follow the Ming nomenclature. After the Shunzhi Emperor unified the empire, in Shunzhi year 1 it was decreed that provincial examinations would be held in years of the Rat, Horse, Rabbit, and Rooster, and metropolitan examinations in years of the Dragon, Dog, Ox, and Sheep. The provincial examination was held in the eighth month and the metropolitan examination in the second month. Both examinations held the first session on the ninth day, the second on the twelfth, and the third on the fifteenth. The palace examination was held in the third month.
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二年,頒科場條例。 禮部議覆,給事中龔鼎孳疏言:「故明舊制,首場試時文七篇,二場論、表各一篇,判五條,三場策五道。 應如各科臣請,減時文二篇,於論、表、判外增詩,去策改奏疏。」 帝不允。 命仍舊例。 首場四書三題,五經各四題,士子各佔一經。 四書主硃子集註,易主程傳、硃子本義,書主蔡傳,詩主硃子集傳,春秋主胡安國傳,禮記主陳澔集說。 其後春秋不用胡傳,以左傳本事為文,參用公羊、穀梁。 二場論一道,判五道,詔、誥、表內科一道,三場經史時務策五道。 鄉、會試同。 乾隆間,改會試三月,殿試四月,遂為永制。
In Shunzhi year 2, regulations governing the examination grounds were issued. The Ministry of Rites deliberated and responded. Supervising Secretary Gong Dingzi memorialized: "Under the former Ming system, the first session required seven current-style essays; the second session one discourse and one memorial, plus five legal judgments; and the third session five policy questions. As various officials had requested, two current-style essays should be cut, poetry should be added beyond the discourse, memorial, and judgments, and the policy questions should be dropped in favor of memorials to the throne." The emperor did not approve. He ordered that the former regulations remain in force. The first session set three topics from the Four Books and four from each of the Five Classics; each candidate was assigned one classic. The Four Books were examined according to Zhu Xi's collected commentaries; the Book of Changes according to the Cheng commentaries and Zhu Xi's original meaning; the Book of Documents according to Cai Shen's commentary; the Book of Odes according to Zhu Xi's collected commentary; the Spring and Autumn Annals according to Hu Anguo's commentary; and the Book of Rites according to Chen Hao's collected explanations. Later the Spring and Autumn Annals no longer used Hu Anguo's commentary; candidates wrote on narratives drawn from the Zuo Commentary, with supplementary use of the Gongyang and Guliang commentaries. The second session required one discourse, five legal judgments, and one topic drawn from edicts, mandates, or memorials to the throne; the third session required five policy questions on the classics, history, and current affairs. The provincial and metropolitan examinations followed the same format. During the Qianlong reign the metropolitan examination was moved to the third month and the palace examination to the fourth, and this arrangement became permanent.
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鄉試,先期提學考試精通三場生儒錄送,禁冒濫。 在監肄業貢、監生,本監官考送。 倡優、隸、皁之家,與居父母喪者,不得與試。 卷首書姓名、籍貫、年貌、出身、三代、所習本經。 試卷題字錯落,真草不全,越幅、曳白,塗抹、污染太甚,及首場七藝起訖虛字相同,二場表失年號,三場策題訛寫,暨行文不避廟諱、御名、至聖諱,以違式論,貼出。 士子用墨,曰墨卷。 謄錄用硃,曰硃卷。 主考墨筆,同考藍筆。 乾隆間,同考改用紫筆。 未幾,仍用藍。 試士之所曰貢院,士子席舍曰號房,撥軍守之曰號軍。 試官入闈封鑰,內外門隔以簾。 在外提調、監試等曰外簾官,在內主考、同考曰內簾官。 亦有內監試,司糾察,不與衡文事。 以大員總攝場務,鄉試曰監臨。 順天以府尹,各省初以巡按御史,巡按裁,巡撫為之。 會試曰知貢舉,禮部侍郎為之。 順天提調以府丞,監試以御史。 初,各省提調以布政使,監試以按察使,各副以道員。 雍正間,以籓、臬兩司為一省錢穀、刑名之總匯,入闈月餘,恐致曠滯,提調監試,專責二道員。 會試監試以御史。 殿試臨軒發策,以朝臣進士出身者為讀卷官,擬名第進呈,或如所擬,或有更定。 一甲狀元授修撰,榜眼、探花授編修,二、三甲進士授庶吉士、主事、中書、行人、評事、博士、推官、知州、知縣等官有差。
Before the provincial examination, the education intendant tested students who had mastered all three sessions and forwarded their records, while impersonation and fraudulent entry were prohibited. Tribute students and imperial academy students enrolled in the academy were examined and nominated by their own academy officials. Candidates from families of actors, bondsmen, and runners, as well as those in mourning for their parents, were barred from the examination. The front of each examination booklet recorded the candidate's name, native place, age and appearance, background, three generations of ancestry, and the classic he had studied. Examination papers were rejected for violations of form if characters were misplaced, regular and cursive script was incomplete, margins were overrun or left blank, erasures or smudges were excessive, the seven compositions in the first session shared identical opening and closing function words, a memorial in the second session omitted the reign title, policy topics in the third session were miscopied, or taboo names of imperial ancestors, the emperor, or Confucius were not avoided. The candidates' original papers written in black ink were called mojuan. The fair copies written in vermilion ink were called zhujuan. The chief examiner marked papers with a black brush and associate examiners with a blue brush. During the Qianlong reign associate examiners were briefly required to use a purple brush instead. Before long the blue brush was restored. The examination compound was called the tribute academy; each candidate's booth was called a cell; and the soldiers assigned to guard the cells were called cell guards. When examiners entered the compound the gates were sealed and locked, and inner and outer sections were separated by curtains. Officials outside the curtain, such as superintendents and supervisors, were called outer-curtain officials; inside, the chief and associate examiners were called inner-curtain officials. There were also inner supervisors responsible for discipline who did not take part in grading papers. A senior official oversaw the entire examination; for the provincial examination he was called the supervising commissioner. In Shuntian the post was held by the prefect; in the provinces it was first held by the touring censor, and after the touring censorate was abolished by the provincial governor. For the metropolitan examination the post was called director of the tribute presentation and was held by a vice minister of rites. In Shuntian the superintendent was the assistant prefect and the supervisors were censors. Initially in the provinces the superintendent was the provincial treasurer, the supervisor the provincial judge, and each was assisted by circuit intendants. During the Yongzheng reign, because the provincial administration and surveillance commissions oversaw a province's fiscal and judicial affairs, and examiners remained inside the compound for more than a month, the posts of superintendent and supervisor were assigned exclusively to two circuit intendants to avoid administrative neglect. Supervisors for the metropolitan examination were censors. At the palace examination the emperor issued questions from the throne; court officials who were jinshi served as reading officials, drafted the ranking for presentation, and the emperor either confirmed it or altered it. The zhuangyuan of the first class was appointed compiler; the bangyan and tanhua were appointed revising compilers; and jinshi of the second and third classes were appointed, according to rank, as Hanlin bachelors, secretaries, drafting clerks, couriers, reviewers, erudites, investigating censors, prefects, magistrates, and other posts.
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有清以科舉為掄才大典,雖初制多沿明舊,而慎重科名,嚴防弊竇,立法之周,得人之盛,遠軼前代。 其間條例之損益,風會之變遷,系乎人才之盛衰,朝政之得失。 述其大者,不可闕也。
The Qing regarded the civil service examinations as the supreme means of selecting talent. Although the initial regulations largely followed Ming precedents, the dynasty treated examination honors with gravity, guarded rigorously against abuses, legislated comprehensively, and secured talent in abundance—far surpassing previous dynasties. Changes in regulations and shifts in custom during this period were closely tied to the rise and fall of talent and to the successes and failures of court governance. A record of the major developments cannot be omitted.
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鄉、會試首場試八股文,康熙二年,廢制義,以三場策五道移第一場,二場增論一篇,表、判如故。 行止兩科而罷。 四年,禮部侍郎黃機言:「制科向系三場,先用經書,使闡發聖賢之微旨,以觀其心術。 次用策論,使通達古今之事變,以察其才猷。 今止用策論,減去一場,似太簡易。 且不用經書為文,人將置聖賢之學於不講,請復三場舊制。」 報可。 七年,復初制,仍用八股文。 二十四年,用給事中楊爾淑請,禮闈及順天試四書題俱欽命。 時詔、誥題士子例不作,文、論、表、判、策率多雷同剿襲,名為三場並試,實則首場為重。 首場又四書藝為重。 二十六年廢詔、誥,既而令五經卷兼作。 論題舊出孝經,康熙二十九年,兼用性理、太極圖說、通書、西銘、正蒙。 五十七年,論題專用性理。 世宗初元,詔孝經與五經並重,為化民成俗之本。 宋儒書雖足羽翼經傳,未若聖言之廣大,論題仍用孝經。
The first session of the provincial and metropolitan examinations tested eight-legged essays. In Kangxi year 2 regulated compositions were abolished: the five policy questions from the third session were moved to the first, the second session gained one discourse, and memorials and judgments remained unchanged. The conduct and character examinations were discontinued. In Kangxi year 4, Vice Minister of Rites Huang Ji said: "The examination system has always comprised three sessions. The classics were tested first so that candidates might expound the subtle teachings of the sages and thereby reveal their inner disposition. Policy discourses followed so that candidates might demonstrate mastery of historical change past and present, thereby revealing their talent and judgment. Now only policy discourses are used and one session has been eliminated—this seems far too simplified. Moreover, if the classics are no longer tested in written compositions, candidates will cease to study the learning of the sages. I request that the former three-session system be restored." The request was approved. In Kangxi year 7 the original system was restored and eight-legged essays were reinstated. In Kangxi year 24, following the request of Supervising Secretary Yang Ershu, the Four Books topics for both the metropolitan examination and the Shuntian examination were issued by imperial command. At that time candidates customarily skipped the edict and mandate topics; discourses, memorials, judgments, and policy questions were largely identical and plagiarized. Although the examination was nominally a three-session test, in practice the first session carried the greatest weight. Within the first session, compositions on the Four Books carried the greatest weight. In Kangxi year 26 the edict and mandate topics were abolished; shortly afterward candidates were required to write on all five classics. Discourse topics had formerly been drawn from the Classic of Filial Piety. In Kangxi year 29 topics were also drawn from Neo-Confucian moral philosophy, the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate Explained, Penetrating the Classic of Changes, Western Inscription, and Correcting Ignorance. In Kangxi year 57 discourse topics were drawn exclusively from Neo-Confucian moral philosophy. At the beginning of the Yongzheng reign, an edict declared that the Classic of Filial Piety and the Five Classics were equally important as the foundation for transforming the people and establishing custom. Although Song Neo-Confucian writings could supplement the classics and commentaries, they were not as comprehensive as the words of the sages; discourse topics therefore continued to be drawn from the Classic of Filial Piety.
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乾隆三年,兵部侍郎舒赫德言:「科舉之制,憑文而取,按格而官,已非良法。 況積弊日深,僥倖日眾。 古人詢事考言,其所言者,即其居官所當為之職事也。 時文徒空言,不適於用,墨卷房行,展轉抄襲,膚詞詭說,蔓衍支離,苟可以取科第而止,士子各佔一經,每經擬題,多者百餘,少者數十。 古人畢生治之而不足,今則數月為之而有餘。 表、判可預擬而得,答策隨題敷衍,無所發明。 實不足以得人。 應將考試條款改移更張,別思所以遴拔真才實學之道。」 章下禮部,覆奏:「取士之法,三代以上出於學,漢以後出於郡縣吏,魏、晉以後出於九品中正,隋、唐至今,出於科舉。 科舉之法不同,自明至今,皆出於時藝。 科舉之弊,詩、賦祗尚浮華,而全無實用。 明經徒事記誦,而文義不通。 唐趙匡所謂『習非所用,用非所習』是也。 時藝之弊,今該侍郎所陳奏是也。 聖人不能使立法之無弊,在因時而補救之。 蘇軾有言:『得人之道,在於知人。 知人之道,在於責實。』 能責實,雖由今之道,而振作鼓舞,人才自可奮興。 若惟務徇名,雖高言復古,法立弊生,於造士終無所益。 今謂時文、經義及表、判、策論皆空言剿襲而無用者,此正不責實之過。 凡宣之於口,筆之於書,皆空言也,何獨今之時藝為然? 時藝所論,皆孔、孟之緒言,精微之奧旨。 參之經史子集,以發其光華; 范之規矩準繩,以密其法律。 雖曰小技,而文武幹濟、英偉特達之才,未嘗不出乎其中。 不思力挽末流之失,而轉咎作法之涼,不已過乎? 即經義、表、判、論、策,苟求其實,亦豈易副? 經文雖與四書並重,積習相沿,士子不專心學習。 若著為令甲,非工不錄。 表、判、論、策,皆加覆覈。 必淹洽詞章、通曉律令,而後可為表、判。 有論古之識,斷制之才,通達古今,明習時務,而後可為論、策。 何一不可見之施為,切於實用? 必變今之法,行古之制,將治宮室、養游士,百里之內,置官立師,訟獄聽於是,軍旅謀於是。 又將簡不率教者,屏之遠方,終身不齒。 毋乃紛擾而不可行? 況人心不古,上以實求,下以名應。 興孝則有割股、廬墓以邀名者矣,興廉則有惡衣菲食、敝車羸馬以飾節者矣。 相率為偽,借虛名以干進取。 及蒞官後,盡反所為,至庸人之不若。 此尤近日所舉孝廉方正中所可指數,又何益乎? 司文衡職課士者,誠能仰體諭旨,循名責實,力除積習,杜絕僥倖,文風日盛,真才自出,無事更張定制為也。」 遂寢其議。 時大學士鄂爾泰當國,力持議駁,科舉制義得以不廢。 齋二十二年,詔剔舊習、求實效,移經文於二場,罷論、表、判,增五言八韻律詩。 明年,首場復增性理論。 御史楊方立疏請鄉、會試增周禮、儀禮二經命題。 帝以二禮義蘊已具於戴記,不從。 四十七年,移置律詩於首場試藝後,性理論於二場經文後。 五十二年,高宗以分經閱卷,易滋弊竇。 且士子專治一經,於他經不旁通博涉,非敦崇實學之道。 命自明歲戊申鄉試始,鄉、會五科內,分年輪試一經。 畢,再於鄉、會二場廢論題,以五經出題並試。 永著為令。
In Qianlong year 3, Vice Minister of War Shuhede said: "The examination system selects candidates by their writings and appoints officials according to formulae—this is already a flawed method. Moreover, accumulated abuses grow deeper by the day and opportunists more numerous. The ancients inquired into affairs and examined words; what candidates wrote was precisely the official duties they would be expected to perform in office. Current-style essays are merely empty words unsuited to practical use. Examination essay studios circulate them, copied and plagiarized endlessly in superficial phrases and specious arguments, sprawling and fragmented. Candidates study only until they can win a degree. Each specializes in one classic and prepares model topics—more than a hundred for some classics, several dozen for others. The ancients spent a lifetime studying a classic and still found it insufficient; today candidates master one in a few months and consider themselves fully prepared. Memorials and judgments can be prepared in advance; policy answers merely follow the topic perfunctorily without original insight. The system truly fails to identify worthy men. The examination regulations should be revised and reorganized, and another method devised for selecting men of genuine talent and real learning." The memorial was referred to the Ministry of Rites, which replied: "Methods for selecting officials differed by era. Before the Three Dynasties men were drawn from the schools; under Han from county and commandery clerks; under Wei and Jin from the nine-rank system; and from Sui and Tang to the present from the civil service examinations. Although examination methods differed, from the Ming to the present all have relied on current-style examination essays. The flaw in examinations under the poetry and fu format was that it prized empty elegance without practical use. The classics examination relied only on memorization without comprehension of meaning. This was what Tang Zhao Kuang called "what is studied is not what is used; what is used is not what is studied." The flaw in current-style examination essays is precisely what the vice minister has now described. Even sages cannot devise legislation without flaws; the task is to remedy them as circumstances require. Su Shi said: "The way to obtain worthy men lies in knowing men." The way to know men lies in holding them to real achievement. If officials hold candidates to real achievement, even under the present method, by rousing and encouraging them talent can naturally flourish. If one pursues reputation alone, even lofty talk of returning to antiquity will, once new laws are made, merely produce new abuses and ultimately do nothing to cultivate worthy scholars. To claim that current-style essays, classic expositions, memorials, judgments, and policy discourses are all empty plagiarized words without use is precisely the fault of failing to hold candidates to real achievement. Whatever is spoken aloud or written on paper is, in a sense, empty words—why should only today's examination essays be singled out? Current-style examination essays address the teachings of Confucius and Mencius and their subtle and profound essentials. Candidates may draw on the classics, histories, masters, and collections to bring out their brilliance; and model themselves on established rules and standards to satisfy formal requirements. Although called a minor skill, men of civil and military ability and outstanding talent have never failed to emerge from it. To fail to strive to correct the abuses of a degenerate age and instead blame the inadequacy of the method itself—is this not going too far? Even for classic expositions, memorials, judgments, discourses, and policy questions, if one truly demands real achievement, is satisfaction easily attained? Although the classics were ranked equally with the Four Books, long-standing custom led candidates not to study them devotedly. If this were made a binding regulation, only skilled work would be accepted. Memorials, judgments, discourses, and policy questions should all receive additional review. Only candidates with thorough mastery of literary composition and understanding of statutes and ordinances could write memorials and judgments. Only candidates with discernment to discourse on antiquity, talent for decisive judgment, comprehension of past and present, and clear knowledge of current affairs could write discourses and policy questions. Which of these reforms would not demand visible, practical measures? One would have to abandon current law for the ancient system—building academies, supporting itinerant scholars, appointing officials and teachers within every hundred li, and holding lawsuits and military councils there. One would also have to weed out the undisciplined, exile them to remote regions, and exclude them from respectable society for life. Would this not be hopelessly disruptive and unworkable? Moreover, the hearts of men are no longer those of antiquity—the court demands substance, but candidates answer with reputation alone. Promote filial piety, and men cut flesh from their thighs or live beside graves to win renown; promote integrity, and men affect coarse dress, plain fare, and shabby carriages to parade their virtue. They vie with one another in pretense, trading on hollow reputations to win office. Once in office, they abandon every pretense and prove worse than the most ordinary official. Such cases are especially rife among recent recommendations for Filial and Incorrupt and Upright and Direct candidates—one can point them out by the dozen—so what good would reform do? If examiners truly carried out the imperial will—holding titles to their meaning, rooting out entrenched abuses, and closing every loophole—literary standards would rise and genuine talent would appear without any need to overhaul the system." The proposal was accordingly dropped. Grand Secretary Ortai then dominated the government, forcefully upheld the rebuttal, and the civil examination with its regulated essays was spared abolition. In Qianlong 22, an edict called for shedding old habits and seeking real results: classic exposition moved to the second session, discourses, memorials, and judgments were dropped, and regulated verse in five-character lines with eight rhymes was added. The following year, a discourse on moral principle was restored to the first session. Censor Yang Fangli memorialized asking that the provincial and metropolitan exams include questions drawn from the Rites of Zhou and the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. The emperor replied that the substance of the two Rites was already fully covered in the Record of Rites and declined the proposal. In year 47, regulated verse was placed after the first-session essay, and the discourse on moral principle after the second-session classic exposition. In year 52, the Gaozong Emperor argued that grading by individual classic invited corruption. Moreover, candidates who mastered only one classic and neglected the rest were hardly pursuing the path of genuine scholarship. He ordered that from the following year's wushen provincial exam, the provincial and metropolitan examinations over five sessions would rotate through one classic each year. Once the cycle was complete, discourse topics were dropped from the second session of the provincial and metropolitan exams, and all Five Classics were tested together. The change was permanently codified.
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科場擬題最重。 康熙五十二年,以主司擬題,多取四書、五經冠冕吉祥語,致多宿構幸獲。 詔此後不拘忌諱。 向例禁考官擬出本身中式題,至是弛其禁。 歷科試官,多有以出題錯誤獲譴者。 先是康熙五十六年,從詹事王奕清言,場中七藝,破、承、開講,虛字概不謄寫,以防關節。 乾隆四十七年,令考官預擬破、承、開講虛字,隨題紙發給士子遵用。 嘉慶四年,以無關弊竇,廢止。 制藝篇末用大結,有明中葉,每以此為關節。 康熙末年,懸之禁令。 乾隆十二年,編修楊述曾有復用大結之請,大學士張廷玉等以為無益而弊竇愈起,奏駁之。 初場文原定每篇限五百五十字,康熙二十年增百字。 五十四年,會元尚居易以首藝字逾千二百,黜革。 乾隆四十三年,始定鄉、會試每篇以七百字為率,違者不錄。 自是遵行不易。 三場策題,原定不得逾三百字。 乾隆元年,禁士子空舉名目,草率塞責。 其後考官擬題,每問或多至五六百字,空疏者輒就題移易,點竄成篇。 三十六年,左都御史張若溎以為言,詔申明定例。 五十一年,定答策不滿三百字,照紕繆例罰停科。 然考官士子重首場,輕三場,相沿積習難移。 制義體裁,以詞達理醇為尚。 順治九年壬辰,會試第一程可則以悖戾經旨除名。 考官學士胡統虞等並治罪。
Setting examination topics was the weightiest matter at the civil examinations. In Kangxi 52, chief examiners tended to set questions from polished, auspicious phrases in the Four Books and Five Classics, so many candidates passed with essays prepared in advance. An edict declared that examiners need no longer avoid inauspicious wording in questions. Examiners had previously been barred from setting questions on passages they themselves had answered in their own examinations; that prohibition was now lifted. Session after session, examiners were punished for mistakes in their questions. Earlier, in Kangxi 56, on the advice of Palace Attendant Wang Yiqing, candidates were generally forbidden to write out the connecting function words in the seven-part essay—opening, continuation, exposition, and commentary—to prevent coded signals. In Qianlong 47, examiners were required to supply the prescribed connecting words in advance on the question paper for candidates to use. In Jiaqing 4 the rule was abolished as irrelevant to examination fraud. From mid-Ming onward, the large concluding summary at the end of a regulated essay was often used as a coded signal. Late in the Kangxi reign it was formally banned. In Qianlong 12, Compiler Yang Shuzeng petitioned to restore the large summary, but Grand Secretary Zhang Tingyu and others argued it would do no good and would only open new loopholes, and the court rejected the proposal. First-session essays were originally capped at five hundred fifty characters; in Kangxi 20 the limit was raised by one hundred. In year 54, top metropolitan graduate Shang Juyi was disqualified because his lead essay exceeded twelve hundred characters. In Qianlong 43 the provincial and metropolitan exams fixed seven hundred characters as the standard length per essay; overlong papers were rejected. Thereafter the rule remained unchanged. Third-session policy answers were originally limited to three hundred characters. In Qianlong 1 candidates were forbidden to pad their policy answers with empty headings and perfunctory filler. Later examiners sometimes set questions of five or six hundred characters, and shallow candidates simply reworked the question text into an answer. In year 36 Left Censor-in-Chief Zhang Ruogui raised the issue, and an edict reaffirmed the original rule. In year 51 answers under three hundred characters were penalized under the error rule with suspension from future exams. Yet examiners and candidates alike prized the first session and neglected the third—a habit too entrenched to shift. The regulated essay prized lucid language and sound reasoning above all. In Shunzhi 9, top metropolitan candidate Cheng Keze was disqualified for contradicting the intent of the classics. Chief examiner Academician Hu Tongyu and his colleagues were punished as well.
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世宗屢以清真雅正誥誡試官。 乾隆元年,高宗詔曰:「國家以經義取士,將以覘士子學力之淺深,器識之淳薄。 風會所趨,有關氣運。 人心士習之端倪,呈露者甚微,而徵應者甚鉅。 當明示以準的,使士子曉然知所別擇。」 於是學士方苞奉敕選錄明、清諸大家時文四十一卷,曰欽定四書文,頒為程式。 行之既久,攻制義者,或剽竊浮詞,罔知根柢,楊述曾至請廢制義以救其弊。 四十五年,會試三名鄧朝縉首藝語意粗雜,江南解元顧問四書文全用排偶,考官並獲譴。 嘉慶中,士子撏撦僻書字句,為文競炫新奇,御史辛從益論其失。 詔曰:「近日士子獵取詭異之詞,以艱深文其淺陋,大乖文體。 考官務各別裁偽體。 支離怪誕之文,不得錄取。」 歷代輒以釐正文體責考官,而迄無實效。 議者謂文風關乎氣運。 清代名臣多由科目出身,無不工制義者。 開國之初,若熊伯龍、劉子壯、張玉書,為文雄渾博大,起衰式靡。 康熙後益軌於正,李光地、韓菼為之宗。 桐城方苞以古文為時文,允稱極則。 雍、乾間,作者輩出,律日精而法益備。 陵夷至嘉、道而後,國運漸替,士習日漓,而文體亦益衰薄。 至末世而剿襲庸濫,制義遂為人詬病矣。
The Yongzheng Emperor repeatedly exhorted examiners to uphold purity, authenticity, elegance, and correctness. In Qianlong 1 the Gaozong Emperor proclaimed: "The state selects scholars through classical learning to gauge the depth of their scholarship and the strength of their character. The direction of literary fashion bears upon the fortune of the age itself. The first signs in the hearts of men and the habits of scholars may seem slight when they appear, yet their consequences are immense. The standard must be made plain so that candidates know clearly what to emulate and what to avoid." Academician Fang Bao was then ordered to compile forty-one fascicles of current-style essays by leading Ming and Qing authors under the title Imperially Approved Four Books Essays, and issue them as the official models. Over time, candidates writing regulated essays plagiarized flashy phrases without grasping fundamentals; Yang Shuzeng even proposed abolishing the form altogether to cure the disease. In year 45, third-ranked metropolitan graduate Deng Chaojin was faulted for a lead essay crude and muddled in meaning, and Jiangnan provincial top graduate Gu Wen for a Four Books essay written entirely in parallel prose; the examiners were all punished. During the Jiaqing era, candidates mined obscure books for recondite phrases and vied to dazzle with novelty; Censor Xin Congyi criticized the trend. An edict declared: "Lately scholars hunt out bizarre expressions, dressing shallow learning in obscurity—a grave violation of proper literary form. Examiners must each identify and reject spurious styles. Fragmented and outlandish essays must not be passed." Dynasty after dynasty held examiners responsible for correcting literary style, yet never with lasting effect. Commentators held that literary style reflects the fortune of the age. Many of the Qing dynasty's leading statesmen rose through the examinations, and all were masters of the regulated essay. In the dynasty's early years, writers such as Xiong Bolong, Liu Zizhuang, and Zhang Yushu produced essays of grand scope and power, reviving a moribund tradition. After the Kangxi reign the style grew steadily more orthodox, with Li Guangdi and Han Tan as its leading exemplars. Fang Bao of Tongcheng brought the virtues of ancient prose into the examination essay—a style rightly regarded as the supreme model. Between the Yongzheng and Qianlong reigns writers flourished, standards grew ever finer, and the rules became fully codified. By the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns the dynasty's fortunes waned, scholarly standards eroded, and literary style grew ever thinner. In the dynasty's final years, as plagiarism and mediocrity spread, the regulated essay became a byword for everything wrong with the system.
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光緒二十四年,湖廣總督張之洞有變通科舉之奏。 二十七年,鄉、會試首場改試中國政治史事論五篇,二場各國政治藝學策五道,三場四書義二篇、五經義一篇,其他考試例此。 用之洞議也。 行之至廢科舉止。
In Guangxu 24, Huguang Governor-General Zhang Zhidong memorialized the throne on reforming the civil examinations. In year 27 the provincial and metropolitan first session was changed to five essays on Chinese political history, the second to five questions on foreign politics and practical sciences, and the third to two Four Books essays plus one Five Classics essay; other examinations followed suit. This followed Zhang Zhidong's proposal. The new format remained in force until the civil examinations were abolished.
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鄉、會考官,初制,順天、江南正、副主考,浙江、江西、湖廣、福建正主考,差翰林官八員。 他省用給事中、光祿寺少卿、六部司官、行人、中書、評事。 某官差往某省,皆有一定。 康熙三年除其例。 順天初同各省,簡正、副二人。 乾隆中葉增為三,用協辦大學士、尚書以下,副都御史以上官,編、檢不復與矣。 道光中,簡三四人。 同治後,額簡四人。 初,考官不限出身,康熙初,主事蔡騶、曹首望俱以拔貢典試。 十年,從御史何元英請,考官專用進士出身人員。 然舉人出身者間亦與焉。 雍正三年,頒考試令,始限翰林及進士出身部、院官,仍參用保舉例。 乾隆九年,御史李清芳言:「大臣保舉應差主考四十九人,滿洲四,各直省十六,餘均江、浙人。 保薦者大都平日往來相知,饒於財而憑於勢。 至守正不阿者,不肯伺候公卿之門,邊隅之士,聲氣不通,交遊不廣,無人薦舉。 請將合例人員通行考試。」 帝疑清芳未列保薦,激為是語,不允所請,仍考試、保舉並行。 三十六年後,考試遂著為令。 初御試錄取名單皆發出,其後密定名次,不復揭曉。 嘉慶以後,更別試侍郎、閣學及三品京堂等官,曰大考差。 會試總裁,初用閣、部大員四人或六人,多至七人。 嗣簡二三人或四五人。 咸豐後,簡四人,以為常。
Under the original system, provincial and metropolitan chief and deputy examiners for Shuntian and Jiangnan and chief examiners for Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Huguang, and Fujian were drawn from eight Hanlin officials. Other provinces drew examiners from supervising censors, vice directors of the Court of Imperial Entertainments, department officials of the six ministries, court messengers, drafting secretaries, and judicial reviewers. Each post was assigned to a fixed province. In Kangxi 3 this fixed assignment system was abolished. Shuntian initially followed the other provinces, appointing one chief and one deputy examiner. In mid-Qianlong the number rose to three, drawn from assistant grand secretaries and officials ranked from minister down to vice censor-in-chief; compilers and reviewers were no longer eligible. During the Daoguang reign, three or four examiners were appointed. After the Tongzhi reign the quota was fixed at four. Initially examiners were not restricted by background; in early Kangxi, Directors Cai Zou and Cao Shouwang both served as examiners despite being elevated tribute scholars rather than jinshi. In year 10, on Censor He Yuanying's petition, examiners were limited to jinshi degree holders. Juren degree holders were still occasionally appointed. In Yongzheng 3 new examination regulations limited examiners to Hanlin and jinshi officials in the ministries and courts, though recommendations continued to supplement selection. In Qianlong 9, Censor Li Qingfang reported: "Ministers recommend forty-nine chief examiners—four Manchu, sixteen from the provinces, and the rest all from Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Those recommended are mostly personal acquaintances—men of wealth who lean on influence. Upright men who refuse to court the powerful go unrecommended, as do scholars from remote regions whose voices carry no weight and whose circles run no wider than their home districts. I ask that all eligible candidates be tested in a general examination instead." The emperor suspected Qingfang had been passed over for recommendation and spoke in irritation; he denied the petition and kept both examination and recommendation in place. After year 36 the examination system was permanently codified. Initially imperial examination results were published in full; later the rankings were fixed in secret and no longer announced. After the Jiaqing reign, vice ministers, academy readers, and third-rank capital officials were tested separately in what was called the Grand Examination for Assignment. Metropolitan examination directors were initially drawn from four to six senior grand secretariat and ministry officials, sometimes as many as seven. Later the number was reduced to two or three, or four or five. After the Xianfeng reign four directors became the standard appointment.
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同考官,初,順天試京員,推、知並用。 各省用甲科屬官及鄰省甲科推、知,或鄉科教官,房數無定。 會試初用二十人,翰林官十二,六科四,吏、禮、兵部官各一,戶、刑、工部官每科輪用一。 嗣額定十八人,順天試同。 康熙五十四年,令不同省房官二人同閱,互相覺察,用三十六人。 未幾即罷。 康、雍間,順天房考停用京員,止用直隸科甲知縣。 各省停用本省現任知縣,專調用鄰省在籍候選進士、舉人。 大省十八,中省十四,小省十二至十,均分經校閱。 厥後增減不一,小省減至八人。 乾隆間,禮闈及順天同考,始欽簡京員,各省復用本省科甲屬官。 四十二年,停五經分房之例。 至順天房考,南、北省人迴避南、北皿卷,邊省人迴避中皿卷,會房則同省相迴避雲。
Associate examiners: initially the Shuntian examination drew on capital officials, appointing both prefects and district magistrates. Other provinces used subordinates of jinshi officials, neighboring provinces' jinshi prefects and magistrates, or provincial-examination instructors; the number of grading rooms was not fixed. The metropolitan examination initially employed twenty associate examiners—twelve Hanlin officials, four censors from the six sections, one each from the Personnel, Rites, and War ministries, and one rotated among the Revenue, Punishments, and Works ministries each session. Later the quota was fixed at eighteen, with Shuntian following the same arrangement. In Kangxi 54, room examiners from different provinces were paired to grade together for mutual oversight, bringing the total to thirty-six. The arrangement was soon abandoned. During the Kangxi and Yongzheng reigns, associate examiners for the Shuntian provincial examination stopped drawing on capital officials and relied solely on county magistrates from Zhili who held jinshi or juren degrees. Every province likewise stopped appointing its own sitting county magistrates and instead brought in jinshi and juren from neighboring provinces who were on the rolls of their native places. Large provinces received eighteen examiners, medium provinces fourteen, and small provinces between twelve and ten, with the classics distributed evenly among them for reading and grading. Subsequent adjustments varied, and the number for small provinces was eventually cut to eight. Under Qianlong, the metropolitan examination in the Ministry of Rites hall and the Shuntian provincial examination once more drew on capital officials by imperial appointment, and the provinces again used local officials who held jinshi or juren degrees. In his forty-second year on the throne, Qianlong abolished the practice of assigning separate grading sections for the Five Classics. Among Shuntian associate examiners, examiners from the southern and northern provinces recused themselves from the southern and northern registration scroll groups, border-province examiners from the middle group, and at the metropolitan examination sections examiners from the same province avoided one another, and the like.
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考官綜司衡之責,房考膺分校之任,歷代極重其選。 康熙間,順天同考官庶吉士鄭江以校閱允當,授職檢討。 雍正元年,會試總裁硃軾、張廷玉持擇公允,帝嘉之,加太傅、太保有差。 其衡鑒不公、草率將事者,罰不貸。 而交通關節賄賂,厥辜尤重。 順治十四年丁酉,順天同考官李振鄴、張我朴受科臣陸貽吉、博士蔡元禧、進士項紹芳賄,中田耜、鄔作霖舉人。 給事中任克溥奏劾,鞫實。 詔駢戮七人於市,家產籍沒,戍其父母兄弟妻子於邊。 考官庶子曹本榮、中允宋之繩失察降官。 江南主考侍講方猶、檢討錢開宗,賄通關節,江寧書肆刊萬金傳奇記詆之。 言官交章論劾,刑部審實。 世祖大怒,猶、開宗及同考葉楚槐等十七人俱棄市,妻子家產籍沒。 一時人心大震,科場弊端為之廓清者數十年。 康熙五十年辛卯,江南士子吳泌、程光奎賂副考官編修趙晉獲中。 二人素不能文,輿論譁然。 事聞,命尚書張鵬翮會江南督、撫嚴鞫。 蘇撫張伯行劾總督噶禮賄賣徇庇,噶禮亦劾伯行他罪,詔俱解任。 令鵬翮會總漕赫壽確訊,覆奏請鐫噶禮級,罷伯行職。 帝怒二人掩飾和解,復遣尚書穆和倫、張廷樞往鞫,奏略如鵬翮等指。 部議,互訐乖大臣體,應並褫職。 帝卒奪噶禮職。 以伯行清名素著,褫職仍留任。 處晉及同考王曰俞、方名大辟,以失察奪正考官左必蕃官。 是年福建房考吳肇中亦以賄伏法,考官檢討介孝、主事劉儼失察削職。 咸豐八年戊午,順天舉人平齡硃、墨卷不符,物議沸騰,御史孟傳金揭之。 王大臣載垣等訊得正考官大學士柏葰徇家人靳祥請,中同考編修浦安房羅鴻繹卷。 比照交通囑託、賄買關節例,柏葰、浦安棄市,餘軍、流、降、革至數十人。 副考官左副都御史程庭桂子郎中炳采,坐接收關節伏法,庭桂遣戍。 蓋載垣、端華及會審尚書肅順素惡科目,與柏葰有隙。 因構興大獄,擬柏葰極刑。 論者謂靳祥已死,未為信讞也。 然自嘉、道以來,公卿子弟視巍科為故物。 斯獄起,北闈積習為之一變。 光緒十九年,編修丁維禔典陝試,同年友饒士騰先期為之展轉囑託。 事覺,俱逮問。 士騰自殺,尋並削職。 有無與關節賄賂而獲咎者,康熙三十八年己卯,御史鹿佑劾順天闈考試不公,正考官修撰李蟠遣戍,副主考編修姜宸英牽連下吏,未置對,死獄中。 宸英浙江名士,善屬古文,舉朝知其無罪,莫不嘆惜。 四十四年乙酉,順天主考侍郎汪霦、贊善姚士藟校閱草率,落卷多不加圈點。 下第者束草如人,至其門戮之。 事聞,奪職。 六十年辛丑,會試副總裁左副都御史李紱用唐人通榜法,拔取知名之士。 下第者喧閧於其門,被劾落職,發永定河效力。 然是闈一時名宿,網羅殆盡,頗為時論所許。 其他賄通關節,未經敗露,與因微眚獲譴者,例尤不一。 主鄉試解額,順治初定額從寬,順天、江南皆百六十餘名,浙江、江西、湖廣、福建皆逾百名,河南、山東、廣東、四川、山西、陝西、廣西、雲南自九十餘名遞殺,至貴州四十名為最少。 俱分經取中。 順天試直隸生員貝字號約佔額十之七,北監生皿字號十之三,宣化旦字、奉天夾字僅二三名。 江南試南監生皿字號約十之二,餘為江、安並闈生員額。 南雍罷,南監中額併入北監。 十四年,監生分南、北卷,直隸八府,延慶、保安二州,遼東、宣府、山東、山西、河南、陝西、四川、廣西為北皿,江南、浙江、江西、福建、湖廣、廣東為南皿,視人數多寡定中額。 十七年,減各直省中額之半。 康熙間,先後廣直省中額。 五十年,又各增五之一。 雍正元年,湖南北分闈,照舊額分中。 各省略有增減。 乾隆元年,順天皿字分南、北、中卷,奉天、直隸、山東、河南、山西、陝西為北皿,江南、江西、福建、浙江、湖廣、廣東為南皿,各中額三十九。 四川、廣西、雲南、貴州另編中皿,十五取一。 江南分上下江,取中下江江蘇十之六,上江安徽十之四。 九年,嚴定搜檢之法。 北闈以夾帶敗露者四十餘人,臨時散去者三千八百數十人,曳白與不終篇、文不切題者又數百人。 帝既治學政、祭酒濫送之罪,詔減各直省中額十之一。 於是定順天南、北皿各三十六,中皿改二十取一,貝字百二,夾、旦各四,江南上江四十五,下江六十九,浙江、江西皆九十四,福建八十五,廣東七十二,河南七十一,山東六十九,陝西六十一,山西、四川皆六十,雲南五十四,湖北四十八,湖南、廣西皆四十五,貴州三十六。 自是率行罔越。 光緒元年,陝、甘分闈,取中陝西四十一,甘肅三十。 咸、同間,各省輸餉輒數百萬,先後廣中額。 四川二十,江蘇十八,廣東十四,福建及台灣十三,浙江、湖南、湖北、江西、山西、安徽、甘肅、雲南、貴州各十,陝西九,河南、廣西各八,直隸、山東各二。 視初定中額尚或過之。
Chief examiners held overall responsibility for evaluation, while associate examiners handled branch grading, and every dynasty treated their appointment with the utmost seriousness. In the Kangxi reign, Zheng Jiang, a Hanlin bachelor serving as a Shuntian associate examiner, was appointed compiler after his grading was judged fair and competent. In the first year of Yongzheng, the chief metropolitan examiners Zhu Zhi and Zhang Tingyu conducted a selection widely regarded as fair, and the emperor rewarded them with the titles of Grand Tutor and Grand Preceptor, each with appropriate additional honors. Examiners who judged unfairly or performed their duties carelessly received punishment without mercy. Corruption involving cheating signals and bribery, however, was treated as a far graver offense. In Shunzhi 14 (1657), Shuntian associate examiners Li Zhenye and Zhang Wopu took bribes from the supervising secretary Lu Yiji, the doctor Cai Yuanxi, and the jinshi Xiang Shaofang to pass Tian Sa and Wu Zuolin as juren. The supervising secretary Ren Kebo submitted an impeachment memorial, and an investigation confirmed the charges. An edict ordered seven men executed together in public, their estates confiscated, and their parents, brothers, wives, and children banished to frontier service. Associate examiners Cao Benrong, a lecturer, and Song Zhicheng, an attendant reader, were demoted for failing to detect the fraud. The Jiangnan chief examiners Fang You, a reader, and Qian Kaizong, a compiler, traded in cheating signals; Jiangning bookshops even published a sensational romance said to be worth ten thousand taels of gold mocking the scandal. Censorial officials filed one memorial after another demanding punishment, and the Ministry of Justice conducted a trial that confirmed the charges. Emperor Shizu was furious. Fang You, Qian Kaizong, and seventeen others including the associate examiner Ye Chuhuai were all executed in public, and their wives, children, and estates were confiscated. The shock was immediate and widespread, and examination corruption remained largely suppressed for decades. In Kangxi 50 (1711), the Jiangnan scholars Wu Bi and Cheng Guangkui bribed the associate examiner and compiler Zhao Jin and passed the examination. Both men were widely known to be poor writers, and public outrage erupted. Once the case reached the throne, the emperor ordered Minister Zhang Penghe to conduct a rigorous inquiry jointly with the Jiangnan governor-general and governor. Jiangsu Governor Zhang Boxing accused Governor-General Gali of selling passes and covering up wrongdoing, while Gali countered by impeaching Zhang for other offenses; an edict stripped both men of their posts. Zhang Penghe was told to investigate further with Grain Transport Commissioner He Shou, and their report recommended demoting Gali and dismissing Zhang Boxing. Believing the two officials had papered over the scandal and struck a deal, the emperor sent Ministers Mu Helun and Zhang Tingshu to reinvestigate; their report largely confirmed Zhang Penghe's account. The Board of Punishments ruled that such mutual denunciation was unworthy of senior ministers and recommended that both men be removed from office. In the end the emperor dismissed Gali from office. Zhang Boxing, whose reputation for integrity was well established, was formally stripped of rank but allowed to remain in office. Zhao Jin and the associate examiners Wang Yueyu and Fang Ming were sentenced to death, while the chief examiner Zuo Bifan lost his office for failing to detect the fraud. That year the Fujian associate examiner Wu Zhaozhong was likewise executed for bribery, while the chief examiners Jie Xiao, a compiler, and Liu Yan, a director, were dismissed for failing to detect it. In Xianfeng 8 (1858), the Shuntian juren Ping Ling's marked copy and original script did not match; public outrage erupted, and Censor Meng Chuanjin exposed the scandal. Prince-ministers led by Zaiyuan investigated and found that the chief examiner and grand secretary Bai'en, acceding to a request from his servant Jin Xiang, had passed Luo Hongyi's paper in the section graded by the associate examiner and compiler Pu An. Under precedents governing illicit contact, entrusted favoritism, and bribery involving cheating signals, Bai'en and Pu An were executed, while several dozen others were sentenced to military exile, banishment, demotion, or dismissal. The associate examiner Cheng Tinggui's son Bingcai, a director, was executed for handling cheating signals, and Cheng Tinggui himself was banished. Zaiyuan, Dihua, and the investigating ministers, above all Su Shun, had long despised the civil examination system and already nursed a grievance against Bai'en. They therefore engineered a major prosecution and sought the harshest punishment for Bai'en. Contemporary commentators argued that because Jin Xiang was already dead, the case rested on unreliable testimony. Even so, from the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns onward, sons of the elite treated prestigious examination success as something they were entitled to inherit. When this prosecution broke, the entrenched customs of the Beijing provincial examination were transformed overnight. In Guangxu 19, the compiler Ding Weiti served as chief examiner for Shaanxi, and his examination-year friend Rao Shiteng had already worked through intermediaries to secure favors on his behalf. When the scheme was discovered, both men were arrested for interrogation. Shiteng took his own life, and both men were soon stripped of their offices. Some were punished even without proven involvement in cheating signals or bribery. In Kangxi 38 (1699), Censor Lu You charged the Shuntian examination with unfair grading; the chief examiner Li Pan, a compiler, was banished, and the associate chief examiner Jiang Chenying, also a compiler, was implicated, imprisoned before he could answer the charges, and died in jail. Jiang Chenying was a celebrated Zhejiang man of letters, admired for his ancient-style prose; the entire court knew he was innocent, and all mourned his fate. In 1705, the Shuntian chief examiners Wang Song, a vice minister, and Yao Shilao, a tutor, graded papers carelessly, leaving many failed scripts entirely unmarked. Failed candidates fashioned straw effigies and came to their gates to thrash them in protest. Once the incident was reported, both men were dismissed from office. In 1721, the associate chief metropolitan examiner Li Fu, a vice censor-in-chief, applied the Tang practice of open recommendation and selected several celebrated scholars. Failed candidates clamored at his gate; he was impeached, dismissed, and sent to perform labor service on the Yongding River. Even so, that session drew in nearly every distinguished scholar of the day, and contemporary opinion largely approved of the result. Other bribery involving cheating signals went undetected, and penalties for lesser lapses followed no single standard; precedents varied widely. Provincial examination quotas were generous at the start of Shunzhi: Shuntian and Jiangnan each passed more than 160 candidates; Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Huguang, and Fujian each passed over 100; Henan, Shandong, Guangdong, Sichuan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Guangxi, and Yunnan stepped down from the 90s; and Guizhou, with 40, had the smallest quota. Quotas were distributed and filled separately for each classic. At the Shuntian examination, Zhili students in the bei registration group took about seventy percent of the quota, North imperial students in the min group about thirty percent, while Xuanhua (dan mark) and Fengtian (jia mark) received only two or three passes apiece. At the Jiangnan examination, South imperial students in the min group took about twenty percent of the quota, with the rest reserved for the combined Jiangsu-Anhui provincial student quota. After the South imperial academy was abolished, its quota was folded into that of the North imperial academy. In Shunzhi 14, imperial students were split into southern and northern registration scroll groups: Zhili's eight prefectures together with Yanqing, Baobao, Liaodong, Xuanfu, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, Sichuan, and Guangxi formed the northern group; Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, and Guangdong formed the southern group; quotas were then set according to candidate numbers. In Shunzhi 17, every province's passing quota was reduced by half. Under Kangxi, provincial quotas were repeatedly increased. In Kangxi 50, each province's quota was raised by another fifth. In Yongzheng 1, Hunan and the northern circuit held separate examinations and divided passes according to the previous quota. Individual provinces saw modest adjustments up or down. In Qianlong 1, Shuntian min-character registration scrolls were divided into southern, northern, and middle groups: Fengtian, Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Shanxi, and Shaanxi formed the northern group; Jiangnan, Jiangxi, Fujian, Zhejiang, Huguang, and Guangdong the southern group; each received a quota of 39 passes. Sichuan, Guangxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou were grouped separately as the middle registration scroll group, with a ratio of one pass per fifteen candidates. Jiangnan was split into upper- and lower-river circuits, with lower-river Jiangsu allotted sixty percent of the passes and upper-river Anhui forty percent. In Qianlong 9, search procedures at the examination gates were tightened sharply. At the Beijing provincial examination, more than forty candidates were caught with hidden notes, nearly 3,900 were turned away on the spot, and several hundred more submitted blank papers, left their essays unfinished, or wrote off-topic answers. After punishing education officials and academy libationers for laxly sending up candidates, the emperor ordered every province's quota cut by one-tenth. Quotas were then fixed as follows: Shuntian's southern and northern min groups at 36 each; the middle group at one in twenty; bei-character at 102; jia and dan at 4 each; Jiangnan upper river 45 and lower river 69; Zhejiang and Jiangxi 94 each; Fujian 85; Guangdong 72; Henan 71; Shandong 69; Shaanxi 61; Shanxi and Sichuan 60 each; Yunnan 54; Hubei 48; Hunan and Guangxi 45 each; Guizhou 36. Thereafter these quotas were applied consistently without exception. In Guangxu 1, Shaanxi and Gansu held separate examinations, passing 41 and 30 candidates respectively. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns, provinces repeatedly contributed millions in war funds, and quotas were repeatedly increased in return. Bonus quotas were granted as follows: Sichuan 20, Jiangsu 18, Guangdong 14, Fujian and Taiwan 13, Zhejiang, Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Shanxi, Anhui, Gansu, Yunnan, and Guizhou 10 each, Shaanxi 9, Henan and Guangxi 8 each, and Zhili and Shandong 2 each. In some cases these additions pushed quotas above the levels first established.
14
會試無定額,順治三年、九年俱四百名,分南、北、中卷。 浙江、江西、福建、湖廣、廣東五省,江寧、蘇、松、常、鎮、淮、揚、徽、寧、池、太十一府,廣德一州為南卷,中二百三十三名。 山東、山西、河南、陝西四省,順天、永平、保定、河間、真定、順德、廣平、大名八府,延慶、保安二州,奉天、遼東、大寧、萬全諸處為北卷,中百五十三名。 四川、廣西、雲南、貴州四省,安、廬、鳳、滁、徐、和等府、州為中卷,中十四名。 十二年,中卷併入南、北卷。 厥後中卷屢分屢並,或更於南、北、中卷分為左、右。 或專取川、廣、雲、貴四省,各編字號,分別中一、二、三名。 五十一年,以各省取中人數多少不均,邊省或致遺漏,因廢南、北官、民等字號,分省取中。 按應試人數多寡,欽定中額。 歷科大率三百數十名,少或百數十名,而以雍正庚戌四百六名為最多,乾隆己酉九十六名為最少。
The metropolitan examination had no permanent quota; in Shunzhi 3 and 9 it was set at 400 passes each time, divided among southern, northern, and middle scroll groups. The southern scroll comprised Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, and Guangdong, plus Jiangning, Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, Zhenjiang, Huai'an, Yangzhou, Huizhou, Ningguo, Chizhou, and Taiping prefectures and Guangde prefecture, with a quota of 233 passes. The northern scroll comprised Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, and Shaanxi, plus Shuntian, Yongping, Baoding, Hejian, Zhengding, Shunde, Guangping, and Daming prefectures, Yanqing and Baobao, and Fengtian, Liaodong, Daning, Wanquan, and related districts, with a quota of 153 passes. The middle scroll comprised Sichuan, Guangxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou, plus Anqing, Luzhou, Fengyang, Chuzhou, Xuzhou, Hezhou, and related prefectures and departments, with a quota of 14 passes. In Shunzhi 12, the middle scroll was absorbed into the southern and northern groups. Later the middle group was repeatedly split and recombined, and at times the southern, northern, and middle scrolls were further divided into left and right subgroups. At other times Sichuan, Guangdong, Yunnan, and Guizhou were given their own registration marks, with one, two, or three passes assigned separately. In Kangxi 51, because provincial pass numbers were uneven and border provinces were sometimes left out, the southern, northern, official, and common character marks were abolished and quotas were assigned province by province. Quotas were then set by imperial decree according to the number of candidates. Over the years metropolitan examinations usually passed a few hundred candidates, sometimes only a little over a hundred; the highest total was 406 in 1730 (Yongzheng gengxu), and the lowest 96 in 1789 (Qianlong jiyou).
15
五經中式,仿自明代。 以初場試書藝三篇,經義四篇,其合作五經卷見長者,因有「二十三篇」之目。 順治乙酉,山東鄉試,法若真以全作五經文賜內閣中書,一體會試。 康熙丁卯順天鄉試,浙江監生查士韓、福建貢生林文英,壬午順天南皿監生庄令輿、俞長策,皆以兼作四書、五經文二十三篇違式,奏聞,俱授舉人。 詔嗣後不必禁止,旋著為令。 鄉、會試五經卷,於額外取中三名。 二場添詔、誥各一,於是習者益眾。 直隸、陝西等省,至有以五經卷掄元者。 五十年,增各省鄉試一名,順天二名,會試三名。 五十六年,停五經應試。 雍正初,復其制。 順天皿字號中四名,各省每額九名加中一名。 大省人多文佳,額外量取副榜三四名。 四年丙午,詔是科以五經中副榜者,准作舉人,一體會試,尤為特異。 乾隆十六年,始停五經中式之例。
The practice of passing candidates who completed essays on all Five Classics followed the Ming precedent. The first session required three composition essays and four classic essays; candidates who submitted strong complete Five Classics papers were known as twenty-three-essay examinees. At the Shandong provincial examination of 1645 (Shunzhi yiyou), Fa Ruozhen, who had written complete Five Classics essays, was granted a secretarial post in the Grand Secretariat and allowed to sit for the metropolitan examination on the same footing as a juren. At the Shuntian provincial examination of 1687 (Kangxi dingmao), the Zhejiang imperial student Cha Shihan and the Fujian tribute student Lin Wenying; and at the 1692 (renshen) Shuntian southern min examination, the imperial students Zhuang Lingyu and Yu Changce—all of whom had additionally written the full twenty-three essays on the Four Books and Five Classics in violation of the prescribed format—were reported to the throne and all granted juren status. An edict declared that the practice need no longer be forbidden, and it was soon codified as a rule. Provincial and metropolitan examinations each granted three passes beyond the regular quota for outstanding Five Classics papers. When the second session added one edict-style essay and one grand-proclamation essay, ever more candidates took up the practice. In Zhili, Shaanxi, and other provinces, Five Classics candidates sometimes even took first place. In Kangxi 50, each province's provincial quota was raised by one, Shuntian's by two, and the metropolitan quota by three. In Kangxi 56, the Five Classics examination was suspended. At the start of Yongzheng, the practice was restored. Shuntian allotted four passes in the min registration group; in the provinces, one extra pass was added for every nine regular quota places. In populous provinces with strong fields of candidates, three or four additional alternate-list places were sometimes granted beyond the regular quota. In 1726 (Yongzheng bingwu), an edict ruled that candidates who made the Five Classics alternate list that year would be treated as juren and allowed to sit for the metropolitan examination—a privilege of unusual breadth. In Qianlong 16, the practice of granting passes for complete Five Classics papers was finally abolished.
16
至歷代臨雍,增北闈監生中額,恩詔廣鄉、會試中額,均屬於常額外也。 鄉、會試正榜外取中副榜,會試副榜免廷試,咨吏部授職。 康熙三年罷之。 鄉試副榜原定順天二十名,江南十二,江西十一,浙江、福建、湖廣各十,山東、河南各九,山西、陝西、四川、廣東各八,廣西六。 取文理優者,不拘經房。 康熙元年停取。 十一年,取中如舊例。 增雲南五,貴州四。 嗣是各直省率正榜五名中一名,惟恩科廣額不與焉。 雍正四年,準是科由副榜復中副榜者作舉人,非常例也。
When emperors lectured at the Imperial Academy, extra passes were granted to Academy students at the Beijing examination, and grace-edict examinations widened provincial and metropolitan quotas—all of these fell outside the standing quota. In addition to the main lists at provincial and metropolitan examinations, candidates could pass on a supplementary alternate list; metropolitan alternate-list graduates were exempt from the palace examination and referred to the Board of Civil Appointments for office. In Kangxi 3 the practice was abolished. Original provincial alternate-list quotas were: Shuntian 20, Jiangnan 12, Jiangxi 11, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Huguang 10 each, Shandong and Henan 9 each, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Sichuan, and Guangdong 8 each, and Guangxi 6. Candidates were chosen for literary excellence, without regard to which classic examination room they had been assigned. In Kangxi 1 the alternate list was suspended. In Kangxi 11 alternate-list passes were restored under the former rules. Yunnan's quota rose by five and Guizhou's by four. Thereafter most provinces generally awarded one alternate-list place for every five main-list passes, though this did not apply when grace-examination years expanded the regular quota. In Yongzheng 4, that year's session alone allowed candidates who had previously made the alternate list and did so again to be recognized as juren—a break from normal practice.
17
雍正五年,命各省督、撫、學政甄別衰老教職休致之缺,以是年會試落卷文理明順之舉人補授。 乾隆間,屢行選取如例,大、中、小省各數十名。 明通別為一榜。 二十六年,廷議於明通榜外選取中書四十名,其餘年力老成、宜課士者,另選用學正、學錄數名。 報可。 五十五年悉罷。 此後下第者,於正榜外挑取謄錄,北闈數百名或百數十名。 會試額定四十名,備各館繕寫,積資得邀議敘。 此則旁搜博採、俾寒畯多獲進身之階也。
In Yongzheng 5, provincial governors and education commissioners were directed to identify posts vacated by elderly instructors, and to fill them with juren whose failed metropolitan papers that year showed competent prose. Under Qianlong, the practice was repeated periodically, with large, medium, and small provinces each selecting several dozen candidates. Candidates in the mingtong category were ranked on a separate list. In Qianlong 26, the court decided to select forty central-secretariat clerks beyond the mingtong list, and to appoint several mature candidates suited to teaching as district instructors and academy recorders. The emperor approved. In Qianlong 55 the entire system was abolished. Thereafter failed candidates were selected from beyond the main list as copyist clerks—several hundred, or roughly one to two hundred, at the Beijing examination. The metropolitan quota for copyists was fixed at forty, to supply manuscript copying for the various agencies; over time they could earn consideration for appointment. By casting a wider net, the state opened more avenues of advancement to poor scholars.
18
八旗以騎射為本,右武左文。 世祖御極,詔開科舉,八旗人士不與。 順治八年,吏部疏言:「八旗子弟多英才,可備循良之選,宜遵成例開科,於鄉、會試拔其優者除官。」 報可。 八旗鄉、會試自是年始。 其時八旗子弟,每牛錄下讀滿、漢書者有定額,應試及各衙門任用,悉於此取給,額外者不得習。 往往不敷取中。 故自十四年至康熙十五年,八旗考試,時舉時停。 先是鄉、會試,殿試,均滿洲、蒙古為一榜,漢軍、漢人為一榜。 康熙二十六年,詔同漢人一體應試。 尋定制,鄉、會場先試馬步箭,騎射合格,乃應制舉。 庶文事不妨武備,遂為永制。 初八旗鄉試,僅試清文或蒙古文一篇,會試倍之。 漢軍試書藝二篇、經藝一篇,不通經者,增書藝一篇。 二、三闈試論、策各一。 逐科遞加,自與漢人合試,非復前之簡易矣。
The Eight Banners took mounted archery as their foundation, prizing martial skill over literary accomplishment. When the Shunzhi Emperor came to the throne, he decreed that civil examinations were open—but Banner personnel were excluded. In Shunzhi 8, the Board of Civil Appointments memorialized that Banner youths included many able men who could serve as upright officials, and urged reopening examinations under precedent, with the best provincial and metropolitan candidates appointed to office. The emperor approved. Banner provincial and metropolitan examinations began that year. At the time each niru had a fixed quota of Banner youths studying Manchu and Chinese; candidates for examination and office were drawn exclusively from this pool, and others were barred from studying. Often there were not enough qualified candidates to fill the allotted passes. From Shunzhi 14 through Kangxi 15, Banner examinations were repeatedly suspended and revived. Initially provincial, metropolitan, and palace examinations ranked Manchus and Mongols on one list and Han Bannermen and Han Chinese on another. In Kangxi 26, Banner candidates were ordered to compete on the same footing as Han Chinese. Regulations were soon fixed: at provincial and metropolitan examinations candidates first had to pass mounted and foot archery; only then could they take the civil papers. Literary study would not be allowed to displace martial training—a rule made permanent. Initially Banner provincial exams required only one composition in Manchu or Mongolian; at the metropolitan level the requirement doubled. Han Banner candidates took two literary essays and one on the classics; those weak in the classics took an extra literary essay instead. The second and third sessions each required one essay and one policy question. Requirements increased with each session, and once Bannermen competed alongside Han Chinese, the old abbreviated format was gone.
19
鄉試中額,順治八年,定滿洲、漢軍各五十,蒙古二十,嗣減滿洲、漢軍各五之一,蒙古四之一。 康熙八年,編滿、蒙為滿字號,漢軍為合字號,各取十名。 二十六年,再減漢軍五名。 後復遞增。 乾隆九年,詔各減十之一,定為滿、蒙二十七,漢軍十二。 同治間,以輸餉增滿、蒙六名,漢軍四名。 各省駐防,初亦應順天試,嘉慶十八年,始於駐防省分試之。 十人中一,多不逾三名,副榜如例。 會試初制,滿洲、漢軍進士各二十五,蒙古十。 康熙九年,編滿、合字號,如鄉試例,各中四名。 嗣亦臨時請旨,無定額。
Provincial quotas set in Shunzhi 8 were fifty each for Manchus and Han Bannermen and twenty for Mongols; later Manchu and Han Banner quotas were cut by one-fifth and the Mongol quota by one-fourth. In Kangxi 8, Manchus and Mongols were grouped as the Man registration category and Han Bannermen as the He category, each with ten passes. In Kangxi 26 the Han Banner quota was cut by five. Quotas were later raised again in stages. In Qianlong 9 quotas were cut by one-tenth, fixing Manchu and Mongol passes at twenty-seven and Han Banner passes at twelve. During Tongzhi, war-fund contributions added six passes for Manchus and Mongols and four for Han Bannermen. Provincial garrisons initially sent candidates to the Shuntian examination; in Jiaqing 18 they began holding examinations in their own provinces. The quota was one in ten, usually capping at three; alternate-list rules applied as elsewhere. Initial metropolitan quotas were twenty-five jinshi each for Manchus and Han Bannermen and ten for Mongols. In Kangxi 9, following the provincial model, the Man and He categories each passed four. Later quotas were set ad hoc by imperial order, with no fixed number.
20
宗室不應鄉、會試,聖祖、世宗降有明諭。 乾隆八年,宗人府試宗學,拔其尤者玉鼎柱等為進士,一體殿試,是為宗室會試之始。 未久即停。 嘉慶六年,宗室應鄉、會試始著為令。 先期宗人府或奉天宗學考試騎射如例,試期於文闈鄉、會試場前,或場後,或同日,試製藝、律詩各一,一日而畢。 鄉試九人中一人。 會試,考官酌取數卷候親裁,別為一榜。 殿試、朝考,滿、漢一體,除庶吉士等官有差。
Imperial clansmen did not take provincial or metropolitan examinations; both the Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors had issued explicit edicts forbidding it. In Qianlong 8 the Imperial Clan Court examined the clan academy and promoted top graduates such as Yu Dingzhu to jinshi, who then took the palace examination together—the start of a formal imperial-clan metropolitan track. The practice was soon abandoned. In Jiaqing 6 clansmen's participation in provincial and metropolitan examinations was first codified. Beforehand the Imperial Clan Court or Fengtian clan academy tested mounted archery as usual; clansmen then took one essay and one regulated poem either before, after, or on the same day as the civil provincial or metropolitan examination, finishing in a single day. The provincial quota was one pass in nine. At the metropolitan level examiners forwarded a few selected papers for the emperor's personal judgment on a separate list. Palace and court examinations treated Manchu and Han candidates alike, though appointments such as Hanlin bachelor varied.
21
順治十五年,帝以順天、江南考官俱以賄敗,親覆試兩闈舉人,是為鄉試覆試之始。 取順天米漢雯等百八十二名,準會試。 江南汪溥勛等九十八名,准作舉人。 罰停會試、除名者二十二名。 惟吳珂鳴以三次試卷文理獨優,特許一體殿試,異數也。 康熙三十八年,帝以北闈取士不公,命集內廷覆試。 列三等以上者許會試,四等黜之。 五十一年壬辰,順天解元查為仁以傳遞事覺而逸,帝疑新進士有代倩中式者,親覆試暢春園,黜五人。 會試覆試自是始。 乾隆間,或命各省督、撫、學政於鄉試榜後覆試,或專覆試江蘇、安徽、江西、浙江、廣東、山西六省丙午前三科俊秀貢監中式者,或止覆試中式進士,或北闈舉人,臨期降旨,無定例。 五十四年,貢士單可虹覆試詩失調訛舛,不符中卷,除名。 詔旨嚴切,謂「禮闈非嚴行覆試,不足拔真才、懲幸進」。 至嘉慶初,遂著為令。 道光二十三年,定制,各省舉人,一體至京覆試,非經覆試,不許會試。 以事延誤,於下三科補行。 除丁憂展限外,託故不到,以規避論,永停會試與赴部銓選。 覆試期以會試年二月。 咸、同間,因軍興道路梗阻,光緒季年,以辛丑條約,京師停試,假闈河南,俱得先會試後覆試,非恆制也。 覆試詩文疵謬,詩失粘,抬寫錯誤,不避御名、廟諱、至聖諱,罰停會試、殿試一科或一科以上。 文理不通,或文理筆跡不符中卷者黜。 乾隆五十八年,中式舉人鄧棻春等八名補覆試,停科者五,斥革者二,監臨俱獲譴。 歷科因是黜罰者有之。 洎末造益趨寬大,光緒十九年,北闈倩作、頂替中式者至數十人,言官劾舉人周學熙、湯寶霖、蔡學淵、陳步鑾、黃樹聲、萬航六人,下所司舉出錄科中卷不符者,學淵、樹聲、航三人俱斥革,餘覆試無一黜者,監臨各官均免議,而僥倖者接跡矣。
In Shunzhi 15, after bribery scandals brought down examiners in Shuntian and Jiangnan, the emperor personally re-examined candidates from both provinces—the origin of provincial re-examination. One hundred eighty-two Shuntian candidates, including Mi Hanwen, were confirmed and allowed to proceed to the metropolitan examination. Ninety-eight Jiangnan candidates, including Wang Puxun, were recognized as juren. Twenty-two were barred from the metropolitan examination and struck from the rolls. Wu Keming alone, whose essays proved consistently superior across three examinations, was exceptionally allowed to take the palace examination with full standing. In Kangxi 38, citing unfair selection at the Beijing examination, the emperor ordered candidates re-examined within the palace. Candidates ranked third class or above could proceed to the metropolitan examination; fourth-class candidates were dismissed. In 1712 (Kangxi renchen), Shuntian provincial top graduate Zha Weiren fled when a cheating scheme was exposed; suspecting that some new jinshi had passed by proxy, the emperor re-examined them personally at Changchun Garden and dismissed five. Metropolitan re-examination began at this time. Under Qianlong, re-examination was applied inconsistently: sometimes provincial governors and education commissioners re-examined candidates after the provincial lists; sometimes only juren from Jiangsu, Anhui, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Guangdong, and Shanxi who had passed as tribute scholars or academy students in three prior bingwu sessions; sometimes only newly passed jinshi or Beijing juren were re-examined—always by last-minute edict, never as fixed rule. In Qianlong 54, tribute scholar Shan Kehong was disqualified when his re-examination poem was flawed and did not match his winning paper. A stern edict declared that without rigorous re-examination at the metropolitan examination, true talent could not be distinguished from the lucky. By the early Jiaqing reign this became fixed law. In Daoguang 23 the rule was fixed: every provincial juren had to undergo re-examination in the capital; none could sit for the metropolitan examination without it. Those delayed by circumstance could complete re-examination within the next three examination cycles. Except when mourning obligations granted an extension, failure to appear without valid cause was treated as deliberate evasion and permanently barred a candidate from the metropolitan examination and capital appointment review. Re-examination was held in the second month of the metropolitan examination year. During Xianfeng and Tongzhi, blocked roads delayed travel; in late Guangxu, after the Boxer settlement forced examinations out of Beijing to Henan, candidates were sometimes allowed to take the metropolitan examination before re-examination—exceptions, not standing practice. Re-examination faults—poor prose, flawed regulated verse, formatting errors, or failure to observe imperial, ancestral, and Confucian taboos—could suspend a candidate from one or more metropolitan and palace examination cycles. Incoherent writing, or writing or handwriting inconsistent with the passed paper, resulted in dismissal. In Qianlong 58, eight passed juren including Deng Fenchun were belatedly re-examined; five were suspended, two expelled, and all supervising officials censured. In later sessions similar dismissals and punishments occurred. In the dynasty's final years enforcement grew lax. At the Guangxu 19 Beijing examination dozens passed by ghostwriting or impersonation. Censors impeached six juren; an official review found mismatched papers for Cai Xueyuan, Huang Shusheng, and Wan Hang, who were expelled; the other three passed re-examination without penalty; supervisors faced no consequences—and impostors kept appearing.
22
定例各省鄉試揭曉後,依程限解卷至部磨勘,遲延者罪之。 蓋防考官闈後修改試卷避吏議也。 磨勘首嚴弊幸,次檢瑕疵。 字句偶疵者貸之。 字句可疑,文體不正,舉人除名。 若干卷以上,考官及同考革職或逮問。 不及若干卷,奪俸或降調。 其校閱草率,雷同濫惡,雜然並登,及試卷不諳禁例,字句疵蒙謬纇,題字錯落,真草不全,謄錄錯誤,內、外簾官、舉子議罰有差。 禁令之密,前所未有也。 磨勘官初禮部及禮科主之,康熙間,始欽派大臣專司其事。 解額漸廣,試卷日多,於是令九卿公同磨勘。 六部官牽於職事,以其餘暇勘校,往往虛應故事。 乾隆初,改任都察院科、道五品以上,科甲京堂、中、贊以上翰、詹官,集朝房磨勘。 嗣復增編、檢。 額定四十人,以專責成。 先是磨勘試卷不署名,亦無功過之條。 與斯役者,每託名寬厚,不欲窮究。 乾隆二十一年,始令磨勘官填註銜名。 二十五年,復增大臣覆勘例,分別議敘、議處,功令始嚴。 是年特派秦蕙田、觀保、錢汝誠為覆勘大臣。 事竟,原勘官御史硃丕烈劾其瞻徇,下軍機大臣覈覆。 蕙田等實有誤駁及疏漏之處,丕烈亦以彈劾不實,俱下部議。 其時磨勘諸臣慎重將事,不稍假借,一變因循敷衍之習。 太僕寺卿宮煥文、御史閻循琦、硃稽、硃丕烈,嘉慶初御史辛從益,俱以抉摘精審聞於時。 知歷科考官舉子因是譴黜者不乏人,而藉端報復,蓋亦有之。 乾隆六十年乙卯,會元為浙江王以鋙,第二名即其弟以銜,帝心異之。 正總裁侍郎竇光鼐素與和珅不協,且以詆訶後進忤同列,均欲藉以傾之。 因摘兩人闈墨中並有「王道本乎人情」語,以為關節。 抑寘以鋙榜末,停其殿試,降光鼐四品休致,鐫副總裁侍郎劉躍雲、祭酒瑚圖禮四級。 及廷試傳唱,以銜第一,上意釋然。 諭廷臣曰:「此亦豈朕之關節耶?」 以鋙後亦入詞館。 嘉慶五年,磨勘官辛從益、戴璐於北闈策題、試卷指摘不遺餘力。 從益江西籍,向以嚴於磨勘稱。 是科江西僅中一人,璐子下第,人謂因是多所吹求。 上聞,命二人退出磨勘班。 同治間,鴻臚寺少卿梁僧寶復以磨勘過嚴為人所憚。 蓋自磨勘例行,足以糾正文體,抉剔弊竇,裨益科目,非淺鮮也。
Regulations required provincial examination papers to reach the ministry for collating review within the deadline after results were posted; delays were penalized. The rule prevented examiners from altering papers after the examination to evade official review. Collating review first targeted fraud and favoritism, then examined defects. Minor wording slips were overlooked. Suspicious wording or improper form could strip a juren of status. When a threshold number of defective papers was reached, chief and associate examiners faced dismissal or arrest. Below that threshold, penalties were salary forfeiture or demotion. Careless review, passing batches of plagiarized or shoddy essays, papers violating format rules, garbled language, miswritten topic characters, incomplete original or fair copies, copying errors—all drew differentiated penalties on curtain officials and candidates alike. Never before had regulations been so strict. Collating review was initially overseen by the Ministry of Rites and its censorate bureau; under Kangxi specially appointed grand ministers took over. As more papers reached the capital, the nine chief ministers were ordered to review them jointly. Ministry officials, busy with regular duties, reviewed papers in spare hours and often treated the task as routine. In early Qianlong, review passed to fifth-rank and higher censors, juren-origin capital officials of vice-minister rank and above, and senior Hanlin and Secretariat compilers, who met in the court chamber. Compilers and proofreaders were later added to the roster. A fixed roster of forty was established to ensure accountable review. Previously reviewers did not sign their reports, and there was no accountability for performance. Reviewers often claimed leniency and declined to pursue cases to the end. In Qianlong 21 reviewers were first required to sign their reports with rank and name. In Qianlong 25 grand-minister re-review was formalized, with rewards and punishments applied by rule—marking the first rigorous enforcement. That year Qin Huitian, Guanbao, and Qian Rucheng were specially appointed re-review commissioners. When the review concluded, original reviewer Censor Zhu Pilie accused them of favoritism, and the Grand Council was ordered to investigate. Qin Huitian and colleagues were found to have wrongly rejected papers and overlooked faults; Zhu Pilie was faulted for an unsubstantiated impeachment—all were referred to the ministry for adjudication. At that point collating reviewers handled their duty with real rigor, brooking no laxity, and broke the old habit of perfunctory compliance. Gong Huanwen, Minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud; Censors Yan Xunqi, Zhu Ji, and Zhu Pilie; and early in Jiaqing Censor Xin Congyi—all won renown for painstaking, exacting review. Many examiners and candidates were known to have been punished in successive rounds for such findings, though some surely used review as a pretext for revenge. In Qianlong 60 (1795), the top metropolitan graduate was Wang Yiwu of Zhejiang, with second place going to his younger brother Yixian—an outcome that struck the emperor as highly unusual. Chief director Vice Minister Dou Guangnai had long feuded with Heshen and had alienated colleagues by harshly denouncing junior officials; many now hoped to use the affair against him. They seized on identical phrasing in both brothers' essays—"the way of kings rests upon human sentiment"—as evidence of collusion. Wang Yiwu was placed last on the list and barred from the palace examination. Dou Guangnai was reduced to fourth rank and forced to retire; deputy directors Vice Minister Liu Yueyun and Rector Hutuli were each demoted four ranks. When the palace examination results were announced and Yixian ranked first, the emperor's concerns eased. The emperor told the court: "Surely this is no secret arrangement of my own making?" Wang Yiwu later entered the Hanlin Academy as well. In Jiaqing 5, reviewers Xin Congyi and Dai Lu combed the northern metropolitan examination papers and policy topics with relentless exactness. Xin Congyi, a native of Jiangxi, had long been famed for severity in review. That year Jiangxi produced only one successful candidate; Dai Lu's son failed, and many attributed the harsh findings to his overzealous scrutiny. On learning of this, the emperor ordered both removed from the review roster. During Tongzhi, Vice Minister Liang Sengbao of the Court of State Ceremonial again became feared for review practices that were excessively strict. On the whole, once collating review became routine, it corrected literary standards, exposed abuses, and strengthened the examinations—a contribution that was far from insignificant.
23
庶吉士之選無定額。 順治三年,世祖始策貢士於廷,賜一甲三人傅以漸等及第,簡梁清寬等四十六人為庶吉士。 四年、六年復選用。 九年,以給事中高辛允言,按直省大小選庶吉士。 直隸、江南、浙江各五人,江西、福建、湖廣、山東、河南各四人,山西、陝西各二人,廣東一人,漢軍四人。 另榜授滿洲、蒙古修撰、編修、庶吉士九人。 自是考選如例。 惟滿、蒙、漢軍選否無常。 康熙間,新進士得奏請讀書中秘。 輒以家世多任館閣,或邊隅素少詞臣為言。 間邀俞允。 故自四十五年至六十七年科中,各省皆有館選。 世宗令大臣舉所知參用,廷對後,親試文藝。 雍正元、二年間,漢軍、蒙古、山西、河南、陝西、湖南及諸邊省每不入選。 三年,太常寺少卿李鍾峨疏請分省簡選,廣儲材之路。 廷議駁之。 五年,詔內閣會議簡選庶常之法,尋議照雍正癸卯科例,殿試後,集諸進士保和殿考試,仍令九卿確行保舉。 考試用論、詔、奏議、詩四題。 是為朝考之始。 乾隆元年,御史程盛修言:「翰林地居清要,欲得通材,務端始進。 自保舉例行,而呈身識面,廣開請託之門; 額手彈冠,最便空疏之輩。 宜亟停止。」 報可。 高宗諭禁向來新進士請託奔競、呈送四六頌聯之陋習,既慎校文藝,復令大臣察其儀止、年歲,分為三等,欽加簡選。 三年,罷大臣揀選例,依省分甲第引見,臨時甄別錄用。 後世踵行其制。 嘉慶以來,每科庶常率倍舊額,各省無不入選者矣。
There was no fixed quota for Hanlin bachelors. In Shunzhi 3 the Founding Emperor first tested tribute scholars at court, conferred degrees on the top three graduates including Fu Yijian, and selected forty-six men, among them Liang Qingkuan, as Hanlin bachelors. Selections were made again in Shunzhi 4 and 6. In Shunzhi 9, on a memorial from supervising secretary Gao Xinyu, Hanlin bachelors were allocated among the provinces by large and small quotas. Zhili, Jiangnan, and Zhejiang received five each; Jiangxi, Fujian, Huguang, Shandong, and Henan four each; Shanxi and Shaanxi two each; Guangdong one; and Han Bannermen four. A separate list appointed nine Manchu and Mongol compilers, associate compilers, and Hanlin bachelors. Thereafter Hanlin selection followed these rules. Whether Manchus, Mongols, and Han Bannermen were included remained variable. During Kangxi, new jinshi could petition to train in the inner secretariat. They commonly pleaded family service in the academies and secretariat, or the scarcity of literary officials in frontier provinces. Such requests were sometimes granted. From Kangxi 45 through 67 every province had graduates chosen for the Hanlin. Emperor Yongzheng had ministers nominate candidates they knew; after the palace audience he personally tested their literary skills. In Yongzheng 1–2, Han Bannermen, Mongols, and graduates from Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, Hunan, and many frontier provinces often went unselected. In Yongzheng 3 Vice Minister Li Zhong'e of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices petitioned for province-by-province selection to broaden the talent pipeline. The court rejected the proposal. In Yongzheng 5 the throne ordered the Grand Secretariat to settle Hanlin selection rules; the court adopted the Yongzheng guimao (1723) precedent—after the palace examination all jinshi were tested in the Hall of Preserving Harmony, with the Nine Ministers still required to submit formal recommendations. The examination comprised four genres: discourse, edict, memorial, and poetry. This marked the origin of the court examination for Hanlin selection. In Qianlong 1 Censor Cheng Shengxiu argued: "The Hanlin holds a position of the highest trust; to recruit truly capable men, the very first step of entry must be kept upright. Once the recommendation system took hold, candidates presented themselves for recognition and opened wide the door to patronage; Opportunists rubbing their hands in anticipation found it easiest of all. It should be abolished immediately. The throne approved. Emperor Qianlong forbade the old habits of new jinshi—lobbying for patronage and submitting ornate parallel-prose encomia. He scrutinized their literary work, had ministers assess deportment and age, ranked them in three tiers, and made the final Hanlin selection himself. In Qianlong 3 ministerial selection was abolished; graduates were presented by province and degree rank, with final appointments made on the spot. Later reigns continued the practice. From Jiaqing on, Hanlin quotas routinely doubled the old standard, and every province had at least one selection.
24
凡用庶吉士曰館選。 初制,分習清、漢書,隸內院,以學士或侍讀教習之。 自康熙九年專設翰林院,歷科皆以掌院學士領其事,內閣學士間亦參用。 三十三年,命選講、讀以下官資深學優者數人,分司訓課,曰小教習。 六十年,以禮部尚書陳元龍領教習事。 厥後尚書、侍郎、閣學之不兼掌院事者,並得為教習大臣,滿、漢各一。 雍正十一年,特設教習館,頒內府經、史、詩、文,戶部月給廩餼,工部供張什物,俾庶吉士肄業其中,尤為優異。 三年考試散館,優者留翰林為編修、檢討,次者改給事中、御史、主事、中書、推官、知縣、教職。 其例先後不一,間有未散館而授職編、檢者。 或供奉內廷,或宣諭外省,或校書議敘,或召試詞科,皆得免其考試。 凡留館者,遷調異他官。 有清一代宰輔多由此選,其餘列卿尹膺疆寄者,不可勝數。 士子咸以預選為榮,而鼎甲尤所企望。 康熙間,庶吉士張逸少散館改知縣,遷秦州知州,其父大學士玉書奏乞內用,復得授編修。 三十年辛未,上以鼎甲久無北人,親擢黃叔琳一甲三名。 叔琳,大興人。 雍正間,大學士張廷玉子若靄,廷對列一甲第三,廷玉執不可,上為抑寘二甲第一,誠重之也。
Selection of Hanlin bachelors was known as guanxuan—"Hanlin selection." Originally they studied Manchu and Chinese texts under the inner court, taught by academicians or readers-in-waiting. From Kangxi 9 the Hanlin Academy stood as a separate institution; the chancellor led Hanlin selection each round, with Grand Secretariat academicians sometimes assisting. In Kangxi 33 several senior expositor- and reader-grade officials of proven learning were appointed as junior instructors to share teaching duties. In Kangxi 60 Minister of Rites Chen Yuanlong was put in charge of Hanlin instruction. Thereafter any minister, vice minister, or secretariat academician not serving as chancellor could serve as a grand instructor—one Manchu and one Han. In Yongzheng 11 a dedicated instructors' hall was established, stocked with palace editions of the classics, histories, poetry, and prose; the Board of Revenue paid monthly stipends and the Board of Works furnished the premises—an arrangement of exceptional favor for Hanlin bachelors in training. After three years they sat the dispersal examination; the best remained in the Hanlin as compilers or proofreaders, while others were posted as supervising secretaries, censors, department secretaries, palace secretaries, judicial intendants, county magistrates, or educators. Rules varied over time, and some were appointed compilers or proofreaders before completing the three-year term. Service in the inner court, missions to the provinces, textual collation leading to promotion, or summons to special literary examinations—all could exempt one from the dispersal test. Those who remained in the Hanlin followed a distinct track of promotion. Most Qing chief ministers rose through this route, and countless others became senior ministers and frontier governors. Scholars prized Hanlin selection above all, and the top three palace graduates most of all. During Kangxi, Hanlin bachelor Zhang Yishao left the academy for a county magistracy and later became prefect of Qinzhou; his father, Grand Secretary Yushu, petitioned for his recall to the capital, and he was reappointed compiler. In Kangxi 30 (1691), noting that no northerner had ranked among the top three for some time, the emperor personally placed Huang Shulin third in the first class. Huang Shulin was from Daxing. During Yongzheng, Zhang Tingyu's son Ruogao placed third in the first class at the palace audience; Zhang Tingyu firmly objected, and the emperor, honoring his scruples, placed the young man first in the second class instead.
25
先是,順治九年,選庶常四十人,擇年青貌秀者二十人習清書,嗣每科派習十數人不等,散館試之。 乾隆十三年,修撰錢維城考列清書三等,命再試漢書,始留館。 其專精國書者,漢文或日就荒落。 十六年,高宗以清書應用殊少,而邊省館選無多,命雲南、貴州、四川、廣東、廣西等省庶吉士不必派習清書,他省視人數酌派年力少壯者一二員或二三員,但循舉舊章,備國朝典制已足。 其因告假、丁憂、年齒已長者,例准改習漢書。 於是習者日少。 道光間例停。 穆宗初元,令以治經、治史、治事及濂、洛、關、閩諸儒之書課諸庶常。 光緒季年,設進士館,課鼎甲庶吉士及閣部官以法政諸科學,或貲遣遊學異國。 業成而試,優者授職獎擢。 俱未久即罷。
Earlier, in Shunzhi 9 forty Hanlin bachelors were chosen; twenty young men of fine appearance were assigned Manchu study, and in later rounds roughly a dozen per cohort studied Manchu and were tested at dispersal. In Qianlong 13 Compiler Qian Weicheng placed third class in Manchu and was required to retest in Chinese before he could remain in the Hanlin. Those who focused on Manchu often let their Chinese skills slip. In Qianlong 16 the emperor ruled that Manchu was seldom needed and frontier provinces produced few Hanlin selections; bachelors from Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, Guangdong, Guangxi, and the like need not study Manchu, while other provinces might assign only one to three younger men—enough to preserve the form of dynastic practice. Those on leave, in mourning, or advanced in years were routinely allowed to switch to Chinese study. Manchu study dwindled steadily thereafter. The practice was formally discontinued in the Daoguang era. At the start of Tongzhi, Hanlin bachelors were set to study the classics, history, statecraft, and the Neo-Confucian masters of the Lian-Luo and Guan-Min lineages. In late Guangxu a jinshi academy was founded to teach top graduates, Hanlin bachelors, and capital officials modern law and administration—or to fund study abroad. Graduates were examined and the best received appointments and accelerated promotion. Both experiments were short-lived.
26
達官世族子弟,初制一體應試,而中式獨多。 其以交通關節敗者,順治十四年,少詹事方拱乾子章鉞應江南試,以與正主考方猶聯族獲中,事覺遣戍。 康熙二十三年,都御史徐元文子樹聲、侍講學士徐乾學子樹屏同中順天試,上以是科南皿悉中江、浙籍,命嚴勘。 斥革五人,樹聲、樹屏俱黜。 三十九年,帝以搢紳之家多佔中額,有妨寒畯進身之路。 殿試時,諭讀卷諸臣,是科大臣子弟置三甲,以裁抑之。 尋詔定官、民分卷之法,鄉試滿、合字號二十卷中一,直省視舉額十分中一,副榜如之。 會試除雲南、貴州、四川、廣西四省外,編官卷二十人中一。 未幾罷會試官卷。 乾隆十五年,廷臣有以官生過優為言者,部議仍舊,詔責其回護,並及吏、禮二部司官編官卷之不當,令再議。 始議中額二十五中官卷一,吏、禮部司員及內閣侍讀子弟停編官卷。 明年再議,以京官文四品、外官文三品、武二品以上及翰、詹、科、道等官為限。 並減中額,順天十四,浙江六,餘省五至一名。 二十三年,大學士蔣溥、學士庄存與復以為言。 令官生大省二十卷中一,中省十五卷,小省十卷中一,滿、蒙、漢軍如小省例,南、北皿如中省例,中皿額中一名,不足一名入民卷。 永以為例。 鄉、會試考官、房考、監臨、知貢舉、監試、提調之子孫及宗族,例應迴避。 雍、乾間,或另試,或題由欽命,另簡大臣校閱。 乾隆九年停其例,並受卷、彌封、謄錄、對讀等官子弟、戚族亦一體迴避矣。 齋有清重科目,不容幸獲。 惟恩遇大臣,嘉惠儒臣耆年,邊方士子,不惜逾格。 歷代優禮予告或在職大臣,與夫獎敘飾終之典,賜其子孫舉人、進士,有成例者無論已。 至如雍正七年,廷臣遵旨舉出入闈未中式之大學士蔣廷錫子溥、尚書嵇曾筠子璜等十二人,俱賜舉人。 侍郎劉聲芳子俊邦以疾未與試,賜舉人,尤為特典。 康熙間,浙江舉人查慎行,江蘇舉人錢名世、監生何焯,安徽監生汪灝,以能文受上知。 召試南書房,賜焯、灝舉人。 四十二年,賜焯、灝、蔣廷錫進士。 六十年,以內廷行走舉人王蘭生、留保學問素優,禮闈不第,俱賜進士。 雍正八年,賜江南舉人顧天成、廣東舉人盧伯蕃殿試。 乾隆十八年,賜內廷行走監生徐揚、楊瑞蓮舉人。 四十三年,助教吳省蘭、助教銜張羲年以校四庫書賜殿試,俱非常例。 乾隆以來,凡年七十以上會試落第者,予司業、編、檢、學正等銜。 鄉試年老諸生,賜舉人副榜。 雍正十一年,詔於雲、貴、廣東西、四川、福建會試落卷,擇文理可觀、人材可用者,拔取時餘等十人,一體殿試,趙繩其等四十人,揀選錄用。 乾隆初,揀選如例,則邊省士子猶沐殊恩也。
Under the original rules sons of high officials and established families sat the same examinations as everyone else—yet passed far out of proportion to their numbers. Those caught using illicit connections included Fang Gongqian's son Zhang Yue, who in Shunzhi 14 passed the Jiangnan examination through ties with chief examiner Fang You, a kinsman; exposed, he was banished. In Kangxi 23 Censor-in-Chief Xu Yuanwen's son Shusheng and Reader-in-Waiting Xu Qianxue's son Shuping both passed the Shuntian examination; because every candidate under the southern quota that year came from Jiangsu or Zhejiang, the emperor ordered a rigorous inquiry. Five candidates were disqualified; Shusheng and Shuping were among them. In Kangxi 39 the emperor noted that gentry families were monopolizing quotas at the expense of poor scholars. At the palace examination he instructed the examiners to place ministers' sons in the third class that year as a deliberate check on their advantage. An edict soon established separate official-family and commoner rolls: in provincial exams one official-family pass per twenty Manchu and combined-register papers, and one per ten provincial quota places—with the same ratio for supplementary lists. In the metropolitan exam, except for Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, and Guangxi, one official-family pass was allowed per twenty candidates. Official-family rolls at the metropolitan level were soon abolished. In Qianlong 15 ministers complained that official-family candidates were overfavored; when the ministry proposed keeping the old rules, the emperor rebuked their partiality, faulted Personnel and Rites staff for mishandling official-family rolls, and ordered a fresh review. The first proposal set one official-family pass per twenty-five quota places and excluded sons of Personnel and Rites staff and Grand Secretariat readers from official-family rolls. The following year the threshold was set at capital civil officials of fourth rank and above, provincial civil officials of third rank and above, military officials of second rank and above, and Hanlin, Secretariat, and censorate officials. Provincial quotas were also cut—Shuntian by fourteen, Zhejiang by six, and others by one to five places each. In Qianlong 23 Grand Secretaries Jiang Pu and Academician Zhuang Cunyu raised the issue again. Official-family ratios were fixed at one pass per twenty papers in large provinces, fifteen in medium provinces, and ten in small ones; Bannermen followed the small-province rule and the southern and northern Beijing quotas the medium-province rule; the middle quota received one dedicated place, with any fractional remainder counted toward the commoner roll. These ratios became permanent law. Sons, brothers, and clansmen of provincial and metropolitan examiners, room examiners, supervisors, chief examiners, and examination staff were required by rule to withdraw. During Yongzheng and Qianlong they sometimes sat separate examinations with imperially assigned topics, marked by specially appointed senior officials. In Qianlong 9 separate testing was abolished, and sons and relatives of paper-handling, sealing, copying, and proofreading staff were brought under the same withdrawal rules. The dynasty held the civil examinations in the highest regard and would not tolerate undeserved success. Yet for favored ministers, venerable scholars, and candidates from the frontier, the throne did not hesitate to grant exceptional favor. Standing precedents for honoring retired or serving ministers—granting their sons juren or jinshi degrees as part of reward or posthumous rites—need not be rehearsed here. In Yongzheng 7, for instance, ministers nominated twelve men who had sat the exams without passing—including Grand Secretary Jiang Tingsi's son Pu and Minister Ji Zengyun's son Huang—and all were granted juren degrees. Vice Minister Liu Shengfang's son Junbang, who had not even sat the exam because of illness, was granted juren—a mark of truly exceptional favor. During Kangxi, Zhejiang juren Zha Shenxing, Jiangsu juren Qian Mingshi, and students He Chuo and Wang Hao of Anhui won imperial notice for their literary talent. Summoned to examination in the Southern Studio, He Chuo and Wang Hao were granted juren degrees. In Kangxi 42 He Chuo, Wang Hao, and Jiang Tingsi were granted jinshi degrees. In Kangxi 60 Palace Attendant juren Wang Lansheng and Liubao—both renowned scholars who had failed the metropolitan exam—were granted jinshi degrees. In Yongzheng 8 Jiangnan juren Gu Tiancheng and Guangdong juren Lu Bofan were granted admission to the palace examination. In Qianlong 18 Palace Attendants and Imperial University students Xu Yang and Yang Ruilian were granted juren degrees. In Qianlong 43 Assistant Instructor Wu Shenglan and Acting Assistant Instructor Zhang Xinian were granted admission to the palace examination for their work on the Siku Quanshu—both far outside ordinary precedent. Since the Qianlong reign, metropolitan candidates aged seventy or older who failed the exam were granted honorific titles such as vice director of studies, compiler, proofreader, or director of study. Elderly licentiates who sat the provincial examination were granted juren degrees on the supplementary list. In Yongzheng 11 an edict directed that among failed metropolitan papers from Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangdong, Guangxi, Sichuan, and Fujian, candidates of acceptable literary skill and proven ability be chosen—ten men including Shi Yu for the palace examination, and forty including Zhao Shengqi for selective appointment. Early in Qianlong the same selection continued, and frontier scholars still benefited from this exceptional favor.
27
歷科情形略異者,順治三年,從大學士剛林請,以天下初定,廣收人才,再舉鄉、會試。 十六年,以雲、貴新附,綏輯需人,再舉禮部試,均不循子丑之舊。 康熙十六年,鄉試順天專遣官,山東、山西、陝西並河南省,湖廣、江西並江南省,福建並浙江省考試。 試期九月,十五人中一,不取副榜,亦無會試。 江南榜江西無中式者。 咸、同間軍興,各直省或數科不試。 或數科並試,倍額取中。 或一省止試數府、州、縣,減額取中。 試期或遲至十月、十一月,不拘成例。 順天正主考,初制均差翰林官。 康熙初,沿明制,以前一科一甲一名為之。 士子希詭遇者,得預通聲氣。 二十年,修撰歸允肅主順天闈,撰文自誓力除積弊,不通關節,榜後下第者譁然,冀興大獄。 刑部尚書魏象樞暴其事,浮議始息。 制亦尋廢。 二年,順天春秋題「邾子」訛「邾人」,罷考官白乃貞等職。 士子因書子字貼出者,弘文院官覆試,優者准作舉人,無中式者。 雍正元年,順天榜後,命大學士王頊齡等同南書房翰林檢閱落卷,中二人。 是年會試覆檢如前,中落卷七十八人。 二年,中七十七人。 乾隆元年,中三十八人。 後不復行。 雍正四年,以浙人查嗣庭、汪景祺著書悖逆,既按治,因停浙江鄉、會試。 未幾,以李衛等請,弛其禁。 七年,廣東連州知州硃振基私祀呂留良,生員陳錫首告,上嘉之。 令是科連州應試完場舉子,由學政遴取優通者四人賞舉人。 乾隆四十六年辛丑會試,江南解元錢棨領是科會、狀。 嘉慶二十五年庚辰會試,廣西解元陳繼昌亦領是科會、狀,士子艷稱「三元」。 有清一代,二人而已。 八旗與漢人一體考試,康、乾以來,無用鼎甲者。 同治四年,蒙古崇綺以一甲一名及第,光緒九年,宗室壽耆以一甲二名及第,漢軍鼎甲尤多。 至歷代捐輸軍饟、賑款、園庭工程賞舉人,拏獲叛匪及殺賊立功,有貢監給舉人、舉人給進士之例,則又一時權宜之制也。
Examinations occasionally departed from the norm. In Shunzhi 3, at Grand Secretary Ganglin's request, provincial and metropolitan exams were held again to recruit talent while the realm was still being pacified. In Shunzhi 16, with Yunnan and Guizhou newly incorporated and administrators urgently needed, the Ministry of Rites examination was held again—both occasions breaking the usual rat-and-ox-year schedule. In Kangxi 16 Shuntian received a specially dispatched examiner; Shandong, Shanxi, and Shaanxi were examined jointly with Henan; Huguang and Jiangxi with Jiangnan; and Fujian with Zhejiang. The exam was held in the ninth month with one pass per fifteen candidates; there was no supplementary list and no metropolitan examination. On the Jiangnan list, no candidate from Jiangxi ranked among the successful. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns, with war underway, many provinces skipped examinations for several rounds. Sometimes several rounds were combined into one examination with double the usual quota. Sometimes only selected prefectures, departments, and counties within a province held exams, with reduced quotas. Exam dates might slip to the tenth or eleventh month, without regard to the usual schedule. Under the original system, the chief Shuntian examiner was always a Hanlin official. Early in Kangxi, following Ming practice, the previous round's top palace graduate served as chief examiner. Candidates hoping for a lucky break could cultivate connections with the examiner in advance. In Kangxi 20 Compiler Gui Yunshu presided over the Shuntian examination and published a pledge to root out entrenched abuses and accept no secret collusion. When the list was posted, failed candidates raised an uproar, hoping to provoke a major scandal. Minister of Justice Wei Xiangju made the facts public, and the uproar subsided. That practice was soon abolished as well. In Kangxi 2 the Shuntian Spring and Autumn exam topic rendered "Lord of Zhu" as "people of Zhu," and examiners including Bai Naizhen were dismissed. Candidates disqualified for writing the character zi were retested by Hanlin Academy officials; the best were approved as juren, but none ranked among the successful. In Yongzheng 1, after the Shuntian results, Grand Secretary Wang Youling and Southern Studio Hanlin scholars were ordered to review failed papers; two were passed. That year the metropolitan examination was re-reviewed in the same way, and seventy-eight previously failed candidates passed. In Yongzheng 2, seventy-seven passed. In Qianlong 1, thirty-eight passed. The practice was not revived. In Yongzheng 4, after Zhejiang natives Zha Siting and Wang Jingqi were punished for writing treasonous books, Zhejiang's provincial and metropolitan examinations were suspended. Before long, at Li Wei's petition, the ban was lifted. In Yongzheng 7 Zhu Zhenji, prefect of Lianzhou in Guangdong, privately enshrined Lü Liuliang; licentiate Chen Xi was the first to denounce him, and the emperor commended his action. An order directed that among Lianzhou candidates who completed that round's examination, the provincial education commissioner select four outstanding scholars and reward them with juren degrees. At the Qianlong 46 (1781) xinchou metropolitan examination, Jiangnan provincial top graduate Qian Qi topped both the metropolitan and palace examinations. At the Jiaqing 25 (1820) gengchen metropolitan examination, Guangxi provincial top graduate Chen Jichang likewise topped both the metropolitan and palace exams—an achievement scholars admiringly called the "Triple Crown." In the entire Qing dynasty, there were only these two. The Eight Banners sat the same examinations as Han Chinese, but from Kangxi and Qianlong onward none ranked among the top three palace graduates. In Tongzhi 4 the Mongol Chongqi placed first in the chief grade; in Guangxu 9 the imperial clansman Shouqi placed second; Han Bannermen among the top three were especially numerous. The standing practice of granting juren for donations to army rations, disaster relief, and palace construction, or for capturing rebels and killing bandits with merit—including precedents of elevating tribute students and Imperial University students to juren, and juren to jinshi—were likewise ad hoc measures of their time.
28
初,太宗於蒙古文字外,制為清書。 天聰八年,命禮部試士,取中剛林等二人,習蒙古書者俄博特等三人,俱賜舉人。 嗣再試之。 順治八年,舉行八旗鄉試,不能漢文者試清文一篇,再舉而罷。 康熙初,復行繙譯鄉試,自滿、漢合試製舉文,罷繙譯科。 雍正元年,詔八旗滿洲於考試漢字生員、舉人、進士外,另試繙譯。 廷議三場並試,滿、漢正、副考官各二,滿同考官四。 詔鄉試止試一場,或章奏一道,或四書、五經量出一題,省漢考官,增謄錄,餘如文場例。 嗣後繙譯諭旨,或於性理精義及小學,限三百字命題。 乾隆三年,令於糹番譯題外作清文一篇。 七年,定會試首場試清字四書文,孝經、性理論各一篇。 二場試繙譯。 凡滿洲、漢軍滿、漢字貢、監生員、筆帖式,皆與鄉試。 文舉人及武職能繙譯者,准與會試。 先試騎射如例。 蒙古繙譯科,雍正九年,詔試蒙古主考官一,同考倍之。 初令鄉、會試題,俱以蒙字譯清字四書、章奏各一道。 乾隆元年,改譯清文性理小學,與滿洲繙譯同場試,別為一榜。 時應清文鄉試者,率五六百人額中三十三名,應蒙文鄉試者,率五六十人額中六名。 原定繙譯鄉、會試三年一次,然會試訖未舉行。 乾隆四年,以鄉試已歷六科,八月始行會試。 中滿洲二十名,蒙古二名。 因人數無多,詔免殿試,俱賜進士出身,優者用六部主事。 二十二年,以繙譯科大率尋章摘句,無關繙譯本義,詔停。 四十三年,復行鄉試,罷謄錄對讀。 明年會試,向例須滿六十人,是科僅四十七人,特準會議,免廷試,如四年例。 自是每屆三年,試否請旨定奪。 五十二年,更定鄉、會試五年一次,然會闈自五十三年訖嘉慶八年,僅一行之,猶不足定例六十名之數。 且槍冒頂替,弊端不可究詰。 蒙文嘗以不足七八人停試。 雖詔旨諄諄勉以國語騎射為旗人根本,而應試者終屬寥寥。 八年,從侍郎賡音請,復舊制三年一舉以為常。 二十四年,定鄉、會覆試如文闈例。 道光八年,罷繙譯同考官,末年始有用庶吉士者。 各省八旗駐防,初但應漢文鄉、會試,道光二十三年,改試繙譯,十人中一,三名為額。 宗室應繙譯試,自乾隆時始。 別為一題,中額欽定。 齋武科,自世祖初元下詔舉行,子午卯酉年鄉試,辰戌丑未年會試,如文科制。 鄉試以十月,直隸、奉天於順天府,各省於布政司,中式者曰武舉人。 次年九月會試於京師,中式者曰武進士。 凡鄉、會試俱分試內、外三場。 首場馬射,二場步射、技勇,為外場。 三場策二問、論一篇,為內場。 外場考官,順天及會闈以內大臣、大學士、都統四人為之。 內場考官,順天以翰林官二人,會闈以閣部、都察院、翰、詹堂官二人為之。 同考官順天以科甲出身京員四人,會闈以科甲出身閣、科、部員四人為之。 會試知武舉,兵部侍郎為之。 各直省以總督、巡撫為監臨、主考官,科甲出身同知、知縣四人為同考官。 外場佐以提、鎮大員。 其餘提調、監射、監試、受卷、彌封、監門、巡綽、搜檢、供給俱有定員,大率視文闈減殺。 殿試簡朝臣四人為讀卷官,欽閱騎射技勇,乃試策文。 臨軒傳唱狀元、榜眼、探花之名,一如文科。
Initially, beyond the Mongol script, the Taizong devised the Manchu script. In Tiancong 8 the Ministry of Rites tested scholars: Ganglin and one other passed, and Ebot and two others who studied Mongol script passed—all were granted juren degrees. The examinations were held again thereafter. In Shunzhi 8 Eight Banners provincial examinations were held; candidates unable in Chinese wrote one Manchu essay. The exams were held once more and then discontinued. Early in Kangxi translation provincial exams were revived, but once Manchus and Han were combined for civil examination essays, the translation track was abolished. In Yongzheng 1 an edict ordered that Manchu Bannermen, in addition to the Chinese-script licentiate, juren, and jinshi examinations, sit a separate translation examination. The court proposed testing all three sessions together, with two Manchu and two Han chief and deputy examiners and four Manchu associate examiners. An edict ordered that the provincial exam test only one session—either one memorial or one topic from the Four Books and Five Classics—with fewer Han examiners, more copyists, and the rest following civil examination practice. Later, translation topics drawn from imperial edicts, Essentials of Neo-Confucian Principle, or the Lesser Learning were limited to three hundred characters. In Qianlong 3 candidates were required to compose one Manchu essay in addition to the translation topic. In Qianlong 7 the metropolitan examination's first session was set to Manchu-script Four Books essays plus one essay each on the Classic of Filial Piety and Neo-Confucian principle. The second session tested translation. All Manchus, Han Bannermen, tribute students and Imperial University students in Manchu and Chinese script, and clerks were eligible for the provincial examination. Civil juren and military officials capable of translation were permitted to sit the metropolitan examination. They first tested mounted archery as usual. For the Mongol translation track, in Yongzheng 9 an edict ordered one Mongol chief examiner with twice as many associate examiners. Initially both provincial and metropolitan topics required translating one Four Books passage and one memorial from Mongol into Manchu script. In Qianlong 1 this was changed to translating Manchu texts on Neo-Confucian principle and the Lesser Learning; Mongol candidates sat the same session as Manchu translation examinees but on a separate list. At that time roughly five or six hundred sat the Manchu-script provincial exam with a quota of thirty-three passes, while fifty or sixty sat the Mongol-script exam with a quota of six. Translation provincial and metropolitan examinations were originally scheduled once every three years, but no metropolitan exam followed the provincial round. In Qianlong 4, after six provincial rounds had passed without one, the metropolitan examination was finally held in the eighth month. Twenty Manchus and two Mongols passed. Because numbers were small, an edict exempted them from the palace examination; all received jinshi status, and the best were appointed department secretaries in the Six Ministries. In Qianlong 22, because translation candidates mostly hunted through texts for phrases without grasping the substance of translation, an edict suspended the examination. In Qianlong 43 provincial examinations were revived and the posts of copyist and proofreader were abolished. The next year's metropolitan exam ordinarily required at least sixty candidates, but that round had only forty-seven; special permission was granted to exempt the palace examination, following the Qianlong 4 precedent. Thereafter, every three years whether to hold the examination was decided by imperial order. In Qianlong 52 provincial and metropolitan exams were reset to once every five years, yet from Qianlong 53 through Jiaqing 8 the metropolitan hall was held only once—still falling short of the standard quota of sixty. Moreover, surrogate test-takers and identity fraud were abuses impossible to fully root out. Mongol-script examinations were sometimes suspended when fewer than seven or eight candidates appeared. Although edicts repeatedly exhorted that the national language and mounted archery were the Banner people's foundation, candidates remained few. In Jiaqing 8, at Vice Minister Geng Yin's request, the old three-year cycle was restored as the regular practice. In Jiaqing 24 re-examination for provincial and metropolitan translation exams was fixed to follow civil examination practice. In Daoguang 8 translation associate examiners were abolished; only toward the dynasty's end were Hanlin bachelors first employed. Provincial Banner garrisons initially sat only Chinese-script provincial and metropolitan exams; in Daoguang 23 they switched to translation exams with one pass per ten candidates and a quota of three. Imperial clansmen sitting translation examinations began in the Qianlong era. They received a separate topic, with quotas set by imperial order. As for the Qing military examination: from the Shunzhi Emperor's first year an edict ordered its establishment—provincial exams in zi, wu, mao, and you years and metropolitan exams in chen, xu, chou, and wei years, following civil examination rules. Provincial exams were held in the tenth month—Zhili and Fengtian at Shuntian prefecture, other provinces at the provincial administration commission. Successful candidates were called wujuren (military licentiates). The following September the metropolitan examination was held in the capital; successful candidates were called military jinshi. Both provincial and metropolitan examinations were divided into three inner and three outer sessions. The first round tested mounted archery; the second tested foot archery and martial skill—the outer field. The third round comprised two policy questions and one essay—the inner field. Outer-field examiners for Shuntian and the metropolitan hall were four inner-court grand ministers, grand secretaries, or commanders-in-chief. Inner-field examiners were two Hanlin officials for Shuntian and two senior officials from the Grand Secretariat, ministries, Censorate, Hanlin, or Secretariat for the metropolitan hall. Associate examiners were four jinshi-origin capital officials for Shuntian and four jinshi-origin officials from the Secretariat, Censorate, or ministries for the metropolitan hall. The Vice Minister of War served as chief examiner of military juren at the metropolitan examination. In each province the governor-general and governor served as supervisor and chief examiner, with four jinshi-origin prefects and county magistrates as associate examiners. The outer field was assisted by provincial military commanders and regional generals. The remaining posts—coordinator, archery supervisor, examination monitor, paper handler, sealer, gate guard, patrol, searcher, and supply staff—all had fixed appointees, generally fewer than at the civil examination hall. At the palace examination four court ministers were selected as paper readers; under imperial oversight they reviewed mounted archery and martial skill, then tested policy essays. Before the throne the names of zhuangyuan, bangyan, and tanhua were proclaimed aloud, exactly as in the civil examinations.
29
初制,一甲進士或授副將、參將、游擊、都司,二、三甲進士授守備、署守備。 其後一甲一名授一等侍衛,二、三名授二等侍衛。 二、三甲進士授三等及藍翎侍衛,營、衛守備有差。 凡各省武生、綠營兵丁皆得應鄉試,武舉及現任營千、把總,門、衛、所千總,年滿千總,通曉文義者,皆得應會試。 惟年逾六十者,不許應試。 其後武職會試,以武舉出身者為限。 康熙間,欲收文武兼備之材,嘗許文生員應武鄉試,文舉人應武會試,頗滋場屋之弊。 乾隆七年,以御史陳大玠言,停文武互試例。
Under the initial system, first-grade jinshi might be appointed deputy commander, regimental commander, brigade commander, or battalion commander; second- and third-grade jinshi received posts as garrison commander or acting garrison commander. Later the first-place first-grade graduate received a first-rank imperial bodyguard post; second and third place received second-rank bodyguard posts. Second- and third-grade jinshi received third-rank and blue-plume bodyguard posts, with varying appointments as garrison commanders in camps and guards. All provincial military licentiates and Green Standard soldiers could sit the provincial exam; military juren and serving lieutenants, platoon commanders, gate and post station officers, senior lieutenants, and those versed in literary composition could sit the metropolitan exam. Only those over sixty were barred from testing. Later, metropolitan military examinations were limited to candidates of military juren origin. During Kangxi, hoping to recruit men skilled in both civil and military arts, civil licentiates were permitted to sit military provincial exams and civil juren military metropolitan exams—greatly breeding examination-hall abuses. In Qianlong 7, at Censor Chen Dajie's memorial, the mutual civil-military testing precedent was abolished.
30
考試初制,首場馬箭射氈球,二場步箭射布侯,均發九矢。 馬射中二,步射中三為合式,再開弓、舞刀、掇石試技勇。 順治十七年,停試技勇,康熙十三年復之。 更定馬射樹的距三十五步,中三矢為合式,不合式不得試二場。 步射距八十步,中二矢為合式。 再試以八力、十力、十二力之弓,八十斤、百斤、百二十斤之刀,二百斤、二百五十斤、三百斤之石。 弓開滿,刀舞花,掇石去地尺,三項能一、二者為合式,不合式不得試三場。 合式者印記於頰,嗣改印小臂,以杜頂冒。 三十二年,步射改樹的距五十步中二矢為合式。 乾隆間,復改三十步射六矢中二為合式。 馬射增地球,而弓、刀、石三項技勇,必有一項系頭號、二號者,方准合式,遂為永制。
Under the initial system, the first round tested mounted archery at a felt ball and the second foot archery at a cloth target—nine arrows in each. Two hits in mounted archery and three in foot archery constituted a passing grade; candidates then demonstrated martial prowess through bow-drawing, saber drill, and stone-lifting. In Shunzhi year 17 the martial prowess tests were suspended; in Kangxi year 13 they were restored. Mounted archery was reset with the target at thirty-five paces and three hits required for a passing grade; candidates who failed could not proceed to the second round. Foot archery was set at eighty paces, with two hits required for a passing grade. Candidates were then tested with bows rated at eight, ten, and twelve strength; sabers weighing eighty, one hundred, and one hundred twenty jin; and stones weighing two hundred, two hundred fifty, and three hundred jin. Candidates had to draw the bow fully, flourish the saber in prescribed patterns, and lift the stone one foot from the ground; passing required success in one or two of the three tests, and failure barred entry to the third round. Those who passed were stamped on the cheek; later the stamp was moved to the forearm to prevent impersonation. In Kangxi year 32 foot archery was changed to a target at fifty paces, with two hits required for a passing grade. During the Qianlong reign it was changed again to thirty paces, six arrows, and two hits for a passing grade. Mounted archery added a ground-ball target; for bow-drawing, saber drill, and stone-lifting, candidates had to achieve first or second grade in at least one item before passing—this became permanent regulation.
31
內場論題,向用武經七書。 聖祖以其文義駁雜,詔增論語、孟子。 於是改論題二,首題用論語、孟子,次題用孫子、吳子、司馬法。
Inner-field discourse topics had traditionally been drawn from the Seven Military Classics. The Kangxi Emperor found their literary meaning confused and contradictory, and ordered that the Analects and Mencius be added. Discourse topics were then set at two: the first drawn from the Analects and Mencius, the second from Sunzi, Wuzi, and the Methods of Sima.
32
鄉試中額,康熙二十六年制定,略視各省文闈之半。 雍正間小有增減,惟陝、甘以人材壯健,弓馬嫻熟,自康熙訖乾隆,先後各增中額三十名。 咸、同間,各省輸餉廣額如文闈例。 綜計順天中額百十,漢軍四十,奉、錦三,江南八十一,福建六十三,浙江、四川各六十,陝西五十九,河南五十五,江西、廣東、甘肅各五十四,山西五十,山東四十八,雲南四十二,廣西三十六,湖北三十五,湖南三十四,貴州二十五。 會試中額多或三百名,少亦百名。 康熙間,內場分南、北卷,各中五十名。 五十二年,始分省取中,臨期以外場合式人數請旨裁定。
Provincial military examination quotas were fixed in Kangxi year 26 at roughly half the civil examination quotas of each province. During the Yongzheng reign there were minor adjustments; only Shaanxi and Gansu, whose candidates were robust and skilled in archery and horsemanship, each added thirty quota places between the Kangxi and Qianlong reigns. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns, provinces that contributed war funds received expanded quotas, following the civil examination precedent. In total the quotas stood at: Shuntian 110, Han Bannermen 40, Fengtian and Jinzhou 3, Jiangnan 81, Fujian 63, Zhejiang and Sichuan 60 each, Shaanxi 59, Henan 55, Jiangxi, Guangdong, and Gansu 54 each, Shanxi 50, Shandong 48, Yunnan 42, Guangxi 36, Hubei 35, Hunan 34, and Guizhou 25. Metropolitan military examination quotas ranged from as many as three hundred to as few as one hundred. During the Kangxi reign the inner field was divided into southern and northern scrolls, with fifty passes in each. In Kangxi year 52 allocation by province began; just before each examination the number of outer-field passes was submitted for imperial decision.
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嘉慶六年,仁宗以科目文武並重,文闈條例綦嚴,防弊周密,武闈考官面定去取,尤易滋弊,命比照文闈磨勘例,鄉試題名錄將中式武生馬步射、技勇一一詳註進呈。 各省交兵部,順天另簡磨勘官覈對。 濫中及浮報者懲不貸。 覆試始乾隆時。 初制從嚴,僅會闈行之。 不符者罰停科,考官議處。 三次覆試不合式,除名。 道光十五年,始覆試順天武舉如會試例。 咸豐七年,覆試各省武舉如順天例,然稍從寬典矣。
In Jiaqing year 6 the Jiaqing Emperor held that civil and military examinations were equally important. Civil regulations were extremely strict with thorough fraud prevention, while military examiners decided passes face to face—especially prone to abuse. He ordered that, following the civil collating-review precedent, provincial nomination rolls record each successful candidate's mounted and foot archery and martial prowess in detail for submission. Provinces submitted the rolls to the Ministry of War; Shuntian separately appointed collating-review officials to verify them. Those improperly passed or who inflated their reports were punished without mercy. Re-examination for military candidates began in the Qianlong reign. The initial regulation was strict and applied only to the metropolitan examination. Those who failed were barred from the examination cycle and examiners faced disciplinary proceedings. Three failures in re-examination led to removal from the rolls. In Daoguang year 15 Shuntian military juren were first re-examined following the metropolitan precedent. In Xianfeng year 7 provincial military juren were re-examined following the Shuntian precedent, though somewhat more leniently.
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初制,外場但有合式一格,其中弓馬優劣,技勇強弱,無所軒輊。 內場但憑文取中,致嫺騎射、習場藝者或遭遺棄。 康熙五十二年,令會試外場擇馬步射、技勇人材可觀者,編「好」字號,密送內簾。 內場試官先於好字卷內,擇文理通曉者取中。 不足,始於合式卷內選取。 雍正二年,從侍郎史貽直言,各省鄉試外場一體別編好字號,嗣於好字號再分雙好、單好。 內場先中雙好,次中單好。 而合式卷往往千餘人,僅中數人,因之內場槍冒頂替諸弊並作。 乾隆二十四年,御史戈濤奏革其弊,於是外場嚴合式之格,內場罷四書論,文理但取粗通者,而文字漸輕。 嘉慶十二年,鄉、會試內場策論改默寫武經百餘字,無錯誤者為合式。 罷同考官,遂專重騎射、技勇,內場為虛設矣。 歷代踵行,莫之或易。 光緒二十四年,內外臣工請變更武科舊制,廢弓、矢、刀、石,試槍砲,未許。 二十七年,卒以武科所習硬弓、刀、石、馬步射無與兵事,廢之。
Under the initial system the outer field had only a single passing grade; superiority in archery and horsemanship or martial prowess made no difference in ranking. The inner field selected solely by literary merit, so candidates skilled in riding and shooting or practiced in field arts might be passed over. In Kangxi year 52 the metropolitan outer field was ordered to select candidates of notable talent in mounted and foot archery and martial prowess, register them under the hao character mark, and secretly send the list to the inner curtain. Inner-field examiners first selected from hao-marked papers those whose writing showed clear comprehension. If insufficient, they then chose from passing-grade papers. In Yongzheng year 2, following Vice Minister Shi Yizhi's memorial, every province's provincial outer field likewise registered a separate hao mark; later hao papers were subdivided into double-hao and single-hao categories. The inner field passed double-hao candidates first, then single-hao. Yet passing-grade papers often numbered over a thousand, with only a few passes awarded—hence inner-field abuses of impersonation and substitution flourished. In Qianlong year 24 Censor Ge Tao memorialized to abolish these abuses. The outer field tightened passing standards, the inner field dropped Four Books discourses, and literary merit required only rough competence—writing gradually lost weight. In Jiaqing year 12 provincial and metropolitan inner-field policy discourses were changed to dictation of over one hundred characters from the military classics; error-free copies constituted a passing grade. Associate examiners were abolished; emphasis fell entirely on riding, shooting, and martial prowess, and the inner field became a mere formality. Dynasty after dynasty followed this practice without change. In Guangxu year 24 officials inside and outside the court requested reform of the old military examination system, abolishing bow, arrow, saber, and stone in favor of firearms; the request was not approved. In Guangxu year 27 the military examinations were finally abolished because hard bow, saber, stone, and mounted and foot archery had no relevance to modern warfare.
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滿洲應武科始雍正元年,鄉試中二十名,會試中四名。 十二年,詔停,數十年無復行者。 嘉慶十八年,復舊制。 滿、蒙鄉試中十三名,各省駐防就該省應試,率十人中一,多者十名,少或一名。 會試無定額。 凡驍騎校,城門吏,藍翎長,拜唐阿,恩騎尉,親軍前鋒,護軍,領催,馬甲,巡捕營千總、把總及文員中書,七、八品筆帖式,廕生,俱准與武生同應鄉試。 鄉、會試內、外場與漢軍、漢人一例考試。
Manchu participation in military examinations began in Yongzheng year 1, with twenty provincial passes and four metropolitan passes. In Yongzheng year 12 an edict suspended them; for decades none were held again. In Jiaqing year 18 the old system was restored. Manchu and Mongol provincial examinations passed thirteen candidates; garrison troops in each province tested in that province at roughly one in ten, at most ten passes and at least one. Metropolitan examinations had no fixed quota. Commandants of vanguard cavalry, gate officers, blue-plume squad leaders, baitangga, enjiwei, imperial guard vanguards, guardsmen, squad leaders, armored cavalry, patrol battalion majors and captains, civil drafting clerks of the seventh and eighth ranks, clerks, and yin students were all permitted to sit the provincial military examination alongside military students. Provincial and metropolitan inner and outer fields examined them by the same rules as Han Bannermen and Han Chinese.