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列傳九十
Biographies 90
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福敏陳世倌史貽直阿克敦孫嘉淦梁詩正
Fu Min, Chen Shiguan, Shi Yizhi, Akedun, Sun Jiagan, and Liang Shizheng
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福敏,字龍翰,富察氏,滿洲鑲白旗人。 康熙三十六年進士,選庶吉士,散館,以知縣待銓。 時世宗在籓邸,高宗初就傅,命福敏侍讀。 及世宗即位,擢內閣學士,兼禮部侍郎。 雍正三年,遷吏部侍郎。 出署浙江巡撫。 四年,擢左都御史,兼翰林院掌院學士。 復出署湖廣總督。 沔陽、潛江等十州縣水災,疏請發常平倉穀治賑。 謬衝花苗叛,福敏檄貴州兵截後路,以湖廣兵搗其巢,討平之。 安陸、荊州被水,疏請老弱婦女治賑如常,而以丁壯修堤,俾民得食而堤亦完。 上眷福敏厚,嘗手詔諭曰:「朕令爾暫攝總督,苟得其人,即命往替。 近日廊廟中頗乏才,皇子左右亦待爾輔翼。 留爾湖廣非得已,宜體朕意勉為之。」
Fu Min (courtesy name Longhan), a Fuca clansman of the Manchu Bordered White Banner He took his jinshi degree in Kangxi year 36, entered the Hanlin as a bachelor, and after completing his academy term waited to be appointed a county magistrate While the future Yongzheng Emperor was still at his princely mansion and the future Qianlong Emperor had only begun his lessons, Fu Min was appointed to read with the young prince When Yongzheng took the throne, Fu Min was made a Grand Secretariat academician and concurrent Vice Minister of Rites In Yongzheng year 3 he became Vice Minister of Personnel He was sent out to act as Governor of Zhejiang In year 4 he was made Left Censor-in-Chief and concurrent Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy He again went out to serve as acting Governor-General of Huguang Floods struck ten prefectures and counties including Mianyang and Qianjiang; he memorialized to open the ever-normal granaries for relief When the Miaochong Hua Miao rose in revolt, Fu Min directed Guizhou forces to block their rear while Huguang troops stormed their stronghold until the uprising was put down After floods hit Anlu and Jingzhou, he proposed that the elderly, infirm, and women receive relief as before while able-bodied men worked on the dikes—feeding the people and finishing the embankments at once The emperor held Fu Min in high regard and once wrote him by hand: "I have asked you to hold the governorship temporarily; as soon as I find the right man, I will send him to take your place. The court lately lacks able men, and the princes at my side still need your guidance as well. Keeping you in Huguang is not my preference—yet I ask you to understand my intent and do your utmost. The edict closed."
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五年,召還京,授吏部尚書。 六年,以巡撫浙江時徇布政使佟吉圖動庫銀,奪職。 八年,命協理兵部侍郎,遷左都御史。 十年,署工部尚書,協辦大學士,旋署刑部尚書。 乾隆三年,擢武英殿大學士,兼工部尚書、翰林院掌院學士。 四年,加太保,六年七月,高宗初幸木蘭行圍,福敏疏言:「行圍邊外,內外章奏按期馳送,較宮廷清穆勞逸迥殊。 宜朝乾夕惕,清明在躬,從容應之。 留京百官,必因事警察,勿使偷惰者得行其私。 巡行之日,言路宜舉大利害,不當瑣細瀆陳傷政體。 聖祖於獵地平易險阻無不了然,故周旋中度,馳射如神。 原皇上籌度於先。 弁兵布圍,未必無參差,乞少加從容,俾黽勉從事。 弁兵從行日久,資斧不繼,量加恩澤,費無多而惠無窮。」 上諭曰:「覽大學士所奏,老成忠懇,補袞陳善,朕皆嘉納焉。」 八年,疏陳時政,言:「河防事重,請如災民請賑例,便宜處置,以時上聞。 災民流移,情非得已。 若有司不善拊循,徒禁越境,致輾轉溝壑,宜加以玩視罪。 江南、湖廣偏災,請留南漕賑濟。 定數多寡,當出上裁。 庶上不虧儲,下足濟食。」 疏入,從之。
In year 5 he was recalled to the capital and made Minister of Personnel In year 6 he lost his post for having, as Zhejiang governor, allowed Provincial Treasurer Tong Jitu to misuse treasury funds In year 8 he was assigned to assist as Vice Minister of War, then promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief In year 10 he served as acting Minister of Works and assisting Grand Secretary, then soon acted as Minister of Punishments In Qianlong year 3 he became Grand Secretary of the Wuying Hall, retaining the ministries of Works and the Hanlin chancellorship In year 4 he received the rank of Grand Tutor. In the seventh month of year 6, when Qianlong made his first autumn hunt at Mulan, Fu Min wrote: "On the hunting grounds beyond the passes, reports from inside and outside arrive on tight schedules—a strain quite unlike the quiet of court. Your Majesty should remain vigilant day and night, keep your mind clear, and answer affairs with calm deliberation. Officials left in the capital must be kept to their duties, so the lazy cannot pursue private schemes. During the tour, censors should speak on great public interests, not petty matters that would cheapen the dignity of rule. Kangxi knew every rise and hollow of the hunt grounds, and so moved with perfect judgment and shot and rode as if inspired I pray Your Majesty will plan ahead as he did. When troops and officers set the beat, gaps may appear; I beg a little patience so they can do their best. Officers and men on the long march may run short of pay; a measured grant would cost little and do endless good." The emperor replied: "I have read the Grand Secretary's memorial—seasoned, loyal, and sincere, mending the state with good counsel—and I accept it all with approval." In year 8 he memorialized on current policy: "River defense is vital; let officials act promptly as with famine relief, and report to the throne in due course. People who flee disaster do so from necessity, not choice. If officials fail to comfort them and only bar them from crossing borders, leaving them to die in ditches, they should be punished for neglect Where Jiangnan and Huguang suffer partial famine, I ask that southern tribute grain be held back for relief How much to retain should be decided by Your Majesty So the treasury would not be drained and the people would have enough to eat" The memorial was approved.
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十年,以疾乞解任,溫詔如所請,加太傅。 二十二年,卒,年八十四。 福敏嘗有疾,上臨視,及聞其卒,复親奠。 賜祭葬,祀賢良祠,諡文端。
In year 10 he asked to retire on grounds of illness; the emperor graciously agreed and made him Grand Preceptor He died in year 22, at the age of eighty-four When Fu Min had been ill the emperor visited him; on hearing of his death he again offered sacrifice in person The court granted funeral rites, enshrined him in the Temple of Worthies, and gave him the posthumous name Wenduan
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福敏性剛正,廓然無城府。 直內廷與蔡世遠、雷鋐善,尤服膺硃軾。 既乞休,語鋐曰:「此位豈易稱? 我浮沉其間,君不我嗤耶?」 四十四年,上製懷舊詩,於舊學諸臣皆稱先生,字而不名,言於軾得學之體,於世遠得學之用,於福敏得學之基。 六十年二月上丁,釋奠禮成,贈福敏太師,詔言:「衝齡就傅時,啟迪之力多也。」
Fu Min was upright and forthright, without guile or hidden designs In the inner court he was close to Cai Shiyuan and Lei Hong and especially revered Zhu Shi After he retired he said to Lei Hong: "Is this post easy to fill? I drifted through it for years—will you not laugh at me?" In year 44 the emperor wrote a poem of remembrance; of his early teachers he spoke as "Master," using courtesy names alone, and said that from Zhu Shi he learned the substance of learning, from Cai Shiyuan its use, and from Fu Min its foundation On the first ding day of the second month of year 60, after the Confucian sacrifice, Fu Min was posthumously made Grand Preceptor; the edict said: "In his tender years when he first had tutors, their guidance meant much. The edict closed."
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陳世倌,字秉之,浙江海寧人。 父詵,自有傳。 世倌,康熙四十二年進士,改庶吉士。 自編修累遷侍讀學士,督順天學政。 父憂歸,起督江西學政,疏乞終制,得請。 雍正二年,服闋,擢內閣學士,出為山東巡撫。 時山東境旱蝗,糧運淺阻,世倌單車週曆,密察災輕重、吏能否,乃視事。 趣捕蝗略盡,並疏治運道,世宗書扇以賜。 世倌疏言:「社倉通有無、濟豐歉,古今可行。 宜令各鄉勸富民輸穀,不限多寡,量予獎勸。 舉公正鄉約三人司其出入,官為稽覈。 貧民春貸秋償,石納息二斗,歉則減之,十年後納息一斗。 請飭諸行省先就數州縣行之。 俟有成效,然後推廣。」 下所司議行。 又疏請禁回教,上以回教其來已久,限於種人,非蔓延難量。 無故欲禁革,徒紛擾,非治理,罷其議。 又疏上沿海防衛五事,報可。 四年,母憂歸。 命治江南水利,坐遲悮奪職,並命赴曲阜督修孔子廟。
Chen Shiguan (courtesy name Bingzhi) was from Haining, Zhejiang His father Chen Shen has a separate biography Shiguan took his jinshi in Kangxi year 42 and entered the Hanlin as a bachelor He rose from compiler to Hanlin reader and served as education commissioner of Shuntian He went home for his father's mourning, was recalled to supervise Jiangxi education, asked to finish mourning properly, and was allowed to do so In Yongzheng year 2, when mourning ended, he became a Grand Secretariat academician and was sent out as Governor of Shandong Shandong then suffered drought and locusts and grain transport was blocked in the shallows; Shiguan toured alone, quietly gauging disaster and officials' ability, and only then took up his duties He pressed locust eradication until the plague was nearly gone and memorialized on clearing the transport channel; Yongzheng wrote on a fan and gave it to him Shiguan wrote: "Communal granaries move grain between surplus and shortage and ease feast and famine—they have worked in every age. Each township should encourage wealthy households to contribute grain in any amount, with proportional rewards Three upright village elders should manage receipts and disbursements under official audit The poor would borrow in spring and repay in autumn at two dou interest per shi; in bad years interest would be cut, and after ten years only one dou per shi I ask that provinces first trial this in a few prefectures and counties Once it proves effective, it can be extended more widely" The proposal was sent to the relevant offices for implementation He also asked to ban Islam; the emperor replied that Islam was long established, confined to its own communities, and not an uncontrollable spread A ban without cause would only stir disorder and was not good governance; the proposal was dismissed He also submitted five points on coastal defense, which were approved In year 4 he went home for his mother's mourning He was ordered to manage Jiangnan waterworks, lost his post for delay, and was sent to Qufu to supervise repairs to the Confucius temple
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高宗即位,起左副都御史。 乾隆二年,授倉場侍郎,再遷工部尚書。 六年,授文淵閣大學士。 是年秋,淮、徐、鳳、泗等處被水,上命侍郎週學健會總督高斌庀工役。 世倌屢疏陳行水卹災諸事,上即命乘傳往會學健等察勘。 世倌言水勢高下必當親勘,請以通測量術者偕往,從之。 十二月,偕學健等疏陳籌畫工役,請待來歲二三月水涸施工。 上曰:「世倌臨行奏言歲內可疏,積水盡消,今疏言仍待來歲二三月,其所籌畫皆不過就高斌、週學健所定規模而潤色之,別無奇謀碩畫,何必多此往返乎?」
When Qianlong took the throne he was recalled as Left Vice Censor-in-Chief In Qianlong year 2 he became Vice Minister of the Granary Circuit, then Minister of Works In year 6 he became Grand Secretary of the Wenyuan Hall That autumn floods struck Huai, Xu, Feng, and Si; the emperor ordered Vice Minister Zhou Xuejian to join Governor-General Gao Bin in organizing relief works Shiguan repeatedly wrote on water control and disaster relief; the emperor at once sent him post-haste to join Xuejian and others on inspection Shiguan said water levels had to be surveyed in person and asked for skilled surveyors to accompany him; the request was granted In the twelfth month he and Xuejian memorialized on the planned works and asked to wait until the second or third month of the coming year when the water fell The emperor said: "Before he left, Shiguan said the channels could be cleared within the year and the floodwater drained; now he says to wait until next spring. His plans only polish what Gao Bin and Zhou Xuejian already set—no bold design at all. Why this needless round trip? The edict closed."
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九年,予假回籍,請致仕,不許。 疏言:「道經山東,聞有劇盜就逮。 因案關數省,遷延待質。 劇盜既鞫得實,宜速誅。 請飭山東巡撫定讞,毋使久稽顯戮。」 上韙其言。 假滿還職,加太子太保。 雲南巡撫劾屬吏,例當令總督覆讞。 世倌擬旨誤,下吏議奪職,上斥世倌卑瑣不稱大學士,宜如議奪職。 又別敕略謂:「朕斥世倌卑瑣,即如世倌與孔氏有連,乃於兗州私營田宅,冀分其餘潤。 此豈大臣所為? 今既奪職,下山東巡撫毋令居兗州。」 十五年,入京祝嘏,賞原銜。 十六年,命入閣辦事,兼管禮部事。 二十二年,以老病乞休,詔從其請,加太子太傅。 二十三年春,陛辭,御製詩賜之,謂「皇祖朝臣無幾也」。 賚銀五千兩,在家食俸。 未行,卒,諡文勤。
In year 9 he was granted leave to go home and asked to retire; the request was denied He wrote: "Passing through Shandong I heard a notorious bandit had been arrested. Because the case crossed several provinces, proceedings dragged on awaiting evidence Since his guilt is established, he should be executed at once I ask that the Shandong governor fix the sentence and not delay execution" The emperor approved When his leave ended he returned to office and was made Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent The Yunnan governor impeached a subordinate; by rule the governor-general should review the case Shiguan drafted the rescript incorrectly; the judicial offices recommended stripping him of office; the emperor called him petty and unfit for a grand secretary and ordered the recommendation carried out In a separate edict he said: "When I called Shiguan petty, I meant also that though tied to the Kong clan, he privately bought fields and houses at Yanzhou hoping to share their profits. Is this what a great minister should do? Now that he has lost his post, tell the Shandong governor not to let him live at Yanzhou" In year 15 he came to the capital for the birthday celebration and had his former rank restored In year 16 he was ordered into the Grand Council and to manage the Ministry of Rites concurrently In year 22 he asked to retire on grounds of age and illness; the emperor agreed and made him Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent In the spring of year 23, bidding farewell at court, he received an imperial poem saying, "Few ministers of my grandfather's court remain. He received five thousand taels of silver and was granted salary while at home Before he could leave he died and was given the posthumous name Wenqin
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世倌治宋五子之學,廉儉純篤。 入對及民間水旱疾苦,必反覆具陳,或繼以泣。 上輒霽顏聽之,曰:「陳世倌又來為百姓哭矣!」 雖中被譴訶,終亮其端謹。 其後南巡,猶遣官祭其墓雲。
Shiguan studied the Neo-Confucian masters of the Song and was frugal, upright, and sincere In audience, and on the people's flood and drought hardships, he would lay out the facts again and again, sometimes weeping as he spoke The emperor would always listen with a softened face and say, "Chen Shiguan has come to weep for the people again!" Though he was sometimes rebuked, in the end the emperor recognized his upright caution On later southern tours the court still sent officials to sacrifice at his tomb
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史貽直,字儆弦,江蘇溧陽人。 父夔,康熙二十一年進士,官至詹事。 貽直少嫺掌故。 三十九年,成進士,年十九。 自檢討五遷侍讀學士。 雍正初,命在南書房行走,再遷吏部侍郎,歷工部、戶部。 命如河南按總督田文鏡劾信陽知州黃振國等,定讞入告。 上蔡知縣張球,文鏡所嘗薦,貽直等發其諱盜。 下吏議,文鏡疏自劾。 復命如山西按前總督年羹堯領河東鹽政,私其子撓鹽法。 七年,復命如福建按巡撫硃綱劾按察使喬學尹等,並論如律。 上獎其公當,命署福建總督。 福建水師巡海,挾巿易物蝕關稅,貽直為申禁。 福州、興化、泉州、漳州四府以米少,倉穀不如例糶易,貽直請以台灣應輸兵米易穀運四府,以次糶舊存新; 內地兵戍台灣,往還擾番社,貽直請下台灣總兵,戍兵往還,遣裨將檢押:皆如所議行。
Shi Yizhi (courtesy name Jingxian) was from Liyang, Jiangsu His father Shi Kui took his jinshi in Kangxi year 21 and rose to Chamberlain of the Household From youth Yizhi was well versed in court precedent In year 39 he passed the jinshi examination at the age of nineteen He rose from compiler through five promotions to Hanlin reader Early in Yongzheng he served in the Southern Study, then became Vice Minister of Personnel and held posts in Works and Revenue He was sent to Henan to investigate Governor-General Tian Wenjing's case against Xinyang Prefect Huang Zhenguo and others, fix the sentences, and report to the throne Shangcai Magistrate Zhang Qiu, whom Wenjing had once recommended, was exposed by Yizhi and others for concealing theft The case went to the judicial offices, and Wenjing memorialized to impeach himself He was again sent to Shanxi to investigate former Governor-General Nian Gengyao's control of Hedong salt administration and his son's private interference with the salt laws In year 7 he was sent again to Fujian to investigate Governor Zhu Gang's case against Provincial Judge Qiao Xueyin and others; all were sentenced according to law The emperor praised his fairness and appointed him acting Governor-General of Fujian Fujian naval patrols traded at markets to skim customs revenue; Yizhi memorialized to forbid the practice The four prefectures of Fuzhou, Xinghua, Quanzhou, and Zhangzhou lacked rice and could not sell granary grain as usual; Yizhi asked to exchange Taiwan's military rice quota for grain shipped to the four prefectures and to sell old stock before new in turn; interior garrisons going to and from Taiwan disturbed aboriginal communities; Yizhi asked the Taiwan commander relieved of escort duty and deputy generals assigned to inspect troops on the route—all were approved and carried out
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八年,調署兩江總督,以本籍疏辭,勿許。 授左都御史,仍留兩江。 九年,召還。 時師徵準噶爾,陝西、甘肅當師行道,任餽餉。 命偕侍郎杭奕祿等宣諭化導,旋命協理陝西巡撫,擢兵部尚書,仍留陝西。 十年,署巡撫。 廷議禁燒鍋,下諸行省。 貽直疏言:「年豐糧羨; 燒鍋亦民間謀生之一事。 當視年事豐歉,審民力盈虛,加以董勸。」 上許為得因時制宜之意。 湖廣總督邁柱請疏湖廣荊子關至陝西龍駒寨水道,便轉餉。 貽直疏言:「荊子關至龍駒寨,舊有丹河,行兩山間,紆折三百七十里。 夏秋間民引以溉田,築堰蓄流,涓滴必爭。 雨後山水驟至,纖路輒斷,實不宜於輓運。 臣察湖廣轉餉艱難,當於河南府陝州傍河諸州縣積穀,行轉搬之策。 浚治丹河,宜若可緩。」 上韙貽直言,格邁柱議不行。 旋授戶部尚書,總理陝西巡撫。
In year 8 he was transferred to act as Governor-General of Liangjiang; he asked to decline on grounds of native place and was refused He was made Left Censor-in-Chief but remained in Liangjiang In year 9 he was recalled to the capital The army was then campaigning against the Dzungars; Shaanxi and Gansu lay on the route and had to supply the forces He was ordered with Vice Minister Hang Yilu and others to proclaim imperial policy, then to assist the Shaanxi governor, was promoted to Minister of War, and remained in Shaanxi In year 10 he acted as governor The court debated banning liquor stills and sent the order to all provinces Yizhi wrote: "In years of abundance grain is plentiful; distilling is also one way the people make a living. Policy should follow whether the year is plentiful or lean, weigh the people's strength or exhaustion, and supervise accordingly" The emperor approved this as adapting policy to the times Governor-General Mai Zhu of Huguang asked to dredge the waterway from Jingzi Pass in Huguang to Longju Stockade in Shaanxi to ease supply transport Yizhi wrote: "From Jingzi Pass to Longju Stockade the old Dan River ran between mountains in a winding course of three hundred and seventy li. In summer and autumn farmers divert it to irrigate, build weirs to hold the flow, and fight over every drop After rain mountain torrents cut the narrow path; it is truly unsuited to transport I find Huguang supply transport difficult; grain should be stored in riverine prefectures and counties near Henan Fu and Shaanzhou and moved by relay Dredging the Dan River may properly wait" The emperor approved Yizhi's view and rejected Mai Zhu's proposal Soon he became Minister of Revenue with overall charge of Shaanxi
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十三年七月,召還。 八月,世宗崩,高宗即位,貽直入對,高宗出世宗遺念衣賜貽直,勗以始終一致。 貽直泣,上亦泣不止。 貽直疏言:「科道及吏、禮二部宜循舊制用科目; 官吏遷擢,捐棄階資,幸進者不以為公,沉滯者不勝其怨,宜亦循舊制存階級; 河南各州縣報墾砂礫山岡,按畝昇科,小民鬻兒女以應輸將,州縣官勸捐,有損國體。 請簡廉明公正大臣撫綏其地,則情弊立見。」 事下總理事務王大臣議行。
In the seventh month of year 13 he was recalled In the eighth month Yongzheng died and Qianlong acceded; at audience Qianlong brought out Yongzheng's mourning garment and gave it to Yizhi, urging steadfast loyalty Yizhi wept, and the emperor wept without cease Yizhi wrote: "Censors and the Ministries of Personnel and Rites should follow the old system of jinshi appointments; if promotion casts aside rank and seniority, favorites will not think it fair and the long-stalled will resent it—the old rank system should be kept as well; Henan prefectures and counties report reclaiming gravel hills and raise tax by the mu; common people sell their children to pay, and magistrates urge donations—this injures the dignity of the state I ask that upright ministers be chosen to pacify those regions, and abuses will at once appear" The matter was referred to the Prince Regents for deliberation and implementation
14
尋命署湖廣總督。 乾隆元年,疏言:「舊制州縣虧倉穀,議罪:穀一石當銀一兩,時值實不及。 諸雜糧皆視穀,尤失平。」 部議米一石當銀一兩,穀及諸雜糧皆當銀五錢,著為令。 武昌城西南當江、漢合流處,舊有長堤。 貽直令所司履勘重築,自王惠橋至土城磯,堤千三百餘丈,期三歲而畢。 湖廣為兩淮行鹽地,而地錯入川、粵,凡巴東、歸州、道州、寧遠等九州縣民私食川、粵鹽,兩淮鹽政尹會一以為言。 貽直言湖廣行兩淮鹽歲七十餘萬引,諸州縣僻遠,兩淮鹽不至,強而行之,官商且交困。 部議如貽直奏。 湖南城步等縣苗酋蒲寅山、鳳老一等為亂,貽直與巡撫高其倬等討平之,上嘉其勞。 召還,歷工、刑、兵、吏諸部尚書。 七年,命署直隸總督。 復召還,協辦大學士。 九年,授文淵閣大學士。 十一年,加太子太保。
Soon he was appointed acting Governor-General of Huguang In Qianlong year 1 he wrote: "Under the old rule when prefectures and counties were short of granary grain, punishment was reckoned at one tael of silver per shi of grain, though the actual value fell short All miscellaneous grains were treated like grain—especially unfair" The ministry ruled rice at one tael per shi and grain and miscellaneous grains at five mace each, and this was made regulation Southwest of Wuchang where the Yangzi and Han meet, there was formerly a long dike Yizhi ordered a survey and rebuild from Wanghui Bridge to Tucheng Jetty—more than thirteen hundred zhang of dike—to be finished in three years Huguang was Lianghuai salt territory, but its land interpenetrated Sichuan and Guangdong; in nine prefectures and counties including Badong, Guizhou, Daozhou, and Ningyuan people privately consumed Sichuan and Guangdong salt; Lianghuai Salt Controller Yin Huiyi raised the matter Yizhi said Huguang consumed more than seven hundred thousand lianghuai salt certificates yearly; remote prefectures and counties could not be reached by lianghuai salt, and forcing it would distress officials and merchants alike The ministry ruled as Yizhi had proposed Miao chiefs Pu Yinshan, Feng Laoyi, and others rebelled in Chengbu and other Hunan counties; Yizhi with Governor Gao Qizhuo and others put them down, and the emperor praised their service Recalled, he served in turn as Minister of Works, Punishments, War, and Personnel In year 7 he was appointed acting Governor-General of Zhili Recalled again, he served as assisting Grand Secretary In year 9 he became Grand Secretary of the Wenyuan Hall In year 11 he was made Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent
15
貽直子奕昂,官山東運河道,以巡撫鄂昌薦,命署甘肅布政使。 二十年,鄂昌坐事籍沒,得貽直請託狀,上念貽直勤慎,不深罪,令致仕回籍,召奕昂還京。 二十二年,上南巡,貽直迎駕沂州,令在家食俸。 尋召還,仍授大學士。 途中病作,遣御醫就視。 至京,命領工部,加太子太傅。 二十五年,上以貽直成進士已六十年,賜詩獎為「人瑞」。 尋命遇祀典不必隨班行禮,以肩輿入直。 二十七年,貽直乞致仕,命不必兼攝工部,歲加俸五百金。 二十八年,卒,年八十二,贈太保,祀賢良祠,諡文靖。
Yizhi's son Yi Ang held the Shandong grain transport post; on Governor E Chang's recommendation he was appointed acting Provincial Treasurer of Gansu In year 20 E Chang was punished and his property confiscated; a petition from Yizhi on his behalf was found; mindful of Yizhi's diligence, the emperor did not punish him deeply but ordered him to retire home and recalled Yi Ang to the capital In year 22, on the southern tour, Yizhi welcomed the emperor at Yizhou and was granted salary while at home Soon recalled, he was again made Grand Secretary He fell ill on the road and an imperial physician was sent to attend him On reaching the capital he was ordered to head the Ministry of Works and was made Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent In year 25, as Yizhi had passed the jinshi sixty years before, the emperor bestowed a poem praising him as a "human treasure" Soon he was excused from joining ceremonial ranks at sacrifices and allowed to attend duty in a sedan chair In year 27 Yizhi asked to retire; he was told he need not hold the Ministry of Works concurrently and was given five hundred taels of salary yearly in addition In year 28 he died at eighty-two; he was posthumously made Grand Preceptor, enshrined in the Temple of Worthies, and given the posthumous name Wenjing
16
貽直為政持大體,不苟為異同。 性強記,飭舉止,善為辭令。 年羹堯既誅,世宗問貽直:「汝亦羹堯薦耶?」 貽直免冠對曰:「薦臣者羹堯,用臣者皇上。」 及事高宗,耄矣,嘗奏事,拜起舒遲。 高宗問:「卿老憊乎?」 貽直對曰:「皇上到臣年,當自知之。」 高宗為霽顏。
In government Yizhi held to the larger pattern and did not take sides for faction He had a strong memory, restrained deportment, and skill in formal speech After Nian Gengyao was executed, Yongzheng asked Yizhi: "Were you also recommended by Gengyao?" Yizhi removed his hat and answered: "Gengyao recommended me; Your Majesty employs me." Serving Qianlong in old age, he once rose and bowed slowly when presenting a memorial Qianlong asked: "Are you weary with age?" Yizhi answered: "When Your Majesty reaches my age, you will know for yourself." Qianlong's countenance cleared
17
子奕簪,乾隆十年進士,官左春坊左贊善; 奕昂,以舉人授刑部員外郎,自署甘肅布政使召還京,旋授福建按察使,再遷兵部侍郎,以口語罷; 奕朅,官山西潞安知府,高宗命留京侍貽直,授四品京堂。
His son Yi Zan passed the jinshi in Qianlong year 10 and held the post of Left Assistant in the Eastern Palace; Yi Ang, as a provincial graduate, was made an Outer Director in the Ministry of Punishments; recalled from acting Gansu treasurer, he soon became Provincial Judge of Fujian, then Vice Minister of War, and was dismissed for a verbal slip; Yi Ti was prefect of Lu'an in Shanxi; Qianlong ordered him kept in the capital to attend Yizhi and gave him a fourth-rank capital post
18
阿克敦,字仲和,章佳氏,滿洲正藍旗人。 康熙四十八年進士,改庶吉士,授編修。 五十二年,充河南鄉試考官。 五十三年,上以阿克敦學問優,典試有聲名,特擢侍講學士。 五十五年,轉侍讀學士。 五十六年,朝鮮國王李焞病目,使求空青,命阿克敦齎賜之。 遷詹事。 五十七年,擢內閣學士。 六十一年,朝鮮國王李昀請立其弟昑為世弟,命阿克敦偕侍衛佛倫充使冊封。 擢兵部侍郎。 世宗即位,兼翰林院掌院學士,充聖祖實錄副總裁。 雍正元年,命專管翰林院掌院學士,充國史、會典副總裁。 复偕散秩大臣舒魯冊封朝鮮國王李昑。 三年,授禮部侍郎,兼兵部。 四年,調兵部,兼國子監祭酒。
Akedun (courtesy name Zhonghe), a Zhangjia clansman of the Manchu Plain Blue Banner He took his jinshi in Kangxi year 48, entered the Hanlin as a bachelor, and was made compiler In year 52 he served as examiner for the Henan provincial examination In year 53 the emperor, finding Akedun's learning excellent and his examining service renowned, specially promoted him to Hanlin lecturer In year 55 he was transferred to Hanlin reader In year 56 King Yi Sun of Korea suffered eye disease and requested azurite; Akedun was ordered to carry it as an imperial gift He was transferred to Chamberlain of the Household In year 57 he was promoted to Grand Secretariat academician In year 61 King Yi Yun of Korea asked to establish his younger brother Bing as heir brother; Akedun with Guard Foulun were sent as envoys to invest him He was promoted to Vice Minister of War When Yongzheng acceded he concurrently served as Hanlin chancellor and vice director of Kangxi's Veritable Records In Yongzheng year 1 he was ordered to take sole charge of the Hanlin chancellorship and serve as vice director of the National History and Collected Statutes Again with Minister without Portfolio Shulu he was sent to invest King Yi Bing of Korea In year 3 he became Vice Minister of Rites, concurrently of War In year 4 he was transferred to War, concurrently Rector of the Imperial Academy
19
兩廣總督孔毓珣入覲,命阿克敦署總督,兼廣州將軍。 奏劾碣石總兵陳良弼索漁船陋規、左翼總兵藍奉以二子冒補把總,倚勢累兵。 上嘉阿克敦實奏,命擇勝任之人,具本題參。 高要、高明、四會、三水、南海等五縣民瀕江築圩,開竇建徬,引水溉田,謂之「圍基」。 江漲多潰決,巡撫楊文乾奏請以最衝改石工,次沖改椿埽,計費數十萬,借帑修築,且議以開捐補款,阿克敦意與相左。 五年,疏言:「高要等縣沿江圍基,俱系土工,歲十一月後,有司督率鄉民按畝分工,加卑培薄,民不為苦,官無所費。 江漲不免衝決。 但水性不猛,非必石工、椿埽方能抵禦。 請仍循舊法,令有司於農隙督民修補。 倘江水盛漲,遣吏巡行防衝決,無煩改築費帑。」 上為寢文乾議。 尋與毓珣合疏請遣廣南韶道、肇高廉羅道督修諸縣圍基,報聞。 蒼梧芋莢山礦民群聚竊發,阿克敦令捕得其渠,上諭嘉之。
When Governor-General Kong Yuxun of Liangguang came to audience, Akedun was ordered to act as governor-general and concurrently General of Guangzhou He memorialized against Jieshi Commander Chen Liangbi for demanding petty fees from fishing boats and Left Wing Commander Lan Feng for having his two sons fraudulently appointed platoon commanders, abusing power to burden the troops The emperor praised Akedun's factual report and ordered capable men chosen to submit formal impeachments In the five counties of Gaoyao, Gaoming, Sihui, Sanshui, and Nanhai people along the river built embankments, opened sluices, and erected dikes to draw water for irrigation, calling them "polder bases" When the river rose the dikes often burst; Governor Yang Wenqian asked that the most critical sections be changed to stone works and the next to pile and fascine works, costing several hundred thousand, with treasury loans for repair and sale of offices to make up funds—Akedun disagreed In year 5 he wrote: "The riverside polder bases in Gaoyao and other counties are all earthen works; after the eleventh month each year magistrates lead villagers in labor by the mu, raising low spots and thickening thin sections—the people suffer no hardship and the government spends nothing When the river rises, breaches cannot be avoided. But the current is not fierce, and stone works and pile-and-fascine defenses are not always needed to hold it back. I ask that we keep the old method and have magistrates supervise repairs during the farming slack season. If the river should swell greatly, send clerks on patrol to guard against breaches, without the cost of rebuilding from the treasury." The emperor set aside Yang Wenqian's proposal. Soon he and Yu Xun jointly asked that the Guangnan-Shaozhou and Zhao-Gao-Lian-Luo circuit intendants be sent to supervise repair of the county polder bases; the request was noted. At Cangwu's Yujia Mountain miners gathered in a mob and secretly opened a mine; Akedun had the ringleaders arrested, and the emperor commended him.
20
調吏部,署廣東巡撫。 劾肇高廉羅道王士俊侵稅羨,上以士俊尚可用,命訓飭遷改。 改署廣西巡撫。 文乾劾阿克敦聞盜不嚴緝,新會縣得盜,授意改讞,以竊賊詳結; 侵粵海關耗銀,令家人索暹羅米船規禮。 毓珣亦劾侵太平關耗銀。 六年,命奪阿克敦官,下毓珣、文乾會鞫,文乾卒,上遣通政使留保、郎中喀爾吉善會毓珣及署廣東巡撫傅泰嚴鞫,以諱盜、侵耗輕罪,不議坐; 令家人索暹羅米船,擬絞。 士俊复揭告阿克敦庇布政使官達婪贓,加擬斬監候。 七年,山東巡撫費金吾以疏濬江南徐州、沛縣及濟寧、嘉祥諸縣水道,請派員督修。 上命釋阿克敦往江南河工效力自贖。
He was transferred to the Ministry of Personnel and served as acting Governor of Guangdong. He impeached Zhao-Gao-Lian-Luo Circuit intendant Wang Shijun for embezzling surplus tax silver; the emperor thought Shijun still usable and ordered him admonished and transferred. He was reassigned to serve as acting Governor of Guangxi. Wenqian impeached Akedun for hearing of bandits and not pursuing them strictly; when Xinhui County caught a bandit, he directed that the case be altered and closed as petty theft; he embezzled surplus silver from the Guangdong Customs and had his household servants demand customary fees from Siamese rice boats. Yu Xun also impeached him for embezzling surplus silver at Taiping Pass. In year 6 he was stripped of office and Yu Xun and Wenqian were ordered to try him jointly. Wenqian died, and the emperor sent Communications Commissioner Liubao and Director K'erjishan to join Yu Xun and acting Guangdong Governor Fu Tai in a strict trial; for concealing banditry and embezzling surplus silver they treated the charges as minor and recommended no punishment; for having household servants extort Siamese rice boats, they recommended strangulation. Shijun again denounced Akedun for shielding Provincial Treasurer Guan Da in greedy corruption, and the sentence was increased to deferred execution. In year 7 Shandong Governor Fei Jinwu, for dredging waterways in Jiangnan's Xuzhou and Pei counties and in Jining, Jiaxiang, and other counties, asked that officials be dispatched to supervise the work. The emperor ordered Akedun released to serve on Jiangnan river works and redeem himself.
21
九年,上命撫遠大將軍馬爾賽率師討準噶爾,授阿克敦內閣額外學士,協辦軍務。 十一年,命駐紮克拜達里克督餉。 十二年,召還。 命偕侍郎傅鼐、副都統羅密使準噶爾,宣諭噶爾丹策零,議罷兵息民。 喀爾喀與準噶爾以阿爾泰山梁分界,噶爾丹策零欲以杭愛為界,收阿爾泰山為游牧地。 阿克敦與議三日不決,噶爾丹策零遣使吹那木喀從阿克敦等詣京師,請以哲爾格西喇呼魯烏蘇為喀爾喀游牧地界。 十三年,阿克敦等至京師。 上以阿克敦等奏及地圖密寄北路副將軍策棱,令熟籌定議。 策棱言準噶爾游牧不得令過阿爾泰山。 議中輟。 命阿克敦署鑲藍旗滿洲副都統、工部侍郎。 高宗即位,命守護泰陵。
In year 9 the emperor ordered Pacification Commissioner of the Far Marches Marshal Sai to lead an army against the Dzungars and made Akedun an extra Grand Secretariat academician to assist in military affairs. In year 11 he was ordered to be stationed at Kebadalik to supervise supplies. In year 12 he was recalled. He was ordered to go with Vice Minister Fu Nai and Vice Commander-in-Chief Luomi as envoys to the Dzungars to proclaim the court's will to Galdan Tseren and discuss halting the war and giving the people rest. Khalkha and the Dzungars took the Altai ridge as their boundary; Galdan Tseren wished to make the Khangai the border and take the Altai as pastureland. Akedun negotiated for three days without resolution; Galdan Tseren sent the envoy Chuinamuka to accompany Akedun and the others to the capital, asking that Jergesirahulusu be made the Khalkha pasture boundary. In year 13 Akedun and the others reached the capital. The emperor secretly sent Akedun's memorial and the maps to Northern Route Vice General Tsewang, ordering him to consider the matter thoroughly and fix the agreement. Tsewang said the Dzungar nomads must not be allowed to cross the Altai. The negotiations were suspended midway. Akedun was ordered to serve as acting Manchu Vice Commander-in-Chief of the Bordered Blue Banner and Vice Minister of Works. When Qianlong acceded, he was ordered to guard the Tailing Mausoleum.
22
乾隆三年,復命阿克敦使準噶爾,以侍衛旺扎爾、台吉額默根為副,齎敕諭噶爾丹策零議界。 噶爾丹策零使哈柳從阿克敦等詣京師,請準噶爾游牧不越阿爾泰山,而乞移布延圖、托爾和二卡倫入內地。 上謂游牧不越阿爾泰山,已可定議,而移二卡倫不可許。 命哈柳齎敕還。
In Qianlong year 3 Akedun was again sent as envoy to the Dzungars, with Bodyguard Wangzhar and Taiji Emegen as deputies, bearing an imperial edict to instruct Galdan Tseren on the border negotiations. Galdan Tseren sent Halu to accompany Akedun and the others to the capital, asking that Dzungar nomads not cross the Altai and begging that the two border posts of Buyantu and Tuo'erhe be moved inland. The emperor said that keeping nomads from crossing the Altai could already be settled, but moving the two border posts could not be granted. Halu was ordered to return bearing the edict.
23
授阿克敦工部侍郎。 五年,調刑部,復調吏部。 八年,授鑲藍旗滿洲都統。 十年,兼翰林院掌院學士。 十一年,授刑部尚書。 十三年,命協辦大學士。 尋解以授傅恆。 四月,翰林院進孝賢皇后冊文,清文譯「皇妣」為「先太后」,上以為大誤,召阿克敦詢之。 阿克敦未候旨已退,上怒,謂阿克敦以解協辦大學士故怨望,奪官,下刑部,當大不敬律,擬斬監候。 六月,命在內閣學士上行走,署工部侍郎。 七月,擢署刑部尚書,授鑲白旗漢軍都統。 十月,兼翰林院掌院學士。 十二月,復命協辦大學士。 十四年,金川平,加太子少保。 連歲上幸木蘭、幸河南、幸盛京,皆命留京辦事,迭署左都御史、步軍統領。 二十年,以目疾乞假,上遣醫視疾。 屢乞休,命致仕。 二十一年,卒,賜祭葬,諡文勤。 子阿桂,自有傳。
Akedun was appointed Vice Minister of Works. In year 5 he was transferred to the Ministry of Punishments, then again to the Ministry of Personnel. In year 8 he was made Manchu Commander-in-Chief of the Bordered Blue Banner. In year 10 he also served as Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. In year 11 he was appointed Minister of Punishments. In year 13 he was ordered to serve as assisting Grand Secretary. Soon afterward he was relieved and the post given to Fu Heng. In the fourth month the Hanlin Academy presented the investiture text for Empress Xiaoxian; the Manchu translation rendered "imperial mother" as "former empress dowager," which the emperor regarded as a grave error, and he summoned Akedun to inquire. Akedun withdrew before awaiting the imperial decision; the emperor was angry, saying Akedun harbored resentment because he had been relieved as assisting Grand Secretary, stripped him of office, sent him to the Ministry of Punishments, applied the statute on grave disrespect, and recommended deferred execution. In the sixth month he was ordered to serve on the Grand Secretariat as an academician above the rank and to act as Vice Minister of Works. In the seventh month he was promoted to act as Minister of Punishments and made Commander-in-Chief of the Hanjun Bordered White Banner. In the tenth month he also served as Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. In the twelfth month he was again ordered to serve as assisting Grand Secretary. In year 14, when the Jinchuan campaign was pacified, he was given the rank of Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent. In successive years when the emperor went to Mulan, Henan, and Shengjing, Akedun was each time ordered to remain in the capital to manage affairs, acting in turn as Left Censor-in-Chief and Metropolitan Banner Commander. In year 20, citing eye disease, he asked for leave, and the emperor sent a physician to examine him. He repeatedly asked to retire and was ordered to leave office. In year 21 he died; imperial sacrifices and burial were granted, and he was given the posthumous title Wencqin. His son Agui has a separate biography.
24
阿克敦居刑部十餘年,平恕易簡,未嘗有所瞻顧。 一日,阿桂侍,阿克敦曰:「朝廷用汝為刑官,治獄宜如何?」 阿桂曰:「行法必當其罪,罪一分與一分法,罪十分與十分法。」 阿克敦怒,索杖,阿桂惶恐求教。 阿克敦曰:「如汝言,天下無完人矣! 罪十分,治之五六,已不能堪,而可盡耶? 且一分罪尚足問耶?」 阿桂長刑部,屢舉以告僚屬雲。
Akedun served in the Ministry of Punishments for more than ten years, even-handed, lenient, and straightforward, and never showed favor or hesitation. One day, while Agui was in attendance, Akedun said: "The court has made you a judicial officer—how should cases be handled?" Agui said: "In applying the law one must match the crime: for one part of guilt give one part of punishment, for ten parts of guilt give ten parts of punishment." Akedun grew angry and called for a staff; Agui, in fear, begged instruction. Akedun said: "By your reasoning there would be no whole man under heaven! When guilt is ten parts, to punish five or six is already more than one can bear—how could one punish it all? And is even one part of guilt worth prosecuting?" When Agui headed the Ministry of Punishments he repeatedly cited this story to tell his colleagues.
25
孫嘉淦,字錫公,山西興縣人。 嘉淦故家貧,耕且讀。 康熙五十二年,成進士,改庶吉士,授檢討。 世宗初即位,命諸臣皆得上封事。 嘉淦上疏陳三事:請親骨肉,停捐納,罷西兵。 上召諸大臣示之,且曰:「翰林院乃容此狂生耶?」 大學士硃軾侍,徐對曰:「嘉淦誠狂,然臣服其膽。」 上良久笑曰:「朕亦且服其膽。」 擢國子監司業。 雍正四年,遷祭酒,命在南書房行走。 六年正月,署順天府府尹。 丁父憂,服未闋,召還京,仍授府尹。 進工部侍郎,仍兼府尹、祭酒。 十年,調刑部侍郎,尋兼署吏部侍郎。
Sun Jiagan (courtesy name Xigong) was from Xing County, Shanxi. Jiagan's family had long been poor; he farmed while he studied. In Kangxi year 52 he passed the jinshi examination, became a Hanlin bachelor, and was appointed compiler. When Yongzheng had just acceded, he ordered that all officials might submit sealed memorials. Jiagan memorialized on three matters: asking that imperial kin be treated with affection, that the sale of offices be halted, and that western troops be disbanded. The emperor summoned the ministers and showed it to them, saying: "Does the Hanlin Academy harbor such a wild youth?" Grand Secretary Zhu Shi attended and answered slowly: "Jiagan is indeed wild, yet your servant admires his courage." After a long pause the emperor smiled and said: "I too must admire his courage." He was promoted to Vice Director of the Imperial Academy. In Yongzheng year 4 he was transferred to Director of the Imperial Academy and ordered to serve in the Southern Studio. In the first month of year 6 he served as acting Prefect of Shuntian. On his father's death he entered mourning; before mourning was complete he was recalled to the capital and again appointed prefect. He was promoted to Vice Minister of Works while still serving concurrently as prefect and director of the Imperial Academy. In year 10 he was transferred to Vice Minister of Punishments and soon after also served as acting Vice Minister of Personnel.
26
嘉淦為祭酒,薦其弟揚淦為國子監丞。 教習宋鎬、方從仁等期滿引見,嘉淦言鎬等皆可用; 上詰之,又言從仁實不堪用。 上乃大怒,斥嘉淦反覆欺罔,奪職,交刑部治罪,當挾詐欺公律擬斬。 上語諸大臣曰:「孫嘉淦太戇,然不愛錢。」 命免罪,在戶部銀庫效力行走。 嘉淦出獄,徑詣庫。 果親王允禮時領戶部,疑嘉淦故大臣,被黜,不屑會計事; 又聞蜚語謂嘉淦沽名,收銀皆不足。 乃蒞視,嘉淦方持衡稱量,與吏卒雜坐均勞苦。 詢所收銀,則別置一所,覆之,無絲毫贏絀。 事上聞,上愈重嘉淦。 十二年,命署河東鹽政。
While Jiagan was director of the Imperial Academy he recommended his younger brother Yanggan as assistant director of the Imperial Academy. When the instructors Song Hao, Fang Congren, and others completed their term and were presented for audience, Jiagan said Hao and the others were all usable; the emperor questioned him, and he then said Congren was in fact unfit for use. The emperor then grew greatly angry, rebuked Jiagan for shifting and deceitful conduct, stripped him of office, and handed him to the Ministry of Punishments for punishment; under the statute on fraud and deception of the public, death was recommended. The emperor told the ministers: "Sun Jiagan is too blunt, yet he does not love money." He ordered the punishment waived and that Jiagan serve in the Ministry of Revenue's silver vault. Jiagan left prison and went straight to the vault. Prince Guo Yunli then headed the Ministry of Revenue and suspected that Jiagan, a former high minister now disgraced, would disdain accounting work; he also heard gossip saying Jiagan sought a reputation and that the silver he received was always short. He therefore went to inspect; Jiagan was just then holding the scales and weighing, sitting mixed among clerks and runners and sharing their labor. Asked about the silver received, it was set apart in a separate place, covered over, with not the slightest surplus or shortage. The matter was reported to the emperor, and he valued Jiagan all the more. In year 12 he was ordered to serve as acting Salt Controller of Hedong.
27
十三年八月,高宗即位,召嘉淦來京,以侍郎候補。 九月,授吏部侍郎。 十一月,遷都察院左都御史,仍兼吏部。 嘉淦以上初政,春秋方盛,上疏言:「臣本至愚,荷蒙皇上聖恩,畀以風紀重任。 日夜悚惶,思竭一得之慮; 而每月以來,捧讀聖訓,剴切周詳,仁政固已舉行,臣愚更無可言。 所欲言者,皇上之心而已。 皇上之心,仁孝誠敬,明恕精一,豈復尚有可議? 而臣猶欲有言者,正於心無不純、政無不善之中,竊鰓鰓私憂過計而欲預防之也。 治亂之循環,如陰陽之運行。 陰極盛而陽生,陽極盛而陰姤。 事當極盛之地,必有陰伏之機。 其機藏於至微,人不能覺; 及其既著,積重而不可返。 此其間有三習焉,不可不慎戒也。 主德清則臣心服而頌,仁政行則民身受而感,出一言而盈廷稱聖,發一令而四海謳歌,在臣民本非獻諛,然而人主之耳則熟於此矣。 耳與譽化,非譽則逆,始而匡拂者拒,繼而木訥者厭,久而頌揚之不工者亦絀矣。 是謂耳習於所聞,則喜諛而惡直。 上愈智則下愈愚,上愈能則下愈畏,趨蹌諂脅,顧盻而皆然,免冠叩首,應聲而即是。 此在臣工以為盡禮,然而人主之目則熟於此矣。 目與媚化,非媚則觸,故始而倨野者斥,繼而嚴憚者疏,久而便闢之不巧者亦忤矣。 是謂目習於所見,則喜柔而惡剛。 敬求天下之事,見之多而以為無足奇也,則高己而卑人; 慎辨天下之務,閱之久而以為無難也,則雄才而易事; 質之人而不聞其所短,返之己而不見其所失。 於是乎意之所欲,信以為不逾,令之所發,概期於必行矣。 是謂心習於所是,則喜從而惡違。 三習既成,乃生一弊。 何謂一弊? 喜小人而厭君子是也。 今夫進君子而退小人,豈獨三代以上知之哉? 雖叔季之君,孰不思用君子? 且自智之君,各賢其臣,孰不以為吾所用者必君子而決非小人? 乃卒之小人進而君子退者,無他,用才而不用德故也。 德者君子之所獨,才則君子小人共之,而且小人勝焉。 語言奏對,君子訥而小人佞諛,則與耳習投矣。 奔走周旋,君子拙而小人便闢,則與目習投矣。 即課事考勞,君子孤行其意而恥於言功,小人巧於迎合而工於顯勤,則與心習又投矣。 小人挾其所長以善投,人主溺於所習而不覺,審聽之而其言入耳,諦觀之而其顏悅目,歷試之而其才稱乎心也,於是乎小人不約而自合,君子不逐而自離。 夫至於小人合而君子離,其患可勝言哉? 而揆厥所由,皆三習為之蔽焉。 治亂之機,千古一轍,可考而知也。 我皇上聖明臨御,如日中天,豈惟並無此弊,抑且並無此習。 然臣正及其未習也而言之,設其習既成,則或有知之而不敢言,抑或言之而不見聽者矣。 今欲預除三習,永杜一弊,不在乎外,惟在乎心,故臣原言皇上之心也。 語曰:'人非聖人,孰能無過? '此淺言也。 夫聖人豈無過哉? 惟聖人而後能知過,惟聖人而後能改過。 孔子謂五十學易,可無大過。 文王視民如傷,望道如未之見。 是故賢人之過,賢人知之,庸人不知也。 聖人之過,聖人知之,賢人不知也。 慾望人繩愆糾謬而及於其所不知,難已。 故望皇上聖心自懍之也。 反之己真知其不足,驗之世實見其未能,故常欿然不敢自是。 此不敢自是之意,流貫於用人行政之間,夫而後知諫爭切磋,愛我良深,而諛悅為容者,愚己而陷之阱也; 夫而後知嚴憚匡拂,益我良多,而順從不違者,推己而墜之淵也。 耳目之習除,取捨之極定,夫而後眾正盈朝,太平可睹矣。 不然,自是之根不拔,則雖斂心為慎,慎之久而覺其無過,則謂可以少寬; 厲志為勤,勤之久而覺其有功,則謂可以少慰。 此念一轉,初亦似於天下無害,而不知嗜欲燕安功利之說,漸入耳而不煩,而便闢善柔便佞者,亦熟視而不見其可憎。 久而習焉,或不自知而為其所中,則黑白可以轉色,而東西可以易位。 所謂機伏於至微而勢成於不可返者,此之謂也。 大學言'見賢而不能舉,見不賢而不能退',至於好惡拂人之性; 而推所由失,皆因於驕泰,驕泰即自是之謂也。 由此觀之,治亂之機,轉於君子小人之進退; 進退之機,握於人主之一心; 能知非則心不期敬而自敬,不見過則心不期肆而自肆。 敬者君子之招而治之本也,肆者小人之媒而亂之階也。 然則沿流溯源,約言蔽義,惟望我皇上時時事事常守此不敢自是之心,而天德王道舉不外乎此矣。」 疏上,上嘉納,宣示。 遷刑部尚書,總理國子監事。 河南鄭州有疑獄,命使者往勘,仍不得實。 上命嘉淦往訊,得其冤狀十餘人盡脫之。 乾隆三年四月,遷吏部尚書,仍兼管刑部事。 九月,直隸總督李衛劾總河硃藻貪劣誤工,命偕尚書訥親往鞫,得實,論如律。
In the eighth month of year 13, when Qianlong acceded, Jiagan was summoned to the capital to await appointment as a vice minister. In the ninth month he was appointed Vice Minister of Personnel. In the eleventh month he was transferred to Left Censor-in-Chief while still holding the Ministry of Personnel concurrently. Because the emperor's rule was just beginning and he was in the prime of life, Jiagan memorialized: "Your servant is by nature most dull, yet I have received Your Majesty's sacred grace and been entrusted with the weighty charge of discipline and oversight. Day and night I am fearful and anxious, thinking to exhaust whatever trifling counsel I may offer; yet month after month, reverently reading the sacred instructions, I find them earnest, thorough, and complete; benevolent policies are already being carried out, and this dull servant has nothing further to say. What I wish to speak of is none other than Your Majesty's heart. Your Majesty's heart is benevolent, filial, sincere, reverent, clear-sighted, forgiving, and single-minded—what could still be open to question? Yet I still wish to speak, precisely because amid a heart without impurity and policies without fault I privately harbor anxious, perhaps excessive worry and wish to guard against what may come. The cycle of order and disorder is like the movement of yin and yang. When yin reaches its fullness yang is born; when yang reaches its fullness yin encounters it. When affairs stand at the height of prosperity, the hidden workings of decline must already be present. Its mechanism lies hidden in the subtlest depths, beyond anyone's notice; but once it has become manifest, the weight accumulates until there is no turning back. In this interval lie three habits against which one must guard with the utmost care. When the ruler's virtue is pure, ministers submit and praise him; when benevolent policies take effect, the people feel them and are moved. One word fills the court with cries of 'sage'; one order brings songs of praise from all the realm. Ministers and commoners may not mean this as flattery, yet the ruler's ears grow accustomed to it. The ears merge with praise—anything that is not praise is taken as opposition. At first remonstrators are rejected; then the slow-tongued and dull-witted are disliked; in time even those whose praise is clumsy are dismissed. This is the habit of the ear: growing accustomed to what it hears until one delights in flattery and hates forthrightness. The more intelligent the ruler, the more foolish his subordinates appear; the more capable the ruler, the more fearful they become. All scurry, fawn, and cringe alike; caps are doffed and heads bowed the instant a word is spoken. Officials may regard this as perfect propriety, yet the ruler's eyes grow accustomed to it. The eyes merge with obsequiousness—anything that is not obsequious gives offense. At first the arrogant and boorish are expelled; then the solemn and cautious are kept at a distance; in time even the clumsily glib give offense. This is the habit of the eye: growing accustomed to what it sees until one delights in softness and hates firmness. Diligently inquiring into affairs throughout the realm, one sees so much that nothing seems remarkable—and so one exalts oneself and looks down on others; carefully distinguishing the business of the realm, one examines it so long that nothing seems difficult—and so one deems oneself heroically talented and treats affairs lightly; questioning others yet never hearing of one's own shortcomings, turning inward yet never seeing one's own errors. Thereupon whatever the mind desires is trusted as beyond reproach, and every order issued is expected to be carried out without fail. This is the habit of the heart: growing accustomed to what it approves until one delights in compliance and hates opposition. Once the three habits have taken shape, a single defect arises. What is this single defect? It is to delight in petty men and dislike gentlemen. As for advancing gentlemen and dismissing petty men—is this wisdom known only to the sages of antiquity? Even rulers of declining ages—who among them did not wish to employ gentlemen? Moreover, self-assured intelligent rulers each deem their ministers worthy—who among them did not believe that those they employed must be gentlemen and certainly not petty men? Yet in the end petty men advance and gentlemen withdraw—for no other reason than that talent is valued and virtue is not. Virtue belongs to gentlemen alone; talent is shared by gentlemen and petty men alike—and petty men excel at it. In speech and audience, gentlemen are blunt while petty men are glib and flattering—this suits the habit of the ear. In rushing about and attending upon the ruler, gentlemen are awkward while petty men are agile and glib—this suits the habit of the eye. Even in assessing affairs and examining merit, gentlemen pursue their own intent in solitude and are ashamed to speak of their achievements, while petty men are clever at accommodating and skilled at displaying diligence—this again suits the habit of the heart. Petty men wield their strengths to fit perfectly; the ruler, drowning in habit, notices nothing. Listen carefully and their words please the ear; look closely and their faces please the eye; test them and their talents satisfy the heart—whereupon petty men gather without being summoned and gentlemen withdraw without being driven away. When petty men gather and gentlemen depart, can the harm even be put into words? Yet tracing the source of it all, the three habits are what obscure the ruler's judgment. The mechanism of order and disorder follows the same track throughout the ages—it can be examined and understood. Our emperor, sage and enlightened upon the throne, is like the sun at its zenith—not only free of this defect but free of these habits as well. Yet your servant speaks precisely while these habits have not yet formed. Once they have taken shape, some who know may not dare to speak—or if they speak, they may not be heeded. To forestall the three habits in advance and forever shut out the one defect lies not in externals but solely in the heart. Hence your servant wishes to speak of Your Majesty's heart. The saying goes: 'If one is not a sage, who can be without fault? This is shallow talk. Do sages truly have no faults? Only a sage can recognize his faults; only a sage can amend them. Confucius said that at fifty, having studied the Changes, one might be free of great faults. King Wen regarded the people as though they were wounded, and gazed upon the Way as though he had not yet seen it. Therefore the faults of the worthy are known to the worthy; ordinary men do not know them. The faults of sages are known to sages; the worthy do not know them. To expect others to correct errors and rectify mistakes in matters one does not oneself perceive—this is difficult indeed. Hence your servant hopes that Your Majesty's sage heart will be vigilant of itself. Turning inward, truly knowing one's insufficiency; testing oneself against the world, truly seeing one's inadequacy—thus one is constantly uneasy and dares not be self-satisfied. This spirit of not daring to be self-satisfied flows through the employment of men and the conduct of government—only then does one know that remonstrance and earnest counsel love one deeply, while those who flatter to win favor are traps that delude oneself and lead one into ruin; only then does one know that solemn caution and corrective remonstrance benefit one greatly, while those who comply without dissent are abysses into which one pushes oneself and falls. When the habits of ear and eye are removed and the standards of selection and rejection are firmly set, the upright will fill the court and great peace will be within sight. Otherwise, if the root of self-satisfaction is not uprooted, then though one restrains the heart in caution, after long caution one feels oneself without fault and thinks one may relax a little; though one sharpens the will in diligence, after long diligence one feels oneself has achieved merit and thinks one may take a little comfort. Once this thought turns, at first it seems harmless to the realm—yet unawares, talk of indulgence, ease, and profit gradually enters the ear without annoyance, and the agile, soft, glib flatterers are looked upon so long that their hatefulness is no longer seen. Over time one grows habituated; perhaps without knowing it one is struck by them—then black and white can change color, and east and west can exchange places. This is what is meant by the mechanism lying hidden in the subtlest depths while momentum forms until there is no turning back. The Great Learning says, 'Seeing the worthy yet unable to elevate them, seeing the unworthy yet unable to dismiss them'—so that likes and dislikes run counter to human nature; and tracing the source of failure, it all stems from arrogance and complacency—arrogance and complacency are self-satisfaction. Viewed from this perspective, the mechanism of order and disorder turns upon the advance and withdrawal of gentlemen and petty men; the mechanism of advance and withdrawal is held in the single heart of the ruler; One who can recognize error becomes reverent without intending it; one who does not see faults becomes licentious without intending it. Reverence summons gentlemen and is the root of order; license is the medium of petty men and the stairway to disorder. Thus tracing upstream to the source and summing up the meaning in brief, your servant only hopes that our emperor, in every moment and every affair, will constantly keep this heart that dares not be self-satisfied—for the virtue of Heaven and the kingly Way lie in nothing beyond this." The memorial was submitted; the emperor commended and accepted it and had it promulgated. He was transferred to Minister of Justice and given overall charge of affairs at the Directorate of Education. In Zhengzhou, Henan, there was a doubtful legal case; envoys were sent to investigate, yet the truth could still not be established. The emperor ordered Jiagan to go and examine the case; he found the circumstances of wrongful conviction, and more than ten persons were entirely exonerated. In the fourth month of the third year of the Qianlong reign, he was transferred to Minister of Personnel while still retaining concurrent charge of the Ministry of Justice. In the ninth month, Li Wei, Governor-General of Zhili, impeached Zhu Zao, Director-General of River Conservancy, for corruption, incompetence, and dereliction of duty. Jiagan was ordered to go jointly with Minister Neqin to try the case; the charges were substantiated and judgment was passed according to law.
28
十月,授直隸總督。 時畿輔酒禁甚嚴,罹法者眾。 嘉淦疏言:「前督李衛任內,一年中獲私釀三百六十四案,犯者千四百餘名。 臣抵任一月,獲私釀七十八案,犯者三百五十餘名。 此特申報者耳,府、廳、州、縣自結之案,尚復不知凡幾。 吏役兵丁已獲而賄縱者,更不知凡幾。 此特犯者之正身耳,其鄉保鄰甲、沿途店肆、負販之屬牽連受累者,又復不知凡幾。 一省如是,他省可知。 皇上好生卹刑,命盜案自罹重闢,尚再三酌議,求一線可原之路。 今以日用飲食之故,官吏兵役以私釀為利藪,百姓弱者失業,強者犯令,鹽梟未靖,酒梟復起,天下騷然,殊非政體。 臣前言酒禁宜於歉歲,不宜於豐年,猶屬書生謬論。 躬蒞其事,乃知奪民之貲財而狼藉之,毀民之肌膚而敲撲之,取民之生計而禁錮之。 饑饉之餘,民無固志,失業既重,何事不為? 歉歲之不可禁,乃更甚於豐穰。 周禮荒政,舍禁去譏,有由然也。 且也酒禁之行,無論適以擾民,而實終不能禁。 借令禁之不擾,且能永禁,而於貧民生計,米穀蓋藏,不惟無益,抑且有損。 夫作酒以糜穀,此為黃酒言也,其麴必用小麥,其米則需睟稉,皆五穀之最精。 若燒酒則用高粱,佐以豆皮、黍殼、穀糠,麴以大麥為之,本非朝夕所食,而豆皮、黍殼、穀糠之屬,原屬棄物,雜而成酒,可以得價,其糟可飼六畜。 化無用為有用,非作無益害有益也。 今欲禁燒酒而並禁黃酒,則無以供祭祀、賓客、養老之用。 若不禁黃酒止禁燒酒,省大麥、高梁之粗且賤者,而倍費小麥、睟稉之精且貴者,臣所謂無益於蓋藏也。 百工所為,皆需易之以粟,太貴則病末,太賤則傷農,得其中而後農末俱利。 故農有歉荒,亦有熟荒,十年以內,歉歲三而豐歲七,則粟宜有所洩,非但積之不用而已。 今北地不種高粱,則無以為薪、席、屋牆之用,種之而用其稭稈,則其顆粒宜有所售。 燒鍋既禁,富民不買高粱,貧民穫高粱,雖賤價而不售。 高粱不售,而酒又為必需之物,則必賣米穀以買黃酒。 向者一歲之內,八口之家,賣高粱之價,可得七八兩,今止二三兩矣; 而買黃酒之價,則需費七八兩。 所入少而所出多,又加以粃糠等物堆積而不能易錢,自然之利皆失。 日用所需,惟糶米麥。 糶而售,則家無蓋藏; 糶而不售,則百用皆絀。 臣所謂有損於生計者此也。 小民趨利,如水就下。 利所不在,雖賞不為。 利之所在,雖禁彌甚。 燒鍋禁則酒必少,酒少則價必貴,價貴而私燒之利甚倍於昔。 什倍之利所在,民必性命爭焉。 孟子曰'君子不以所養人者害人',本為民生計,而滋擾乃至此,則立法不可不慎也。」 疏上,詔弛禁。
In the tenth month, he was appointed Governor-General of Zhili. At the time the prohibition on wine in the capital region was very strict, and violators were numerous. Jiagan memorialized: "During the tenure of the previous governor Li Wei, in one year three hundred and sixty-four cases of illicit brewing were seized, involving more than fourteen hundred offenders. Within one month of your servant's arrival in office, seventy-eight cases of illicit brewing were seized, involving more than three hundred and fifty offenders. These are only the cases formally reported; as for cases concluded on their own authority by prefectures, subprefectures, departments, and counties, one cannot know how many more there are. As for clerks, runners, and soldiers who were caught yet released after taking bribes, one cannot know how many more there are. These are only the principal offenders themselves; as for village heads, neighborhood wardens, roadside shops, peddlers, and others implicated and harmed by association, one cannot know how many more there are. If one province is thus, the other provinces may be inferred. Your Majesty cherishes life and shows compassion in punishment—even in robbery cases where the penalty of dismemberment applies, you still deliberate repeatedly, seeking some thread of grounds for clemency. Now on account of daily food and drink, officials, clerks, and soldiers treat illicit brewing as a source of profit; among the common people the weak lose their livelihood and the strong violate the prohibition. Salt smugglers have not yet been pacified, and wine smugglers rise again—the realm is in turmoil; this is utterly contrary to proper governance. Your servant's earlier statement that the wine prohibition is suitable in lean years but not in abundant years was still the mistaken argument of a bookish scholar. Only upon personally overseeing the matter did I know that the people's property is seized and scattered in ruin, their flesh is battered and beaten, and their livelihoods are taken and imprisoned. In the aftermath of famine, the people have no settled resolve; once livelihood is lost on so great a scale, what will they not do? That wine cannot be prohibited in lean years is even more true than in years of abundance. The Rites of Zhou, in its famine policies, lifts market prohibitions and removes market inspectors—for good reason. Moreover, the enforcement of the wine prohibition not only disturbs the people—it in fact cannot be permanently enforced. Even supposing the prohibition did not disturb the people and could be permanently enforced, as regards the livelihood of the poor and the storage of grain, it would not only be without benefit but would actually cause harm. Now, making wine by consuming grain—this refers to yellow wine; its ferment must use wheat, and its rice requires polished glutinous grain—all the finest of the five grains. As for distilled liquor, it uses sorghum, supplemented by bean husks, millet chaff, and rice bran; the ferment is made from barley. These are not foods for daily consumption, while bean husks, millet chaff, rice bran, and the like are originally waste matter—mixed together they become wine and can fetch a price, and the dregs can feed livestock. Transforming the useless into the useful—this is not doing what is harmful while destroying what is beneficial. Now if one wishes to prohibit distilled liquor and also prohibit yellow wine, there will be none to supply sacrifices, guests, and the needs of the elderly. If yellow wine is not prohibited but only distilled liquor is, one saves the coarse and cheap barley and sorghum while doubling the expenditure of the fine and costly wheat and polished glutinous grain—this is what your servant means by no benefit to grain storage. All the crafts require grain in exchange for their products; if grain is too costly the crafts suffer, if too cheap the farmers are harmed—only by hitting the mean can both farming and crafts profit. Thus in farming there are lean harvests and also harvests so abundant they become a hardship; within ten years, three are lean and seven are abundant—grain ought to have some outlet, not merely be stored unused. Now in the northern regions, if sorghum is not planted, there is nothing for fuel, mats, and wall-building; if it is planted and the stalks are used, then the grain ought to have a market. Once distilleries are prohibited, the wealthy no longer buy sorghum; the poor harvest sorghum yet even at low prices cannot sell it. When sorghum cannot be sold and wine is still a daily necessity, they must sell rice and grain to buy yellow wine. Formerly, within one year, a household of eight persons could get seven or eight taels from selling sorghum; now it is only two or three taels; yet the cost of buying yellow wine requires seven or eight taels. Income is little while outgo is great; moreover bran, chaff, and the like pile up and cannot be exchanged for cash—all natural advantages are lost. For daily needs, they have only to sell off rice and wheat. If they sell and find buyers, the household has nothing stored away; if they sell yet cannot find buyers, then every need falls short. This is what your servant means by harm to livelihood. The common people pursue profit as water flows downward. Where there is no profit, even rewards will not move people. Where profit lies, even the sternest prohibition only drives people harder. Ban distilleries and wine grows scarce; when wine is scarce, prices rise; when prices rise, illicit distilling yields many times the old profit. Where profits are tenfold, people will stake their lives to seize them. Mencius said, 'The gentleman does not harm people with what is meant to nourish them.' The measure was meant for the people's livelihood, yet the harassment reached this point—so in making laws one must be exceedingly careful. When the memorial was submitted, an edict relaxed the prohibition.
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民王宰謀得諸生馬承宗產,賄太監劉金玉等投獻貝勒允祐門下,嘉淦疏請交刑部具讞,上嘉其能執法。 民焦韜被誣坐邪教,株連者數百人,嘉淦白其枉。 民紀懷讓食料豆汁染衣,會村有賊殺人,偵者以為血,誣服。 決有日,正定知府陳浩廉得冤狀,嘉淦親鞫,雪懷讓。
A commoner named Wang Zai plotted to seize the property of the licentiate Ma Chengzong, bribed the eunuchs Liu Jinyu and others, and presented it to Prince Yunyou's household. Jiagan memorialized that the case be sent to the Ministry of Punishments for trial and judgment; the Emperor praised his firmness in upholding the law. The commoner Jiao Tao was falsely charged with belonging to a heterodox sect; hundreds were implicated. Jiagan cleared his wrongful conviction. The commoner Ji Huairang had bean juice from his fodder stain his clothes; meanwhile a thief killed someone in the village, and investigators mistook the stain for blood, so he confessed under torture to a crime he did not commit. The day of execution was set; the Zhengding prefect Chen Haolian obtained evidence of the injustice, and Jiagan personally tried the case and cleared Huairang.
30
尋命兼管直隸河工,嘉淦議治永定河。 初至官,即請於金門閘上下多建草壩,使河流漸復故道。 四年正月,复疏請於金門閘下增設草壩一,引永定河歸故道,自中亭、玉帶達天津歸海。 得旨,偕總河顧琮悉心經理。 嘉淦复疏言:「天津南北運河與淀河會於西沽以入於海河。 南運河水濁,久必淤墊,況通省之水皆匯於此,秋潦時至,宣洩不及。 大學士鄂爾泰曾奏准於靜海獨流疏引河,實下游治水之關鍵。 但開河易,達海難,設中途梗阻,必更漫溢為患。 且海口開深,又恐潮水倒灌。 臣等現勘通省水道,凡眾河交會及入淀、入海之路,有急宜修濬者,即於今夏興修。」 報聞。 五月,晉太子少保。
Soon he was ordered also to oversee Zhili river works; Jiagan proposed regulating the Yongding River. Upon first taking office, he asked to build many brush weirs above and below the Jinmen Sluice so the river might gradually return to its old course. In the first month of the fourth year he again memorialized asking to add another brush weir below the Jinmen Sluice, divert the Yongding River back to its old course, and let it reach the sea by way of Zhongting and Yudai through Tianjin. The directive was granted, and together with the Director-General of Rivers Gu Cong he managed the work with full care. Jiagan again memorialized: 'The north and south Grand Canals at Tianjin join the Dian River at Xigu to enter the Hai River. The southern canal's water is muddy and in time must silt up; moreover all the province's waters converge here, and when autumn floods come, discharge cannot keep pace. Grand Secretary Ortai once won approval to dredge a diversion canal at Duliu in Jinghai—this is truly the key to managing water in the lower reaches. But opening a canal is easy while reaching the sea is hard; if obstruction occurs midway, flooding will only grow worse. Moreover, if the estuary is dredged too deep, one fears the tide will flow back upstream. Your servants have now surveyed the province's waterways; wherever major rivers meet or routes enter the marshes or the sea and urgently need dredging, work shall begin this summer.' The report was noted. In the fifth month he was promoted to Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent.
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五年九月,疏言:「直隸經流之大者,永定、子牙、南運、北運四河,與東西兩淀。 治永定河,擬於葉淀之東疏引河,由西沽北入海; 治子牙河,擬濬新河,引上游諸水入淀,開舊河東堤,使漸由西沽南入海; 治北運河,兩岸去沙裁直,濬減河,培堤岸; 治南運河,兩岸築遙堤,濬河使行正溜,安陵鎮建閘,濬減河三十餘裡,入老河口達於海; 治西淀,擬開白溝河故道以入中亭,九橋南別疏一河,並濬青門河別派分流,下游已暢達,復將金門閘西引河改由東道,於苑家口疊道建木橋五,使瀝水通行; 治東淀,擬濬上游三岔河令寬深,楊家河、卞家河窪諸處疏引河,並行而東會於西沽,庶使四河順軌,兩淀暢洩。」 又引永定河改歸故道,各工俱全,上嘉之。 時江南總督高斌入都,上命會同嘉淦議河務,十月,合疏言:「永定河當於固安南、霸州北順流東下,接東淀達西沽入海,則上游漲水自消。 霸州北當築堤護城,保定縣西新莊至城東路甿村堤根逼溜,應加寬厚,其路甿村東至艾頭村接營田圍埝約五十餘裡,擬築月堤作重障。」 嘉淦方銳意引永定河歸故道,河溢,傍河諸州縣被水。 六年正月,諭曰:「朕聞永定河經理未善,固安、良鄉、涿州、雄縣、霸州諸州縣田畝往往被淹,孫嘉淦不能辭其責也。」 於是命大學士鄂爾泰蒞勘,請暫塞金門閘上游放水口,嘉淦奏:「旋開旋築,實與放水本意相左,將來泥沙壅入玉帶,恐為患更大。」 諭曰:「此奏固是,然鄂爾泰慎重,欲籌萬全,卿不必固執己見。 卿此事自任甚力,而料理未善,朕不能為卿諱。 然朕終以卿為是者,不似顧琮為游移巧詐之計耳。」 其後上巡天津,閱中亭河工,賦詩紀事,猶病嘉淦之失計也。
In the ninth month of the fifth year he memorialized: 'The great trunk streams of Zhili are the Yongding, Ziya, southern Grand Canal, and northern Grand Canal—four rivers—and the eastern and western marshes. To regulate the Yongding River, we propose dredging a diversion east of Yedian so it enters the sea north of Xigu; to regulate the Ziya River, we propose dredging a new channel to draw upstream waters into the marshes and breach the old river's eastern embankment so it may gradually enter the sea south of Xigu; to regulate the northern Grand Canal, remove sand and straighten both banks, dredge relief channels, and raise the dikes; to regulate the southern Grand Canal, build distant dikes on both banks, dredge the channel for the main current, erect a sluice at Anling Town, dredge a relief channel of more than thirty li to enter the old river mouth and reach the sea; to regulate the western marsh, we propose reopening the old course of the Baigou River to enter Zhongting, dredging a separate channel south of Jiuqiao, and dredging the Qingmen River's branch for diversion; the lower reaches are already unobstructed, and we further propose shifting the western diversion at Jinmen Sluice to the eastern route, building five timber bridges on a raised road at Yuanjiakou so runoff may pass; to regulate the eastern marsh, we propose dredging the upper Sancha River wider and deeper, opening diversion channels at Yangjia River, Bianjia River depression, and other places, all running east to meet at Xigu, so that the four rivers may follow their courses and both marshes drain freely.' He also diverted the Yongding River back to its old course; when all works were complete, the Emperor praised him. At that time the Jiangnan governor-general Gao Bin came to the capital; the Emperor ordered him to confer with Jiagan on river affairs. In the tenth month they jointly memorialized: 'The Yongding River should flow east downstream south of Gu'an and north of Bazhou, join the eastern marsh, reach Xigu, and enter the sea—then the upstream flood will dissipate of itself. North of Bazhou dikes should be built to protect the city; from Xinzhuang west of Baoding county to Lucun on the road east of the city the dike roots press the current and should be widened and thickened; from Lucun east to Aitou village where it meets the camp-field embankment, about fifty-odd li, we propose building crescent dikes as a second barrier.' Jiagan was then intent on diverting the Yongding River back to its old course; the river overflowed and the counties along its banks were inundated. In the first month of the sixth year an edict said: 'We hear that management of the Yongding River has not been well done; fields in the prefectures and counties of Gu'an, Liangxiang, Zhuozhou, Xiongzhou, Bazhou, and others are often flooded—Sun Jiagan cannot escape responsibility.' Thereupon Grand Secretary Ortai was ordered to inspect on site and requested temporarily blocking the upstream outlet at Jinmen Sluice. Jiagan memorialized: 'Opening and closing in turn truly runs counter to the intent of releasing water; in future silt may choke Yudai, and the harm may be greater.' An edict said: 'This memorial is certainly right, yet Ortai is cautious and wishes to plan for complete security—you need not cling stubbornly to your own view. You took this matter upon yourself with great energy, yet the handling was not well done—we cannot cover this up for you. Yet in the end We hold you in the right—not like Gu Cong's shifting, crafty schemes.' Later the Emperor toured Tianjin, inspected the Zhongting river works, and composed a poem on the occasion—still finding fault with Jiagan's miscalculation.
32
是年八月,調湖廣總督。 七年五月,疏言:「內地武弁不得乾預民事。 苗疆獨不然,文員不敢輕入峒寨,但令差役催科,持票滋擾而已。 爭訟劫殺之案,皆委之於武弁,威權所及,攤派隨之。 於是因公科斂,文武各行其令; 因事需索,兵役競逞其能; 甚至沒其家貲,辱及婦女。 苗民不勝其忿,與之並命,而嫌釁遂成。 為大吏者,或剿或撫,意見各殊。 行文查勘,動經數月。 苗得聞風豫備,四處句連,飲血酒,傳木刻,亂起甚易,戡定實難。 幸就削平,而後之人仍蹈前轍,搜捕株連,滋擾益甚。 苗、瑤無所告訴,乘隙復動,惟力是視。 歷來治苗之官,既無愛養之道,又乏約束之方。 無事恣其侵漁,有事止於剿殺。 剿殺之後,仍事侵漁。 侵漁既久,勢必又至剿殺。 長此循環,伊於胡底。 語曰:'善為政者,因其勢而利導之。 '苗人散居,各有頭人。 凡作姦窩匪之處,兵役偵之而不得者,頭人能知之; 鬥爭劫殺之事,官法繩之而不解者,頭人能調之。 故治苗在治頭人,令各寨用頭人為寨長。 一峒之中,取頭人所信服者為峒長,使各約束寨長而聽於縣令。 眾苗有事,寨長處之不能,以告峒長; 又不能,以告縣令。 如是,則於苗疆有提綱挈領之方,於有司自收令行禁止之效。 且峒長數見牧令,有爭訟可告官區處,而無仇殺之舉。 牧令數見峒長,有條教可面飭遵行,而無吏役熒蔽之患。 擾累既杜,則心志易孚。 所謂立法簡易,因其俗而利導者也。」
In the eighth month of that year he was transferred to governor-general of Huguang. In the fifth month of the seventh year he memorialized: 'In the interior, military officers may not interfere in civil affairs. The Miao frontier alone is not so: civil officials dare not lightly enter stockaded villages and only send runners to collect taxes, who with their warrants merely add to the harassment. Cases of dispute, robbery, and murder are all entrusted to military officers; wherever their authority reaches, levies follow. Thus on public pretext they levy exactions, civil and military each issuing their own orders; on any occasion they demand goods, soldiers and clerks vie to show their power; even seizing families' property and dishonoring their women. The Miao people cannot bear their rage and stake their lives against them, and grievances thus arise. Among high officials, some favor suppression and some pacification; opinions differ. Memorials for investigation often take months. The Miao hear wind of it and prepare in advance, linking up everywhere, drinking blood wine and passing wooden tokens—rebellion rises easily, pacification is truly hard. Fortunately they are soon suppressed, yet later men still tread the old path—searching, arresting, and implicating—so harassment grows worse. Miao and Yao have nowhere to appeal; seizing an opening they rise again, seeing only force. Officials who have governed the Miao through the ages have had neither ways to cherish and nurture them nor means to restrain abuse. In peace they let them prey at will; in crisis they stop at suppression and slaughter. After suppression and slaughter, they still prey. When preying has gone on long, suppression and slaughter must come again. Continue this cycle—where will it end? The saying runs: 'He who governs well guides people according to their tendencies and leads them to profit. The Miao live scattered, each group with its headman. Wherever wrongdoing and bandit dens hide, what soldiers and clerks cannot detect, headmen can know; in cases of brawling, robbery, and murder that official law cannot settle, headmen can mediate. Thus to govern the Miao is to govern the headmen—let each stockade appoint its headman as stockade chief. Within each ravine community, choose the headman the others trust as ravine chief, so each restrains his stockade chiefs and obeys the magistrate. When the Miao have a matter the stockade chief cannot settle, he reports to the ravine chief; if he still cannot, he reports to the magistrate. Thus in the Miao frontier there is a way to grasp the guiding rope, and officials themselves gain the effect of orders obeyed and prohibitions enforced. Moreover, ravine chiefs will often see the prefectural magistrate; disputes can be brought to officials for settlement, and there will be no vendetta killings. The magistrate will often see ravine chiefs; regulations can be enjoined face to face for compliance, without the harm of clerks and runners deceiving and concealing. Once harassment is stopped, hearts are easily won. This is what is meant by making laws simple and guiding people according to their customs to their benefit.'
33
八年正月,命署福建巡撫,未赴,湖南糧道謝濟世劾善化知縣樊德貽、衡陽知縣李澎浮收漕米,巡撫許容庇德貽等,疏劾濟世,下嘉淦察讞。 長沙知府張琳按衡陽丁役,得浮收狀,申署糧道倉德,布政使張璨致書倉德,請易府牒。 倉德持不可,以其實揭報嘉淦及漕運總督顧琮。 嘉淦欲寢其事,而顧琮以上聞。 御史胡定复論劾倉德,又揭都察院,上遣侍郎阿里袞往按,直濟世。 上責嘉淦徇庇,奪官,責修順義城工。
In the first month of the eighth year he was ordered to serve as acting Fujian governor but had not yet gone when the Hunan grain intendant Xie Jishi impeached the Shanhua magistrate Fan Deyi and the Hengyang magistrate Li Peng for over-collecting transport rice; the governor Xu Rong shielded Deyi and others and memorialized against Jishi. The case was sent to Jiagan for investigation and judgment. The Changsha prefect Zhang Lin inspected Hengyang corvée levies, obtained evidence of over-collection, and reported to the acting grain intendant Cang De; the provincial treasurer Zhang Can wrote to Cang De asking to alter the prefectural dispatch. Cang De refused to agree and reported the facts to Jiagan and the Director-General of Grain Transport Gu Cong. Jiagan wished to bury the matter, but Gu Cong reported it to the throne. The censor Hu Ding again impeached Cang De and also posted a notice at the Censorate; the Emperor sent Vice Minister Aligun to investigate and vindicated Jishi. The Emperor rebuked Jiagan for favoritism, stripped his office, and assigned him to repair the Shunyi city works.
34
九年,授宗人府府丞。 十年,遷左副都御史。 十二年,以老乞休,許之。 十四年,召來京,直上書房。 十五年正月,授兵部侍郎。 八月,擢工部尚書,署翰林院掌院學士。 十七年,進吏部尚書、協辦大學士。 十八年十二月,卒,年七十有一,諡文定。
In the ninth year he was appointed Vice Director of the Imperial Clan Court. In the tenth year he was transferred to Left Vice Censor-in-Chief. In the twelfth year, citing age, he asked to retire and was permitted. In the fourteenth year he was summoned to the capital and entered the Upper Study directly. In the first month of the fifteenth year he was appointed Vice Minister of War. In the eighth month he was promoted to Minister of Works and served concurrently as Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. In the seventeenth year he advanced to Minister of Personnel and Associate Grand Secretary. In the twelfth month of the eighteenth year he died, aged seventy-one; his posthumous title was Wending.
35
嘉淦居官為八約,曰:「事君篤而不顯,與人共而不驕,勢避其所爭,功藏於無名,事止於能去,言刪其無用,以守獨避人,以清費廉取。」 用以自戒。 既以直諫有聲,乾隆初,疏匡主德,尤為時所慕。 四年,京師市井傳嘉淦疏稿論劾大學士鄂爾泰、張廷玉等,高宗諭步軍統領、巡城御史嚴禁。 十六年,或又傳嘉淦疏稿斥言上失德有五不可解、十大過,雲貴總督碩色以聞。 命求所從來,遣使者督讞。 轉相連染,歷六省,更三歲,乃坐江西衛千總盧魯生偽為,罪至死。 高宗知無與嘉淦事,眷不替,嘉淦益自抑。 嘗著書述春秋義,自以為不足,毀之。
In office Jiagan set himself eight precepts, saying: 'Serve the ruler with devotion but without display; share with others without arrogance; avoid the contests of power; hide merit in obscurity; stop at what one can relinquish; prune speech of what is useless; keep integrity by shunning the crowd; take frugally through purity of expense.' He used these to admonish himself. Already famed for forthright remonstrance, in the early Qianlong reign his memorials to correct the ruler's virtue were especially admired by the age. In the fourth year the markets of the capital circulated a draft memorial in Jiagan's name impeaching Grand Secretaries Ortai, Zhang Tingyu, and others; the Qianlong Emperor ordered the Metropolitan Banner commander and the city patrol censors to forbid it strictly. In the sixteenth year another draft in Jiagan's name circulated, denouncing the ruler's moral failings as five inexplicable points and ten great faults; the Yunnan-Guizhou governor-general Shuose reported it. He ordered the source traced and sent envoys to supervise the investigation. The case spread by implication through six provinces; after three years it was fixed on Lu Lusheng, a company commander of the Jiangxi garrison, as the forger, and he was sentenced to death. The Qianlong Emperor knew Jiagan had no part in it; his favor did not wane, and Jiagan restrained himself all the more. He once wrote a book expounding the meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals, found it inadequate himself, and destroyed it.
36
子孝愉,以廕生授刑部主事,官至直隸按察使。
His son Xiaoyu, by hereditary privilege appointed a principal clerk in the Ministry of Punishments, rose to provincial surveillance commissioner of Zhili.
37
梁詩正,字養仲,浙江錢塘人。 雍正八年進士及第,授編修。 累遷侍講學士。 十三年,以母憂歸。 高宗即位,召南書房行走。 乾隆三年,補侍讀學士。 累遷戶部侍郎。 詩正疏言:「八旗除各省駐防與近京五百里俱聽屯種,餘並隨旗駐京。 皇上為旗人資生計者,委曲備至,而旗人仍不免窮乏。 蓋生齒日繁,若不使自為養,而常欲官養之,勢有不能。 臣謂非屯田不可。 今內地無閒田,興、盛二京膏腴未盡闢。 世宗時,欲令黑龍江、寧古塔等處分駐旗人耕種,已有成議,未及舉行。 今不早為之所,數百年後,旗戶十倍於今。 以有數之錢糧,贍無窮之生齒,使取給於額餉之內,則兵弁之關支,不足供閒散之坐食; 使取給於額餉之外,則民賦不能加,國用不能缺。 戶口日繁,待食者眾,無餘財給之,京師亦無餘地處之。 惟有酌派戶口,散列邊屯,使世享耕牧之利,以時講武,亦以實邊。 諸行省綠營馬步兵餉,較康熙年間漸增至五六百萬。 在各標營、鎮協每處浮數十百名,不覺其多; 在朝廷合計兵餉,則冗額歲不下數十百萬。 各省錢糧,大半留充兵餉,其不敷者,鄰省協撥,而解部之項日少。 向來各營多空糧,自雍正元年清查,此弊盡除。 是近年兵額但依舊制,已比前有虛實之別。 況直省要害之地,多滿洲駐防,與各標營、鎮協聲勢聯絡,其增設兵額可以裁汰者,宜令酌定數目,遇開除空缺,即停止募補。 庶將來營製漸有節省,而現在兵丁無苦裁汰。」
Liang Shizheng, style name Yangzhong, was a native of Qiantang in Zhejiang. In the eighth year of the Yongzheng reign he placed first in the metropolitan examination and was appointed compiler. He was promoted repeatedly to Reader-in-Waiting of the Hanlin Academy. In the thirteenth year he returned home for his mother's mourning. When the Qianlong Emperor ascended the throne, he was summoned as an attendant of the Southern Study. In the third year of the Qianlong reign he was made Reader-in-Waiting of the Hanlin Academy. He rose through repeated promotions to Vice Minister of Revenue. Shizheng memorialized: 'Among the Eight Banners, aside from provincial garrisons and lands within five hundred li of the capital where farming is permitted, the rest all follow their banners to reside in the capital. The Emperor has made every conceivable provision for the bannermen's livelihood, yet they still cannot escape poverty. This is because mouths multiply daily; if people are not made to support themselves but the state always tries to support them, it cannot be done. Your servant holds that nothing but military colonies will suffice. Now in the interior there is no idle land; the fertile soil of the two capitals at Xingjing and Shengjing is not yet fully opened. Under the Yongzheng Emperor it was proposed to station bannermen to farm in Heilongjiang, Ningguta, and other places; agreement was already reached but the plan was never carried out. If we do not act early, in several hundred years banner households will be ten times what they are today. With a fixed amount of money and grain to support endless mouths, if all are supplied within the quota pay, officers' and soldiers' stipends will not suffice for the idle who merely eat; if they are supplied outside the quota pay, the people's taxes cannot be raised and state expenditure cannot be reduced. Households grow daily; those awaiting support are many; there is no surplus wealth to give them, and the capital has no surplus land to place them. The only course is to apportion households judiciously and scatter them in frontier colonies so they may enjoy farming and herding for generations, drill arms in season, and strengthen the border. Green Standard cavalry and infantry pay in the provinces has gradually risen to five or six million taels compared with the Kangxi reign. At each brigade, camp, garrison, and command a few dozen or hundred extra men seem insignificant; but when the court totals military pay, supernumerary quotas amount to several million taels a year. In each province most land tax and grain tribute is retained for military pay; where it falls short, neighboring provinces assist, and sums remitted to the ministry grow ever fewer. Formerly every camp had much phantom grain on the rolls; since the audit of the first year of Yongzheng this abuse has been wholly removed. Thus in recent years, though troop quotas follow the old establishment, the rolls are already more honest than before. Moreover, in key places in the provinces Manchu garrisons are stationed, linked in strength with the various brigades, camps, garrisons, and commands; where added troop quotas may be cut, officials should fix the numbers judiciously, and when vacancies open through dismissal, recruitment should cease at once. Thus in future the military establishment may gradually be economized, while present soldiers suffer no hardship from sudden cuts.'
38
十年,擢戶部尚書,詩正疏言:「每歲天下租賦,以供官兵俸餉各項經費,惟餘二百餘萬,實不足備水旱兵戈之用。 今雖府庫充盈,皇上宜以節儉為要,勿興土木之工、黷武之師,庶以持盈保泰。」 十三年,調兵部尚書。 十四年,加太子少師,兼刑部尚書、翰林院掌院學士、協辦大學士。
In the tenth year he was promoted to Minister of Revenue. Shizheng memorialized: 'Each year the empire's land tax and tribute, after supplying officers' and soldiers' salaries and all other expenses, leaves only a little more than two million taels—far too little for flood, drought, or war. Though the treasuries are now full, Your Majesty should take frugality as essential, not launch great construction or warlike campaigns, so as to hold fullness and preserve peace.' In the thirteenth year he was transferred to Minister of War. In the fourteenth year he was made Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent and concurrently Minister of Punishments, Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy, and Associate Grand Secretary.
39
十五年,調吏部尚書。 御史歐堪善疏劾詩正徇庇行私,上召諸大臣及堪善廷詰。 所劾皆無據,惟翰林院輪班引見,偶有越次。 上諭曰:「梁詩正職在內廷,不過文學供奉,朕何如主,而謂諸臣能恣行其胸臆乎? 至小小瞻徇私情,則不獨詩正,諸大臣恐俱未能盡絕。 如張廷玉掌院三十年,引見越次,不知凡幾,何以未聞論劾? 詩正有此一二可議,即被論劾,得以知所儆省,未始非福。 堪善之言,當以為感,不當以為怨也。」 會御史儲麟趾劾四川學政硃荃匿喪,上詢詩正,詩正對失指,下吏議,當奪職,命留任。
In the fifteenth year he was transferred to Minister of Personnel. The censor Ou Kanshan memorialized impeaching Shizheng for favoritism and private dealings; the Emperor summoned the ministers and Kanshan for court interrogation. The charges were all groundless; only in the Hanlin Academy's rotating audience presentations there were occasional breaches of order. An edict said: 'Liang Shizheng's post is in the inner court—nothing but literary service. What sort of ruler do We seem, that ministers could act on their private whims? As for small favoritism in looking after private ties, not Shizheng alone—perhaps no minister can wholly eliminate it. Zhang Tingyu headed the Academy for thirty years; how many times did audiences breach order—why was no impeachment heard? Shizheng has these one or two points open to criticism and is impeached—he may know where to warn and restrain himself; this is not necessarily a misfortune. Kanshan's words should be taken as a stimulus, not as a grievance.' At the same time the censor Chu Linzhi impeached the Sichuan education commissioner Zhu Quan for concealing mourning; the Emperor questioned Shizheng, whose answer missed the point. The case went to the judicial offices, which ruled he should be stripped of office, but he was ordered to remain in post.
40
十六年,從上南巡,詩正父文濂年八十,予封典。 十七年,疏乞終養。 二十三年,丁父憂,召署工部尚書。 二十四年,調署兵部尚書。 二十五年,服闋,真除,仍命協辦大學士,兼翰林院掌院學士。 二十八年,授東閣大學士,加太子太傅。 尋卒,諡文莊。
In the sixteenth year he accompanied the Emperor on the southern tour; Shizheng's father Wenlian was eighty, and ennoblement was granted. In the seventeenth year he memorialized asking to nurse his father to the end. In the twenty-third year, upon his father's death, he was summoned to serve as acting Minister of Works. In the twenty-fourth year he was transferred to acting Minister of War. In the twenty-fifth year, when mourning ended, he received regular appointment and was again made Associate Grand Secretary and concurrent Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. In the twenty-eighth year he was appointed Grand Secretary of the Eastern Pavilion and made Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent. Soon after he died; his posthumous title was Wenzhuang.
41
子同書,舉人,賜進士,官至翰林院侍讀; 敦書,官至兵部右侍郎。
His son Tongshu, a provincial graduate, was granted metropolitan graduate status and rose to Reader of the Hanlin Academy; Dunshu rose to Right Vice Minister of War.
42
論曰:福敏以謹厚為高宗師。 世倌、貽直立朝有風節,雖坐譴,皆近私,大德不逾,卒不以相掩。 阿克敦惇大而清介。 嘉淦諤諤,陳善閉邪,一朝推名疏。 詩正論八旗當行邊屯,綠營當停募補,掌國計雖歲有餘,惓惓惟懼不足,其慮遠矣。
The judgment says: Fu Min, with his careful steadfastness, was teacher to the Qianlong Emperor. Shiguan and Yizhi had integrity at court; though they suffered reprimand, all were for private matters, their great virtue was not exceeded, and in the end their faults did not obscure them. Akedun was sincere and magnanimous, pure and upright. Jiagan was outspoken in remonstrance, presenting good and shutting out evil; in a single reign he was famed for his memorials. Shizheng argued that the Eight Banners should practice frontier colonies and the Green Standards should cease recruitment to fill vacancies; though he managed state finances with yearly surpluses, he was earnest in fearing insufficiency—his foresight was far-reaching.