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=姚文田=姚文田，字秋農，浙江歸安人。 乾隆五十九年，高宗幸天津，召試第一，授內閣中書，充軍機章京。 嘉慶四年一甲一名進士，授修撰。 迭典廣東、福建鄉試，督廣東、河南學政，累遷祭酒。
Yao Wentian, whose courtesy name was Qiunong, came from Gui'an in Zhejiang. In 1794, when the Qianlong Emperor traveled to Tianjin, Yao placed first in the summoned examination and was appointed an Inner Cabinet secretary, then served as a Grand Council clerk. In 1799 he took the jinshi degree as the top scholar in the first class and was appointed a Hanlin compiler. He successively served as chief examiner for the Guangdong and Fujian provincial examinations, held the post of education commissioner in Guangdong and Henan, and rose step by step to Chancellor of the Imperial Academy.
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十八年，入直南書房。 會因林清之變，下詔求言，文田疏陳，略謂：「堯、舜、三代之治，不越教養兩端：為民正趨向之路，知有長上，自不干左道之誅； 為民廣衣食之源，各保身家，自不致有為惡之意。 近日南方患賦重，北方患徭多，民困官貧，急宜省事。 久督撫任期，則州縣供億少，寬州縣例議，則人才保全多。」 次年復上疏，言：「上之於下，不患其不畏，而患其不愛。 漢文吏治蒸蒸，不至於姦，愛故也。 秦顓法律，衡石程書，一夫夜呼，亂者四起，畏故也。 自數年來，開上控之端，刁民得逞其奸； 大吏畏其京控，遇案親提，訐訴不過一人，牽涉常至數十，農商廢業，中道奔波，受胥吏折辱，甚至瘐死道斃。 國家慎刑之意，亦曰有冤抑耳。 從前馬譚氏一案，至今未有正兇，無辜致斃者累累。 是一冤未雪，而含冤者且數十人。 承審官刑撻橫加，以期得實，其中冤抑，正復不少。 欲召天和，其可得乎？ 頃者林清構逆，搜捕四出，至今未已。 小人意圖見長，不能無殃及無辜，奉旨嚴禁，仰見皇上如天之仁。 臣以為事愈多則擾愈眾，莠民易逞機謀，良善惟增苦累。 應令大小官吏，可結速結，無多株引，庶上下相愛，暴亂不作矣。 至所謂養民之政，不外於農桑本務。 大江以南，地不如中原之廣，每歲漕儲正供，為京畿所仰給者，無他，人力盡也。 兗州以北，古稱沃衍； 河南一省，皆殷、週畿內； 燕、趙之間，亦夙稱富國。 今則地成曠土，人盡惰民，安得不窮困而為盜賊？ 歲一歉收，先請緩徵，稍甚則加蠲貸，又其甚則截漕發粟以賑之，所以耗國帑者何可算也。 運河屢淤，東南漕未可恃，設有意外，何以處此？ 臣見歷來保薦州縣，必首列勸課農桑，其實盡屬虛談，從無過問。 大吏奏報糧價，有市價至四五千錢，僅報二兩內外，其於收成，又虛加分數，相習成風。 但使董勸有方，行之一方而收利，自然爭起相效，田野皆闢，水旱有資，豈必盡資官帑，善政乃行哉？ 民之犯刑，由於不率教； 其不率教，由於衣食缺乏而廉恥不興。 其次第如此，故養民為首務也。」 奏入，仁宗嘉納之，特詔飭各省以勸課農桑為亟，速清訟獄，嚴懲誣枉。
In 1813 he was assigned to duty in the Southern Study. After the Lin Qing rebellion, the throne called for memorials of counsel; Wentian submitted a memorial arguing, in essence, that the rule of Yao, Shun, and the Three Dynasties rested on only two pillars—moral instruction and material support: by guiding the people onto the proper path so they recognized authority above them, they would not stray into heterodox cults and invite punishment; by expanding the people's means of livelihood so that each household could secure its own welfare, they would not be driven to evil intent in the first place. Lately the south has groaned under heavy taxes and the north under excessive corvée; with the people in distress and officials strapped, government business urgently needs to be streamlined. Longer terms for governors-general and governors would lighten the tribute counties and districts must supply them; easing the routine charges imposed on local magistrates would allow more capable officials to survive in post." The next year he memorialized again: "A ruler need not worry that his subjects lack fear; he should worry that they lack affection. Under Emperor Wen of Han the civil service thrived without sinking into corruption—because the people were governed with affection. The Qin ruled through draconian law, measuring documents by the stone and scheduling work by the bushel; when one man shouted in the night, rebellion broke out everywhere—because the people were governed through fear alone. In recent years the practice of appealing cases to the capital has opened the way for scheming litigants to have their way; senior officials, dreading capital appeals, personally take charge of cases; though the plaintiff is a single individual, dozens are often dragged in; farmers and merchants abandon their livelihoods, travel halfway across the country, endure abuse from clerks and runners, and some even die of exhaustion along the road. The state's purpose in exercising caution with punishments is precisely to redress wrongful oppression. In the old Ma–Tan clan case, the real culprit has still not been identified, while innocent people were put to death in great numbers. One wrong goes unavenged while dozens more bear injustice. Trial officers beat and flog defendants freely in hopes of extracting confessions, and wrongful convictions are far from uncommon. How can one hope to summon heavenly harmony under such conditions? When Lin Qing recently rebelled, searches and arrests were launched everywhere and have not yet ended. Petty schemers, emboldened by success, inevitably drag in the innocent as well; the recent strict prohibition shows the Emperor's heaven-like mercy. I believe that the more cases multiply, the wider the disruption spreads; scoundrels find it easy to plot, while the law-abiding gain only added misery. Officials at every level should be required to close cases promptly when they can, without dragging in unrelated parties, so that rulers and ruled may live in mutual regard and violent disorder may be prevented. As for policies that truly nurture the people, they come down to nothing more than the fundamental work of farming and sericulture. South of the Yangzi the land is narrower than the Central Plain, yet each year the canal grain that feeds the capital comes from there alone—the people have given all their strength. North of Yanzhou was once renowned as rich and fertile; the whole of Henan lay within the heartlands of the Yin and Zhou; and the lands between Yan and Zhao were long famed as prosperous states. Today those fields lie fallow and the people have grown idle—how can they escape poverty and turn to banditry? After a poor harvest, tax collection is first deferred; if conditions worsen, remissions and loans follow; in the worst cases canal grain is diverted for relief—the drain on the treasury is incalculable. The Grand Canal silts up again and again, and southeastern grain transport cannot be counted on—if disaster strikes, how will the capital be fed? In every recommendation of local magistrates, promoting farming and sericulture heads the list, yet in practice this is mere rhetoric and no one ever checks. Senior officials reporting grain prices will cite market rates of four or five thousand cash per unit while reporting only about two taels, and routinely inflate harvest figures—a practice now habitual throughout the bureaucracy. With sound supervision and encouragement, once one region prospered others would naturally follow; wasteland would be reclaimed and reserves built against flood and drought—good government need not depend entirely on the treasury. People break the law because they have not been properly instructed; and they fail to follow instruction because they lack food and clothing and therefore lack the sense of honor and shame that instruction requires. This is the chain of causation; nurturing the people must therefore come first." The memorial was well received by Emperor Renzong, who issued a special edict ordering every province to prioritize agricultural promotion, clear court backlogs swiftly, and punish false accusations severely.
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二十年，擢兵部侍郎，歷戶部、禮部。 二十二年，典會試。 二十四年，督江蘇學政。 道光元年，江、浙督撫孫玉庭等議禁漕務浮收，明定八折，實許其加二。 文田疏陳積弊曰：「乾隆三十年以前，並無所謂浮收。 厥後生齒日繁，物價踴貴，官民交困，然猶止就斛面浮取而已。 未幾而有折扣之舉，始每石不過折耗數升，繼乃至五折、六折不等。 小民終歲勤動，事畜不贍，勢必與官抗。 官即從而製之，所舉以為民罪者三：曰抗糧，曰包完，曰挜交醜米。 民間零星小戶、貧苦之家，拖欠勢所必有。 若家有數十百畝之產，竟置官賦於不問，實事所絕無。 今之所謂抗糧者，如業戶應完若干石，多齎一二成以備折收，書吏等先以淋尖、踢腳、灑散多方糜耗，是已不敷； 再以折扣計算，如準作七折，便須再加三四成，業戶必至爭執。 間有原米運回，州縣即指為抗欠，此其由也。 包完者，寡弱之戶，轉交有力者代為輸納。 然官吏果甚公正，何庸託人？ 可不煩言而自破。 民間運米進倉，男婦老幼進城守待，陰雨濕露，猶百計保護，恐米色變傷。 謂其特以醜米挜交，殆非人情。 惟年歲不齊，米色不能畫一，亦間有之。 然官吏非執此三者，不能相制，生監暫革，齊民拘禁，俟其補交，然後請釋。 不知此皆良民，非莠民也。 此小民不能上達之實情也。 然州縣亦有不能不爾者，自開倉訖兌運，修整倉廒蘆席、竹木、繩索、油燭百需，幕丁胥役脩飯工食，加以運丁需索津貼滋甚，至其平日廉俸公項不能敷用。 無論大小公事，一到即須出錢料理。 即如辦一徒罪之犯，自初詳至結案，約須百數十金。 案愈巨則費愈多。 遞解人犯，運送糧鞘，事事皆需費用。 若不取之於民，謹厚者奉身而退，貪婪者非向詞訟生髮不可，吏治更不可問。 彼思他弊獲咎愈重，不若浮收為上下咸知，故甘受民怨而不惜。 其藉以自肥者固多，而迫於不獲已者蓋亦不少。 言事者動稱'不肖州縣'，州縣亦人耳，何至一行作吏，便行同苟賤？ 此又州縣不能上達之實情也。 州縣受掊克之名，而運丁陰受其益，然亦有不能不然者。 昔時運道深通，運丁或藉來往攜貨售賣以贍用； 後因黃河屢經倒灌，運道受害，慮其船重難行，嚴禁多帶貨物。 又從前回空帶鹽，不甚搜查； 近因鹽商力絀，未免算及瑣屑，而各丁出息遂盡。 加以運道日淺，反多添夫撥淺之費。 此費不出之州縣，更無所出。 此又運丁不能上達之實情也。 數年前因津貼日增，於是定例只准給三百兩。 運丁實不濟用，則重船不能開，州縣必獲咎戾，不免私自增給，是所謂三百兩者虛名耳。 頃又以浮收過甚，嚴禁收漕不得過八折。 州縣入不敷出，則強者不敢與較，弱者仍肆朘削，是所謂八折者亦虛名耳。 然民間執詞抗官，官必設法箝制，而事端因以滋生，皆出於民心之不服。 若將此不靖之民盡法懲處，則既困浮收，复陷法網，民心恐愈不平。 若一味姑容隱忍，則小民開犯上之風，將致不必收漕，而亦目無官長。 其於紀綱法度，所關實為匪細。」 疏入，下部議。 時在廷諸臣多以為言，文田持議切中時弊，最得其平。 詔禁浮收，裁革運丁陋規，八折之議遂寢。
In 1815 he was promoted to Vice Minister of War and later served in the Ministries of Revenue and Rites. In 1817 he served as chief examiner for the metropolitan civil service examination. In 1819 he was appointed education commissioner for Jiangsu. In 1821 the Jiangsu and Zhejiang governors, including Sun Yuting, proposed banning illicit surcharges on grain transport, formally capping collection at eighty percent while tacitly allowing an extra twenty percent. Wentian memorialized on longstanding abuses: "Before 1765 there was no such practice as illicit surcharge. Thereafter population grew and prices rose; officials and commoners alike were squeezed, yet surcharges were still limited to skimming the top of the grain measure. Soon discounting was introduced: at first only a few sheng per shi were deducted for wastage, but eventually deductions reached fifty or sixty percent. Commoners toil all year yet cannot support their families—they are bound to resist official exactions. Officials then devised means to control them, charging three offenses: resisting tax payment, having others pay on one's behalf, and substituting inferior grain. Small scattered households and poor families inevitably fall behind on payments. Households with tens or hundreds of mu of land simply ignoring their tax obligations—such cases truly do not exist. What is now called tax resistance works like this: a landholder owes a set number of shi and brings an extra ten or twenty percent to cover expected deductions; clerks first waste grain through heaping, kicking, and scattering techniques—leaving the delivery short before discounts are even applied; then discounting is applied again—if grain is assessed at seventy percent, another thirty or forty percent must be added, and the landholder inevitably protests. Sometimes the original grain is sent back, and the magistrate immediately labels it tax resistance—this is how such charges arise. Having others pay on one's behalf means weak households entrust payment to powerful intermediaries. Yet if officials were truly fair, why would anyone need an intermediary? This charge collapses under scrutiny without further argument. When commoners deliver grain to the granary, entire families wait in the city; even in rain and damp they protect their grain carefully, fearing spoilage. To claim they deliberately substitute inferior grain strains credulity. Only in years of uneven harvest, when grain quality naturally varies, does this occasionally happen. Yet officials cannot control taxpayers without these three charges: degree-holders are temporarily stripped of status, commoners are detained, and released only after back payment. They fail to see that these are law-abiding people, not criminals. This is the reality commoners cannot convey to the throne. Yet magistrates also have reasons they cannot act otherwise: from opening granaries through delivery, repairs, supplies, clerks' meals, and ever-growing demands from transport workers for subsidies—even their official salaries and public funds fall short. Every matter of public business, large or small, requires immediate out-of-pocket spending. Even processing a single penal-servitude case from initial report to closure costs well over a hundred taels. The larger the case, the higher the cost. Escorting prisoners, transporting grain convoys—everything requires money. Without extracting money from the people, honest officials resign while greedy ones must profit from litigation—local governance becomes impossible. They reason that other abuses bring harsher punishment, while surcharges are an open secret at every level, so they willingly endure popular resentment. Many do enrich themselves this way, but many others are driven to it by sheer necessity. Memorialists constantly denounce 'unworthy magistrates'—but magistrates are human beings; how could they all become base and corrupt the moment they take office? This, too, is the reality magistrates cannot convey to the throne. Magistrates bear the blame for extortion while transport workers secretly profit—yet they, too, have reasons they cannot act otherwise. Formerly the canal ran deep and transport workers could carry goods on return trips to support themselves; later repeated Yellow River flooding damaged the route; fearing overloaded boats, officials strictly limited cargo. Formerly on empty return voyages they carried salt with little interference; recently, with salt merchants under pressure, even minor infractions were pursued, exhausting workers' supplementary income. As the canal grows shallower, extra costs for hiring laborers to pole through shallows have mounted. If counties and districts do not pay these costs, there is nowhere else the money can come from. This, too, is the reality transport workers cannot convey to the throne. Several years ago, as subsidies mounted, regulations capped payments at three hundred taels. Three hundred taels is insufficient; heavy boats cannot sail and magistrates face blame, so they privately add more—the regulated amount is merely nominal. Recently, because surcharges had grown excessive, collection was strictly capped at eighty percent. With magistrates' income falling short, the powerful dare not protest while the weak are still exploited—the eighty-percent cap is also merely nominal. When commoners resist with legal arguments, officials devise means to suppress them, breeding further incidents—all stemming from popular discontent. If all such restless commoners are punished to the full extent of the law, they will be squeezed by surcharges and trapped in the legal net—popular resentment will only deepen. If officials indulge them endlessly, commoners will learn defiance, until grain transport is refused altogether and magistrates are held in contempt. The stakes for law and order are by no means small." The memorial was referred to the relevant ministries for deliberation. Many court ministers had already spoken on the matter; Wentian's analysis struck at the heart of contemporary abuses and was judged the most balanced. An edict banned illicit surcharges and abolished transport workers' improper practices; the eighty-percent proposal was shelved.
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四年，擢左都御史。 七年，遷禮部尚書。 尋卒，依尚書例賜卹，諡文僖。
In 1824 he was promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief. In 1827 he was appointed Minister of Rites. He died soon after; funeral honors were granted according to ministerial precedent, and he was posthumously titled Wenxi.
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文田持己方嚴，數督學政，革除陋例，斥偽體，拔真才，典試號得士。 論學尊宋儒，所著書則宗漢學。 博綜群籍，兼諳天文佔驗。 林清之變未起，彗入紫微垣； 道光初，彗見南斗下，主外夷兵事：文田皆先事言之。
Wentian was known for strict personal integrity; as education commissioner he abolished corrupt practices, rejected spurious examination styles, and selected genuine talent—his examinations were famed for producing worthy scholars. In his teaching he honored Song Neo-Confucianism, yet his scholarly writings followed the Han Learning tradition. He mastered a wide range of texts and was also versed in astronomy and astrological divination. Before the Lin Qing rebellion, a comet entered the Purple Forbidden Enclosure; at the start of the Daoguang reign a comet appeared below the Southern Dipper, portending war with foreigners—Wentian had predicted each of these events in advance.
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=戴敦元=戴敦元，字金溪，浙江開化人。 幼有異禀，過外家，一月盡讀其室中書。 十歲舉神童，學政彭元瑞試以文，如老宿； 面問經義，答如流。 歎曰：「子異日必為國器！」 年十五，舉鄉試。 乾隆五十五年，成進士，選庶吉士，散館改禮部主事，銓授刑部主事，典山西鄉試。 累遷郎中。 嘉慶二十四年，出為廣東高廉道。 道光元年，擢江西按察使。
Dai Dunyuan, whose courtesy name was Jinxi, came from Kaihua in Zhejiang. As a child he showed unusual gifts; visiting his maternal relatives, he read every book in their house within a month. At ten he was nominated as a child prodigy; when Education Commissioner Peng Yuanrui tested his essay, it read like the work of a seasoned scholar; when questioned orally on classical interpretation, he answered without hesitation. He exclaimed, "You will surely become a pillar of the state one day!" At fifteen he passed the provincial examination. In 1790 he took the jinshi degree, entered the Hanlin Academy, and after completing his training served as a principal clerk in the Ministries of Rites and Punishments in turn, and presided over the Shanxi provincial examination. He rose step by step to the rank of director. In 1819 he was posted as Intendant of the Gaolian Circuit in Guangdong. In 1821 he was promoted to Provincial Judicial Commissioner of Jiangxi.
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敦元初外任，以情形非素習，蘇州多粵商，過訪風土利弊，久之始去，盡得要領。 至江西，無幕客，延屬吏諳刑名者以助，數月清積牘四千餘事。 二年，遷山西布政使，單車之任，輿夫館人莫知為達官。 籓署有陋規曰釐頭銀，上下取給，敦元革之，曰：「官有養廉，僕禦官所豢，何贏餘之有？」 調湖南，護理巡撫。 三年，召授刑部侍郎，自此歷十年，未遷他部，專治刑獄，剖析律意，於條例有罅漏，及因時制宜者，數奏請更定。 每日部事畢，歸坐一室，謝絕賓客。 十二年，擢刑部尚書，典會試。 十四年，卒，優詔賜卹，稱其清介自持，克盡職守，贈太子太保，諡簡恪。
On his first provincial posting, unfamiliar with local conditions, he stopped in Suzhou—home to many Cantonese merchants—to study regional customs and administrative problems at length before departing, having mastered the essentials. In Jiangxi he employed no private secretaries but enlisted subordinates skilled in penal law; within months he cleared more than four thousand backlogged cases. In 1822 he was transferred to Provincial Administration Commissioner of Shanxi, traveling alone to his post so that carriers and innkeepers never guessed he was a high official. The provincial office had a corrupt practice called 'fraction-head silver' skimmed at every level; Dunyuan abolished it, saying, "Officials receive integrity allowances; servants are maintained by their masters—what surplus could there be?" He was transferred to Hunan and served as acting governor. In 1823 he was recalled and appointed Vice Minister of Punishments; for the next ten years he remained in that ministry, specializing in penal law, analyzing statutory intent, and repeatedly memorializing to revise regulations where gaps existed or circumstances required adaptation. Each day after ministry business he retired to a single room and refused visitors. In 1832 he was promoted to Minister of Punishments and served as chief examiner for the metropolitan examination. He died in 1834; the throne granted funeral honors, praising his integrity and dedication; he was posthumously titled Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent with the posthumous name Jianke.
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敦元博聞強識，目近視，觀書與面相磨，過輒不忘。 每至一官，積牘覽一過，他日吏偶誤，輒摘正之，無敢欺者。 奏對有所諮詢，援引律例，誦故牘一字無舛誤，宣宗深重之。 至老，或問僻事； 指某書某卷，百不一爽。 嘗曰：「書籍浩如煙海，人生豈能盡閱？ 天下惟此義理，古今人所談，往往雷同。 當世以為獨得者，大抵昔人唾餘。」 罕自為文，僅傳詩數卷。 喜天文、律算，討論有年，亦未自立一說。 卒之日，笥無餘衣，囷無餘粟，庀其貲不及百金，廉潔蓋性成雲。
Dunyuan was prodigiously learned with an extraordinary memory; nearsighted, he read with his face nearly touching the page and never forgot what he had read. At every post he read through the backlog once; if a clerk erred later, he corrected it immediately—no one dared deceive him. When questioned in audience, he cited statutes and recited archival documents without a single error—the Daoguang Emperor valued him highly. In old age, when asked obscure questions; he would cite the exact book and volume without ever being wrong. He once remarked, "Books are vast as the sea—how can one person read them all in a lifetime? Under heaven there is only this body of principle; what thinkers ancient and modern discuss is often the same. What the present age treats as original insight is mostly what earlier thinkers had already discarded." He wrote little himself; only a few volumes of poetry survive. He delighted in astronomy and mathematics and discussed them for years, yet never developed a theory of his own. At his death his chest held no spare clothes and his granary no spare grain; his estate amounted to less than one hundred taels—integrity and frugality were evidently inborn.
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=朱士彥=朱士彥，字修承，江蘇寶應人。 父彬，績學通經，見儒林傳。 士彥承家學。 成嘉慶七年一甲三名進士，授編修。 纂國史河渠志，諳習河事。 大考擢贊善，督湖北學政。 累遷侍讀學士，入直上書房。 歷少詹事、內閣學士。 道光二年，擢兵部侍郎。 四年，以南河高堰壞，疏陳河工事宜，論：「高堰石工宜切實估修； 堰內二堤宜培補； 黃河盛漲，宜兩岸分洩； 山盱五壩宜相機開放； 黃河下游無堤之處宜接築。」 下勘河大臣文孚籌議酌行。 尋督浙江學政。 奏禁諸生包漕鬧漕，以端士習。 御史錢儀吉劾士彥任性，詔嘉士彥能任勞怨； 惟斥其父彬就養閱卷，及命題割裂，薄譴之。 九年，典會試，督安徽學政，尋擢左都御史，召還京。
Zhu Shiyan, whose courtesy name was Xiucheng, came from Baoying in Jiangsu. His father Bin was a distinguished classical scholar; see his biography in the Confucian Scholars section. Shiyan inherited his family's scholarly tradition. In 1802 he took the jinshi degree as third in the first class and was appointed a Hanlin compiler. He compiled the river-control section of the National History and became thoroughly versed in hydraulic engineering. After the grand examination he was promoted to tutor and appointed education commissioner for Hubei. He rose to Attendant Reader and was assigned to the Upper Study. He served as Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent and Grand Secretary of the Inner Cabinet. In 1822 he was promoted to Vice Minister of War. In 1824, after the Gaoyan dam on the Southern River failed, he memorialized on river works, arguing: "The stone works at Gaoyan must be honestly assessed and repaired; the two inner embankments should be reinforced; when the Yellow River floods heavily, both banks should be used for controlled discharge; the five Shanxu dams should be opened as circumstances require; unembanked sections of the lower Yellow River should receive connecting dikes." The memorial was referred to River Investigation Commissioner Wen Fu for deliberation and selective implementation. He was soon appointed education commissioner for Zhejiang. He memorialized to prohibit students from monopolizing and disrupting grain transport, to restore proper scholarly conduct. Censor Qian Yiji impeached Shiyan for willfulness; the throne praised Shiyan for willingness to bear hardship and resentment; but lightly reprimanded his father Bin for grading papers while receiving support from his son and for fragmenting examination topics. In 1829 he presided over the metropolitan examination and supervised education in Anhui, was soon promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief, and recalled to the capital.
10
十一年，遷工部尚書。 是秋，江蘇大水，河、淮、湖同時漲溢，命偕尚書穆彰阿往勘。 穆彰阿先回京，遂偕左都御史白鎔察視江蘇、安徽水災賑務。 疏言：揚河廳掣卸石工，及纖堤耳閘，應令工員賠修； 又以淮、揚地方官多調署，情形未熟，請飭江寧布政使林則徐、常鎮通海道張岳崧總司江北賑務，從之。 尋奏：「續查下河積潦之區，被災尤重，浮開戶口，為辦賑積弊。 應令委員查明後，即於本鄉榜示，放賑時，州縣官據委員原查總發一榜，總查抽查，憑以核辦。」 又奏：「山盱廳屬添建滾水石壩，本年啟放過水，現已無從查驗。 工員面稱啟放時石底間有衝裂，壩下灰土亦損，請俟水落責修完固。 堰、盱兩廳淮、湖石工掣卸二百餘丈，固限未滿，應令賠修。 其石後磚工灰工間有殘缺，應令補築。 又盱堰大堤，加幫土工間有蟄低浮松之處，應培補，責成河兵種柳護堤。 其已估未辦之高堰頭、二兩堡，未估之智、信兩壩，應即興辦。 此項與黃河險要不同，向來保固一年。 請嗣後各廳土堤及運河堤岸，均改保固三年。 運河埽工於經歷一年後，再加保固二年，驗明堅整，始準埽汛修防。」 「安徽無為州江壩及銅陵縣壩工程緊要，均應藉款興修。」 並下所司議行。 又劾鹽城、宿松、青陽等縣報災遲延遺漏，請懲處； 捐賑紳民應給議敘； 禁胥吏婪索挑剔：並從之。
In 1831 he was appointed Minister of Works. That autumn catastrophic flooding struck Jiangsu as the Yellow River, Huai, and lakes overflowed together; he was ordered to investigate alongside Minister Mujang'a. After Mujang'a returned to the capital, he accompanied Left Censor-in-Chief Bai Rong to oversee flood relief in Jiangsu and Anhui. He memorialized that stone works torn away at the Yanghe Bureau and the slender embankment ear sluice should be repaired at engineering officers' expense; He also noted that Huai–Yang local officials were often acting appointees unfamiliar with conditions, and requested that Jiangning Administration Commissioner Lin Zexu and Circuit Intendant Zhang Yuesong oversee northern Jiangsu relief—the request was approved. He soon memorialized: "Further investigation of the lower-river flood zones found especially severe damage; inflating household registers is a longstanding abuse in relief administration. Commissioners should investigate and post verified lists in each township; magistrates should distribute relief from a single consolidated register, with chief investigators conducting spot checks for verification." He also reported: "The newly built overflow stone dam in Shanxu jurisdiction was opened this year and can no longer be inspected while water remains high. Engineering officers reported cracks in the stone base and damage to the lime and earth below when the dam was opened; repairs should be required once water levels fall. At the Yan and Xu bureaus, over two hundred zhang of Huai and lake stone works were torn away before their warranty expired—engineering officers should repair them at their own expense. Brick and lime work behind the stone has gaps in places and should be repaired. On the Xuyan great embankment, reinforced earthwork has sunk and loosened in places and should be rebuilt, with river soldiers assigned to plant willows for protection. The Gaoyan head fort and second and third forts, already estimated but not started, and the Zhi and Xin dams, not yet estimated, should be undertaken immediately. Unlike critical Yellow River sections, these works have traditionally carried a one-year warranty. He requested that earthen embankments at all bureaus and Grand Canal banks hereafter carry a three-year warranty. For canal revetment works, after one year an additional two-year warranty should apply; only after verification of sound construction should they enter routine flood-season maintenance." The Jiang dam at Wuwei in Anhui and the Tongling County dam are critical projects and should both be funded and undertaken." The memorial was referred to the responsible offices for deliberation and implementation. He also impeached Yancheng, Susong, Qingyang, and other counties for delayed and incomplete disaster reports, requesting punishment; gentry who donated to relief efforts should receive honors; and prohibiting clerks from extortion and petty harassment—all was approved.
11
十二年，事竣回京。 南河於家灣奸民陳端等盜挖官堤，掣動河流，复偕穆彰阿往勘。 疏言：「九月初旬，清口出水二尺有餘，高堰長水二丈一尺，勢至危險。 其時吳城七堡未開，洪湖吃重。 此時既開放，湖水分減。 現交冬令，一月後即難興工，湖多積水，風烈堪虞，請加緊趕辦。」 尋命复偕侍郎敬徵往勘。 十三年，奏於家灣正壩雖合龍，請飭加鑲追壓，以免出險。 覆訊挖堤諸犯，治如律。 又偕敬徵覆勘河、湖各工，請分別緩急，以次辦理。 父憂歸。
In 1832, when his mission was complete, he returned to the capital. At Yujiawan on the Southern River, scoundrels led by Chen Duan illicitly dug the official embankment and diverted the current; he again accompanied Mujang'a to investigate. He memorialized: "In early September, Qingkou discharged over two chi of water and Gaoyan stood at two zhang one chi—the situation was extremely dangerous. At that time the seven Wucheng forts had not yet been opened, and Hong Lake bore the full pressure. They have now been opened and lake levels have fallen. Winter is approaching; within a month construction will become impossible; lakes still hold much water and fierce winds are a concern—urgent completion is requested." He was soon ordered to investigate again alongside Vice Minister Jingzheng. In 1833 he reported that although the main Yujiawan dam had been closed, additional reinforcement and compaction should be ordered to prevent failure. He re-examined the embankment-digging offenders and punished them according to law. He again accompanied Jingzheng to re-inspect river and lake works, requesting that projects be prioritized and handled in sequence. He returned home to observe mourning for his father.
12
十六年，服闋，署吏部尚書，偕尚書耆英赴廣東、江西鞫獄。 十七年，授兵部尚書。 查勘浙江海塘，遂赴南河驗料垛工程，盤查倉庫。 以庫存與卷冊不符，劾河庫道李湘茝，褫職。 又赴安徽、河南按事，疏陳常平倉糶買章程，「請各省囚糧遞糧作正開銷，毋動倉穀； 平糶必市價在八錢以上始准出糶； 採買須俟年豐穀賤，且必在出糶二三年後，以紓民力而袪宿弊」。 如議行。 十八年，兼管順天府尹事，典會試。 調吏部尚書。 士彥以綜覈為宣宗所知，奉使按事皆稱旨。 尋卒，詔嘉其性情直爽，辦事公正，贈太子太保，賜其四子舉人、副榜貢生有差，諡文定。
In 1836, after mourning ended, he served as acting Minister of Personnel and accompanied Minister Qiying to Guangdong and Jiangxi to adjudicate cases. In 1837 he was appointed Minister of War. He inspected the Zhejiang seawall, then went to the Southern River to verify material-stockpile projects and audited warehouses. Finding warehouse stock did not match the records, he impeached River Warehouse Intendant Li Xiangzhi and stripped him of office. He also investigated affairs in Anhui and Henan and memorialized on Ever-Normal Granary regulations: "Each province should cover prisoner grain and relay transport from regular expenditures without drawing on Ever-Normal reserves; fair-price sales should be permitted only when market prices exceed eight qian; purchases should wait until years of abundance when grain is cheap, and should occur only two or three years after sales, to ease the people's burden and remove longstanding abuses." The proposals were adopted and implemented. In 1838 he concurrently served as Shuntian Prefect and presided over the metropolitan examination. He was transferred to Minister of Personnel. Shiyan was known to the Daoguang Emperor for his thoroughness; on investigative missions he always met with imperial approval. He died soon after; the throne praised his straightforward character and fair judgment; he was posthumously titled Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent, and his four sons received juren degrees and other honors; his posthumous name was Wending.
13
=何凌漢=何凌漢，字仙槎，湖南道州人。 拔貢，考授吏部七品小京官。 嘉慶十年一甲三名進士，授編修。 大考二等，擢司業。 累遷右庶子。 典廣東、福建鄉試，留福建學政。 令諸生自註誦習何經，據以考校，所取拔貢多樸學。 道光六年，授順天府尹。 京畿獄訟繁多，自立簿籍，每月按簿催結，無留獄。 遷大理寺卿，仍署府尹。 在任凡五年，歷左副都御史、工部侍郎。 典浙江鄉試，留學政。 命偕總督程祖洛按訊山陰、會稽紳幕書役句結舞弊，鞫實，請褫在籍按察使李澐職，餘犯軍流有差。 任未滿，調吏部侍郎，召回京，兼管順天府尹事。 調戶部，復調吏部，仍兼署戶部侍郎。
He Linghan, whose courtesy name was Xiancha, came from Daozhou in Hunan. As a selected tribute student, he passed examination and was appointed a seventh-rank clerk in the Ministry of Personnel. In 1805 he took the jinshi degree as third in the first class and was appointed a Hanlin compiler. After the grand examination he placed second class and was promoted to Vice Director of Studies. He rose to Right Vice President of the Supervisorate of Education. He presided over the Guangdong and Fujian provincial examinations and remained as education commissioner in Fujian. He required students to record which classic they studied and examined them accordingly; most of those he selected as tribute students were solid scholars of genuine learning. In 1826 he was appointed Shuntian Prefect. With lawsuits flooding the capital region, he kept his own register and pressed monthly for closures, leaving no cases in detention. He was transferred to President of the Court of Judicial Review while continuing to act as Shuntian Prefect. Over five years in office he served as Left Vice Censor-in-Chief and Vice Minister of Works. He presided over the Zhejiang provincial examination and remained as education commissioner. Ordered with Governor-General Cheng Zuluo to investigate collusion and fraud among gentry, secretaries, and clerks in Shanyin and Kuaiji, he established the facts, secured the dismissal of Acting Provincial Judicial Commissioner Li Yun, and secured varying punishments for other offenders. Before his term ended he was transferred to Vice Minister of Personnel, recalled to the capital, and again placed in charge of Shuntian Prefect affairs. He was transferred to Revenue, then back to Personnel, while still acting as Vice Minister of Revenue.
14
御史那斯洪阿條陳地方官有錢糧處分，不准升調，及變通雜稅，下部議。 凌漢兼吏、戶兩部，駁之，謂：「理煩治劇，每難其人，若格以因公處分，必至以中平無過者遷就升調。 且吏治與催科本非兩事，未有因循良而帑藏空虛者，亦未有因貪濁而倉庫充盈者，是在督撫為缺擇人，不為人擇缺，正不必徒事更張，轉滋窒礙。」 又謂：「地方各稅，有落地雜稅，及房屋典當等稅，已極周密； 至京師九門外有鋪稅，天津、新疆沿壕鋪面有房租，因係官地、官房也。 今欲盡天下之府、廳、州、縣仿照定稅，則布帛菽粟民生日用所需，市儈將加價而取諸民以輸官，水腳火耗，官又將取之於民； 且閉歇無常，稅額難定，有斂怨之名，無裕國之實。」 前議遂寢。
Censor Nasihong'a proposed barring promotion for local officials with grain-tax penalties and reforming miscellaneous taxes; the matter was referred to the ministries. Linghan, holding concurrent charge of Personnel and Revenue, rejected the proposal: "Managing difficult posts requires exceptional talent; barring officials with routine penalties would leave only mediocre, faultless candidates for promotion. Moreover, good governance and tax collection are not separate: compliant officials do not leave treasuries empty, nor do corrupt ones fill storehouses. Governors should choose men for posts, not posts for men—empty reforms would only create obstruction." He also argued: "Local taxes, including transit duties and taxes on houses and pawnshops, are already comprehensive; shop taxes outside Beijing's Nine Gates and rents along trenches at Tianjin and Xinjiang apply only because the land and buildings are government property. If every prefecture and county nationwide imposes such taxes, merchants will raise prices on daily necessities and pass costs to the people; officials will extract transport and conversion charges as well; businesses open and close unpredictably, making tax rates impossible to fix—such a policy would breed resentment without enriching the state." The earlier proposal was shelved.
15
十四年，擢左都御史，遷工部尚書，仍兼管府尹如故。 累署吏部尚書。 十七年，吏部因京察一等人員有先由御史改官者議駁。 凌漢以不勝御史，非不勝外任者比，如此苛繩，有妨言路。 御史改部之員，例準截取。 至京察雖無明文，從前有御史降調保送員外郎者，援以請旨。 因面奏現任大員花傑、吳榮光，皆曾由御史改降，遂奏俞允。
In 1834 he was promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief and appointed Minister of Works while continuing to manage the Prefect's office. He repeatedly served as acting Minister of Personnel. In 1837 the Ministry of Personnel rejected first-class capital-inspection candidates who had previously transferred from the censorate. Linghan argued that failure as a censor differs from failure in provincial service; such harsh restrictions would obstruct the remonstrance system. Censors transferred to ministries are by precedent eligible for selection. Though capital inspection had no explicit rule, he cited precedent of demoted censors nominated as department directors and requested an imperial ruling. Citing in audience current high officials Hua Jie and Wu Rongguang, both demoted former censors, he secured imperial approval.
16
十九年，調戶部尚書。 四川總督寶興請按糧津貼防邊經費，議駁之，略謂：「川省地丁額徵六十六萬，田賦之輕，甲於天下。 現議按糧一兩加津貼二兩，百畝之家，不過出銀三兩，即得百萬兩，小民未必即苦輸將。 然較原課幾增兩倍，非藏富於民之義，軍需藉資民力，尤不可率以為常。 請於各省秋撥項下借撥百萬兩，以三十萬為初設邊防經費，餘或發商，或置田，所獲息以四萬為常年經費，二萬提還借款，於防邊恤民兩有裨益。」 詔允行。 是年，典順天鄉試。 子紹基亦典試福建，父子同持文柄，時人榮之。 二十年，卒，贈太子太保，諡文安。 紹基官編修，見文苑傳。
In 1839 he was appointed Minister of Revenue. When Sichuan Governor-General Bao Xing proposed a grain surcharge for frontier defense, Linghan rejected it: "Sichuan's land tax totals 660,000 taels—the lightest in the empire. The proposal adds two taels per tael of tax; a hundred-mu household would pay only three taels, yielding one million taels—commoners might not feel immediate hardship. Yet it nearly doubles the original levy—contrary to storing wealth among the people—and military funding drawn from popular strength must not become routine. He proposed borrowing one million taels from provincial autumn disbursements: 300,000 for initial frontier defense, the rest lent or invested in land; annual interest of 40,000 would fund operations and 20,000 repay the loan—benefiting both frontier defense and the people." The proposal was approved. That year he presided over the Shuntian provincial examination. His son Shaoji also presided over the Fujian examination; father and son holding examination authority together was celebrated at the time. He died in 1840 and was posthumously titled Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent with the name Wen'an. Shaoji served as a Hanlin compiler; see his biography in the Literary Men section.
17
=李振祜=李振祜，字錫名，安徽太湖人。 進士，嘉慶六年進士，授內閣中書。 典廣西、雲南鄉試，遷宗人府主事。 調兵部，遷員外郎，典陝甘鄉試，改御史、給事中。 巡視淮安漕務，劾戶部郎中錢學彬係不勝外任之員，違例截取知府，詔譴吏、戶二部堂官，予振祜議敘； 又劾都察院京察給事中色成額先經列入六法，自赴公堂辯論，干求改列三等，反覆視若兒戲，都御史被嚴議，色成額仍列有疾。
Li Zhenhu, whose courtesy name was Ximing, came from Taihu in Anhui. In 1801 he took the jinshi degree and was appointed an Inner Cabinet secretary. He presided over the Guangxi and Yunnan provincial examinations and was transferred to a director in the Imperial Clan Court. He served in the Ministry of War, rose to department director, presided over the Shaanxi-Gansu provincial examination, and was appointed censor and supervising secretary. While inspecting Huai'an grain transport, he impeached Revenue Director Qian Xuebin as unfit for provincial service yet irregularly selected as prefect; the throne rebuked Personnel and Revenue ministers and honored Zhenhu; He also impeached Supervising Secretary Se Cheng'e, listed for severe punishment in capital inspection yet who argued in person to be downgraded to third class, treating the process as a game; the Censor-in-Chief was severely censured while Se Cheng'e was listed merely as ill.
18
累遷內閣侍讀學士，督山東學政。 應詔密陳山東積弊四事，略曰：「吏事叢脞，莫甚於官民不相安也。 詞訟之繁，始由於官吏不辦，今又變而不敢辦。 欲結一案，輒慮翻控； 欲用一刑，輒慮反噬。 鞫案之時，有倚老逞刁者，有恃婦女肆潑者，有當堂憤起者，有抗不畫供者，總由官吏恩信不結於平時，明決不著於臨事，以畏葸之才識，治刁悍之民風，殆於鑿枘不相入矣。 案牘壅滯，半由外府不辦事也。 各府州案件，動輒提省，委交首府，其中有不必提而輕提者，亦有各府州畏難而稟請提省者。 濟南府統轄十六州縣，自治不暇，而舍己耘人，勢必兩廢。 各府州畏難之事，輒以一稟提省卸責，轉得遂其取巧偷安之計。 且疑難案件，本地聞見較真，遠提至省，則茫無頭緒，必致訟師盤踞省城，遇事挑唆，一事株連數十人，一案壓擱一二載，是欲辦案而轉以延案，欲弭訟而適以滋訟矣。 緝捕無策，則盜賊充斥也。 東省盜賊，結黨剽掠，處處有之。 護贓行強，雖小竊而情同大盜； 分肥藐法，雖士類亦甘作窩家。 劫去馬牛，定價勒贖，明目張膽，毫不畏官。 總緣捕役悉與勾連，平日分贓，臨時送信。 甚至失事者以訴懇官捕為累，以備價私贖為便。 州縣既吝養捕之資，又不講練捕之法； 既無獲盜之賞，又不嚴通盜之誅。 兼以自顧處分，動思諱飾，化大為小，咸所不免。 緝捕之弊如此。 錢糧不清，則虧空難杜也。 東省州縣正雜錢糧，新舊挪掩，習為故常。 其弊由於交代不清，自三四任以至十餘任，轇葛不清者，比比皆是。 官虧而外，更有書虧。 查書虧情弊，或串通幕丁，朦混本官； 私雕假印，偽造串票。 有滿其私橐而遠颺者，有挾制本官而自供不諱者。 州縣迴護，處分隱忍代認，而奸書遂益以侵蝕為得計。 錢糧之弊如此。」 疏入，上嘉納之。 又劾泰安知府延璐、東昌知府熊方受請，飭交撫臣查察嚴參； 又劾東昌知府王果陵辱生員，褫王果職； 又察出假印試卷、勾結舞弊之人，奏請懲辦。
He rose to Attendant Reader of the Inner Cabinet and was appointed education commissioner for Shandong. By imperial command he confidentially memorialized four longstanding abuses in Shandong: "Official business is hopelessly tangled—nothing exceeds the estrangement between officials and people. Lawsuits proliferated first because officials failed to act; now they dare not act at all. Wishing to close a case, they fear counter-accusation; wishing to impose punishment, they fear retaliation. At trial some play on age, some deploy riotous women, some rage in court, some refuse to sign confessions—all because officials build no trust in ordinary times and show no decisiveness in crisis; timid officials governing a fierce populace is like forcing square pegs into round holes. Half the case backlog stems from prefectural governments failing to act. Prefectural cases are routinely transferred to the provincial capital and entrusted to the capital prefecture—some needlessly, others because prefectures fear difficulty and request transfer. Jinan Prefecture governs sixteen counties yet cannot manage its own affairs while taking on others'—both must fail. Prefectures transfer difficult cases to the province with a single memorial to shed responsibility, achieving their scheme of shortcuts and ease. Difficult cases are better understood locally; transferred to the provincial capital, investigators lack context, litigation masters flock to the city, one case implicates dozens and stalls for years—intending to resolve cases while prolonging them, intending to reduce lawsuits while multiplying them. Without effective arrest policy, bandits fill the land. Shandong bandits form gangs and plunder everywhere. They protect stolen goods and act with force—even petty theft equals major robbery; sharing spoils and defying the law, even gentry serve as fences. They seize livestock, fix ransom prices, and act openly without fear of officials. This stems from constables' collusion—sharing spoils daily and warning bandits when arrests are attempted. Victims even regard official prosecution as a burden and private ransom as preferable. Magistrates stint on constables' pay and neglect their training; they offer no rewards for captures and punish collusion lightly. Fearing penalties, officials constantly conceal crimes, downgrading serious cases—all inevitable. Such are the abuses in law enforcement. When tax accounts are unclear, deficits cannot be prevented. In Shandong, magistrates routinely shift and cover regular and miscellaneous tax accounts between old and new. The abuse stems from unclear handovers—accounts tangled across three to ten successive magistrates are everywhere. Beyond official deficits are clerks' deficits. Clerks' deficits involve collusion with secretaries to deceive magistrates; forging seals and receipts. Some fill their purses and flee; others coerce magistrates and confess openly. Magistrates shield them, accepting penalties on their behalf, so wicked clerks increasingly treat embezzlement as sound policy. Such are the abuses in tax collection." The memorial was well received by the throne. He also impeached Tai'an Prefect Yan Lu and Dongchang Prefect Xiong Fang for bribery, ordering the governor to investigate and impeach; he also impeached Dongchang Prefect Wang Guo for insulting a student and stripped him of office; he uncovered forged examination papers and examination fraud and memorialized for punishment.
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=宗室恩桂=宗室恩桂，字小山，隸鑲藍旗。 道光二年進士，選庶吉士，授編修。 九遷至內閣學士，兼副都統。 十五年，授盛京工部侍郎，尋召為兵部侍郎，調吏部。 因曠文職六班，降內閣學士。 歷工部、吏部侍郎，管理國子監事，兼護軍統領、左右翼總兵。 十九年，典順天鄉試，偕大理寺卿何汝霖往浙江按學政李國杞被劾事，遂查勘南河、東河料垛，奏劾虛缺浮用者，議譴有差。 二十年，充內務府大臣，管理上駟院。 議增圓明園丁四百名，命偕尚書賽尚阿督率訓練。
Engui of the Imperial Clan, whose courtesy name was Xiaoshan, belonged to the Bordered Blue Banner. In 1822 he took the jinshi degree, entered the Hanlin Academy, and was appointed a Hanlin compiler. Through nine promotions he reached Grand Secretary of the Inner Cabinet and Vice Commander-in-Chief. In 1835 he was appointed Vice Minister of Works at Mukden, soon recalled as Vice Minister of War, then transferred to Personnel. Absent from six civil office sessions, he was demoted to Grand Secretary of the Inner Cabinet. He served as Vice Minister of Works and Personnel, managed the Imperial Academy, and concurrently commanded the Guard and the Left and Right Wings. In 1839 he presided over the Shuntian examination and accompanied Court President He Rulin to Zhejiang to investigate Education Commissioner Li Guoqi; he then inspected Southern and Eastern River material stockpiles, impeaching those with false shortages and excessive spending, with varying punishments. In 1840 he served as Minister of the Imperial Household and managed the Imperial Stud. When four hundred Old Summer Palace guards were added, he was ordered with Minister Saishanga to train them.
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二十一年，授理籓院尚書，兼署左都御史。 劾太常寺丞豐伸及查倉御史廣祜不職，並罷之。 署步軍統領。 奏言：「京城巡捕五營槍兵一千名，不足以資捍衛，增設一千。 裁撤藤牌弓箭等兵，改為槍兵； 不敷者，於各營兵丁內揀選足額。 輪派二百名打靶，操演陣式。」 詔議行。 二十二年，調禮部尚書，又調吏部，實授步軍統領。 上御閱武樓，親閱圓明園兵丁槍操，步式整齊，施放有準，嘉恩桂督率有方，賜花翎。 時議節冗費，恩桂先已奏裁上駟院馬六百餘匹。 又奏言南苑六圈，請裁其二，並裁各圈及京圈馬二百餘匹。 上駟院、司鞍、司轡、蒙古醫生舊支馬乾銀，均減半給，如議行。 以兼攝事繁，罷管內務府，二十五年，復之。
In 1841 he was appointed Minister of the Court of Colonial Affairs and acting Left Censor-in-Chief. He impeached Sacrifices Vice Director Feng Shen and granary Censor Guang Hu for dereliction and dismissed both. He served as acting Commander of the Foot Soldiers. He memorialized: "The capital's five patrol battalions have only one thousand musket troops, insufficient for defense—add one thousand. Replace rattan-shield archers with musket troops; fill shortfalls by selecting from other battalions. Rotate two hundred men for target practice and formation drills." The proposal was approved. In 1842 he was transferred to Minister of Rites, then Personnel, and formally appointed Commander of the Foot Soldiers. The Emperor reviewed Old Summer Palace musket drills from the Military Review Tower; troops marched in perfect order and fired accurately—Engui received peacock feathers for effective command. As economy measures were debated, Engui had already memorialized to cut over six hundred Imperial Stud horses. He also proposed cutting two of the Southern Park's six enclosures and over two hundred horses from park and capital herds. Horse-forage payments to the Imperial Stud, Saddle Office, Harness Office, and Mongol physicians were halved as proposed. Relieved of Imperial Household duties due to overload, he resumed them in 1845.
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恩桂在吏部，嚴杜冒濫。 兼步軍統領衙門最久，先後逾十年，綜覈整頓，釐定章程，訓練兵卒，皆有實效，宣宗甚倚之。 二十六年，京察，特予議敘。 又幸南苑，見草木牲畜蕃盛，嘉恩桂經理得宜，加一秩。 迭奉命治倉胥舞弊，及戶部捐納房書吏賄充司員、收受陋規諸獄，並持正不撓法。 二十八年，卒於官，上深悼惜，稱其任勞任怨，殫竭血誠，贈太保，賜金治喪，諡文肅。
At Personnel, Engui strictly blocked fraudulent appointments. He commanded the Foot Soldiers for over ten years—the longest tenure—reorganizing regulations and training troops with real effect; the Daoguang Emperor relied on him heavily. In 1846, capital inspection specially granted him honors. Visiting the Southern Park again and seeing flourishing plants and livestock, the Emperor praised Engui's management and added one rank. Repeatedly ordered to prosecute granary clerks' fraud and Revenue Ministry donation-office bribery and improper fees, he upheld the law without compromise. He died in office in 1848; the Emperor deeply mourned him, praising his willingness to bear hardship and his wholehearted dedication; he was posthumously titled Grand Preceptor Wensu, with gold granted for his funeral.
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=【論】=論曰：姚文田建言切中時弊，戴敦元清介幹事，其風概越流俗矣。 朱士彥之治河，何凌漢之掌計，李振祜之執法，並號稱職。 恩桂奏績金吾，肅清輦轂，一時稱矯矯焉。
The commentators observe: Yao Wentian's memorials struck at contemporary abuses; Dai Dunyuan was incorruptible and capable—their character rose above the common run. Zhu Shiyan's river management, He Linghan's fiscal stewardship, and Li Zhenhu's law enforcement were all acclaimed as dutiful service. Engui distinguished himself commanding the capital guard and securing the imperial precincts—at the time he was hailed as outstanding among his peers.