Volume 244 Biographies 31: Zhao Kaixin, Yang Yi, Lin Qilong, Zhu Kejian, Wang Mingyue, Li Senxian, Li Yin, Ji Kaisheng, Zhang Xuan

=趙開心=趙開心，字靈伯，湖南長沙人。明崇禎進士，官至兵部員外郎。順治元年，授陝西道監察御史。是歲有自稱故明皇太子者，令故明貴妃袁氏及故東宮官屬內監等視之，皆言不相識。開心及給事中硃徽疏請詳審，下法司，自承為京師民楊玉。以開心疏言「太子若存，明朝之幸」，論死，上命免之。二年，疏言：「刑部治庶獄，數日即結正。惟自別衙門發送者，恆不時讞決，久置獄中。請令所司五日一稽核，當鞫當釋，勿使留滯。並請通飭諸行省撫按遵行。」從之。

Zhao Kaixin, whose style was Lingbo, came from Changsha in Hunan. He earned his jinshi degree under the Ming in the Chongzhen reign and rose to vice director in the Ministry of War. In 1644 he was appointed censor of the Shaanxi circuit. That year a man claiming to be the former Ming crown prince was brought before Consort Yuan of the deposed dynasty and former Eastern Palace officials and eunuchs, none of whom recognized him. Kaixin and supervising secretary Zhu Hui petitioned for a thorough investigation; when the case reached the judiciary, the man admitted he was Yang Yu, a Beijing commoner. Kaixin was sentenced to death for writing in his memorial that "if the crown prince survives, it would be the Ming dynasty's salvation," but the emperor spared him. In 1645 he submitted a memorial: "The Ministry of Punishments resolves ordinary cases within days, yet cases referred from other offices are routinely left undecided and prisoners held indefinitely. I ask that responsible offices audit cases every five days, try or release prisoners as appropriate, and prevent indefinite detention. I also ask that governors and provincial censors throughout the empire be ordered to follow suit. The court approved.

尋命巡視南城。滿洲兵初入關，畏痘，有染輒死。京師民有痘者，令移居出城，杜傳染。有司行之急，嬰穉輒棄擲。開心疏請四郊各定一村，移居者與屋宇聚處。旋又疏言：「立政之始，一事之得失，關天下萬世之利害。疏奏不能盡陳，封章不敢頻瀆。乞時賜召對，霽顏聽受。庶用人施政，悉奉宸斷。」睿親王攝政，入朝，朝臣皆跪迎，開心疏請敕禮部詳定儀注。江、浙、湖廣諸行省初定，開心疏請急置撫按，以時綏撫。並得旨俞允。擢左僉都御史。三年，坐事，罷。

He was soon assigned to inspect the southern wards of the capital. When Manchu troops first entered China, they feared smallpox and usually died upon infection. Beijing residents with smallpox were ordered to relocate outside the city walls to prevent spread. Local authorities enforced the policy harshly, and infants were often abandoned. Kaixin petitioned to designate a village in each suburban district where relocated families could be sheltered together. He soon submitted another memorial: "At the outset of a new regime, the outcome of any single policy bears on the welfare of the realm for generations to come. Written memorials cannot convey everything, and I dare not burden Your Majesty with repeated submissions. I beg to be granted regular audiences, that Your Majesty may hear my counsel in person. So that appointments and policies might all follow Your Majesty's own judgment." When Prince Regent Dorgon attended court during the regency, all officials knelt to receive him; Kaixin petitioned for the Ministry of Rites to establish detailed court protocol. As the Jiangnan, Zhejiang, and Huguang provinces were being pacified, Kaixin urged swift appointment of governors and censors to restore order. The emperor approved all these proposals. He was promoted to left assistant censor-in-chief. In 1646 he was dismissed for an offense.

八年，召起原官。旋超擢左都御史。開心子而抃，為唐王時舉人。九年，開心疏乞許而抃會試，禮部議不許，開心坐奪職，永不敘用。十年，諭曰：「開心有直名，畀風憲重任。不言國家大事，乃庇子瀆奏，辜朕望實深。朕念開心大臣，一事差謬，遂永棄不用，心終未恝然。召還京。」開心至，疏論湖廣巡撫遲日益、偏沅巡撫金廷獻、鄖襄巡撫趙兆麟所屬寇盜充斥，剿撫無能。得旨，下部察議。又言：「江南諸行省，每因捕治叛逆，株連無辜。如常鎮紳士王期升、路邁、蔣拱辰等，久錮獄中，虛實未辨。就一方一事，可推之他省。」上命確察以聞。時方考察京官，甄別翰林，開心疏論大學士馮銓、陳名夏等，各植門戶，開朋黨之漸，上命開心據實覆奏，未能實指其人，得旨申飭。旋授原官。

In 1651 he was recalled to his former post. He was soon promoted directly to left censor-in-chief. Kaixin's son Er Ban had obtained his provincial degree under the Prince of Tang during the Southern Ming. In 1652 Kaixin petitioned to allow Er Ban to sit the metropolitan examination; when the Ministry of Rites refused, Kaixin was stripped of office and permanently barred from appointment. In 1653 the emperor issued an edict: "Kaixin earned his reputation for integrity and was entrusted with important censorial duties. Instead of addressing affairs of state, he abused his office to shield his son—a profound disappointment. Yet Kaixin is a senior minister; to cast him aside permanently over one lapse still weighs on my conscience. Recall him to the capital." Upon his return, Kaixin submitted memorials charging that bandits ran rampant under Huguang governor Chi Riyi, Bianyuan governor Jin Tingxian, and Yunxiang governor Zhao Zhaolin, who had proved unable to suppress or pacify them. The emperor ordered the ministries to investigate. He also memorialized: "In the Jiangnan provinces, efforts to capture rebels often ensnare the innocent. Gentry such as Wang Qisheng, Lu Mai, and Jiang Gongchen of Changzhou have languished in prison with their cases unresolved. What holds in one place surely holds elsewhere as well." The emperor ordered a thorough investigation and report. During the evaluation of capital officials and screening of Hanlin scholars, Kaixin accused grand secretaries Feng Quan and Chen Mingxia of faction-building; when ordered to substantiate his charges, he could identify no specific individuals and received an imperial reprimand. He was shortly restored to his former office.

十一年，疏陳時政，請禦經筵，親奏對，遴賢才，原過誤，許流徙自贖，重法司職掌。上以疏中有「屏斥畋遊」語，諭曰：「講武習兵，乃祖宗立國大法，何謂畋遊？開心常談淺見，沽名塞責，殊負委任。」尋以名夏獲罪，責言官不先事舉發，降補太僕寺卿。

In 1654 he submitted a comprehensive policy memorial calling for imperial lectures, direct audiences, selection of talent, forgiveness of past errors, self-redemption for exiles, and strengthened judicial authority. The emperor took exception to the phrase "banish hunting and military outings," responding: "Military drill is the founding principle of our dynasty—how dare you call it frivolous diversion? Kaixin's shallow opinions and grandstanding have betrayed the trust placed in him. When Chen Mingxia was later condemned, censorial officials were blamed for failing to expose him beforehand, and Kaixin was demoted to minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud.

十二年，遷戶部侍郎。疏言：「畿甸流民載道，有司恐誤留逃人，聽其轉徙。請暫寬隱匿逃人之罪，以免株連，俾流民得邀撫輯。」諭曰：「逃人之多，因有隱匿者，故立法不得不嚴，何謂株連？」因責開心沽譽，降補太僕寺寺丞。尋擢少卿，協理兵部督捕事。十三年，上以逃人多不獲，所司督責不嚴，复降補鴻臚寺少卿。十六年，遷太僕寺少卿。康熙元年，擢總督倉場戶部侍郎，加工部尚書銜。卒官。 =楊義=楊義，山西洪洞人。明崇禎進士，官山東聊城知縣。順治元年，授河南汝陽知縣。五年，行取，擢江西道御史，巡視兩浙鹽政。義疏請定行鹽掣驗之法，遴選清廉有司照引盤驗，御史親臨監掣。八年，睿親王得罪，義劾工部侍郎李迎晙前官營繕郎中，監造王府，僭擬禁廷，不數年閒，躐昇華膴，請敕部治罪。以迎晙事在赦前，寢其議。复巡視長蘆鹽政，劾運使趙秉樞貪酷骫法，削籍逮治。

In 1655 he was transferred to vice minister of Revenue. He memorialized: "Refugees fill the roads around the capital; local officials, fearing they might harbor fugitive laborers, simply let them wander on. I ask that penalties for concealing fugitive laborers be temporarily eased, so refugees may be settled rather than driven away." The emperor replied: "Laborers flee because others hide them—the law must be strict. What do you mean by 'implication'? Kaixin was accused of grandstanding and demoted to vice director of the Court of the Imperial Stud. He was soon promoted to junior director and assigned to assist the Ministry of War in manhunt operations. In 1656, when fugitive laborers continued to evade capture, he was demoted again to junior director of the Court of State Ceremonial for insufficient supervision. In 1659 he was transferred to junior director of the Court of the Imperial Stud. In 1662 he was promoted to vice minister of Revenue overseeing the grain granaries, with the nominal rank of minister of Works. He died in office. Yang Yi came from Hongdong in Shanxi. A Chongzhen-era jinshi, he served as magistrate of Liaocheng in Shandong. In 1644 he was appointed magistrate of Ruyang in Henan. In 1648 he was selected for promotion to censor of the Jiangxi circuit and assigned to inspect salt administration in Zhejiang. Yi petitioned for standardized salt transport inspections, with honest officials verifying shipments against permits under the censor's personal supervision. In 1651, after Prince Regent Dorgon's fall, Yi impeached vice minister of Works Li Yingjun for having overseen construction of a princely mansion that imitated imperial palace standards during his earlier service, then vaulted to high office within years; he asked that Li be punished. The case was dropped because Li's offenses predated a general amnesty. While inspecting the Changlu salt administration, he impeached transport commissioner Zhao Bingshu for corruption and abuse of law; Zhao was stripped of rank and arrested.

九年，督學江南，尋掌京畿道事。十一年，大學士陳名夏得罪，義因劾請告侍郎孫承澤黨附名夏，下部，令承澤休致。吏部尚書劉正宗薦降調員外郎董國祥，擬授文選司郎中，義面詰正宗專擅，即具疏劾之，正宗得旨察議，國祥卒以贓敗，謫徙尚陽堡。

In 1652 he served as educational commissioner of Jiangnan, then took charge of the metropolitan circuit. In 1654, after Chen Mingxia's condemnation, Yi also impeached vice minister Sun Chengze for factional allegiance to Chen; Sun was ordered to retire. When Personnel Minister Liu Zhengzong recommended demoted official Dong Guoxiang for a bureau directorship, Yi publicly challenged Liu's overreach and immediately impeached him; Dong was eventually exposed for corruption and exiled to Shangyang Fort.

十二年，條陳時政，言：「大學士呂宮久疾曠職，宜令歸田，養大臣廉恥。」「巡按既停閱城、審錄諸事，督撫按期巡行，宜令簡隨從，慎關防，毋以擾民。」「兵民匱乏，請令各州縣禀生捐銀準貢，以給滿洲兵備鞍馬器用，餘賑被災貧民。」「諭旨嚴禁加派，有司抗不遵行。如臣籍洪洞，地畝正糧外，又加驛站坐司馬夫、工食、公費等項，幾半正糧。祈敕禁革。」會宮已得旨致仕，飭下所司議行。時議復設巡按，義奏請甄舉才守兼優考試，請簡不拘資俸。是歲四遷至刑部侍郎。十四年，調工部。十七年，調倉場侍郎，擢工部尚書。康熙元年，致仕。卒。

In 1655 he submitted a policy memorial arguing that long-ailing Grand Secretary Lü Gong should retire to preserve ministerial dignity. With circuit censors no longer conducting city inspections, he urged governors to travel with smaller retinues and avoid harassing the populace. To relieve hardship among soldiers and civilians, he proposed allowing licentiates to purchase quasi-gongshi status, with funds supplying Manchu troops' equipment and relief for disaster victims. Despite edicts banning extra levies, officials continued to impose them. In my native Hongdong, surcharges for postal stations, stable hands, labor, and public expenses nearly equaled half the regular land tax. I beg that these be abolished by imperial edict." Lü had already retired by edict; the other proposals were referred to the ministries. When debate arose over restoring circuit censors, Yi argued they should be selected by examination for combined talent and integrity, without seniority restrictions. That year he rose through four promotions to vice minister of Punishments. In 1657 he was transferred to the Ministry of Works. In 1660 he was transferred to granary vice minister and promoted to minister of Works. In 1662 he retired. He died.

=林起龍=林起龍，順天大興人。順治三年進士，授吏科給事中。疏請嚴禁白蓮、大成、混元、無為等邪教。又疏請重守令，課以十五事，曰：招流亡，墾荒萊，巡阡陌，勸樹藝，稽戶口，均賦稅，輕徭役，除盜賊，抑豪強，懲衙蠹，賑災患，濟孤寡，濬溝池，治橋樑，興學校。考其殿最，而大吏以時訪察。俱如所奏行。四年，劾山東巡撫丁文盛不能弭盜，並薦大理寺卿王永吉可代，部議以起龍有私，降二級外用。又坐劾登州道楊雲鶴婪贓不實，奪官。

Lin Qilong came from Daxing in Shuntian (Beijing). A jinshi of 1646, he was appointed supervising secretary of the Personnel Section. He petitioned for strict suppression of White Lotus, Dacheng, Hunyuan, Wuwei, and other banned sects. He also proposed holding prefects and magistrates accountable to fifteen duties: resettling refugees, reclaiming wasteland, inspecting fields, promoting agriculture, verifying household registers, equalizing taxes, reducing corvée, suppressing banditry, curbing local strongmen, punishing corrupt clerks, disaster relief, aid to orphans and widows, dredging canals, repairing bridges, and promoting schools. Their performance would be graded through periodic inspection by superiors. The court approved all these proposals. In 1647 he impeached Shandong governor Ding Wensheng for failing to quell banditry and recommended Court of Review minister Wang Yongji as replacement; the ministries ruled Qilong acted from personal motive and demoted him two ranks for outside service. He was later stripped of office for a baseless corruption charge against Dengzhou intendant Yang Yunhe.

世祖親政，召來京。十年，復原官。時軍旅未靖，急轉餉，不遑言積貯，起龍請敕計臣籌畫，先實京倉，次及近輔各直省，務使倉有儲穀，備水旱，應調發。又言：「滿洲兵昔在盛京，無餉而富；今在京師，有餉而貧。時地既迥異，法制宜更定。凡駐守徵行，所需馬匹、草束、軍裝、戎器，悉動官帑籌備，毋使拮据。」疏入，諭曰：「滿洲兵建功最多，資生無策，十年來未有言及此者。起龍實心為國，忠誠可嘉！」下部議，以五品京堂用，起龍疏辭。

When Emperor Shunzhi took personal rule, Qilong was recalled to the capital. In 1653 he was restored to his former post. With armies still active and grain transport urgent, Qilong urged planners to first fill Beijing's granaries, then those of neighboring provinces, building reserves against drought, flood, and military needs. He also noted: "Manchu soldiers at Mukden prospered without stipends, yet in Beijing they are poor despite receiving pay. Circumstances have changed entirely—the system must be revised. Horses, fodder, uniforms, and weapons for garrison and campaign duty should all come from state funds, sparing soldiers hardship." The emperor responded: "Manchu soldiers have earned the most glory yet have no livelihood—no one has raised this in a decade. Qilong serves the state with genuine devotion—his loyalty is admirable!" The ministries recommended him for fifth-rank capital appointment, but Qilong declined.

十一年，轉刑科，加大理寺寺丞銜。疏言：「州縣吏媚事上官，耗費不貲，請禁革；並請遣廉能大臣巡行各直省，體察利弊。」既，疏劾總河楊方興及工部尚書劉昌，召方興、昌相質，所劾皆不實，部議當杖流，上特宥之，左授光祿寺署正。十二年，遷大理寺寺丞。十三年，一歲中三遷，擢工部侍郎。十五年，改戶部侍郎，總督倉場。

In 1654 he transferred to the Punishments Section with the nominal rank of Court of Review vice director. He petitioned to ban the costly flattery prefectural and county clerks lavished on superiors; and to dispatch honest, capable ministers to tour the provinces and assess local conditions. He then impeached Grand Canal director Yang Fangxing and Works Minister Liu Chang; when both men were summoned to answer the charges, every accusation proved false; though the ministries recommended beating and exile, the emperor pardoned him and demoted him to acting director of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. In 1655 he was transferred to vice director of the Court of Review. In 1656 he rose through three promotions in a single year to vice minister of Works. In 1658 he became vice minister of Revenue overseeing the grain granaries.

十六年，加太子少保。疏請更定綠旗兵制，略言：「有制之師，兵雖少，一以當十，餉愈省、兵愈強而國富；無制之師，兵雖多，萬不敵千，餉愈費、兵愈弱而國貧。今綠營兵幾六十萬，而地方有事，即請滿洲大兵，雖多仍不足用。推原其故，總緣將官赴任，召募家丁，隨營開糧，軍牢、伴當、吹手、轎夫，皆充兵數。甚有地方鋪戶子侄，充兵免徭。其月餉則歸之本管，馬兵剋扣草料，驛遞缺馬，亦供營兵應付。是以馬皆骨立，鞭策不前。又如弓箭、刀槍、盔甲、火器，俱鈍弊朽壞，帳房、窩鋪、雨衣、弓箭罩，則竟闕不具。春秋兩操，不復舉行。將不知分合奇正之勢，兵不知坐作進退之法。徒空國帑，竭民膏，雖★何益？推其病有二：一則營兵原以戡亂，今乃責之捕盜；一則出餉養兵，原以備戰守之用，今則加以剋扣。兵丁所得，僅能存活，又不按月支發，貧乏何以自支？今誠抽練綠旗精兵二十萬，養以四十萬之餉，餉厚兵精，地方有警，戰守有人。不過十年，可使庫藏充溢。」下所司議行。十七年，加太子太保、兵部尚書，巡撫鳳陽。時議懲官吏犯贓，視輕重科罪，不許納贖，起龍疏請如舊例收贖充餉，下廷議，請從之。上曰：「立法止貪，今因濟餉而貸法，如民生何？」絀起龍議不行。

In 1659 he received the additional title of Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. He petitioned for reform of the Green Banner army system, arguing: "A disciplined force, though small, fights tenfold; pay costs less, soldiers fight harder, and the state grows richer; an undisciplined force, though large, ten thousand cannot match one thousand; pay costs more, soldiers fight worse, and the state grows poorer. Today the Green Banner forces number nearly six hundred thousand, yet whenever trouble arises the court must call on Manchu banner troops—numbers alone are not enough. The root cause is that generals recruit personal retainers who draw camp rations—runners, attendants, trumpeters, and sedan-bearers all count toward troop strength. Some local shopkeepers' sons and nephews even enlist as soldiers simply to escape corvée labor. Monthly pay goes to commanding officers; cavalry fodder is skimmed; when courier stations lack horses, camp soldiers are pressed into service. Horses are reduced to skin and bone and cannot be driven forward. Bows, blades, armor, and firearms are dull and broken; tents, shelters, rain capes, and bow covers are entirely lacking. Spring and autumn drills are no longer held. Generals know nothing of combined maneuvers or tactical variation; soldiers know nothing of drill and formation. They merely drain the treasury and exhaust the people—of what use are they? Two ailments lie at the root: first, camp soldiers were meant to suppress rebellion, yet are now tasked with catching bandits; second, pay was meant to sustain soldiers for war and defense, yet is now systematically skimmed. What soldiers receive barely keeps them alive, and pay is not issued on schedule—how can the destitute survive? If we selected and drilled two hundred thousand elite Green Banner troops, paying them well from a budget of four hundred thousand taels, the regions would have capable defenders whenever trouble arose. Within ten years the treasury would overflow. The proposal was referred to the ministries for implementation. In 1660 he received the titles of Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent and minister of War and was appointed governor of Fengyang. When the court proposed punishing corrupt officials without allowing redemption, Qilong petitioned to restore the old practice of collecting redemption fees for military pay; court deliberation recommended approval. The emperor replied: "Laws exist to stop corruption—how can we waive them to fund the army? What of the people's welfare? Qilong's proposal was rejected.

聖祖即位，授起龍漕運總督，迭疏請免濱海移民田地賦額，濬淮城迤南運河，直達射陽湖，修築濟寧、臨清諸處堤閘，並請禁運丁毋病民，運弁毋病丁，條議以上，皆從其請。又疏請禁運丁多攜貨物，稽滯漕運，定分地稽察例。康熙六年，糧艘至濟寧，運丁有多攜貨物者。事覺，總河盧崇峻疏陳起龍言江南漕儲道既裁，總漕不任稽察，御史張志尹糾起龍不引罪。上以詰起龍，起龍謝失職，鐫三級休致。卒。

When Emperor Kangxi ascended the throne, Qilong was appointed director-general of grain transport; he petitioned repeatedly to exempt coastal resettlement lands from tax, dredge the canal south of Huai City to Sheyang Lake, repair dikes and sluices at Jining and Linqing, and protect transport workers and civilians from abuse—all approved. He also petitioned to ban transport workers from carrying excess cargo that delayed grain shipments, establishing territorial inspection rules. In 1667, when grain barges reached Jining, many transport workers were found carrying excess cargo. When the matter surfaced, Grand Canal director Lu Chongjun reported that Qilong had claimed the Jiangnan grain storage post was abolished and he could not supervise inspections; censor Zhang Zhiyin impeached Qilong for failing to accept responsibility. The emperor questioned Qilong, who acknowledged dereliction of duty; he was reduced three ranks and retired. He died.

嘉慶四年，仁宗親政，閱世祖實錄，得起龍更定綠營兵制疏，諭諸行省督撫整飭營伍，並以所言抽練精兵，是否可仿行，飭妥議具奏。諸行省督撫憚改作，議格不行。

In 1799, when Emperor Jiaqing took personal rule, he found Qilong's memorial on Green Banner reform while reading Shunzhi's veritable records; he ordered provincial governors to rectify the camps and deliberate whether Qilong's plan for elite troop selection could be adopted. Provincial governors, fearing reform, blocked the proposal.

=硃克簡=硃克簡，字敬可，江南寶應人。順治四年進士，授內閣中書。五年，考授御史。八年，典廣東鄉試。十二年，巡按福建。福建八府一州，其五濱海。鄭成功時入寇，民苦焚掠。克簡至，申明軍政，綢繆防禦，請增兵防仙霞關。時兵部尚書王永吉疏請減兵額，汰營兵老弱，下諸行省。克簡疏言：「福建內防山賊，外禦海寇，省兵三萬四千，不可復減。」上如其議。又疏論防海，略言：「用水師不難得其力，難得其心。漳泉為鄭成功故土，沿海多戚屬，宜以連保法察其踪跡，考其身家，不使入伍；降者令歸耕，或移置他軍，使離舊巢，乃堅歸志。水師戰海中，破浪擒賊，當受上賞，宜著為令。水師用在舟，木、竹、釘鐵、油、麻、★葉，皆海之所無，一物不具，不可以為舟。宜設專官譏察，毋以資敵。」「寧化、崇安濱海要地，今俱為賊踞，當按形勢增兵固守。」又立六規二十四約，與提督馬成功、總兵王之綱等深相結納，諸將咸奉令。

Zhu Kejian, whose style was Jingke, came from Baoying in Jiangnan. A jinshi of 1647, he was appointed Grand Secretariat secretary. In 1648 he passed examination and was appointed censor. In 1651 he served as chief examiner for the Guangdong provincial examinations. In 1655 he was appointed circuit censor of Fujian. Fujian had eight prefectures and one department, five of them coastal. Zheng Chenggong raided repeatedly, and the people suffered burning and plunder. Upon arrival Kejian tightened military administration, strengthened defenses, and requested additional troops for Xianxia Pass. War Minister Wang Yongji had petitioned to cut troop quotas and eliminate aged and weak camp soldiers; the order went to all provinces. Kejian argued: "Fujian must defend against mountain bandits inland and sea raiders on the coast; its thirty-four thousand provincial troops cannot be cut further. The emperor agreed. He also memorialized on coastal defense: "It is easy to command the navy's labor but hard to win its loyalty. Zhangzhou and Quanzhou were Zheng Chenggong's homeland, and many coastal residents were his kinsmen; mutual-guarantee groups should track their movements and bar them from enlistment; surrendered men should return to farming or be transferred to other units, removed from old haunts, to firm their loyalty. Naval victories at sea deserve the highest rewards—this should be written into law. The navy depends on ships, and wood, bamboo, nails, iron, oil, hemp, and palm leaves—none found at sea—must all be supplied; one missing item means no ship can be built. Special inspectors should be appointed to prevent supplies reaching the enemy. Ninghua and Chong'an, key coastal positions now held by rebels, should receive reinforced garrisons according to terrain." He also established six regulations and twenty-four covenants, forged close ties with regional commander Ma Chenggong and commander-in-chief Wang Zhigang, and won obedience from all generals.

巡汀州，聞成功兵攻福州，即率汀州鎮兵還援。成功兵引退，克簡入城，曰：「寇知我援寡，且復來。」令完城垣、簡卒伍為備。數日，成功兵復至。初，官軍得成功兵輒誅之，克簡令發不過五寸者貸死，編為民，得萬餘人，皆恩克簡，至是助守城，發★擊寇，寇潰，遂出戰，解圍去。至漳州，布政使詳請徵逋賦，克簡力阻之，疏請蠲徵，上從之。至福清，以閩安地當衝，設兵守之，連江、羅源、福清、長樂諸縣要隘皆置汛。至興化，見道有流民，與知府張彥珩議賑，活者萬數千人。至泉州，令崇武、獺戶、大盈諸隘皆置汛。至延平，知其地舟人多通寇，令循江諸州縣設「循環簿」譏察。汀州、延平、建安三郡多伏戎，克簡遣兵破其巢穴，離其黨羽，次第皆就撫。迭疏請汰冗員，蠲鹽課，卹驛困，皆報可。秩滿，乞歸。康熙三十二年，卒。

While touring Tingzhou, he heard Zheng Chenggong was attacking Fuzhou and immediately led Tingzhou garrison troops to reinforce the city. Zheng's troops withdrew; Kejian entered the city and said, "The enemy knows our reinforcements are thin and will return. He ordered the walls repaired and troops readied for defense. Within days Zheng's forces returned. Previously government troops executed every Zheng soldier they captured; Kejian spared those under five chi tall, enrolling more than ten thousand as civilians who gratefully helped defend the city; they fired cannon at the invaders, who broke and fled, and the siege was lifted. At Zhangzhou, when the provincial administration commissioner proposed collecting overdue taxes, Kejian blocked the plan and petitioned for exemption; the emperor agreed. At Fuqing he garrisoned the strategic Min'an crossing and posted troops at key passes throughout Lianjiang, Luoyuan, Fuqing, and Changle. At Xinghua he found refugees on the roads; working with Prefect Zhang Yanheng on relief, he saved tens of thousands of lives. At Quanzhou he posted garrisons at Chongwu, Tahu, Daying, and other strategic passes. At Yanping, where boatmen often colluded with rebels, he ordered river counties to keep rotation registers for inspection. In Tingzhou, Yanping, and Jian'an, where rebels lurked in numbers, Kejian sent troops to destroy their hideouts and break up their bands until all submitted. He petitioned repeatedly to cut redundant posts, reduce salt levies, and relieve distressed courier stations—all approved. When his term expired, he requested retirement. He died in 1693.

子約，以副貢生充教習，歷知福安、南豐、費諸縣，擢晉州，所至皆有惠政。

His son Yue, a deputy tribute graduate who served as instructor, governed Fu'an, Nanfeng, and Fei counties before promotion to Jin Prefecture, earning a reputation for benevolent rule everywhere he served.

=成性=成性，字我存，江南和州人。順治六年進士，授中書科中書。十四年，考授御史，巡按福建。疏言：「福建山海征剿，師旅繁興，民窮地荒。條上四策：一曰嚴汛守。濱海地寥廓，不能遍防。臣愚以為宜設水師，求熟練舟楫、諳識水性之將吏，廣選舵工水手，繚椗招鬥，惟其能者，禀餉不為常格。以舟為家，銃械用其長技，操演習熟，庶幾水師可成。泉州近賊巢，水師宜移石湖。崇武、石芝駐陸軍為聲援。惠安北有峰尾司，宜駐兵，為惠州籓籬。同安鄰廈門，當於高浦設屯，劉五店置警砲，時出遊騎巡視要隘。此又惠州之脣齒也。一曰分界址。有司禁遏接濟，商阻物貴，民生窮蹙。臣愚以為先定禁例，若竹木、鑌鐵、硝磺、油、麻，毋許通貿。小民日用所需，宜聽轉運。惟濱海大道或捷徑可通者，嚴立疆界。更定勾稽文法，以時比驗。自泉州西出延平上游，去海甚遠，百貨交易，宜聽民便。一曰輯降眾。山海嘯聚之徒，漸次來降。入伍者多，歸耕者少。間有悍氣未馴，凌轢鄉里。居民亦負氣不相下，訐訟不受理，則自相格鬥。臣愚以為宜令解散宿怨，禁止羅織。新附之眾，合者漸分，聚者漸散，近者漸遠，庶可消弭反側。一曰清營伍。府縣編氓，既有保甲，諸營什伍，猶未整齊。臣愚以為當責成兵吏，自為版籍。略仿保甲之制，同居連坐。則軍伍肅、盜源遏矣。」事下兵部議行。

Cheng Xing, whose style was Wocun, came from Hezhou in Jiangnan. A jinshi of 1649, he was appointed Secretariat secretary. In 1657 he passed examination and was appointed circuit censor of Fujian. He memorialized: "Fujian's mountain and coastal campaigns have brought constant military activity; the people are destitute and the land lies waste. He proposed four policies: first, strengthen garrison defense. The coastal territory is too vast to defend everywhere. I propose establishing a navy, recruiting officers skilled in seamanship and sailors chosen for ability, paying them beyond standard rates. Living aboard their ships, using firearms to their strengths, and drilling until proficient—a navy could be built. Quanzhou lies near the rebel base; the navy should relocate to Shihu. Land forces at Chongwu and Shizhi should serve as backup. Fengwei Station north of Hui'an should be garrisoned as a shield for Huizhou. Tong'an borders Xiamen; a garrison at Gaopu, alarm guns at Liuwudian, and periodic cavalry patrols of key passes are needed. These positions are likewise vital to Huizhou's defense. Second, demarcate boundaries. Official bans on supply have obstructed commerce, raised prices, and strained people's livelihoods. I propose clear prohibitions on trading bamboo, timber, wrought iron, saltpeter, sulfur, oil, and hemp. Daily necessities should still be allowed through. Along coastal highways and shortcuts, boundaries should be strictly enforced. Audit procedures should be revised and verified on schedule. From Quanzhou west to upper Yanping, far inland, trade should be left unrestricted. Third, manage surrendered populations. Mountain and coastal rebels have been surrendering in growing numbers. Too many enlist while too few return to farming. Some remain unruly and bully their neighbors. Locals too refuse to back down; when courts reject their suits, they fight among themselves. I propose ordering old grudges dissolved and fabricated accusations banned. Newly submitted groups should gradually be separated, dispersed, and relocated to eliminate unrest. Fourth, clean up camp ranks. Registered civilians already have mutual-responsibility groups, but camp squads remain disorganized. I propose holding military officers responsible for compiling their own registers. Following the mutual-responsibility model, cohabitants should share liability. Then camp discipline would improve and banditry be checked at its source. The memorial was referred to the Ministry of War for deliberation.

既，又上疏言：「下游四府濱海，海徼無險阻可守，且又兵力所不及。宜令居民築土堡，多備長槍鳥銃，習為團練。賊至，人自為守，家自為戰，馳報附近將領，以兵赴援。久之使賊糧絕勢窮，未有不瓦解者也。」又疏論鹽場利弊，請裁上里、海口、牛田諸場，以福清知縣領其事。十六年，報績，授兵部主事。移疾歸。

He then submitted another memorial: "The four downstream prefectures lie on the coast. The maritime frontier has no natural defenses and lies beyond the army's reach. Residents should be ordered to build earthen forts, stock long spears and arquebuses, and drill as militia. When bandits come, each man defends and each household fights; nearby commanders should be alerted to send relief. In time the rebels' supplies would run dry and their strength fail—they would inevitably collapse. In another memorial he discussed salt-field administration, proposing to abolish the Shangli, Haikou, and Niutian fields and put the Fuqing magistrate in charge. In 1659 his performance was reported and he was appointed a principal clerk in the Ministry of War. He resigned for illness and went home.

康熙七年，始出就官。十一年，授工科給事中。時議招募遊民，開墾荒田。性疏言：「民貧不能耕，乃有荒田。遊民既失業，安能開墾？請敕督撫令縣官勸民開墾，無力者上布政司給牛種貲錢。以本縣之民，墾本縣之田，官既易於稽察，朝廷本貲亦易於徵收。」又迭疏請獎進廉吏，為國家培元氣，密諭推舉督學，以重人才根本之地。又疏陳民生十害，謂：「州縣胥役挾持長吏，為衙蠹之害；官吏私交舊識，關說曲直，為抽豐之害；鄉民錢糧訟獄，必投在城所主之戶，聽其侵蝕唆使，為歇家之害；大奸巨猾武斷鄉曲，為奸豪之害；督撫及司道胥吏幹託有司，為上官胥吏之害；丞簿佐貳濫受訟牒，為佐貳之害；奸民譸張上控，株連蔓衍，為越訴之害；顏料本色，緣時價低昂，不載由單，任意苛斂，為雜派之害；百姓十室九空，無藉乘急取利，逐月合券，俗謂'印子錢'，利至十之七八，折沒妻孥，為放債之害；郵傳往來，強捉人夫，挽舟負輿，為縴夫之害。請下所在有司，每季書狀，不蹈十害，申大吏按驗。」又請飭督撫嚴飭所司，復社學，講鄉約，舉節孝，立義塚，不力行者，不得與卓異。旋擢掌科。十五年，以疾乞歸，家居三年，卒。

In 1668 he finally returned to office. In 1672 he was appointed supervising secretary of the Public Works section. The court was debating whether to recruit vagrants to open wasteland. Cheng submitted a memorial: "The people are too poor to farm—that is why land lies fallow. Vagrants have no livelihood—how can they reclaim wasteland? He asked that governors order county magistrates to encourage reclamation, with the provincial treasurer supplying cattle, seed, and funds to those who could not afford them. Local people should reclaim local fields—easier for officials to supervise and for the court to recover its seed loans. In repeated memorials he called for promoting honest officials to restore the dynasty's vitality, and for secret instructions to elevate educational commissioners as the foundation of talent. He also submitted the ten harms afflicting common people: "County clerks who dominate their magistrates—yamen parasites; Officials who pull strings for old friends and twist justice—the squeeze; Villagers who must rely on city lodging brokers for taxes and lawsuits, who skim and manipulate—broker harm; Powerful local bullies who rule the countryside—tyrants; Clerks of governors and circuit officials who pull strings with subordinates—superior-clerk harm; Deputy magistrates who accept any lawsuit that comes their way—deputy harm; Malicious litigants who fabricate charges and appeal upward, dragging in ever more people—bypass appeal; Miscellaneous levies on dyestuffs and tribute goods priced at whim rather than on the tax receipt—surcharge harm; With nine of ten households ruined, predators lend 'stamp money' at seventy or eighty percent monthly interest, forfeiting wives and children—usury; Postal traffic that impresses men to tow boats and carry sedan chairs—corvée harm. He asked local officials to report quarterly that they had avoided the ten harms, subject to inspection by senior officials. He also urged governors to restore community schools, village compacts, chastity awards, and public graves—officials who failed to implement them would be denied outstanding evaluations. He was soon promoted to chief supervising secretary. In 1676 he retired for illness, remained at home three years, and died.

國初循明舊，御史出為巡按。順治七年罷，旋復設。八年，世祖親政，特敕誡諭，並命都察院察訪舉劾。禦太和殿，召新命諸巡按入見，賜坐宣諭。十七年，都察院復請罷，王大臣會議，安親王及侍郎石申等議留，別疏上。又以御史陸光旭疏爭，令再議，仍議罷不復設。巡按能舉其職者，又有寧承勳按河南，請塞黃河決口；秦世禎按江蘇，劾罷巡撫土國寶：最知名。承勳大興人，明天啟舉人，自禮部主事考選御史，官至大理寺右寺正。世禎自有傳。

At the dynasty's founding, following Ming practice, censors were dispatched as touring inspectors. It was abolished in 1650, then soon restored. In 1651 the Shunzhi Emperor took direct rule, issued special instructions to touring censors, and charged the Censorate with investigation and impeachment. At the Hall of Supreme Harmony he summoned newly appointed touring censors, seated them, and delivered his instructions. In 1660 the Censorate again petitioned for abolition. At a princely conference the Prince of An and Vice Minister Shi Shen argued to keep the post and submitted a separate memorial. Censor Lu Guangxu protested in a memorial; after further deliberation the court still decided to abolish the post permanently. Notable touring censors included Ning Chengxun in Henan, who petitioned to seal the Yellow River breach; and Qin Shizhen in Jiangsu, who impeached and removed Governor Tu Guobao—the most famous case. Chengxun was a Daxing native and Tianqi-era juren, promoted from Ministry of Rites clerk to censor, reaching Right Assistant Director of the Court of Judicial Review. Shizhen has his own biography.

=王命岳=王命岳，字伯諮，福建晉江人。順治十二年進士，改庶吉士。時雲南、貴州未定，策問及之。命岳言：「李定國貳於孫可望，當緩定國，行間使與可望相疑忌。我兵以守為戰，以屯為守，視隙而動。」上異之，擢工科給事中。上經國遠圖疏，略言：「今國家所最急者，財也。歲入千八百一十四萬有奇，歲出二千二百六十一萬有奇。出浮於入者四百四十七萬。國用所以不足，皆由養兵。各省鎮滿、漢官兵俸米、草豆，都計千八百三十八萬有奇，師行芻秣又百四十萬，其在京王公百官俸薪、披甲俸餉不過二百萬。是則歲費二千二百萬，十分在養兵，一分在雜用也。臣愚以為今日不宜再議剝削以給兵餉，而當議就兵生餉之道。河南、山東、湖廣、陝西、江南北、浙東西、江西、閩、廣諸行省，迭經兵火水旱，田多荒廢。宜令各省駐防官兵分地耕種，稍仿明洪武中屯田之法，初年有司給與牛種、耕具、餼糧，自次年後，兵皆自食其力，便可不費朝廷金錢，此其為利甚溥。古者郡縣之兵，什伍相配，千百成旅，將帥因而轄之。乃者將帥多以僕從、摎役、優伶為兵，其實能操戈殺賊者十不得二三。故食糧有兵，充伍無兵。官去兵隨，難議屯種。今當先定兵額，官有升降，兵無去來。平定各省及去賊二三百里外者，皆給地課耕。因人之力與地之宜，一歲便可生財至千餘萬。群情不為深慮，不過議節省某項、清察某項。譬如盤水，何益旱田？臣見今日因賊而設兵，因兵而措餉，因餉而病民。民復為賊，展轉相因，深可隱憂。要在力破因循，斷無不可核之兵，斷無不可耕之田，斷無不可生之財。」疏下各直省督撫，議格不行。

Wang Mingyue, whose style was Bozi, came from Jinjiang in Fujian. He earned his jinshi in 1655 and entered the Hanlin Academy as a bachelor. Yunnan and Guizhou were still unconquered; the palace examination question addressed this. Mingyue wrote: "Li Dingguo has turned against Sun Kewang. Ease pressure on Dingguo and use stratagem to sow mutual suspicion between them. Our armies should fight by holding ground, hold ground by farming garrison land, and strike when opportunity arises. The emperor was impressed and appointed him supervising secretary of the Public Works section. In his memorial on long-term statecraft he wrote: "The state's most urgent need is revenue. Annual revenue slightly exceeded 18.14 million taels; expenditure slightly exceeded 22.61 million. Expenditure exceeded income by 4.47 million taels. The shortfall owed entirely to maintaining armies. Provincial Manchu and Han garrisons consumed over 18.38 million in salaries, grain, and fodder; campaign supplies another 1.4 million; capital stipends for princes, officials, and soldiers came to barely 2 million. Of 22 million in annual spending, nine-tenths went to the army and one-tenth to everything else. We should stop debating further cuts to fund the army and find a way for soldiers to support themselves. Henan, Shandong, Huguang, Shaanxi, Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, and Guangdong had seen repeated war, flood, and drought; much land lay fallow. Garrison troops should be assigned land to farm, following Hongwu-era colony farming: officials supply cattle, seed, tools, and rations the first year; thereafter soldiers feed themselves at no cost to the treasury—a vast saving. In antiquity county troops were organized in fives and tens, hundreds and thousands, under their commanders. Today commanders fill ranks with servants, attendants, and actors—barely two or three in ten can actually fight. The pay rolls are full, but the ranks are empty. Troops follow their officers when they transfer, making garrison farming impossible. Fix troop quotas first: officers may transfer, but soldiers stay put. In pacified provinces and areas two or three hundred li from rebels, all soldiers should receive farmland. With manpower and suitable land, a single year could yield over ten million taels. Officials offer no deeper remedy—only debating minor savings here or audits there. That is like scooping water with a bowl to irrigate a drought—worthless. I see a vicious cycle: rebels require armies, armies require pay, pay harms the people. The people turn rebel in turn—a deeply alarming cycle. We must break inertia: no troops that cannot be audited, no land that cannot be farmed, no revenue that cannot be earned. The memorial went to provincial governors but was blocked and never implemented.

世祖惡貪吏，令犯贓十兩以上籍沒。命岳疏言：「立法愈嚴，而糾貪不止，病在舉劾不當。請敕吏部，督撫按舉劾疏至，當參酌公論，果有賢者見毀，不肖者蒙譽，據實覆駁。如部臣耳目有限，科道臣皆得執奏。又按臣原有都察院考核甄別，督撫本重臣，言官恐外轉為屬吏，參劾絕少。請特敕責成，簡別精實。每歲終仍命吏部、都察院考核督撫舉劾當否，詳具以聞。庶激勵大法以倡率小廉。」轉戶科。再上疏論漕弊，大要謂：「百姓為運官所苦，運官又自有其苦，不得不苦百姓。請革通倉需索，禁旗丁混搶，倉場督臣親監河兌。」福建方用兵，時又苦旱，命岳疏陳五事，曰：緩徵買，糶勸賑，督催協餉，嚴治姦盜，安置投誠。

The Shunzhi Emperor hated corrupt officials and ordered confiscation for bribes over ten taels. Mingyue wrote: "Harsher laws have not stopped corruption—the problem is improper impeachments. He asked the Ministry of Personnel to weigh public opinion when provincial memorials arrive and rebut cases where the worthy are slandered or scoundrels praised. If ministry officials cannot see everywhere, all censorial officials should be allowed to memorialize. Touring censors were once screened by the Censorate, but governors outrank them; fearing they become subordinates in the provinces, censors hardly ever impeach. He asked for special edicts holding them accountable with rigorous selection. At year's end the Ministry of Personnel and Censorate should review whether governors' impeachments were sound and report. Thus strict enforcement at the top would encourage modest integrity below. He transferred to the Revenue section. He memorialized on grain-transport abuses: "The people suffer from transport officials; transport officials suffer too, and pass that suffering to the people. He proposed ending exactions at transit granaries, stopping banner privates from looting, and requiring granary supervisors to oversee river delivery personally. With Fujian at war and in drought, Mingyue proposed five measures: ease requisition levies, sell grain for relief, coordinate military supplies, punish banditry, and settle defectors.

十五年，調兵科。師下湖廣，命岳復申屯田之議，請復明軍衛屯田之制，設指揮、千百戶等官，以勞久功多之臣膺其任，子孫世及。無漕之地，專固封疆；有漕之地，即使領運。新附之將，有功亦得拜官。量易其地，勿在本省。尋疏言：「各省除荒之數，歲縮銀五百五十萬有奇。荒地以河南、山東為最多。請選清正御史，督察二省田地，率諸州縣清丈，編造魚鱗圖冊。他省除荒多者，如例均丈。」得旨舉行。命岳又上清丈事宜十餘條。

In 1658 he transferred to the War section. As armies advanced into Huguang, Mingyue again pressed garrison farming, proposing restored Ming colony units under commanders and company officers granted to long-serving meritorious men as hereditary posts. Where there was no grain transport, they would defend frontiers; where there was, they would manage transport. Newly surrendered generals with merit could also receive appointments. Their posts should be assigned outside their home provinces. He soon reported that wasteland tax exemptions cost over 5.5 million taels annually. Henan and Shandong had the most fallow land. He proposed upright censors to supervise land surveys in both provinces and compile fish-scale registers. Provinces with large exemptions should be surveyed likewise. The emperor approved and the policy was implemented. Mingyue submitted over ten detailed rules for the surveys.

明桂王既出邊，雲南猶未平。命岳疏言：「雲南歲餉九百萬，而一省正雜賦稅都計十六萬有奇，是以九百萬營十六萬之地也。雲南原有舊屯萬一千一百七十一頃有奇，科糧三十八萬九千九百九十二石有奇。請敕巡撫袁懋功責成原軍，換帖領種。暫發二十萬金，買牛辦種，借給軍民。經年銷算，必無虧損，又可收復科糧舊額。且官收額內，軍餘額外，每粟一石，價可三金，視今年每石十二金，已省餉費四分之三。庶幾兵食兼足，不至竭天下之物力以奉一隅。」上可其奏，命發十萬金買牛辦種，修復舊屯。

After the Ming Prince of Gui fled, Yunnan remained unconquered. Mingyue wrote: "Yunnan consumes nine million taels yearly while the province's entire tax revenue is barely 160,000—we spend nine million to hold land worth 160,000. Yunnan once had 11,171-plus qing of colony fields yielding 389,992-plus shi in grain tax. He asked Governor Yuan Maogong to require original garrison troops to reclaim their land with new certificates. Two hundred thousand taels should be issued temporarily for cattle and seed loans to soldiers and civilians. Within a year the accounts would balance without loss, restoring the old grain tax quota. Within the official quota soldiers could keep surplus grain; at three taels per shi versus twelve this year, supply costs would drop by three-quarters. Armies would be fed without exhausting the empire's resources for one remote corner. The emperor approved the memorial and ordered one hundred thousand taels disbursed to purchase oxen and seed grain and to restore the old garrison farms.

命岳乞假歸葬，還朝，疏言：「賊習於海戰，我師皆北人，不諳水性。惟有堵截隘港，禁絕接濟，嚴號令，輕徭賦，與民休息，使民不為賊，賊不得資。久之必有系醜獻闕下者。」吏部以浙江右布政員盡忠遷廣東左布政，命已下，命岳劾其貪穢，盡忠坐罷。康熙初，使廣東還，遷刑科都給事中。時陳豹據南澳，尚為明守，命岳疏請招豹收南澳。尋以議獄未當，奪官。六年，畿輔旱，詔求直言。命岳家居，以天子方衝齡，宜覽古今，廣法戒，撰千秋寶鑑，書垂成，未進，卒。

Mingyue took leave to go home for a funeral. Back at court, he memorialized: "The rebels are skilled at sea fighting, while our forces are all northerners unaccustomed to the water. The only course is to block the narrow harbors, sever all outside aid, enforce strict discipline, lighten taxes and corvée, and let the people recover — so that they do not turn rebel and the rebels receive no support. In time, someone will surely bind up the ringleaders and deliver them to the throne." The Ministry of Personnel had already appointed Yuan Jinzhong, right provincial administration commissioner of Zhejiang, as left provincial administration commissioner of Guangdong when Mingyue impeached him for corruption; Jinzhong was dismissed as a result. Early in the Kangxi reign, after returning from a mission to Guangdong, he was promoted to chief supervising censor of the Bureau of Punishments. Chen Bao then held Nan'ao and still served the Ming cause; Mingyue memorialized asking that Bao be won over to recover the island. He was soon stripped of his post for improper handling of a judicial case. In the sixth year drought struck the capital region, and an edict called for candid remonstrance. Mingyue was living in retirement. Believing the emperor was still a minor, he set himself to review history, broaden moral lessons, and compile the Thousand-Year Precious Mirror. The work was nearly complete but never submitted when he died.

=李森先=李森先，字琳枝，山東掖縣人。明崇禎進士。順治二年，自國子監博士考選江西道監察御史。啟睿親王發大學士馮銓貪穢及其子源淮諸不法狀，御史吳達，給事中許作梅、莊憲祖、杜立德，御史王守履、羅國士、鄧孕槐、桑芸等先後論劾。睿親王於重華殿集大學士，刑部、科道諸臣，召銓等面質，以為無實跡，語詳銓傳，責森先啟請肆市語過當，奪官。世祖既親政，銓罷去。九年十一月，大學士範文程以劾銓諸疏進，上閱之竟，曰：「諸臣劾銓誠當，何為以此罷？」文程曰：「諸臣劾大臣，無非為君國，上當思所以愛惜之。且使大臣而能箝制言官，非細故也。」越數日，上諭吏部，諸臣以劾銓罷者皆起用，森先補原官。

Li Senxian, whose style was Linzhi, came from Ye County in Shandong. He was a jinshi of the Chongzhen era under the Ming. In Shunzhi 2 he passed competitive selection from his post as doctor of the Imperial Academy to become supervising censor of the Jiangxi Circuit. He memorialized Prince Regent Dorgon exposing Grand Secretary Feng Quan's corruption and the illegal acts of his son Yuanhuai. Supervising Censor Wu Da, supervising secretaries Xu Zuomei, Zhuang Xianzu, and Du Lide, and supervising censors Wang Shoulü, Luo Guoshi, Deng Yunhuai, and Sang Yun followed with impeachments of their own. Prince Regent Dorgon convened grand secretaries and officials from the Ministry of Punishments and the censorate at Chonghua Hall, summoned Quan and the others for a hearing, and found no proof of wrongdoing — the full account is in Quan's biography. Senxian was censured for opening his memorial with an excessive call for public execution and was dismissed. Once the Shizu Emperor assumed personal rule, Quan was removed from office. In the eleventh month of the ninth year, Grand Secretary Fan Wencheng presented the memorials impeaching Quan. After reading them through, the emperor said, "The officials were right to impeach Quan — so why were they dismissed for it?" Wencheng replied, "When censors impeach high ministers, they do so for the sake of ruler and realm. Your Majesty should think how to protect them. Besides, if ministers can silence the censors, that is no trifling matter." A few days later the emperor ordered the Ministry of Personnel to reinstate every official dismissed for impeaching Quan, and Senxian recovered his former post.

十三年，巡按江南，劾罷貪吏淮安推官李子燮、蘇州推官楊昌齡，論如律。巡蘇州，杖殺不法僧三遮、優王紫稼並為優張榜少年沈濬，一時震悚。淮安吏張電臣坐侵蝕漕折銀一百二十兩有奇，例當追比，森先為疏請緩之。上責森先徇縱，奪官，逮至京訊鞫，事白，復原官。

In the thirteenth year, on an inspection tour of Jiangnan, he impeached and removed the corrupt magistrates Li Zixie of Huai'an and Yang Changling of Suzhou, who were sentenced as the law required. On his Suzhou tour he had the lawless monk Sanzhe, the actor Wang Zijia, and the young performer Shen Jun — who had posted a placard on Wang's behalf — beaten to death, sending shock through the region. The Huai'an clerk Zhang Dianchen had embezzled a little over one hundred twenty taels of grain-transport conversion silver and, by rule, should have been pressed for repayment; Senxian memorialized asking that the case be eased. The emperor accused Senxian of favoritism, dismissed him, and had him brought to the capital for trial; once the facts were established, he was reinstated.

十五年，應詔陳言，略曰：「上孜孜圖治，求言詔屢下；而諸臣遲回觀望者，皆以從前言事諸臣，一經懲創，則流徙永錮，相率以言為戒耳。臣以為欲開言路，宜先寬言官之罰。如流徙諫臣李呈祥、季開生、魏琯、李裀、郝浴、張鳴駿等，皆與恩詔因公詿誤例相應。倘蒙俯賜軫卹，使天下昭然知上寬宥直臣，在遠不遺。凡有言責者，有不洗心竭慮而興起者乎？」上責其市恩徇情，奪官，下刑部議，流徙尚陽堡，上仍寬之，復原官。尋命察荒河南，用左都御史魏裔介言，給敕印，未訖事而卒。

In the fifteenth year, answering an imperial call, he memorialized in part: "Your Majesty labors tirelessly for good government, and edicts inviting criticism have gone out again and again; Yet officials hang back because those who spoke before them, once punished, were exiled and permanently barred. They have learned as one to treat speech as dangerous. I believe that to reopen the path of remonstrance, the punishments imposed on censors must first be eased. Exiled remonstrators such as Li Chengxiang, Ji Kaisheng, Wei Guan, Li Yin, Hao Yu, and Zhang Mingjun all qualify under the amnesty provision for officials who erred in the course of public duty. If Your Majesty would show them mercy, the realm would plainly see that the throne pardons upright ministers and does not forget those banished far away. Then what censor would not set his heart to the task and speak out with all his strength? The emperor accused him of currying favor and showing partiality, dismissed him, and sent the case to the Ministry of Punishments, which sentenced him to exile at Shangyang Fort; the emperor then relented and restored him to office. He was soon assigned to inspect famine relief in Henan and, on Left Censor-in-Chief Wei Yijie's recommendation, received imperial credentials and a seal, but died before finishing the work.

十七年，上命吏部開列建言得罪諸臣，其流徙者，舉呈祥、琯、裀、開生及彭長庚、許爾安凡六人。上命釋呈祥，許琯、開生歸葬。餘雖係建言，情罪不同，無可寬免。裀、開生自有傳。長庚、爾安事見睿親王傳。

In the seventeenth year the emperor ordered the Ministry of Personnel to list officials punished for speaking out. Among the exiled he named Chengxiang, Guan, Yin, Kaisheng, Peng Changgeng, and Xu Er'an — six in all. The emperor ordered Chengxiang freed and allowed Guan and Kaisheng to return home for burial. The others, though also punished for remonstrance, differed in circumstances and offense and could not be pardoned. Li Yin and Ji Kaisheng have biographies of their own elsewhere. The cases of Changgeng and Er'an are treated in the biography of Prince Regent Dorgon.

呈祥，字吉津，山東霑化人。明崇禎進士，選庶吉士。順治初，授編修。累遷少詹事。十年二月，條陳部院衙門應裁去滿官，專用漢人。上諭大學士洪承疇等曰：「呈祥此奏甚不當。昔滿臣贊理庶政，弼成大業。彼時豈曾諮爾漢臣？朕滿、漢一體眷遇，奈何反生異意耶？」副都御史宜巴漢等因劾呈祥，奪官，下刑部，坐呈祥巧言亂政，論斬，上命免死，流徙盛京。居八年，至是命釋還，詣京師疏謝，遂還裡。康熙二十七年，卒。

Li Chengxiang, style Jijin, came from Zhanhua in Shandong. A jinshi of the Chongzhen era, he was selected as a Hanlin bachelor. Early in Shunzhi he was appointed Hanlin compiler. He rose in succession to junior tutor of the heir apparent. In the second month of the tenth year he memorialized that Manchu posts in the ministries and courts should be abolished and Han officials alone employed. The emperor told Grand Secretaries Hong Chengchou and the others, "Chengxiang's memorial is wholly out of line. In the past Manchu ministers helped govern the realm and build this great enterprise. Were Han ministers ever consulted in those days? I treat Manchu and Han as one and favor them equally — why should anyone now turn against that?" Vice Censor-in-Chief Yibahan and others impeached Chengxiang. He was dismissed and sent to the Ministry of Punishments, which convicted him of using clever language to disturb government and sentenced him to death; the emperor commuted the sentence to exile in Shengjing. After eight years he was ordered released, came to the capital to offer thanks, and returned home. He died in the twenty-seventh year of Kangxi.

琯，字昭華，山東壽光人。明崇禎進士，官御史。順治二年，以薦起原官，巡按甘肅。請開馬市以柔遠人，下部議行。涼州兵劫參議道廨，捕得倡亂者二十餘人，琯疏言西陲兵驕悍，由明季專事姑息，養奸滋亂，宜用重典。上命悉誅之，並詔後有犯者，首從駢斬，著為令。

Wei Guan, style Zhaohua, came from Shouguang in Shandong. A jinshi of the Chongzhen era, he had served as supervising censor under the Ming. In Shunzhi 2 he was recommended back to his old post and sent on an inspection tour of Gansu. He asked that horse markets be opened to conciliate frontier peoples; the ministries approved and the policy was carried out. Liangzhou soldiers raided the circuit intendant's yamen and more than twenty ringleaders were seized. Guan memorialized that frontier troops had grown arrogant because the late Ming had indulged them, breeding villains and disorder, and that severe punishment was needed. The emperor ordered them all executed and decreed that future offenders, leaders and followers alike, would be beheaded together — a standing rule.

四年，授江寧學政。七年，還京，掌河南道。八年，漕運總督吳惟華請輸銀萬，又括諸項羨餘，得九萬三千，請以助餉。琯疏言淮、揚連年水旱，惟華輸餉皆分派屬吏，仍取自民間，乞賜察究，會巡漕御史張中元發惟華貪黷狀，逮治奪官。琯又劾鄖陽撫治趙兆麟，甄別文武屬吏，薦舉多至數十，糾劾僅一二微員，上為責兆麟，並誡諸督撫不得劾微員塞責。九年，授順天府府丞。

In the fourth year he was made educational commissioner of Jiangning. In the seventh year he returned to the capital and took charge of the Henan censorial circuit. In the eighth year Grand Coordinator of Grain Transport Wu Weihua offered ten thousand taels of silver and, by collecting assorted surpluses, raised ninety-three thousand more to assist military pay. Guan memorialized that the Huai-Yang region had suffered repeated flood and drought, while Weihua's contributions were levied through subordinates and still drawn from the people; he asked for an inquiry. Touring censor of grain transport Zhang Zhongyuan then exposed Weihua's corruption, and Weihua was arrested and dismissed. Guan also impeached Yunyang pacification commissioner Zhao Zhaolin for recommending dozens of subordinates while censuring only one or two minor officials. The emperor rebuked Zhao and warned all governors-general and governors not to satisfy quotas by targeting minor officials. In the ninth year he was appointed vice prefect of Shuntian Prefecture.

十二年，遷大理寺卿。八旗逃人初屬兵部督捕，部議改歸大理寺，琯疏言其不便，乃設兵部督捕侍郎專董其事。又言：「逃人日多，以投充者★。本主私縱成習，聽其他往，日久不還，概訟為逃人。逃人至再，罪止鞭百，而窩逃猶論斬，籍人口、財產給本主。與叛逆無異，非法之平。」下九卿議，改為流，免籍沒。又言窩逃瘐斃，妻子應免流徙，時遇熱審，亦應一體減等。上責其市恩，下王大臣議琯巧寬逃禁，當坐絞，上寬之，降授通政司參議。德州諸生呂煌窩逃事發，州官當坐罪，琯持異議。王大臣劾琯，因追議琯前請熱審減等為煌地，坐奪官，流徙遼陽，卒於戍所。上既許歸葬，並宥其孥還故里。

In the twelfth year he was promoted to president of the Court of Judicial Review. Eight Banner fugitives had first been pursued under the Ministry of War. When the ministry proposed shifting the duty to the Court of Judicial Review, Guan argued against it, and a vice minister of war was instead appointed to supervise fugitive pursuit. He also wrote: "Fugitives increase by the day because those who register as tou chong are so numerous. Masters routinely let them go elsewhere on private leave; when they failed to return, they were sued wholesale as fugitives. A repeat fugitive faced no more than one hundred lashes, yet harboring a fugitive still carried the death penalty, with the household and property confiscated and given to the master. That is indistinguishable from punishing treason and is not equal justice under the law." The Nine Ministers deliberated and changed the penalty to exile, waiving confiscation of household registration. He also argued that when a harborer died in custody, his wife and children should be spared exile, and that during the summer judicial review such cases should be commuted as well. The emperor accused him of currying favor. The princes and ministers found that Guan had craftily loosened the fugitive laws and deserved strangulation; the emperor relented and demoted him to participation secretary in the Office of Transmission. When the case of Dezhou licentiate Lü Huang harboring fugitives came to light, the prefectural officials were liable for punishment, but Guan dissented. The princes and ministers impeached Guan and, tracing his earlier plea for summer-review commutation to favoritism toward Huang, dismissed him and exiled him to Liaoyang, where he died in banishment. The emperor had already allowed his body to be returned for burial and pardoned his wife and children to go home.

諸與森先同時劾馮銓者：吳達，江南人。自刑部員外郎授御史。順治二年七月，疏言：「今日用人，皆取材於明季。抗直忤時，山林放棄，此明季所黜而今日當用者也。逆黨權翼，貪墨敗類，此明季所黜而今日不可不黜者也。持祿養交，倒行逆施，此明季未黜而今日不可不黜者也。定鼎初年，藉招徠為名，猶可兼收邪正。江南既定，人材畢集，若复涇渭不分，則君子氣沮，宵小競進。即如阮大鋮、袁宏勳、徐復陽輩，聯袂而至，豈可概加錄用乎？至廣開言路，尤為創業急務。乃動責回奏，是沮敢諫之氣而塞後進之路也。即如趙開心論事爽剴，用其人矣，而所規切時政，果一一用之否耶？」得旨：「朝廷用人，非曰誘之，若先既錄用，後無罪而黜，是有疑心矣。屢飭回奏，欲求其實，非沮言路也。」疏寢不用。旋命巡按山東、湖南，官至太僕寺少卿。

Among those who impeached Feng Quan alongside Senxian was Wu Da of Jiangnan. He had been promoted from vice director in the Ministry of Punishments to supervising censor. In the seventh month of Shunzhi 2 he memorialized: "Today's appointments all draw on men from the late Ming. Men who were upright, outspoken, and cast out in the hills — dismissed by the late Ming but the very men who should be used today. Partisans of the usurping faction and corrupt failures — dismissed by the late Ming and men who must be dismissed today as well. Men who clung to salary, cultivated connections, and acted perversely — not dismissed by the late Ming, but men who must be dismissed today. In the first years after the founding, recruitment could still bring in both the worthy and the unworthy. With Jiangnan pacified and talent fully gathered, if worthy and unworthy are not separated again, upright men will lose heart and petty men will rush forward. Men like Ruan Dacheng, Yuan Hongxun, and Xu Fuyang came forward in groups — can they all be appointed without distinction? Opening the path of remonstrance is especially urgent work for a founding dynasty. Yet censors are constantly ordered to submit follow-up memorials — that dampens bold remonstrance and blocks the way for those who follow. Zhao Kaixin speaks forthrightly and has been employed — but were his criticisms of current policy truly acted on one by one?" The response read: "When the court employs men, it is not to lure them in. If someone is appointed and later dismissed without guilt, that would breed suspicion. Repeated orders for follow-up memorials seek facts, not a closing of the path of remonstrance." The memorial was set aside and not acted upon. He was soon sent on inspection tours of Shandong and Hunan and rose to vice president of the Court of the Imperial Stud.

桑芸，山西榆次人。自行人授御史，巡按順天，累遷光祿寺卿。出為河南汝南道參政，督民墾荒土，除雜派，捕治巨猾斃杖下。累遷廣東左布政。道卒。

Sang Yun came from Yuci in Shanxi. From courier he became supervising censor on an inspection tour of Shuntian and rose in succession to president of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. As administration commissioner of Runan Circuit in Henan, he supervised reclamation of wasteland, abolished miscellaneous levies, and captured major criminals, beating some to death under the rod. He rose in succession to left provincial administration commissioner of Guangdong. He died en route.

又有許作梅，河南新鄉人。亦以劾銓罷，復起官至太僕寺少卿。王守履，山西寧鄉人。自工部郎中授御史，巡按湖北。羅國士，山東德州人。自禮部主事授御史，巡按順天。莊憲祖，直隸東光人。以明進士起戶科給事中。順治三年新進士，除科道，憲祖與吏科都給事中向玉軒疏爭，下刑部，並坐奪官。玉軒，四川通江人。鄧孕槐，失其籍，自順天府推官授御史，巡按江南。

There was also Xu Zuomei of Xinxiang in Henan. He too was dismissed for impeaching Quan, but was later restored and rose to vice president of the Court of the Imperial Stud. Wang Shoulü came from Ningxiang in Shanxi. From director in the Ministry of Works he became supervising censor on an inspection tour of Hubei. Luo Guoshi came from Dezhou in Shandong. From secretary in the Ministry of Rites he became supervising censor on an inspection tour of Shuntian. Zhuang Xianzu came from Dongguang in Zhili. Having earned his jinshi under the Ming, he began as a supervising secretary in the Household Section. In Shunzhi 3, when newly minted jinshi were posted to censorial offices, Xianzu and Chief Supervising Secretary Xiang Yuxuan of the Personnel Section protested in memorial; the case went to the Ministry of Punishments and both men lost their posts. Yuxuan came from Tongjiang in Sichuan. Deng Yunhuai's native place is unrecorded; he rose from magistrate's assistant in Shuntian Prefecture to censor and toured Jiangnan as inspector.

李裀，字龍袞，山東高密人。順治六年，以舉人考授內院中書舍人。擢禮科給事中，轉兵科。劾吏部郎中宋學洙典試河南，宿妓納餽，鞫實，奪官。

Li Yin, styled Longgun, was from Gaomi in Shandong. In Shunzhi 6 he passed an examination as a provincial graduate and was made a Hanlin Secretariat drafter. Promoted to supervising secretary in the Rites Section, he later moved to the Military Section. He impeached Song Xuezhu of the Ministry of Personnel for consorting with prostitutes and taking bribes while conducting exams in Henan; the case proved true and Song was stripped of office.

八旗以俘獲為奴僕，主遇之虐，輒亡去。漢民有原隸八旗為奴僕者，謂之「投充」，主遇之虐，亦亡去。逃人法自此起。十一年，王大臣議，匿逃人者給其主為奴，兩鄰流徙；捕得在途复逃，解子亦流徙。上以其過嚴，命再議，仍如王大臣原議上。十二年，裀上疏極論其弊曰：「皇上為中國主，其視天下皆為一家。必別為之名曰'東人'，又曰'舊人'，已歧而二之矣。謂滿洲役使軍伍，猶兵與民，不得不分；州縣追攝逃亡，猶清勾逃兵，不得不嚴覈：是已。然立法過重，株連太多，使海內無貧富良賤，皆惴惴莫必旦夕之命。人情洶懼，有傷元氣，可為痛心者一也。法立而犯者眾，當思其何利於隱匿而愍不畏死。此必有居東人為奇貨，挾以為K1。殷實破家，奴婢為禍，名義蕩盡，可為痛心者二也。犯法不貸，牽引不原，即大逆不道，無以加此。破一家即耗一家之貢賦，殺一人即傷一人之培養。十年生聚，十年教訓，今乃用逃人法戕賊之乎？可為痛心者三也。人情不甚相遠，使其居身得所，何苦相率而逃，況至三萬之多？其非盡懷鄉土、念親戚明矣。不思恩義維繫，但欲窮其所往，法愈峻，逃愈多，可為痛心者四也。自逮捕起解，至提赴質審，道路驛騷，雞犬不寧。無論其中冤陷實繁，而瓜蔓相尋，市鬻鋃鐺殆盡。日復一日，生齒彫殘，誰復為皇上赤子？可為痛心者五也。又不特犯者為然，饑民流離，以譏察東人故，吏閉關，民扃戶，無所投止。嗟此窮黎，朝廷方蠲租煮粥，衣而食之，奈何因逃人法迫而使斃？可為痛心者六也。婦女躅躑於郊原，老稚僵僕於溝壑。強有力者，犯霜露，冒雨雪，東西迫逐，勢必鋌而走險。今寇孽未靖，招撫不遑，本我赤子，乃驅之作賊乎？可為痛心者七也。臣謂與其嚴於既逃之後，何如嚴於未逃之先？今逃人三次始行正法，其初犯再犯，不過鞭責。請敕今後逃人初犯即論死，皇上好生如天，不忍殺之，當仿竊盜刺字之例：初逃再逃，皆於面臂刺字。則逃人不敢逃，即逃人自不敢留矣。」疏入，留中。後十餘日，下王大臣會議，僉謂所奏雖於律無罪，然「七可痛」，情由可惡，當論死，上弗許，改議杖，徙寧古塔；上命免杖，安置尚陽堡。逾年，卒。

Banner households kept war captives as bond-servants; when masters maltreated them, they fled. Han subjects once enrolled under the banners as bond-servants — known as "registered dependents" — likewise ran away when masters abused them. This was how the fugitive-slave laws began. In year 11, princes and senior ministers ruled that harboring a fugitive made one a slave to the owner, with both neighbors banished; and if a recaptured fugitive escaped again in transit, the escorting officers would be banished too. The emperor found this too severe and ordered another review, yet the princes' original proposal went forward unchanged. In year 12 Yin memorialized at length against the law: "You rule China and should see the empire as one household. Yet you distinguish 'Easterners' from 'Old Ones' — already dividing the realm in two. Banner military service may require a soldier–civilian divide; and counties must pursue runaways as strictly as deserters — fair enough. But the penalties are crushing and the dragnet too wide: rich and poor alike live in dread, never knowing if they will see tomorrow. Fear spreads through the land and drains its vital strength — the first grief. The law is on the books yet violations multiply — ask what profit makes men risk death to hide fugitives. Surely some treat banner bond-servants as prized commodities and leverage them for profit. Respectable families are ruined, servants become a scourge, and reputations are destroyed — the second grief. No leniency for offenders, no relief for the implicated — not even treason could be harsher. Destroy a household and you lose its taxes; kill a person and you waste years of nurturing subjects. After years of gathering and teaching the people, will the fugitive law now be used to destroy them? The third grief. People do not differ so much: if treated properly, why would tens of thousands flee together? Clearly not all are simply homesick. Rather than bind them with kindness, you chase them everywhere; the stricter the law, the more who run — the fourth grief. From arrest through escort to trial, roads and inns are in chaos; no household is left undisturbed. Leaving aside countless false accusations, the web of implication spreads until manacles are sold out in the markets. Day by day the people waste away — who will remain as your loyal subjects? The fifth grief. Nor is it only offenders: starving refugees roam, but officials and households alike shut their doors for fear of harboring banner fugitives, leaving nowhere to go. Even as the court remits taxes and feeds the poor, the fugitive law drives them to die. The sixth grief. Women wander the countryside; old and young freeze in ditches. The desperate, hunted through frost and snow, will surely turn to violence. With rebels still abroad and pacification unfinished, will you turn your own people into bandits? The seventh grief. It would be better to prevent flight than punish it after the fact. Now execution waits until a third escape; first and second offenses earn only lashes. I ask that first-time fugitives face death; if mercy forbids killing, tattoo face and arm on first and second flight, as with thieves. Then none would flee — or shelter fugitives. The memorial was received but filed without reply. Ten days later princes and ministers met: though not technically criminal, the "seven griefs" showed malign intent and merited death; the emperor refused and ordered beating and exile to Ningguta instead; The emperor remitted the beating and sent him to Shangyang Fortress. A year later he died.

上深知逃人法過苛重，絀王大臣議罪裀。十三年六月，諭曰：「朕念滿洲官民人等，攻戰勤勞，佐成大業。其家役使之人，皆獲自艱辛，加之撫養。乃十餘年間，背逃日眾，隱匿尤多，特立嚴法。以一人之逃匿而株連數家，以無知之奴僕而累及官吏，皆念爾等數十年之勞苦，萬不得已而設，非朕本懷也。爾等當思家人何以輕去，必非無因。爾能容彼身，彼自體爾心。若專恃嚴法，全不體恤，逃者仍眾，何益之有？朕為萬國主，犯法諸人，孰非天生烝民，朝廷赤子？今後宜體朕意省改，使奴僕充盈，安享富貴。」十五年五月，复諭曰：「督捕逃人事例，屢令會議，量情申法，衷諸平允。年來逃人未止，小民牽連，被害者多。聞有奸徒假冒逃人，詐害百姓，將殷實之家指為窩主，挾詐不已，告到督捕，冒主認領，指詭作真。種種詐偽，重為民害。如有旗下姦宄橫行，許督撫逮捕，並本主治罪。」逃人禍自此漸熄。

Recognizing the fugitive law was too harsh, the emperor rebuked the princes for their judgment on Yin. In the sixth month of year 13 the emperor said: "I remember how Manchu officials and people fought tirelessly to build this dynasty. The servants in their households were won through hardship and raised with care. Yet over a decade desertions mounted and concealment spread, forcing strict laws. Punishing whole households for one fugitive and dragging officials into bond-servants' crimes was meant, reluctantly, to honor your decades of service — not my wish. Ask yourselves why servants flee — there must be reasons. Treat them well and they will respond in kind. Rely only on harsh laws without kindness and fugitives will still abound — what good does that do? As sovereign of all nations, are lawbreakers not all Heaven's people and the court's own children? Hereafter heed my intent: reform your ways, keep full households, and enjoy your prosperity in peace. In the fifth month of year 15 another edict said: "Fugitive regulations have been debated repeatedly; apply the law with balanced justice according to circumstances. Yet fugitives persist and common people suffer in the dragnet. Rogues impersonate fugitives to extort solid households as harborers; at the pursuit office they falsely claim ownership and turn lies into fact. Such frauds plague the people afresh. If banner ruffians run rampant, governors may arrest them and punish their masters too. After this the fugitive crisis slowly abated.

=季開生=季開生，字天中，江南泰興人。順治六年進士，改庶吉士。累遷禮科給事中。明將張名振犯上海，開生疏言防禦海寇，宜遠偵探，扼要害，備器械，嚴海禁，杜接濟，密譏察。十一年，因地震，疏言：「地道不靜，民不安也。民之不安，官失職也。官之失職，約有十端：一曰格詔旨，二曰輕民命，三曰縱屬官，四曰庇胥吏，五曰重耗剋，六曰納餽遺，七曰廣株連，八曰閣詞訟，九曰失彈壓，十曰玩糾劾。」分疏其目以上，章下所司。調兵科右給事中。

Ji Kaisheng, styled Tianzhong, came from Taixing in Jiangnan. A Shunzhi 6 jinshi, he was made a Hanlin bachelor. He rose to supervising secretary in the Rites Section. When Ming general Zhang Mingzhen attacked Shanghai, Kaisheng urged coastal defense through distant scouting, holding choke points, arming defenses, tightening sea bans, blocking resupply, and secret surveillance. In year 11, after an earthquake, he wrote: "When the earth trembles, the people are unsettled. When people are unsettled, officials have failed. Official failure has ten causes: disregarding edicts, treating lives lightly, indulging subordinates, shielding clerks, heavy exactions, taking bribes, broad implication, blocking lawsuits, failing to suppress unrest, and treating impeachment lightly. He filed separate memorials on each point to the responsible offices. He was moved to right supervising secretary of the Military Section.

十二年秋，乾清宮成，發帑遣內監往江南採購陳設器皿，民間訛言往揚州買女子，開生上疏極諫。得旨：「太祖、太宗制度，宮中從無漢女。朕奉皇太后慈訓，豈敢妄行，即太平後尚且不為，何況今日？朕雖不德，每思效法賢聖主，朝夕焦勞。若買女子入宮，成何如主耶？」因責開生肆誣沽直，下刑部杖贖，流尚陽堡，尋卒戍所。十七年，旱，下詔罪己，命吏部察謫降言官，諭曰：「季開生建言，原從朕躬起見，準复官歸葬，廕一子入監讀書。」

In autumn of year 12, after the Hall of Heavenly Purity was finished, eunuchs were sent to Jiangnan to buy furnishings; rumors said they would buy girls in Yangzhou, and Kaisheng protested sharply. The reply said: "Taizu and Taizong never kept Han women in the palace. I follow the Empress Dowager's instruction — how could I act rashly? Even in peace I would not — how much less now? Though I lack virtue, I daily strive to emulate sage rulers, toiling from dawn to dusk. If I bought girls for the palace, what sort of ruler would I be? He was rebuked for slanderous remonstrance to win reputation, beaten and ransomed, and exiled to Shangyang Fortress, where he soon died. In year 17, during drought, the emperor issued a penitential edict and ordered review of demoted censors: "Ji Kaisheng spoke from concern for my person; restore his rank, allow burial at home, and enroll one son in the Imperial College."

弟振宜，字詵兮。順治四年進士，授浙江蘭溪知縣。行取刑部主事，遷戶部員外郎、郎中。十五年，考選浙江道御史。及上以旱下詔罪己，言十二、十三年間，時有過舉。振宜疏言：「伏讀上諭，興革責之部院，條奏責之科道，而內閣諸臣闕焉未及。夫用人行政，其將用未用、將行未行之際，毫釐千里，間不容髮。天顏咫尺，呼吸可通者，惟內閣諸臣。皇上親政以來，憂勤惕厲，原未見有過舉。皇上以為有過舉矣，試問其時有言及者乎？則宰相之不言亦可見矣。皇上以心膂股肱寄之內閣諸臣，徒以票擬四五字了宰相事業，皇上縱不譴責，清夜捫心，恐有難以自慰者。」得旨：「閣臣不能盡言，初非其罪。前諭十二、十三年間過舉，皆已行之事。朕心過失，即今豈能盡無，閣臣何由得知？部覆章奏，照擬票發，皆朕親裁，亦非閣臣之咎。朕恆慮此心稍懈，諸臣其各加內省！」

His younger brother Zheny, styled Shenxi. A Shunzhi 4 jinshi, he was made magistrate of Lanxi in Zhejiang. Recruited to the capital as a secretary in the Ministry of Punishments, he rose to vice director and director in the Ministry of Revenue. In year 15 he passed an examination and became censor of the Zhejiang Circuit. When the emperor's drought edict of self-reproach mentioned missteps in years 12 and 13, Zheny wrote: "Your edict charges ministries with reform and censors with proposals — yet says nothing of the Grand Secretariat. In appointing men and executing policy, the gap between intent and action admits no delay. Only the Grand Secretaries stand within a breath of the throne. Since you took personal rule, diligent and vigilant, there has truly been no misstep. You believe there were missteps — did anyone speak of them at the time? Then the chief minister's silence speaks for itself. You entrust the Grand Secretaries as your closest ministers — yet they reduce the chief minister's work to a few characters of draft approval; even without rebuke, can they face themselves at night? The reply said: "That the Grand Secretaries do not speak fully is not originally their fault. The missteps in years 12 and 13 referred to matters already done. Errors in my heart — how can they be wholly absent even now? How could the Grand Secretaries know? When ministries reply to memorials and draft recommendations for issuance, I decide personally — this too is not the Grand Secretaries' fault. I constantly fear my resolve may slacken — let every minister look inward!"

左都御史魏裔介疏劾大學士劉正宗蠹國亂政，振宜亦疏舉正宗樹黨納賄諸罪狀，正宗以是得罪。互見正宗傳。振宜又疏言：「府庫已竭，兵革方興。雲南守禦，專任平西王，滿兵抽十之四五駐湖南。鄭成功為閩、浙、江南三省之患，當擇地駐兵，絕其登陸。閩撫徐永楨、浙督趙國祚、浙撫史記功，軍旅皆不嫺習，宜簡賢員以代其任。山東、河南輔翼京師，連年水旱，盜賊實繁。北直八府，白晝公行劫掠。明末流寇，殷鑑不遠。蒙古闌入陝西洮、岷一帶耕種，西寧抵宣、大，長城頹塌，防衛空虛。國家中外一統，疆界原宜分明，何可聽其出入不加譏察？」又請復六科封駁舊制，復以揚、徐近河諸縣加派河夫為民間重累，疏請申禁，下部議行。尋命巡視河東鹽政。乞歸，卒。

Left Censor-in-Chief Wei Yijie memorialized against Grand Secretary Liu Zhengzong for corrupting the state and ruining governance, and Zhenyi also submitted a memorial detailing Zhengzong's faction-building and bribery. On these charges Zhengzong fell. See also the biography of Liu Zhengzong. Zhenyi memorialized again: "The treasury is empty and war is breaking out. Yunnan's defense should be left entirely to the Prince of Pingxi, with four or five tenths of the Manchu garrison withdrawn to Hunan. Zheng Chenggong threatens Fujian, Zhejiang, and Jiangnan alike; troops should be posted at strategic points to block his landings. Fujian Governor Xu Yongzhen, Zhejiang Governor-General Zhao Guozuo, and Zhejiang Governor Shi Jigong are none of them versed in military affairs; able men should be chosen to replace them. Shandong and Henan shield the capital, yet floods and droughts have piled up year after year, and bandits are truly rampant. In the eight prefectures of Zhili, robbers now plunder openly in broad daylight. The roving rebels of the late Ming are a warning still fresh in memory. Mongols cross in to farm the Tao and Min districts of Shaanxi; from Xining to Xuanfu and Datong the Great Wall lies in ruins and the defenses are empty. The realm is one within and without; its borders ought to be clearly defined. How can their crossings be tolerated without scrutiny?" He also asked that the old practice of the Six Sections sealing and returning memorials be restored, and argued that the added river-corvée levies on counties near the waterways in Yangzhou and Xuzhou were crushing the people; his memorial was referred to the ministries for action. He was soon appointed to inspect salt administration east of the Yellow River. He asked to retire and died.

順治初以建言名者，又有給事中常若柱、張國憲。若柱疏言：「賊相牛金星弒君殘民，抗拒王師，力盡始降，宜嬰顯戮。乃復玷列卿寺，靦顏朝右。其子銓同父作賊，冒濫為官，任湖廣糧儲道，贓私鉅萬。請將金星父子立正國法，以申公義，快人心。」得旨：「流賊偽官投誠者，多能效力。若柱此奏，殊不合理，應議處。」遂罷歸。國憲疏言：「前朝廠衛之弊，如虎如狼，如鬼如蜮。今易錦衣為鑾儀，此輩無能，逞其故智。乃臣聞有緝事員役在內院門首，訪察賜畫。賜畫特典，內院重地，安所用其訪察？城狐社鼠，小試其端。臣竊謂宜大為之防也。」疏入，下廷臣議禁止，得旨：「鑾儀衛專司扈從，訪役緝事，一概禁止。」廠衛之禍始息。若柱，陝西蒲城人。順治四年進士，自庶吉士改戶科給事中。國憲，順天宛平人。順治三年進士，除吏科給事中。

Others who won fame in the early Shunzhi reign for speaking out were Supervising Secretaries Chang Ruozhu and Zhang Guoxian. Ruozhu wrote: "The rebel chancellor Niu Jinxing murdered his lord, brutalized the people, and resisted the imperial armies until his strength was spent; he deserves public execution. Yet he again holds a post among the Nine Ministers, brazenly taking his place at court. His son Quan followed his father into rebellion, then bought his way into office as Grain Intendant of Huguang, amassing bribes in the tens of thousands. I ask that father and son be punished under the law of the land, to uphold justice and satisfy the people." The response came: "Many of the surrendered rebel officials have proved useful. Ruozhu's memorial is wholly unreasonable and merits disciplinary action." He was dismissed and sent home. Guoxian wrote: "The factory guards of the previous dynasty were as fierce as tigers and wolves, as sinister as ghosts and demons. The Embroidered Uniform Guard has been replaced by the Imperial Procession Guard, and those men no longer have the power to play their old tricks. Yet I have heard that investigative agents stand at the Inner Court gate, watching who receives the imperial portrait. The imperial portrait is a special honor, and the Inner Court is sacred ground—why should anyone be investigating there? Like foxes under the wall and rats in the shrine, they are testing how far they can go. I believe strong precautions are needed now." The memorial was referred to court for deliberation, and the response came: "The Imperial Procession Guard exists only for escort duty; all investigative surveillance is forbidden." Only then did the scourge of the factory guards begin to fade. Ruozhu came from Pucheng in Shaanxi. A jinshi of Shunzhi 4, he moved from Hanlin Bachelor to Supervising Secretary of the Revenue Section. Guoxian came from Wanping in Shuntian. A jinshi of Shunzhi 3, he was appointed Supervising Secretary of the Personnel Section.

=張煊=張煊，山西介休人。明崇禎間進士，自知縣擢河南道御史。為大學士陳演所構，遣戍。順治元年，薦起原官，以憂歸。三年，复補浙江道御史，仍掌河南道事。六年，疏言：「有司朘削小民，督撫徇不以告。言官論劾，乃其職守。乞付廷臣公議，勿遽下獄對理。」上從之，諭：「惟挾仇誣陷，仍奪官治罪。自非然者，雖有不實，不得迳送刑部。」八年，疏言：「文武全才難得。近以武職改任督撫，恐政體民瘼未必曉暢，請還本職。」又言：「貪吏坐贓，多委諸吏役，遇赦輒復原官。請將援免諸人應左降者，調補閒曹；應奪官者，勒令休致。」下部議行。

Zhang Xuan, from Jiexiu in Shanxi. He passed the jinshi examination in the Chongzhen reign and rose from magistrate to Henan Circuit censor. Grand Secretary Chen Yan framed him and he was sent into exile. In Shunzhi 1 he was recommended back to his former post, then went home to mourn. In Shunzhi 3 he was reappointed Zhejiang Circuit censor while continuing to handle Henan Circuit affairs. In Shunzhi 6 he wrote: "Local officials bleed the common people dry, and governors indulge them without reporting it. It is the duty of censorial officials to speak out and impeach. I ask that such cases be referred to court for open deliberation, not rushed straight to prison." The emperor agreed and ordered: "Only those who lodge accusations out of private vendetta shall still be stripped of office and punished. Otherwise, even when charges prove partly unfounded, memorialists may not be sent straight to the Ministry of Justice." In Shunzhi 8 he wrote: "Men equally skilled in civil and military affairs are hard to find. Military officers have lately been made governors-general and governors, yet they may not understand governance or the people's hardships; I ask that they be returned to their original posts." He also argued: "When corrupt officials are convicted of bribery, they often blame their clerks and runners, then regain office at the next amnesty. Those spared by amnesty who ought to be demoted should be transferred to idle posts; those who ought to lose office should be forced to retire." The ministries were ordered to deliberate and act.

是年值計典，煊以河南道掌計冊，劾御史李道昌、王士驥、金元正、匡蘭兆、李允嵒等巡方失職。時大學士洪承疇掌都察院，甄別諸御史，議道昌降調，士驥等均奪官，並列煊外轉。煊疏劾吏部尚書陳名夏，以故明修撰，諂事睿親王，驟陟尚書，父為縣民所殺，賜銀歸葬。名夏夤緣奪情，卹典空懸。因舉紊亂銓序，把持計典，列十罪、二不法，並及名夏與洪承疇、陳之遴於火神廟屏左右密議，承疇送母回籍未先奏，亦非法。疏下王大臣勘奏。時上方出獵，巽親王滿達海等召名夏、承疇與煊質，名夏事俱實，承疇言火神廟集議，即為甄別諸御史，送母回籍未先奏，當引罪。上還京，復命王大臣廷鞫，吏部尚書譚泰袒名夏，奏名夏事在赦前；煊奏不多實，且先為御史不言，今當外轉，挾私誣衊，罪當死，因坐絞。九年正月，譚泰得罪，上復發煊疏，命王大臣覆讞，名夏坐奪官。語詳名夏傳。遂下詔雪煊冤，贈太常寺卿，賜祭葬。以贈官官其子基遠，官至禮部侍郎。

That year was the triennial evaluation. Xuan, holding the Henan Circuit evaluation register, impeached Censors Li Daochang, Wang Shiji, Jin Yuanzheng, Kuang Lanzhao, Li Yunyan, and others for failing their provincial tours. Grand Secretary Hong Chengchou then headed the Censorate and screened the censors: Daochang was demoted and transferred, Shiji and the others were stripped of office, and Xuan was also marked for outside transfer. Xuan memorialized against Minister of Personnel Chen Mingxia—a former Ming Hanlin compiler who had fawned on the Prince Regent and been abruptly promoted to minister. When county men killed his father, the court granted silver for burial and leave to return home. Mingxia used his connections to avoid mourning, leaving the prescribed rites unperformed. He charged disorder in appointments and manipulation of the evaluation, listing ten crimes and two unlawful acts. He also accused Mingxia, Hong Chengchou, and Chen Zhilin of secret talks at the Fire God Temple with attendants sent away, and noted that Hong Chengchou had sent his mother home without first memorializing—all unlawful acts. The memorial was referred to princes and ministers for investigation. The emperor was away hunting. Prince Xun Mandahai and others summoned Mingxia, Chengchou, and Xuan to confront one another. Mingxia's offenses were confirmed. Chengchou said the Fire God Temple meeting was to screen the censors, and that sending his mother home without memorializing first was his own fault. When the emperor returned, princes and ministers were ordered to retry the case in open court. Minister of Personnel Tan Tai shielded Mingxia, arguing his offenses predated the amnesty; Xuan's charges were largely unsubstantiated. As a censor he had said nothing before, and now, facing outside transfer, he was accused of lodging false charges out of spite—a capital offense. He was sentenced to strangulation. In the first month of Shunzhi 9 Tan Tai fell from power. The emperor reopened Xuan's memorial and ordered princes and ministers to review the case. Mingxia was stripped of office. See the biography of Chen Mingxia for details. An edict then cleared Xuan's name, posthumously appointing him Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and granting state funeral honors. His son Jiyuan received office through the posthumous appointment and rose to Vice Minister of Rites.

=【論】=論曰：國初言事侃侃，以開心為最。義、起龍皆用言事致顯擢，克簡巡方著聲績，命岳策屯田雖未用，要自有所見。森先、裀、開生以謇直蒙譴，獨森先復起。煊死非罪，世尤哀之；然挾外轉之嫌，授讒人以隙，與森先諸人不同矣。

Commentary: In the founding years memorialists spoke with forthright candor, and none surpassed Zhao Kaixin. Yang Yi and Lin Qilong both won promotion through outspoken memorials; Zhu Kejian earned renown on provincial tours; and though Wang Mingyue's plan for military colonies went unused, it showed real insight. Li Senxian, Li Yin, and Ji Kaisheng were punished for blunt integrity; only Senxian was restored to office. Zhang Xuan died for a crime he did not commit, and the age mourned him all the more; yet facing outside transfer, he gave his enemies an opening—unlike Senxian and the others.

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