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列傳二百六十八
Biography 268.
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儒林二
Confucian Scholars, Part Two.
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顧炎武張爾岐馬驌萬斯大兄斯選子經侄言胡渭子彥昇葉佩蓀毛奇齡陸邦烈閻若璩李鎧吳玉搢惠周惕子士奇孫棟余蕭客陳厚耀臧琳玄孫庸禮堂任啟運全祖望蔣學鏞董秉純沈彤蔡德晉盛世佐江永程瑤田褚寅亮盧文弨顧廣圻錢大昕族子塘坫王鳴盛金曰追吳凌雲戴震金榜段玉裁鈕樹玉徐承慶孫志祖翟灝梁玉繩履繩汪家禧劉台拱朱彬孔廣森邵晉涵周永年王念孫子引之李惇賈田祖宋綿初汪中江德量徐復汪光爔武億莊述祖莊綬甲莊有可戚學標江有誥陳熙晉李誠丁杰周春孫星衍畢亨李貽德王聘珍凌廷堪洪榜汪龍桂馥許瀚江聲孫沅錢大昭子東垣繹侗朱駿聲
This chapter treats Gu Yanwu; Zhang Erqi; Ma Su; Wan Sida, his elder brother Sixuan, his son Jing, and his nephew Yan; Hu Wei and his son Yansheng; Ye Peisun; Mao Qiling; Lu Banglie; Yan Ruoqu; Li Kai; Wu Yujin; Hui Zhouti, his son Shiqi, and his grandson Dong; Yu Xiaoke; Chen Houyao; Zang Lin and his great-great-grandson Yonglitang; Ren Qiyun; Quan Zuwang, Jiang Xueyong, and Dong Bingchun; Shen Tong; Cai Dejin; Sheng Shizuo; Jiang Yong; Cheng Yaotian; Chu Yinliang; Lu Wenchao; Gu Guangqi; Qian Daxin and his clansmen Tang and Dian; Wang Mingsheng; Jin Yuezhui; Wu Lingyun; Dai Zhen; Jin Bang; Duan Yucai; Niu Shuyu; Xu Chengqing; Sun Zhizu; Zhai Hao; Liang Yusheng and Lüsheng; Wang Jiaxi; Liu Taigong; Zhu Bin; Kong Guangsen; Shao Jinhan; Zhou Yongnian; Wang Niansun and his son Yinzhi; Li Dun; Jia Tianzu; Song Mianchu; Wang Zhong; Jiang Deliang; Xu Fu; Wang Guangxi; Wu Yi; Zhuang Shuzu, Zhuang Shoujia, and Zhuang Youke; Qi Xuebiao; Jiang Yougao; Chen Xijin; Li Cheng; Ding Jie; Zhou Chun; Sun Xingyan; Bi Heng; Li Yide; Wang Pinzhen; Ling Tingkan; Hong Bang; Wang Long; Gui Fu; Xu Han; Jiang Sheng; Sun Yuan; Qian Dazhao and his sons Dongyuan and Yitong; and Zhu Junsheng.
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顧炎武,字寧人,原名絳,崑山人。 明諸生。 生而雙瞳,中白邊黑。 讀書目十行下。 見明季多故,講求經世之學。 明南都亡,奉嗣母王氏避兵常熟。 崑山令楊永言起義師,炎武及歸莊從之。 魯王授為兵部司務,事不克,幸而得脫,母遂不食卒,誡炎武弗事二姓。 唐王以兵部職方郎召,母喪未赴,遂去家不返。 炎武自負用世之略,不得一遂,所至輒小試之。 墾田於山東長白山下,畜牧於山西雁門之北、五台之東,累致千金。 遍歷關塞,四謁孝陵,六謁思陵,始卜居陝之華陰。 謂「秦人慕經學,重處士,持清議,實他邦所少;而華陰綰轂關河之口,雖足不出戶,亦能見天下之人、聞天下之事。一旦有警,入山守險,不過十里之遙;若有志四方,則一出關門,亦有建瓴之便」。 乃定居焉。
Gu Yanwu, styled Ningren, originally named Jiang, was from Kunshan. He was a licentiate under the Ming. He was born with double pupils, white in the center and black at the edges. When reading, his eyes could take in ten lines at once. Seeing the many troubles at the end of the Ming, he pursued learning for ordering the world. When the Ming southern capital fell, he took his adoptive mother, née Wang, to Changshu to avoid the fighting. When Yang Yongyan, magistrate of Kunshan, raised a loyalist force, Yanwu and Gui Zhuang joined him. The Prince of Lu appointed him clerk in the Ministry of War, but the cause failed and he narrowly escaped. His mother then refused food and died, admonishing Yanwu not to serve two dynasties. The Prince of Tang summoned him as a director in the Bureau of Operations of the Ministry of War, but because he was mourning his mother he did not go, and he then left home and did not return. Yanwu believed he possessed strategies for practical service to the age, but he never once fulfilled them; wherever he went, he tested them on a small scale. He opened fields below Changbai Mountain in Shandong and raised livestock north of Yanmen and east of Wutai in Shanxi, eventually accumulating a thousand in gold. He traveled through passes and frontiers, visited the Xiaoling four times and the Siling six times, and only then chose to live at Huayin in Shaanxi. He said, "The people of Qin admire classical learning, honor reclusive scholars, and uphold pure criticism, things truly rare in other regions. Huayin, moreover, controls the mouth of the passes and rivers; even without stepping outside one's door, one can see the people of the world and hear the affairs of the world. If there is suddenly an alarm, one can enter the mountains and hold the passes within no more than ten li; if one has ambitions in the four directions, then once one goes out through the pass, there is also the advantage of pouring water from a height." He then settled there.
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生平精力絕人,自少至老,無一刻離書。 所至之地,以二騾二馬載書,過邊塞亭障,呼老兵卒詢曲折,有與平日所聞不合,即發書對勘; 或平原大野,則於鞍上默誦諸經注疏。 嘗與友人論學云:「百餘年來之為學者,往往言心言性,而茫然不得其解也。 命與仁,夫子所罕言; 性與天道,子貢所未得聞。 性命之理,著之易傳,未嘗數以語人。 其答問士,則曰'行己有恥',其為學,則曰'好古敏求'。 其告哀公明善之功,先之以博學。 顏子幾於聖人,猶曰'博我以文'。 自曾子而下,篤實無如子夏,言仁,則曰'博學而篤志、切問而近思'。 今之君子則不然,聚賓客門人數十百人,與之言心言性; 舍多學而識以求一貫之方,置四海之困窮不言,而講危微精一; 是必其道高於夫子,而其弟子之賢於子貢也。 孟子一書,言心言性亦諄諄矣,乃至萬章、公孫丑、陳代、陳臻、周霄、彭更之所問,與孟子之所答,常在乎出處去就辭受取與之間。 是故性也、命也、天也,夫子之所罕言,而今之君子之所恆言也。 出處去就辭受取與之辨,孔子、孟子之所恆言,而今之君子之所罕言也。 愚所謂聖人之道者如之何? 曰'博學於文,行己有恥'。 自一身以至於天下國家,皆學之事也。 自子臣弟友以至出入往來辭受取與之間,皆有恥之事也。 士而不先言恥,則為無本之人; 非好古多聞,則為空虛之學。 以無本之人,而講空虛之學,吾見其日從事於聖人,而去之彌遠也。」 炎武之學,大抵主於斂華就實。凡國家典制、郡邑掌故、天文儀象、河漕兵農之屬,莫不窮原究委,考正得失,撰天下郡國利病書百二十卷;別有肇域志一編,則考索之餘,合圖經而成者。精韻學,撰音論三卷。言古韻者,自明陳第,雖創闢榛蕪,猶未邃密。炎武乃推尋經傳,探討本原。又詩本音十卷,其書主陳第詩無協韻之說,不與吳棫本音爭,亦不用棫之例,但即本經之韻互考,且證以他書,明古音原作是讀,非由遷就,故曰本音。又易音三卷,即周易以求古音,考證精確。又唐韻正二十卷,古音表二卷,韻補正一卷,皆能追復三代以來之音,分部正帙而知其變。又撰金石文字記、求古錄,與經史相證。而日知錄三十卷,尤為精詣之書,蓋積三十餘年而後成。其論治綜覈名實,於禮教尤兢兢。謂風俗衰,廉恥之防潰,由無禮以權之,常欲以古制率天下。炎武又以杜預左傳集解時有闕失,作杜解補正三卷。其他著作,有二十一史年表、歷代帝王宅京記、營平二州地名記、昌平山水記、山東考古錄、京東考古錄、譎觚、菰中隨筆、亭林文集、詩集等書,並有補於學術世道。清初稱學有根柢者,以炎武為最,學者稱為亭林先生。
His vitality was extraordinary: from boyhood to old age he was never without a book in hand. Wherever he traveled he loaded his books on two mules and two horses; at frontier posts and watchtowers he would summon old soldiers and question them about the terrain, and whenever their account disagreed with what he had learned he would open his books and check. On open plains he would recite from memory the commentaries on the classics as he rode. He once told friends in a discussion of learning: "For more than a century scholars have talked endlessly about mind and human nature, yet remain utterly confused about what these mean. Destiny and benevolence the Master rarely discussed; Nature and the Way of Heaven were what Zigong had not been able to hear. The principles of nature and fate are set forth in the Tradition to the Changes, yet the sage never made a habit of speaking of them to others. When answering students he urged them to 'conduct themselves with a sense of shame'; in study he taught them to 'love antiquity and pursue it diligently.' In instructing Duke Ai on the work of clarifying goodness, he began with broad learning. Yanzi came close to being a sage, yet still said, 'Broaden me with culture.' From Zengzi downward, none was so solid and practical as Zixia; when speaking of benevolence he said, 'Learn broadly and hold firm purpose, ask closely and think on what is near.' Today's scholars do the opposite: they assemble dozens or hundreds of guests and pupils and lecture them on mind and nature; they abandon wide learning for a shortcut to unity, ignore the suffering of the empire, and discourse on subtle metaphysical unity; This would require their Way to be higher than the Master's, and their disciples to be worthier than Zigong. The book Mencius too speaks earnestly of mind and nature, yet the questions posed by Wan Zhang, Gongsun Chou, Chen Dai, Chen Zhen, Zhou Xiao, and Peng Geng, and Mencius's answers, usually concern advancement and withdrawal, staying and leaving, refusing and accepting, giving and taking. Thus nature, fate, and Heaven—what the Master seldom mentioned—are what today's scholars never stop talking about. The distinctions of public service and retirement, staying and leaving, refusing and accepting, taking and giving are what Confucius and Mencius constantly discussed, but what today's gentlemen rarely discuss. What then do I mean by the Way of the sages? I say: 'Learn broadly in culture; conduct yourself with a sense of shame.' From the cultivation of the self to the ordering of empire and state—all belong to learning. From the duties of son, minister, younger brother, and friend to every social exchange of giving and receiving—shame applies everywhere. A scholar who does not put shame first is rootless; without love of antiquity and wide learning, his study is hollow. Rootless men pursuing hollow learning may daily invoke the sages, yet I see them only drifting farther from them." Yanwu's scholarship was, in general, devoted to stripping away ornament and returning to substance. In matters such as state institutions, local precedents, astronomy and instruments, rivers and transport, military affairs and agriculture, there was nothing whose sources and ramifications he did not exhaustively investigate, correcting successes and failures. He wrote 120 juan of Advantages and Ills of the Commanderies and States under Heaven. Separately, his Gazetteer of the Opened Realm was compiled after further research by combining maps and geographical texts. He was expert in rhyme studies and wrote three juan of Discussions of Sounds. Among those who discussed ancient rhymes, Chen Di of the Ming had opened new ground, but his work was still not profound or precise. Yanwu therefore traced the classics and commentaries and investigated their origins. He also wrote ten juan of Original Sounds of the Odes. That book accepted Chen Di's view that the Odes did not use accommodated rhymes; it did not contest Wu Yu's Original Sounds, nor did it use Wu's method, but simply compared rhymes within the classic itself and verified them with other books, showing that ancient sounds were originally read this way and were not the result of accommodation; hence it was called Original Sounds. He also wrote three juan of Sounds of the Changes, seeking ancient sounds directly from the Zhou Changes, with precise evidential scholarship. His Correcting the Tang Rhymes in twenty juan, Table of Ancient Sounds in two juan, and Correcting the Supplement to Rhymes in one juan could all recover sounds from the Three Dynasties onward, arranging divisions and volumes correctly and showing how they changed. He also wrote Record of Bronze-and-Stone Inscriptions and Seeking Antiquity, using them to verify the classics and histories. His thirty-juan Record of Daily Knowledge was an especially refined work, accumulated over more than thirty years before completion. In discussing government, he comprehensively examined names and realities, and he was especially earnest about ritual teaching. He held that when customs decline and the barrier of integrity and shame collapses, it is because ritual no longer regulates them, and he constantly wished to guide the empire by ancient institutions. Yanwu also believed Du Yu's Collected Explanations of the Zuo Tradition sometimes had omissions and errors, so he wrote three juan of Supplementary Corrections to Du's Explanations. His other works included Chronological Tables of the Twenty-One Histories, Record of Imperial Capitals through the Ages, Record of Place Names in Yingzhou and Pingzhou, Record of the Mountains and Waters of Changping, Archaeological Record of Shandong, Archaeological Record East of the Capital, Juegu, Notes from Within the Wild Rice, Tinglin Collected Prose, and a poetry collection, all of which contributed to scholarship and the ordering of the age. Among those at the beginning of the Qing whose learning was said to have firm roots, Yanwu was foremost, and scholars called him Master Tinglin.
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又廣交賢豪長者,虛懷商榷,不自滿假。 作廣師篇云:「學究天人,確乎不拔,吾不如王寅旭; 讀書為己,探賾洞微,吾不如楊雪臣; 獨精三禮,卓然經師,吾不如張稷若; 蕭然物外,自得天機,吾不如傅青主; 堅苦力學,無師而成,吾不如李中孚; 險阻備嘗,與時屈伸,吾不如路安卿; 博聞強記,群書之府,吾不如吳志伊; 文章爾雅,宅心和厚,吾不如朱錫鬯; 好學不倦,篤於朋友,吾不如王山史; 精心六書,信而好古,吾不如張力臣。 至於達而在位,其可稱述者,亦多有之,然非布衣之所得議也。」 康熙十七年,詔舉博學鴻儒科,又修明史,大臣爭薦之,以死自誓。二十一年,卒,年七十。無子,吳江潘耒敘其遺書行世。宣統元年,從祀文廟。張爾岐,字稷若,濟陽人。明諸生。父行素,官石首縣丞,罹兵難,爾岐欲身殉,以母老止。順治七年,貢成均,亦不出。遜志好學,篤守程、朱之說,著天道論、中庸論,為時所稱。又著學辨五篇:曰辨志,曰辨術,曰辨業,曰辨成,曰辨徵。又著立命說辨,斥袁氏功過格、立命說之非。年三十,覃思儀禮,以鄭康成注文古質,賈公彥釋義曼衍,學者不能尋其端緒;乃取經與注章分之,定其句讀,疏其節,錄其要,取其明注而止,有疑義則以意斷之,亦附於末:成儀禮鄭注句讀十七卷,附以監本正誤、石經正誤二卷。顧炎武游山東,讀而善之,曰:「炎武年過五十,乃知'不學禮無以立'。若儀禮鄭注句讀一書,根本先儒,立言簡當,以其人不求聞達,故無當世名,然書實可傳,使朱子見之,必不僅謝監獄之稱許矣。」爾岐又著周易說略八卷,詩說略五卷,蒿菴集三卷,蒿菴閒話二卷。所居敗屋不修,藝蔬果養母,集其弟四人,講說三代古文於母前,愉愉如也。妻朱,婉娩執婦道,勸爾岐勿出,取蓼莪詩意,題其室曰蒿庵,遂教授鄉里終其身。康熙十六年,卒,年六十六。乾隆中,按察使吳江陸燿建蒿菴書院以祀之,而顏其堂曰辨志。山東善治經者,爾岐同時有馬驌。驌,字宛斯,鄒平人。順治十六年進士,除淮安府推官。尋推官議裁,補靈壁縣知縣。蠲荒除弊,流亡復業。康熙十二年,卒於官,年五十四。士民奉祀名宦祠。驌於左氏融會貫通,著左傳事緯十二卷,附錄八卷,所論有條理,圖表亦考證精詳。驌又撰繹史一百六十卷,纂錄開闢至秦末之事,博引古籍。疏通辨證,非路史、皇王大紀所可及也。時人稱為馬三代。四十四年,聖祖命大學士張玉書物色驌所著書,令人至鄒平購板入內府。萬斯大,字充宗,鄞縣人。父泰,明崇禎丙子舉人,與陸符齊名。寧波文學風氣,泰實開之。以經、史分授諸子,使從黃宗羲遊,各名一家。斯大治經,以為非通諸經不能通一經;非悟傳注之失,則不能通經;非以經釋經,則亦無由悟傳注之失。其為學尤精春秋、三禮。於春秋,則有專傳論世、屬辭比事、原情定罪諸義;於三禮,則有論社、論禘、論祖宗、論明堂泰壇、論喪服諸義;其辨正商、周改月改時,周詩周正及兄弟同昭穆,皆極確實。宗法十餘篇,亦頗見推衍。答應撝謙書,辨治朝無堂,尤為精覈。根柢三禮,以釋三傳,較宋、元以後空談書法者殊。然其說經以新見長,亦以鑿見短,置其非存其是,未始非一家之學。斯大性剛毅,慕義若渴。明臣張煌言死後棄骨荒郊,斯大葬之南屏。父執陸符死無後,斯大為葬其兩世六棺。所著有學春秋隨筆十卷,學禮質疑二卷,儀禮商三卷,禮記偶箋三卷,周官辨非二卷。康熙二十二年,卒,年六十。兄斯選,字公擇。學於黃宗羲。
He also sought out worthy elders everywhere, discussing scholarship with an open mind and without pretension. In his "Broad Masters" he wrote: "In learning that exhausts Heaven and humanity, firm and unshakable, I am not the equal of Wang Yinxu; in reading for oneself and plumbing the deepest subtleties, I am not the equal of Yang Xuechen; in mastery of the Three Rites alone, standing out as a classicist, I am not the equal of Zhang Jiruo; in detachment from worldly things and natural possession of Heaven's workings, I am not the equal of Fu Qingzhu; in arduous scholarship, succeeding without a teacher, I am not the equal of Li Zhongfu; in tasting every hardship and bending or stretching with the times, I am not the equal of Lu Anqing; in broad learning, powerful memory, and being a storehouse of books, I am not the equal of Wu Zhiyi; in elegant prose and a mild and generous heart, I am not the equal of Zhu Xichang; in tireless love of learning and devotion to friends, I am not the equal of Wang Shanshi; in devoted mastery of the Six Scripts and faithful love of antiquity, I am not the equal of Zhang Lichen. As for eminent men in office, many are also worthy of praise, but that is not for a common scholar like me to judge." In Kangxi year seventeen an edict called for nominations to the Broad Learning and Vast Letters examination, and the Ming History was also being compiled; high ministers competed to recommend him, but he swore he would rather die. In year twenty-one he died, aged seventy. He had no son; Pan Lei of Wujiang wrote prefaces to his surviving works and circulated them. In Xuantong year one he was enshrined in the Confucian temple. Zhang Erqi, styled Jiruo, was from Jiyang. He was a Ming licentiate. His father Xingsu served as deputy magistrate of Shishou County and met with military disaster; Erqi wished to die with him, but refrained because his mother was old. In Shunzhi year seven he was presented to the Directorate of Education, but he too did not take office. Modest in ambition and fond of learning, he firmly upheld the teachings of Cheng and Zhu. His Treatise on the Way of Heaven and Treatise on the Doctrine of the Mean were praised at the time. He also wrote five chapters of Distinguishing Learning: Distinguishing Ambition, Distinguishing Methods, Distinguishing Occupations, Distinguishing Completion, and Distinguishing Evidence. He further wrote Refuting the Theory of Establishing Fate, rejecting the errors of Yuan's Merit-and-Demerit Register and Theory of Establishing Fate. At age thirty he gave deep thought to the Ceremonies and Rites. Because Zheng Kangcheng's commentary was ancient and terse and Jia Gongyan's explanations were diffuse, so that students could not find the thread, he took the classic and commentary, divided them by chapter, fixed the punctuation, outlined the sections, recorded the essentials, and stopped with clarifying the commentary; where there were doubtful meanings, he judged them by his own understanding and appended them at the end. This produced seventeen juan of Sentence Readings of Zheng's Commentary to the Ceremonies and Rites, with two appended juan of Corrections to the Directorate Edition and Corrections to the Stone Classics. When Gu Yanwu traveled in Shandong, he read it and praised it, saying: "Only after Yanwu passed fifty did he understand that 'without studying ritual one has no way to stand.' As for Sentence Readings of Zheng's Commentary to the Ceremonies and Rites, it is rooted in former scholars and states its arguments simply and aptly. Because its author did not seek fame or advancement, he has no contemporary reputation, but the book can truly be transmitted. If Master Zhu had seen it, he would have offered more than the praise once given by Xie the prison official." Erqi also wrote eight juan of Brief Explanations of the Zhou Changes, five juan of Brief Explanations of the Odes, three juan of Hao'an Collection, and two juan of Hao'an Informal Talks. He did not repair his ruined house, grew vegetables and fruit to support his mother, gathered his four younger brothers, and expounded the ancient texts of the Three Dynasties before his mother with cheerful ease. His wife, née Zhu, was gentle and fulfilled a wife's duties; she urged Erqi not to take office. Taking the meaning of the "Liao'e" poem, he named his room Hao'an, and then taught in his native village to the end of his life. In Kangxi year sixteen he died, aged sixty-six. During Qianlong, Lu Yao of Wujiang, the provincial judicial commissioner, built Hao'an Academy to sacrifice to him, and inscribed its hall "Distinguishing Ambition." Among Shandong scholars skilled in treating the classics, Erqi's contemporary was Ma Su. Su, styled Wansi, was from Zouping. In Shunzhi year sixteen he became a presented scholar and was appointed judicial officer of Huai'an Prefecture. Soon the office of judicial officer was proposed for abolition, and he was appointed magistrate of Lingbi County. He remitted taxes in famine and removed abuses, and refugees returned to their livelihoods. In Kangxi year twelve he died in office, aged fifty-four. Scholars and commoners enshrined him in the Shrine of Noted Officials. Su had thoroughly integrated the Zuo tradition and wrote twelve juan of Threads of Events in the Zuo Tradition, with eight juan of appendices. His discussions were orderly, and his charts and tables were also detailed in evidential scholarship. Su also wrote 160 juan of Interpreting History, compiling events from the opening of the world to the end of Qin and broadly citing ancient books. In clarifying and distinguishing evidence, it surpassed the Road History and Grand Chronicle of Emperors and Kings. People of the time called him "Ma of the Three Dynasties." In year forty-four, Shengzu ordered Grand Secretary Zhang Yushu to seek out Su's writings, and had someone go to Zouping to buy the printing blocks for the Inner Treasury. Wan Sida, styled Chongzong, was from Yin County. His father Tai was a juren of the bingzi year of Chongzhen and was famous together with Lu Fu. Tai truly opened the literary atmosphere of Ningbo. He assigned the classics and histories separately to his sons and had them study with Huang Zongxi, so that each became known as a school of his own. In treating the classics, Sida held that without mastering all the classics one could not master a single classic; without perceiving the errors of commentaries and annotations, one could not understand the classics; and without explaining the classics by the classics, there was likewise no way to perceive the errors of commentaries and annotations. In his scholarship he was especially expert in the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Three Rites. In the Spring and Autumn Annals, he had such principles as using the tradition to discuss the age, linking wording with events, and fixing guilt by tracing motives. In the Three Rites, he had such discussions as those on the altar of soil, the di sacrifice, ancestors, the Mingtang and great altar, and mourning dress. His corrections concerning Shang and Zhou changes of month and season, the Zhou Odes and the Zhou calendar, and brothers sharing the same zhao and mu generation were all extremely solid. His more than ten chapters on clan law also showed considerable elaboration. His letter answering Ying Huiqian, distinguishing why the court had no hall, was especially precise. Rooted in the Three Rites, he used them to explain the three traditions; this was quite different from Song and Yuan scholars' later empty talk about scribal method. Yet his explanations of the classics excelled through new views and were also flawed by forced views; setting aside what is wrong and preserving what is right, they still form a scholar's school. Sida was firm and resolute by nature and thirsted after righteousness. After the Ming minister Zhang Huangyan died and his bones were abandoned in the wilderness, Sida buried him at Nanping. His father's friend Lu Fu died without descendants, and Sida buried six coffins across his two generations. His works included ten juan of Notes from Studying the Spring and Autumn Annals, two juan of Questions on Studying the Rites, three juan of Discussions of the Ceremonies and Rites, three juan of Occasional Notes on the Book of Rites, and two juan of Distinguishing Errors in the Zhou Offices. In Kangxi year twenty-two he died, aged sixty. His elder brother Sixuan was styled Gongze. He studied under Huang Zongxi.
7
嘗謂學者須驗之躬行,方為實學。 於是切實體認,知意為心之存主,非心之所發。 理即在氣中,非理先氣後。 涵養純粹,年六十,卒。 宗羲哭之慟,曰:「甬上從遊,能續蕺山之傳者,惟斯選一人,而今已矣!」 斯大子經,字授一。 黃宗羲移證人書院於鄞,申明劉宗周之學。 經侍席末,與聞其教。 及長,傳父、叔及兄言之學,又學於應撝謙、閻若璩。 康熙四十二年,成進士,選庶吉士,散館授編修。 五十年,充山西鄉試副考官。 五十三年,提督貴州學政。 及還,以派修通州城工罄其家。 素工分隸,經乃賣所作字,得錢給朝夕。 晚增補斯大禮記集解數万言,春秋定、哀二公未畢,又續纂數万言。 又重修斯同列代紀年,又續纂兄言尚書說、明史舉要,皆先代未成之書。 乾隆初,舉博學鴻詞科,不就。 年八十二,家遭大火,遺書悉焚。 經終日涕洟,自以為負罪先人,逾年卒。 著有分隸偶存二卷。 言,字貞一,斯選兄斯年子。 副榜貢生。 少隨諸父講社中,號精博。 著有尚書說、明史舉要。 嘗與修明史,獨成崇禎長編,故國輔相子弟多以賄求減先人罪,言悉拒之。 尤工古文,同縣李鄴嗣嘗曰:「事古而信,篤志不分,吾不如充宗;粹然有得,造次儒者,吾不如公擇;學通古今,無所不辨,吾不如季野;文章名世,居然大家,吾不如貞一。吾邑有萬氏,誠天下之望。」 有管村文集。 晚出為五河知縣,忤大吏,論死,子承勳,狂走數千里,裒金五千贖之歸,時稱孝子。 承勳,字開遠。 諸生。 以薦,用為磁州知州。 工詩,有冰雪集。 胡渭,初名渭生,字朏明,德清人。 渭年十二而孤,母沈,攜之避亂山谷間。 十五為縣學生,入太學,篤志經義,尤精輿地之學。 嘗館大學士馮溥邸。 尚書徐乾學奉詔修一統志,開局洞庭山,延常熟黃儀、顧祖禹,太原閻若璩及渭分纂。 渭著禹貢錐指二十卷,圖四十七篇。 謂漢、唐二孔氏,宋蔡氏,於地理多疏舛。 如三江當主鄭康成說;禹貢「達於河」,「河」當從說文作「菏」;「滎波既豬」,當從鄭康成作「播」;梁州黑水與導川之黑水,不可溷為一。 乃博稽載籍,考其同異而折衷之。 山川形勢,郡國分合,道里遠近夷險,一一討論詳明。 又漢、唐以來,河道遷徙,為民生國計所繫,故於導河一章,備考決溢改流之跡,留心經濟,異於迂儒不通時務。 間有千慮一失,則不屑闕疑之過。 又撰易圖明辨十卷,專為辨定圖、書而作。 初,陳摶推闡易理衍為諸圖,其圖本準易而生,故以卦爻反覆研求無不符合。 傳者務神其說,遂歸其圖於伏羲,謂易反由圖而作。 又因繫辭「河圖、洛書」之文,取大衍算數作五十五點之圖,以當河圖;取乾鑿度太乙行九宮法,造四十五點之圖,以當洛書; 其陰陽奇偶,亦一一與易相應。 傳者益神其說,又真以為龍馬神龜之所負,謂伏羲由此而有先天之圖。 實則唐以前書絕無一字符驗,而突出於北宋之初,由邵子以及朱子,亦但取其數之巧合,而未暇究其太古以來從誰授受,故易學啟蒙、易本義前九圖皆沿其說。 同時袁樞、薛季宣皆有異論,然宋史儒林傳:易學啟蒙朱子本囑蔡元定創藁,非朱子自撰,晦菴大全集載答劉君房書曰:「啟蒙本欲學者且就大傳所言卦畫蓍數推尋,不須過為浮說。 而自今觀之,如河圖、洛書,亦不免尚有賸語。」 至於本義卷首九圖,為門人所依附,朱子當日未嘗堅主其說。 元陳應潤作爻變義蘊,始指諸圖為道家假借。 吳澄、歸有光諸人亦相繼排擊,毛奇齡、黃宗羲爭之尤力。
He held that learning must be tested in one's own conduct before it qualifies as genuine scholarship. Applying this in practice, he grasped that intent is the mind's abiding master, not something the mind produces. Principle resides within material force; it does not exist prior to qi. His moral cultivation was pure. He died at sixty. Huang Zongxi wept bitterly and said: "Among those who studied with me at Yongshang, only Si Xuan could continue the transmission of Jishan, and now he is gone!" Wan Sida’s son Jing had the courtesy name Shouyi. Huang Zongxi moved the Zhengren Academy to Yin and expounded the learning of Liu Zongzhou. Jing attended at the edge of his mat and was able to hear his teaching. When grown, he transmitted the learning of his father, his uncle, and his elder brother Yan, and also studied under Ying Huiqian and Yan Ruoqu. In Kangxi 42 he became a jinshi, was selected as a Hanlin Bachelor, and after leaving the Academy was appointed Compiler. In Kangxi 50 he served as associate examiner for the Shanxi provincial examination. In Kangxi 53 he was appointed Educational Commissioner of Guizhou. After returning, he exhausted his household resources because he had been assigned to repair the Tongzhou city works. Long skilled in clerical script, Jing sold his calligraphy to obtain money for daily food. Late in life he added several tens of thousands of words to Wan Sida’s Collected Explanations of the Record of Rites, and when the Spring and Autumn sections for Dukes Ding and Ai were unfinished, he continued compiling several tens of thousands more. He also revised Wan Sitong’s Chronology of Successive Ages and continued compiling his elder brother Yan’s Explanations of the Documents and Essentials of Ming History, all works left unfinished by the previous generation. At the beginning of Qianlong he was nominated for the Erudite Learning and Vast Letters examination but did not attend. At eighty-two his home suffered a great fire, and all his remaining manuscripts were burned. Jing wept all day, feeling that he had sinned against his forebears, and died the following year. He wrote Occasional Survivals of Fenli Script in two juan. Yan, whose courtesy name was Zhenyi, was the son of Si Xuan’s elder brother Sinian. He was a supplementary-list tribute student. In youth he followed his uncles in society lectures and was known for precise and extensive learning. He wrote Explanations of the Documents and Essentials of Ming History. He once participated in compiling the Ming History and alone completed the Long Compilation for the Chongzhen reign; descendants of former Ming chief ministers often offered bribes to reduce their forebears’ guilt, but Yan refused them all. He was especially skilled in ancient-style prose. Li Yesi of the same county once said: "In serving antiquity with trustworthiness and keeping firm purpose undivided, I am not equal to Chongzong; in pure attainment and being a Confucian even in haste, I am not equal to Gongze; in learning that penetrates ancient and modern and leaves nothing undistinguished, I am not equal to Jiye; in writings famous in the age and truly forming a great master, I am not equal to Zhenyi. Our district has the Wan family; they are truly the hope of the world." He had the Guancun Collected Writings. Late in life he went out to serve as magistrate of Wuhe, offended a high official, and was sentenced to death. His son Chengxun ran frantically for several thousand li, gathered five thousand in money, and redeemed him home; people of the time called him a filial son. Chengxun had the courtesy name Kaiyuan. He was a licentiate. Through recommendation he was employed as prefect of Cizhou. He was skilled in poetry and had the Ice and Snow Collection. Hu Wei, originally named Weisheng and courtesy-named Feiming, was a native of Deqing. Hu Wei was orphaned at twelve; his mother, surnamed Shen, took him to avoid the disorder among mountain valleys. At fifteen he became a county student, then entered the Imperial Academy, devoting himself to classical meaning and becoming especially expert in geography. He once taught in the household of Grand Secretary Feng Pu. When Minister Xu Qianxue was ordered by edict to compile the Unified Gazetteer and opened the bureau at Dongting Mountain, he invited Huang Yi and Gu Zuyu of Changshu, Yan Ruoqu of Taiyuan, and Hu Wei to divide the compilation work. Hu Wei wrote Pointed Explanations of the Tribute of Yu in twenty juan, with forty-seven maps. He held that the two Kong scholars of Han and Tang and Cai of Song had many omissions and errors in geography. For example, on the Three Rivers one should follow Zheng Kangcheng’s explanation; in the Tribute of Yu, "reaches the He," the character "He" should follow the Shuowen and be written "He"; "the Yingbo has already gathered" should follow Zheng Kangcheng and read "spread"; and the Blackwater of Liangzhou and the Blackwater in the Guiding the Rivers section cannot be confused as one. He therefore broadly examined written sources, investigated their agreements and differences, and reconciled them. The configurations of mountains and rivers, the divisions and mergers of commanderies and states, and the distances, accessibility, and hazards of roads are all discussed one by one in clear detail. Further, since the Han and Tang, shifts in the Yellow River course had been tied to the livelihood of the people and the state’s planning; therefore in the chapter on Guiding the River he fully examined breaches, floods, and altered channels, attending to practical statecraft unlike pedantic Confucians who did not understand current affairs. If amid a thousand considerations there was occasionally one error, it was the fault of not deigning to leave doubts unresolved. He also wrote Clear Discrimination of the Changes Diagrams in ten juan, specifically to settle the River Chart and Luo Writing. At first Chen Tuan extended the principles of the Changes into various diagrams; the diagrams were originally produced according to the Changes, so repeated investigation through hexagrams and lines found everything matching. Transmitters sought to make the theory mysterious and so attributed the diagrams to Fuxi, claiming instead that the Changes were made from the diagrams. Further, because the Appended Remarks mentions "the River Chart and Luo Writing," they took the Great Expansion calculations to make a fifty-five-dot diagram as the River Chart, and took the Taiyi Nine Palaces method from the Qianzuodu to make a forty-five-dot diagram as the Luo Writing; their yin-yang and odd-even patterns were also made to correspond one by one with the Changes. Transmitters further mystified the theory, truly treating the diagrams as what the dragon-horse and divine turtle bore, and claiming that from this Fuxi had the Prior Heaven diagram. In reality, books before the Tang contain not a single character of verifying evidence; the diagrams suddenly appeared at the beginning of the Northern Song. From Master Shao down to Zhu Xi, scholars merely took their numerical coincidences and had no leisure to investigate from whom they had been transmitted since high antiquity, so the Enlightenment of Changes Learning and the first nine diagrams before the Original Meaning of the Changes all followed this theory. At the same time Yuan Shu and Xue Jixuan both held different views. Yet the Confucian Scholars biographies in the Song History state that Zhu Xi originally entrusted Cai Yuanding to draft the Enlightenment of Changes Learning and did not write it himself, and the Complete Collection of Hui’an preserves his reply to Liu Junfang: "The Enlightenment originally wanted students to search from the hexagram drawings and milfoil numbers mentioned in the Great Commentary, without needing excessive floating explanations. But looking at it now, matters such as the River Chart and Luo Writing still inevitably contain surplus words." As for the nine diagrams at the head of the Original Meaning, they were appended by disciples; Zhu Xi himself did not firmly maintain the theory at the time. In the Yuan, Chen Yingrun wrote Meaning Stored in Line Changes and first identified the diagrams as Daoist borrowings. Wu Cheng, Gui Youguang, and others attacked them in succession, and Mao Qiling and Huang Zongxi argued against them with particular force.
8
然皆各據所見抵其罅隙,尚未能窮溯本末,一一抉所自來。 渭則於河圖、洛書,五行、九宮,參同、先天、太極,龍圖,易數鉤隱圖,啟蒙圖、書,先天、後天、卦變、像數流弊,皆引據舊文,互相參證,以箝依託之口。 使學者知圖、書之說,乃修鍊、術數二家旁分易學之支流,非作易之根柢,視禹貢錐指尤為有功經學。
Yet each attacked from his own angle without tracing origins fully or exposing every source. Hu Wei, in treating the River Chart, Luo Writing, Five Phases, Nine Palaces, Cantong, Prior Heaven, Supreme Ultimate, Dragon Diagram, Diagram Hooking Out the Hidden Numbers of the Changes, Enlightenment diagrams and writings, Prior Heaven and Later Heaven, hexagram transformations, and the abuses of images and numbers, cited old texts throughout and cross-checked them to silence those who relied on forgeries. He made scholars understand that theories of the Chart and Writing were side branches of Changes learning split off from alchemy and numerology, not the foundation on which the Changes was made; in this he was even more serviceable to classical learning than in Pointer to the Yugong.
9
又撰洪範正論五卷,謂漢人專取災祥,推衍五行,穿鑿附會,事同讖緯,亂彝倫攸敘之經,其害一; 洛書本文具在洪範,非龜文,宋儒創為黑白之點,方員之體,九十之位,變書為圖,以至九數十數,劉牧、蔡季通紛紜更定,其害二; 洪範元無錯簡,王柏、胡一中等任意改竄,其害三。 渭又撰大學翼真七卷,大旨以朱子為主,僅謂格致一章不必補傳,力闢王學改本之誤。 所見切實,視泛為性命理氣之談者,勝之遠矣。
He also wrote Correct Discussions of the Hongfan in five juan, arguing that Han scholars focused solely on disasters and auspicious signs, extrapolated the Five Phases, and forced connections, behaving like apocryphal weft texts and disturbing the classic that orders constant human relations: this was the first harm; the original text of the Luo Writing is fully present in the Hongfan and is not tortoise writing, yet Song Confucians invented black and white dots, square and round forms, and positions of nine and ten, changing writing into diagrams until Liu Mu and Cai Jitong repeatedly revised nine-number and ten-number schemes: this was the second harm; the Hongfan originally had no misplaced slips, but Wang Bai, Hu Yizhong, and others altered it at will: this was the third harm. Wei also wrote Wings to the Authentic Great Learning in seven juan. Its main thrust followed Master Zhu, only arguing that the chapter on investigating things and extending knowledge did not require a supplemental commentary, and forcefully refuting the Wang school's erroneous revised text. His views were concrete and practical, far surpassing vague talk of nature, fate, principle, and qi.
10
渭經術湛深,學有根柢,故所論一軌於正。 漢儒傅會之談,宋儒變亂之論,掃而除焉。 康熙四十三年,聖祖南巡,渭以禹貢錐指獻行在,聖祖嘉獎,御書「耆年篤學」四大字賜之,儒者咸以為榮。 五十三年,卒,年八十有二。 渭子彥昇,字國賢。 雍正八年進士,授刑部主事,改山東定陶縣知縣。 著春秋說、四書近是、叢書錄要。 又於樂律尤有心得,著樂律表微八卷。 渭同郡葉佩蓀,字丹穎,歸安人。 亦治古易,不言圖、書,著易守四十卷。 於易中三聖人所未言者不加一字,故曰「守」。 毛奇齡,字大可,又名甡,蕭山人。 四歲,母口授大學即成誦。 總角,陳子龍為推官,奇愛之,遂補諸生。 明亡,哭於學宮三日。 山賊起,竄身城南山,築土室,讀書其中。 順治三年,明保定伯毛有倫以寧波兵至西陵,奇齡入其軍中。 是時馬士英、方國安與有倫犄角,奇齡曰:「方、馬國賊也,明公為東南建義旗,何可與二賊共事?」 國安聞之大恨,欲殺之,奇齡遂脫去。 後怨家屢陷之,乃變姓名為王士方,亡命浪游。 及事解,以原名入國學。 康熙十八年,薦舉博學鴻儒科,試列二等,授翰林院檢討,充明史纂修官。 二十四年,充會試同考官,尋假歸,得痺疾,遂不復出。 初著毛詩續傳三十八卷,既以避仇流寓江、淮間,失其藁,乃就所記憶著國風省篇、詩札、毛詩寫官記。 復在江西參議道施閏章所與湖廣楊洪才說詩,作白鷺洲主客說詩一卷。 明嘉靖中,鄞人豐坊偽造子貢詩傳、申培詩說行世,奇齡作詩傳詩說駁議五卷,引證諸書,多所糾正。 洎通籍,進所著古今通韻十二卷,聖祖善之,詔付史館。 歸田後,僦居杭州,著仲氏易,一日著一卦,凡六十四日而書成,託於其兄錫齡之緒言,故曰「仲氏」。 又著推易始末四卷,春秋占筮書三卷,易小帖五卷,易韻四卷,河圖洛書原舛編一卷,太極圖說遺議一卷。 其言易發明荀、虞、干、侯諸家,旁及卦變、卦綜之法。 奇齡分校會闈時,閱春秋房卷,心非胡傳之偏,有意撰述,至是乃就經文起義,著春秋毛氏傳三十六卷,春秋簡書刊誤二卷,春秋屬辭比事記四卷,條例明晰,考據精核。 又欲全著禮經,以衰病不能,乃次第著昏、喪、祭禮、宗法、廟制及郊、社、禘、祫、明堂、學校諸問答,多發先儒所未及。 至於論語、大學、中庸、孟子,各有考證,而大學證文及孝經問,援據古今,辨後儒改經之非,持論甚正。 奇齡淹貫群書,所自負者在經學,然好為駁辨,他人所已言者,必力反其詞。 古文尚書自宋吳棫後多疑其偽,及閻若璩作疏證,奇齡力辨為真,遂作古文尚書冤詞。 又刪舊所作尚書廣聽錄為五卷,以求勝於若璩,而周禮、儀禮,奇齡又以為戰國之書。 所作經問,指名攻駁者,惟顧炎武、閻若璩、胡渭三人。 以三人博學重望,足以攻擊,而餘子以下不足齒錄,其傲睨如此。 素曉音律,家有明代宗籓所傳唐樂笛色譜,直史館,據以作竟山樂錄四卷。 及在籍,聞聖祖論樂諭群臣以徑一圍三隔八相生之法,因推闡考證,撰聖諭樂本解說二卷,皇言定聲錄八卷。 三十八年,聖祖南巡,奇齡迎駕於嘉興,以樂本解說二卷進,溫諭獎勞。 聖祖三巡至浙,奇齡复謁行在,賜御書一幅。
Hu Wei’s classical learning was profound and had firm foundations, so everything he argued followed the track of correctness. He swept away the forced associations of Han scholars and the disordering arguments of Song Confucians. In Kangxi 43, when the Kangxi Emperor toured the south, Hu Wei presented Pointed Explanations of the Tribute of Yu at the traveling palace; the emperor praised him and bestowed the four large characters "aged and devoted to learning," which all Confucians regarded as an honor. In Kangxi 53 he died, aged eighty-two. Hu Wei’s son Yansheng had the courtesy name Guoxian. He became a jinshi in Yongzheng 8, was appointed Principal in the Ministry of Justice, and was transferred to become magistrate of Dingtao County in Shandong. He wrote Explanations of the Spring and Autumn, Near Correctness on the Four Books, and Essential Records from Collectanea. He also had especially deep insight into music and pitch standards, writing Subtle Expressions of Musical Pitch in eight juan. Hu Wei’s fellow prefectural man Ye Peisun, whose courtesy name was Danying, was a native of Guian. He too studied the ancient Changes but did not discuss the River Chart or Luo Writing, and wrote Guarding the Changes in forty juan. In the Changes he did not add one character beyond what the three sages had not said, and therefore called the work "Guarding." Mao Qiling, whose courtesy name was Dake and who was also named Shen, was a native of Xiaoshan. At four, when his mother orally taught him the Great Learning, he immediately memorized it. In childhood, when Chen Zilong served as judicial commissioner, Chen was extraordinarily fond of him, and Mao was accordingly admitted as a licentiate. When the Ming fell, he wept for three days in the school temple. When mountain bandits rose, he hid in the hills south of the city, built an earthen chamber, and read there. In Shunzhi 3, when the Ming Earl of Baoding Mao Youlun arrived at Xiling with Ningbo troops, Qiling entered his army. At the time Ma Shiying and Fang Guoan formed a mutual support with Youlun. Qiling said: "Fang and Ma are traitors to the state. My lord has raised the righteous banner for the southeast; how can you work together with these two traitors?" When Guoan heard this he hated him greatly and wanted to kill him, so Qiling escaped. Later enemies repeatedly framed him, so he changed his name to Wang Shifang and wandered in exile. When the affair was resolved, he entered the Imperial Academy under his original name. In Kangxi 18 he was recommended for the Erudite Learning and Vast Letters examination, ranked in the second class, was appointed Reviewer in the Hanlin Academy, and served as compiler for the Ming History. In Kangxi 24 he served as associate examiner for the metropolitan examination; soon he took leave and returned home, contracted paralysis, and did not serve again. He first wrote Continued Commentary on the Mao Odes in thirty-eight juan. After fleeing enemies and living as a sojourner between the Yangzi and Huai, he lost the manuscript and therefore wrote, from memory, Abridged Airs of the States, Notes on the Odes, and Records of Writing Offices for the Mao Odes. Later, at the residence of Jiangxi Circuit Intendant Shi Runzhang, he discussed the Odes with Yang Hongcai of Huguang and wrote Host and Guest Discuss the Odes at Bailuzhou in one juan. During the Jiajing reign of the Ming, Feng Fang of Yin forged Zigong’s Commentary on the Odes and Shen Pei’s Explanations of the Odes and circulated them; Qiling wrote Refutations of the Odes Commentary and Odes Explanations in five juan, citing many books and correcting many points. After entering official rolls, he submitted his Comprehensive Rhymes Ancient and Modern in twelve juan; the Kangxi Emperor approved it and ordered it delivered to the Historiography Institute. After retiring, he rented lodgings in Hangzhou and wrote Zhongshi Changes, composing one hexagram per day; the book was finished in sixty-four days and was attached to the unfinished teaching of his elder brother Xiling, hence the title "Zhongshi." He also wrote Beginning and End of Deducing the Changes in four juan, Divination in the Spring and Autumn in three juan, Brief Notes on the Changes in five juan, Rhymes of the Changes in four juan, Compilation on the Original Errors of the River Chart and Luo Writing in one juan, and Remaining Critiques of the Explanation of the Supreme Ultimate Diagram in one juan. His discussions of the Changes elucidated the schools of Xun, Yu, Gan, and Hou, and also touched on methods of hexagram change and hexagram synthesis. When Qiling served as a sectional examiner for the metropolitan examination, he read Spring and Autumn examination papers and privately rejected the bias of Hu’s commentary; intending to write on the subject, he now based his arguments directly on the classic text and wrote Mao’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn in thirty-six juan, Corrections to the Spring and Autumn Bamboo Annals in two juan, and Record of Linking Phrases and Comparing Events in the Spring and Autumn in four juan, with clear rules and rigorous evidential study. He also wanted to write a complete work on the ritual classics, but because of age and illness he could not; instead he successively wrote questions and answers on wedding, mourning, sacrificial rites, clan law, temple systems, suburban sacrifice, soil altars, di and xia sacrifices, the Bright Hall, and schools, often reaching points earlier Confucians had not reached. As for the Analects, Great Learning, Doctrine of the Mean, and Mencius, each had evidential studies; in Evidential Text of the Great Learning and Questions on the Classic of Filial Piety, he cited ancient and modern sources, refuted later Confucians’ alteration of the classics, and argued very correctly. Qiling was broadly versed in many books and took greatest pride in classical learning, yet he loved refutation and argument; whatever others had already said, he would necessarily argue strongly against. Since Wu Yu of the Song, many had suspected the Old Text Documents of being forged; when Yan Ruoqu wrote his Evidential Commentary, Qiling vigorously argued that they were genuine and so wrote Grievance Plea for the Old Text Documents. He also abridged his earlier Broadly Heard Records on the Documents into five juan in an effort to surpass Ruoqu, while Qiling also held that the Rites of Zhou and Ceremonies and Rites were Warring States books. In his Questions on the Classics, the only men he attacked by name were Gu Yanwu, Yan Ruoqu, and Hu Wei. Because the three men had broad learning and weighty reputations, he considered them worthy of attack, while lesser figures were not worth mentioning; such was his arrogance. Long versed in music and pitch, he possessed at home a Tang music flute-color chart transmitted by a Ming imperial fief; while serving in the Historiography Institute he used it to write Jingshan Music Records in four juan. After returning to his registration, he heard that the Kangxi Emperor had instructed the ministers on music with the method of diameter one, circumference three, and generation by intervals of eight; he therefore expanded and verified it, writing Explanation of the Imperial Instruction on the Basis of Music in two juan and Record of Imperial Words Fixing Sounds in eight juan. In Kangxi 38, when the emperor toured the south, Qiling welcomed the imperial carriage at Jiaxing and presented the two-juan Explanation of the Basis of Music; the emperor warmly instructed, praised, and rewarded him. When the emperor’s third southern tour reached Zhejiang, Qiling again paid respects at the traveling palace and was given an imperial calligraphic scroll.
12
五十二年,卒於家,年九十一。 門人蔣樞編輯遺集,分經集、文集二部,經集自仲氏易以下凡五十種,文集合詩、賦、序、記及他雜著凡二百三十四卷。 四庫全書收奇齡所著書目多至四十餘部。 奇齡辨正圖、書,排擊異學,尤有功於經義。 弟子李塨、陸邦烈、盛唐、王錫、章大來、邵廷寀等,著錄者甚眾。 李塨、廷寀自有傳。 邦烈,字又超,平湖人。 嘗取奇齡經說所載裒為聖門釋非錄五卷,謂聖問口語未可盡非云。 閻若璩,字百詩,太原人。 世業鹽筴,僑寓淮安。 父修齡,以詩名家。 若璩幼多病,讀書闇記不出聲,年十五,以商籍補山陽縣學生員。 研究經史,深造自得。 嘗集陶弘景、皇甫謐語題其柱云:「一物不知,以為深恥;遭人而問,少有暇日。」 其立志如此。 海內名流過淮,必主其家。 年二十,讀尚書至古文二十五篇,即疑其譌。 沉潛三十餘年,乃盡得其癥結所在,作古文尚書疏證八卷。 引經據古,一一陳其矛盾之故,古文之偽大明。 所列一百二十八條,毛奇齡尚書古文冤詞百計相軋,終不能以強辭奪正理,則有據之言先立於不可敗也。 康熙元年,遊京師,旋改歸太原故籍,補廩膳生。 十八年,應博學鴻儒科試,報罷。 崑山顧炎武以所撰日知錄相質,即為改定數條,炎武虛心從之。 編修汪琬著五服考異,若璩糾其謬,尚書徐乾學嘆服。 及乾學奉敕修一統志,開局洞庭山,若璩與其事。 若璩於地理尤精審,山川形勢,州郡沿革,瞭如指掌,撰四書釋地五卷,及於人名物類訓詁典制,事必求其根柢,言必求其依據,旁參互證,多所貫通。 又據孟子七篇,參以史記諸書,作孟子生卒年月考一卷。 又著潛丘劄記六卷,毛朱詩說一卷,手校困學紀聞二十卷,因浚儀之舊而駮正箋說推廣之。 又有日知錄補正,喪服異注,宋劉攽、李燾、馬端臨、王應麟四家逸事,博湖掌錄諸書。 世宗在潛邸聞其名,延人邸中,索觀所著書,每進一篇必稱善。 疾革,請移就城外,以大床為輿,上施青紗帳,二十人舁之出,安穩如床簀。 康熙四十三年,卒,年六十九。 世宗遣使經紀其喪,親制詩四章,復為文祭之。 有云:「讀書等身,一字無假,孔思周情,旨深言大。」 僉謂非若璩不能當也。 子詠。 康熙四十八年進士,官中書舍人,亦能文。 同時山陽學者,有李鎧、吳玉搢。 鎧,字公凱。 順治十八年進士,補奉天蓋平縣知縣。 康熙十八年,薦應博學鴻儒科試,授翰林院編修,與修明史,洊官內閣學士。 所著有讀書雜述、史斷,王士禎稱為有本之學。 玉搢,字藉五。 官鳳陽府訓導。 著山陽志遺、金石存、說文引經考、六書述部敘考,又著別雅五卷,辨六書之假借,深為有功,非俗儒剽竊所能彷彿也。
He died at home in the fifty-second year of Kangxi, aged ninety-one. His disciple Jiang Shu edited his collected works into two parts, classics and literary writings: the classics section contained fifty works from the Zhongshi Changes onward, and the literary section combined poems, fu, prefaces, records, and other miscellany in 234 juan. The Complete Library of the Four Treasuries included more than forty titles by Mao Qiling. Mao Qiling’s correction of the River Chart and Luo Writing and his attacks on heterodox learning were especially valuable for classical meaning. Among recorded disciples were Li Gong, Lu Banglie, Sheng Tang, Wang Xi, Zhang Dalai, Shao Tingcai, and many others. Li Gong and Shao Tingcai have biographies of their own. Lu Banglie, whose courtesy name was Youchao, was a native of Pinghu. He once gathered material from Mao Qiling’s classical explanations into Record of Explanations of Errors in the Sage’s School in five juan, arguing that the Sage’s oral questions could not all be dismissed as wrong. Yan Ruoqu, whose courtesy name was Baishi, was a native of Taiyuan. His family had long worked in the salt administration and lived as sojourners in Huaian. His father Xiuling was known as a poet. Ruoqu was often ill in youth; when he read, he memorized silently without voicing the text. At fifteen he used his merchant registration to become a student member in Shanyang County. He studied the classics and histories and reached deep understanding on his own. He once combined sayings of Tao Hongjing and Huangfu Mi and inscribed them on his pillar: "To fail to know even one thing, I regard as deep shame; when I meet someone, I ask, so there are few idle days." Such was the resolve he set for himself. When famous men from across the empire passed through Huai, they invariably stayed at his home. At twenty, reading the Documents down to the twenty-five Old Text chapters, he immediately suspected they were corrupt. After more than thirty years of immersed study, he fully identified the crux of the matter and wrote Evidential Commentary on the Old Text Documents in eight juan. Citing classics and ancient evidence, he set out each contradiction one by one, making the forgery of the Old Text chapters completely clear. Against the 128 points he listed, Mao Qiling’s Grievance Plea for the Old Text Documents tried every tactic of opposition, but in the end forceful words could not overcome correct principle; arguments grounded in evidence had already taken an undefeatable position. In Kangxi 1 he traveled to the capital, then soon changed back to his old Taiyuan registration and became a stipend student. In Kangxi 18 he sat for the Erudite Learning and Vast Letters examination but was not selected. Gu Yanwu of Kunshan brought his Record of Daily Knowledge to Yan for review, and Yan immediately revised several entries; Gu accepted the corrections with an open mind. When Compiler Wang Wan wrote Textual Variants on the Five Mourning Grades, Ruoqu corrected its errors, and Minister Xu Qianxue sighed in admiration. When Xu Qianxue was ordered by edict to compile the Unified Gazetteer and opened the bureau at Dongting Mountain, Ruoqu participated in the work. Ruoqu was especially exact in geography: mountain and river configurations and the changes of prefectures and commanderies were as clear to him as his own palm. He wrote Explaining Places in the Four Books in five juan, and in human names, categories of things, exegesis, and institutions, every matter sought its root and every statement sought evidence, with broad cross-checking and much interconnection. He also used the seven chapters of the Mencius and compared them with the Records of the Grand Historian and other books to write Investigation of the Years and Months of Mencius’s Birth and Death in one juan. He also wrote Notes from Qianqiu in six juan and Mao-Zhu Explanations of the Odes in one juan, and hand-collated Notes from Hard Study in twenty juan, using the old Junyi edition while refuting, correcting, annotating, and expanding it. He also wrote Corrections and Supplements to the Record of Daily Knowledge, Variant Notes on Mourning Garments, Anecdotes of the Four Song Scholars Liu Ban, Li Tao, Ma Duanlin, and Wang Yinglin, Bohu Records, and other works. When the future Yongzheng Emperor was still in his princely residence, he heard Yan’s name, invited him into the residence, and asked to see his writings; whenever Yan submitted a piece, the prince praised it. When his illness became critical, he requested to be moved outside the city. A large bed was used as a litter, with a blue gauze canopy above it, and twenty men carried him out as steadily as if he were lying on an ordinary bed. In Kangxi 43 he died, aged sixty-nine. The Yongzheng Emperor sent an envoy to manage his funeral, personally composed four poems, and also wrote a sacrificial text for him. One line says: "His reading equaled his body in height, not one character was false; his thought was Kong’s and his feeling was Zhou’s, his meaning deep and his words great." Everyone said that no one but Ruoqu could be worthy of this. His son was Yong. Yong became a jinshi in Kangxi 48, served as Secretariat Drafter, and was also skilled in writing. Contemporary scholars from Shanyang included Li Kai and Wu Yujin. Li Kai’s courtesy name was Gongkai. He became a jinshi in Shunzhi 18 and was appointed magistrate of Gaiping County in Fengtian. In Kangxi 18 he was recommended for the Erudite Learning and Vast Letters examination, appointed Hanlin Compiler, participated in compiling the Ming History, and was eventually promoted to Grand Secretariat Academician. His writings include Miscellaneous Statements from Reading and Historical Judgments; Wang Shizhen called them learning with a foundation. Wu Yujin’s courtesy name was Jiewu. He served as Instructor of Fengyang Prefecture. He wrote Addenda to the Shanyang Gazetteer, Surviving Inscriptions on Metal and Stone, Investigation of Classics Cited in the Shuowen, and Investigation of Section Prefaces in Accounts of the Six Scripts, and also wrote Distinguishing the Erya in five juan; his discrimination of loan borrowing in the Six Scripts was profoundly valuable and not something vulgar scholars’ plagiarism could even approximate.
14
惠周惕,字元龍,原名恕,吳縣人。 父有聲,以九經教授鄉里,與徐枋善。 周惕少從枋遊,又曾受業於汪琬。 康熙十八年,舉博學鴻儒科,丁憂,不與試。 三十年,成進士,選翰林院庶吉士。 散館,改密雲縣知縣,有善政,卒於官。
Hui Zhouti, styled Yuánlóng, originally named Shu, was a native of Wu County. His father Yousheng taught the Nine Classics in the countryside and was a friend of Xu Fang. Zhouti studied under Xu Fang in his youth and also studied with Wang Wan. In Kangxi 18 he was nominated for the erudition examination but was in mourning and did not compete. In the thirtieth year he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed a Hanlin Bachelor. After leaving the Academy he was appointed magistrate of Miyun County, where he governed well until he died in office.
15
周惕邃於經學,為文章有榘度,著有易傳、春秋三禮問及硯谿詩文集。 其詩說二卷,謂大、小雅以音別,不以政別。 謂正雅、變雅美刺錯陳,不必分六月以上為正、六月以下為變; 文王以下為正、民勞以下為變。 謂二南二十六篇,皆房中之樂,不必泥其所指何人。 謂天子諸侯均得有頌,魯頌非僭,其言並有依據。 清二百餘年談漢儒之學者,必以東吳惠氏為首。 惠氏三世傳經,周惕其創始者也。
Zhouti was deeply versed in the classics; his prose was measured and disciplined. He wrote a Commentary on the Changes, Questions on the Spring and Autumn and Three Rites, and the Yanxi Poetry and Prose Collection. In his two-juan Commentary on the Odes, he held that the Greater and Lesser Ya sections are categorized by musical mode rather than by political theme. He argued that the "regular" and "variant" Ya odes, with their mingled praise and rebuke, need not be split at "Sixth Month"—treating everything above as regular and everything below as variant. Nor need one treat "King Wen" and what follows as regular, and "The People Are Weary" and what follows as variant. He maintained that all twenty-six poems of the Two Nan were pieces for the inner chambers, and that one should not rigidly insist on identifying specific persons they address. He argued that both the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords were entitled to Song odes, that the Lu Songs were not an act of presumption, and that each of these claims rested on solid evidence. For more than two centuries of Qing scholarship on Han Confucian learning, scholars invariably ranked the Hui family of eastern Wu at the forefront. The Hui family passed down classical learning through three generations, with Zhou Ti as its founder.
16
子士奇,字天牧。 康熙五十年進士,選翰林院庶吉士,授編修。 兩充會試同考官。 聖祖嘗問廷臣,誰工作賦,內閣學士蔣廷錫以王頊齡、湯右曾及士奇三人對。 五十七年,孝惠章皇后升祔禮成,特命祭告炎帝陵、舜陵。 故事,祭告使臣,學士以上乃得開列,士奇以編修與,異數也。 五十九年,充湖廣鄉試正考官,尋提督廣東學政,以經學倡多士,三年之後,通經者多。 又謂:「校官古博士也,校官無博士之才,弟子何所效法?」 訪得海陽進士翁廷資,即具疏題補韶州府學教授,部議格不行。 聖祖曰:「惠士奇所舉,諒非徇私,著如所請,後不為例。」
His son was Shiqi, styled Tianmu. He passed the jinshi examination in the fiftieth year of Kangxi, was selected as a Hanlin bachelor, and was appointed a compiler. He twice served as associate examiner for the metropolitan civil service examination. Kangxi once asked his ministers who were the finest composers of fu; Grand Secretary Jiang Tingxi named Wang Youling, Tang Youceng, and Shiqi. In the fifty-seventh year of Kangxi, after the enshrinement rites for Empress Xiaohuizhang were completed, Shiqi received a special commission to announce the event with sacrifices at the tombs of the Yellow Emperor Yan and Emperor Shun. By custom only officials of grand-secretary rank or higher were nominated as sacrificial envoys; that Shiqi went as a mere compiler was an exceptional honor. In the fifty-ninth year he served as chief examiner for the Huguang provincial examination, then was appointed educational commissioner of Guangdong, where he championed classical studies; within three years a great many candidates had mastered the classics. He also declared: "Local school officers were the ancient erudites; if school officers lack the talent of erudites, what model can their pupils follow?" Discovering the Haizhou jinshi Weng Tingzi, he memorialized the throne to appoint him professor at the Shaozhou prefectural school; the Ministry of Rites refused the request. The Kangxi Emperor replied: "Hui Shiqi’s recommendation is surely not self-serving; grant his request, but do not make it a precedent in future." Thus ended the imperial reply.
17
雍正初,復命留任。 召還,入對不稱旨,罰修鎮江城,以產盡停工削籍,乾隆元年,復起為侍讀,免欠修城銀,令纂修三禮。 越四年,告歸,卒於家。
Early in the Yongzheng reign he was ordered to continue in office. Recalled to court, he failed to satisfy the emperor in audience and was assigned to supervise repairs on the Zhenjiang city walls; when his assets ran out and the work halted, he was struck from the rolls. In the first year of Qianlong he was reinstated as a reader, absolved of the outstanding repair levy, and charged with compiling the Three Rites. Four years later he retired to his home, where he died.
18
士奇盛年兼治經史,晚尤邃於經學,撰易說六卷,禮說十四卷,春秋說十五卷。 於易,雜釋卦爻,以像為主,力矯王弼以來空疏說經之弊。 於禮,疏通古音、古字,俱使無疑似,复援引諸子百家之文,或以證明周制,或以參考鄭氏所引之漢制,以遞觀周制,而各闡其制作之深意。 於春秋,事實據左氏,論斷多采公、穀,大致出於宋張大亨春秋五禮例宗、沈棐春秋比事,而典核過之。 大學說一卷晚出,「親民」不讀「新民」。 論格物不外本末終始先後,即絜矩之不外上下前後左右,亦能根極理要,又著交食舉隅三卷,琴笛理數考四卷。 子七人,棟最知名。
In his prime Shiqi pursued both classics and history; in later life he devoted himself above all to exegetical learning, producing a six-juan Commentary on the Changes, a fourteen-juan Commentary on the Rites, and a fifteen-juan Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals. In his work on the Changes he explicated the hexagrams and lines with imagery at the center, deliberately correcting the vague, abstract commentaries that had prevailed since Wang Bi. In the Rites he clarified archaic pronunciations and characters until every obscurity was resolved, drawing on texts from every school of thought—some to document Zhou institutions, others to verify the Han practices Zheng Xuan had cited—thereby reconstructing the Zhou order and explaining the deeper intent behind each ritual form. For the Spring and Autumn Annals he followed Zuo Qiuming for narrative facts but drew interpretive judgments chiefly from the Gongyang and Guliang traditions, building on Song Zhang Daheng's Categories of the Five Rites in the Spring and Autumn and Shen Fei's Parallel Events in the Spring and Autumn yet surpassing both in textual rigor. His one-juan Commentary on the Great Learning, a late work, reads qin min ("cherishing the people") rather than the alternative xin min ("renewing the people"). He held that "investigating things" is simply a matter of discerning root from branch, beginning from end, and sequence—and that "squaring the compass" means nothing more than knowing above from below, front from back, left from right—yet even in this simplicity he reached the heart of Neo-Confucian doctrine. He also authored Examples of Eclipses in three juan and an Investigation of the Principles and Numbers of the Qin and Di Flutes in four juan. He had seven sons, of whom Dong was the most celebrated.
19
棟,字定宇。 元和學生員。 自幼篤志向學,家多藏書,日夜講誦。 於經、史、諸子、稗官野乘及七經毖緯之學,靡不津逮。 小學本爾雅,六書本說文,餘及急就章,經典釋文,漢、魏碑碣,自玉篇、廣韻而下勿論也。 乾隆十五年,詔舉經明行修之士,陝甘總督尹繼善、兩江總督黃廷桂交章論薦。 會大學士、九卿索所著書,未及呈進,罷歸。
Dong, styled Dingyu. He was a licentiate of Yuanhe district. From childhood he pursued learning with single-minded devotion; surrounded by the family's large library, he read and debated day and night. He ranged without omission across the classics and histories, the philosophers, unofficial histories, and the apocryphal "weft" texts attached to the seven classics. He took the Erya as his foundation in philology and the Shuowen jiezi as his foundation in the six scripts; beyond these he studied the Rapid Composition Primer, the Classic Glosses, and Han and Wei stele inscriptions—disdaining even to mention such later reference works as the Yupian and Guangyun. In Qianlong 15 an edict sought scholars distinguished for classical mastery and moral integrity; the governors Yin Jishan of Shaan-Gan and Huang Tinggui of Liangjiang both recommended him in separate memorials. When the grand secretaries and the nine ministers demanded to inspect his writings, he had not yet submitted them and was sent home without appointment.
20
棟於諸經熟洽貫串,謂詁訓古字古音,非經師不能辨,作九經古義二十二卷。 尤邃於易,其撰易漢學八卷,掇拾孟喜、虞翻、荀爽緒論,以見大凡。 其末篇附以己意,發明漢易之理,以辨正河圖、洛書、先天、太極之學。 易例二卷,乃鎔鑄舊說以發明易之本例,實為棟論易諸家發凡。 其撰周易述二十三卷,以荀爽、虞翻為主,而參以鄭康成、宋咸、干寶之說,約其旨為注,演其說為疏。 書垂成而疾革,遂闕革至未濟十五卦及序卦、雜卦兩傳,雖為未善之書,然漢學之絕者千有五百餘年,至是而粲然復明。 撰明堂大道錄八卷,禘說二卷,謂禘行於明堂,明堂法本於易。 古文尚書考二卷,辨鄭康成所傳之二十四篇為孔壁真古文,東晉晚出之二十五篇為偽。 又撰後漢書補注二十四卷,王士禎精華錄訓纂二十四卷,九曜齋筆記、松崖文鈔諸書。 嘉定錢大昕嘗論:「宋、元以來說經之書盈屋充棟,高者蔑古訓以誇心得,下者襲人言以為己有。 獨惠氏世守古學,而棟所得尤精。 擬諸前儒,當在何休、服虔之間,馬融、趙岐輩不及也。」 卒,年六十二。 其弟子知名者,餘蕭客、江聲最為純實。
Thoroughly at home in every classic, Dong maintained that only a true classicist could decipher archaic glosses, characters, and pronunciations; he compiled Ancient Meanings of the Nine Classics in twenty-two juan. He was deepest in the Changes; his eight-juan Han Learning on the Changes collected what remained of the commentaries of Meng Xi, Yu Fan, and Xun Shuang to recover the broad outlines of Han-dynasty Yijing scholarship. The final chapter added his own views to expound Han-dynasty Yijing doctrine and to refute the cosmological schemes of the River Chart, the Luo Document, Before Heaven, and the Supreme Ultimate. His two-juan Principles of the Changes synthesized earlier commentaries to define the fundamental interpretive rules of the Changes, serving as the programmatic preface to all his Yijing writings. His twenty-three-juan Exposition of the Zhou Changes took Xun Shuang and Yu Fan as its main authorities, supplemented by Zheng Xuan, Song Xian, and Gan Bao, distilling their views into commentary and elaborating them in subcommentary. He fell deathly ill just as the work neared completion, leaving the fifteen hexagrams from Revolution through Not Yet Fording unfinished, along with the Sequence and Miscellaneous Hexagram appendices. Imperfect though it was, the book restored to brilliant life a Han-dynasty tradition of Yijing study extinct for fifteen hundred years. He also wrote an eight-juan Record of the Bright Hall and Great Way and a two-juan Commentary on the Di Sacrifice, arguing that the di rite was conducted in the Bright Hall and that Bright Hall design derived from the Changes. His two-juan Investigation of the Old Text Documents argued that the twenty-four chapters in Zheng Xuan's recension were the authentic wall-text Shangshu, while the twenty-five-chapter version that surfaced in Eastern Jin was forged. He also authored a twenty-four-juan supplementary commentary on the Book of Later Han, a twenty-four-juan annotated compilation of Wang Shizhen's Essence Record, and works including Notes from the Nine Glories Studio and Literary Selections from Pine Cliff. Qian Daxin of Jiading once observed: "Since Song and Yuan times commentaries on the classics have filled every shelf—the eminent dismissing ancient glosses to parade their own insights, the humble passing off others' opinions as original thought. Only the Hui family, generation after generation, upheld the ancient learning—and among them Dong's achievements were the finest. Measured against the great exegetes of antiquity, he belongs between He Xiu and Fu Qian; scholars of the stature of Ma Rong and Zhao Qi cannot match him." Dong died at the age of sixty-two. His best-known pupils were Yu Xiaoke and Jiang Sheng, both noted for the purity and solidity of their scholarship.
21
蕭客,字古農,長洲人。 撰古經解鉤沉三十卷,凡唐以前舊說,自諸家經解所引,旁及史傳、類書,片語單詞,悉著於錄。 清代經學昌明,著述之家,爭及於古,蕭客是書其一也。 蕭客又撰文選紀聞三十卷,文選音義八卷。 聲自有傳。
Yu Xiaoke, styled Gunong, was a native of Changzhou. Xiaoke produced Recovery of Lost Ancient Classic Commentaries in thirty juan, recording every pre-Tang gloss he could recover from earlier commentaries, histories, biographies, and encyclopedias—down to the smallest fragment of a phrase. During the Qing revival of classical studies, scholarly families competed to recover antiquity; Xiaoke's work stands among the finest of that enterprise. He also authored Annals of the Wen Xuan in thirty juan and Pronunciation and Meaning of the Wen Xuan in eight juan. Jiang Sheng has a separate biography of his own.
22
陳厚耀,字泗源,泰州人。 康熙四十五年進士,官蘇州府學教授。 大學士李光地薦其通天文、算法,引見,改內閣中書。 上命試以算法,繪三角形,令求中線及弧背尺寸,厚耀具劄以進,皆如式。 授翰林院編修,入直內廷。 厚耀學問淵博,直內廷後,兼通幾何算法,於是其學益進。 遷國子監司業,轉左春坊左諭德,以老乞致仕,卒於家。
Chen Houyao, styled Siyuan, came from Taizhou. A jinshi of Kangxi 45, he served as professor at the Suzhou prefectural school. Grand Secretary Li Guangdi recommended him for his expertise in astronomy and mathematics; after an imperial audience he was reassigned as a drafting clerk in the Grand Secretariat. The emperor tested his computational skills by having him draw a triangle and calculate its median and the dimensions of its arc and chord; Houyao submitted a full set of answers, every one correct. He was appointed Hanlin compiler and entered service in the inner palace. Already a scholar of vast erudition, Houyao after entering the inner court also mastered Euclidean mathematics, and his learning advanced still further. He rose to vice director of the Directorate of Education, then to left mentor in the Eastern Palace, retired on grounds of age, and died at home.
23
厚耀以天算之法治春秋,嘗補杜預長歷為春秋長歷十卷,其凡有四:一曰歷證,備引漢書、續漢書、晉書、隋書、唐書、宋史、元史、左傳注疏、春秋屬辭、天元歷理諸說,以證推步之異。 其引春秋屬辭載杜預論日月差謬一條,為注疏所無。 又引大衍歷義春秋歷考一條,亦唐誌所未錄。 二曰古歷,以古法十九年為一章,一章之首,推合周曆正月朔日冬至,前列算法,後以春秋十二公紀年,橫列為四章,縱列十二公,積而成表,以求曆元。 三曰歷編,舉春秋二百四十二年,推其朔閏及月之大小,而以經、傳干支為證佐,述杜預之說而考辨之。 四曰歷存,古歷推隱公元年正月庚戌朔,杜氏長歷則為辛巳朔,乃古歷所推上年十二月朔,謂元年以前失一閏,蓋以經、傳干支排次知之。 厚耀則謂如預之說,元年至七年中書日者雖多不失,而與二年八月之庚辰、四年二月之戊申又不能合。 且隱公三年二月己巳朔日食,桓公三年七月壬辰朔日食,亦皆失之。 蓋隱公元年以前非失一閏,乃多一閏,因定隱公元年正月為庚辰朔,較長歷退兩月,推至僖公五年止。 以下朔、閏,一一與杜歷相符,故不復續推焉。
Houyao applied astronomical reckoning to the Spring and Autumn Annals, extending Du Yu's Long Calendar into his ten-juan Long Calendar for the Spring and Autumn. The work has four sections. "Calendar Evidence" gathers statements from the Hanshu, Hou Hanshu, Jinshu, Suishu, Tang histories, Song and Yuan histories, Zuo commentary commentaries, Chunqiu Shuci, and Principles of the Celestial Origin Calendar to document divergences in calendrical calculation. In citing the Chunqiu Shuci he preserves a passage of Du Yu's on discrepancies in solar and lunar reckoning found nowhere in the standard commentaries. He also preserves a passage from the Dayan Calendar's Spring and Autumn Calendar Investigations that does not appear in the Tang dynastic records. Second is "Ancient Calendar": using the traditional nineteen-year cycle, he tabulated the Zhou calendar's new-moon and winter-solstice alignments at the start of each cycle, listed the computational methods first, then arranged the Spring and Autumn reign-years horizontally in four cycles and the twelve rulers vertically, building a table to locate the calendrical epoch. Third is "Calendar Compilation": for all 242 years of the Spring and Autumn period he calculated new moons, intercalary months, and month lengths, cross-checking against the sexagenary dates given in the classic and its commentaries while reviewing and critiquing Du Yu's conclusions. Fourth is "Calendar Preservation": the ancient calendar places the new moon of Duke Yin's first year on gengxu day, whereas Du Yu's Long Calendar gives xinsi—the twelfth-month new moon of the preceding year under the ancient reckoning, implying one intercalary month was omitted before Yin's first year, as can be verified by arranging all sexagenary dates in the classic and commentary. Houyao argued that while Du Yu's scheme fits many recorded dates from years one through seven, it fails to account for the gengchen day of the second year, eighth month, and the wushen day of the fourth year, second month. He further showed that Du Yu's calendar misses the solar eclipses recorded on yisi new moon, second month of Duke Yin's third year, and renchen new moon, seventh month of Duke Huan's third year. The problem, Houyao concluded, was not a missing intercalary month before Duke Yin's first year but an extra one; setting Yin's first-month new moon on gengchen day—two months earlier than Du Yu's calendar—he recalculated forward through Duke Xi's fifth year. From that point every new moon and intercalary month matched Du Yu's calendar exactly, so he carried the computation no further.
24
又撰春秋戰國異辭五十四卷、通表二卷、摭遺一卷,春秋世族譜一卷。 鄒平馬驌為繹史,兼採三傳、國語、國策,厚耀則皆摭於五書之外,獨為其難。 氏族一書,與顧棟高大事表互證,春秋氏族之學,幾乎備矣。 厚耀又著禮記分類、十七史正譌諸書,今不傳。
He also wrote Divergent Statements of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Periods in fifty-four juan, Comprehensive Tables in two juan, Gathered Remnants in one juan, and Genealogies of Spring and Autumn Clans in one juan. Ma Si of Zouping had compiled the Continuation of History by drawing on the Three Commentaries, Guoyu, and Strategies of the Warring States; Houyao's work drew exclusively on sources beyond those five texts—a far more difficult undertaking. His work on clan genealogies, cross-verified against Gu Donggao's Chronological Tables of Major Events, brought the study of Spring and Autumn clans nearly to completion. Houyao also wrote a Classified Record of the Rites of Zhou and Corrections to the Seventeen Histories, among other works, none of which survive today.
25
臧琳,字玉林,武進人。 諸生。 治經以漢注唐疏為主,教人先以爾雅、說文,曰:「不解字,何以讀書? 不通訓詁,何以明經?」 鍵戶著述,世無知者。 有尚書集解百二十卷,經義雜記三十卷。 閻若璩稱其深明兩漢之學,錢大昕校定其書,云:「實事求是,別白精審,而未嘗輕詆前哲,斯真務實而不近名者。」
Zang Lin, styled Yulin, was a native of Wujin. He held licentiate status. He grounded his classical studies in Han commentaries and Tang subcommentaries and taught his pupils to begin with the Erya and Shuowen, declaring: "Without understanding characters, how can one read at all? Without mastery of philology and exegesis, how can one understand the classics?" Secluding himself at home to write, he remained unknown to the world. His works include a 120-juan Collected Explanations of the Documents and a 30-juan Miscellaneous Notes on Classic Meaning. Yan Ruoqu praised Zang Lin’s deep command of Han-dynasty scholarship; Qian Daxin, who edited his works, wrote: "He sought truth from concrete evidence, distinguishing issues with meticulous precision, yet never lightly disparaged earlier worthies; this is truly someone devoted to substance and not close to fame." Thus Qian Daxin concluded.
26
玄孫庸,本名鏞堂,字在東。 與弟禮堂俱事錢塘盧文弨。 沉默樸厚,學術精審。 續其高祖將絕之學,儗經義雜記為拜經日記八卷,高郵王念孫亟稱之。 其敘孟子年譜,辨齊宣王、湣王之譌,閩縣陳壽祺嘆為絕識。 又著拜經文集四卷,月令雜說一卷,樂記二十三篇注一卷,孝經考異一卷,子夏易傳一卷,詩考異四卷,韓詩遺說二卷、訂譌一卷,校鄭康成易注二卷。 其輯子夏易傳,辨此傳為漢韓嬰作,非卜子夏。 其詩考異大旨如王伯厚,但逐條必自考輯,不依循王本。 庸初因寶應劉台拱獲交儀徵阮元,其後館元署中為多。 元寫其書為副本,以原本還其家。 嘉慶十六年,卒,年四十五。
His fourth-generation descendant Yong, born Yongtang and styled Zaidong. He and his younger brother Litang both studied under Lu Wenjiao of Qiantang. Quiet and unassuming, his scholarship was rigorous and exacting. He revived his great-great-grandfather's nearly extinct tradition, modeling his eight-juan Diary of Veneration for the Classics on Zang Lin's Miscellaneous Notes on Classic Meaning—a work Wang Niansun of Gaoyou praised repeatedly. In his chronological biography of Mencius, where he corrected confusions between Kings Xuan and Min of Qi, Chen Shouqi of Min County hailed it as a work of singular insight. His other works include a four-juan Collected Writings on Veneration for the Classics, a one-juan Miscellaneous Notes on the Monthly Ordinances, a one-juan commentary on the twenty-three chapters of the Record of Music, a one-juan Investigation of Variants in the Classic of Filial Piety, a one-juan edition of Zixia's Commentary on the Changes, a four-juan Investigation of Variants in the Odes, a two-juan Remaining Sayings on the Han Odes with a one-juan volume of corrections, and a two-juan collated edition of Zheng Xuan's Commentary on the Changes. In his edition of Zixia's Commentary on the Changes he demonstrated that the text was the work of the Han scholar Han Ying, not the historical Zixia. His Investigation of Variants in the Odes follows the general approach of Wang Yinglin, but Yong independently verified every entry rather than simply following Wang's edition. Yong first met Ruan Yuan of Yizheng through the introduction of Liu Taigong of Baoying, and thereafter spent much of his time as a guest in Ruan's offices. Ruan Yuan copied Yong's manuscripts for his own use and returned the originals to the family. He died in Jiaqing 16 at the age of forty-five.
27
禮堂,字和貴。 事親孝。 父繼宏,久瘧,冬月畏火,禮堂潛以身溫被。 居喪如禮,笑不見齒。 母遘危疾,刲股合藥,私禱於神,減齒以延親壽。 娶婦胡,初婚夕教以孝弟,長言令熟聽,乃合卺,一家感而化之。 尤精小學,善讎校,為四方賢士所貴。 師事錢大昕,業益進。 好許氏說文解字,為說文經考十三卷。 慕古孝子、孝女、孝婦事,作孝傳百數十卷。 尚書集解案六卷,三禮注校字六卷,春秋注疏校正六卷。 卒,年三十。
Litang, styled Hegui. He was devoted in his filial care for his parents. His father Jihong suffered from chronic malaria and could not bear the heat of a brazier in winter; Litang would quietly warm the bedding with his own body before his father retired. During mourning he observed every propriety, and even when he smiled he never showed his teeth. When his mother fell critically ill, he cut flesh from his thigh to mix into her medicine, prayed privately to the gods, and vowed to shorten his own life in exchange for hers. He married a woman of the Hu clan and on their wedding night lectured her at length on filial piety and sibling duty before they ever drank together from the nuptial cup—a gesture that moved the entire household to reform their conduct. He excelled at philology and textual collation, and men of learning everywhere held him in high regard. Under Qian Daxin as his master, his scholarship steadily deepened. An admirer of Xu Shen's Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, he wrote An Examination of the Classics through the Shuowen in thirteen juan. Inspired by ancient tales of filial sons, daughters, and daughters-in-law, he compiled Biographies of Filial Devotion in more than a hundred juan. He also produced six juan of Notes on the Collected Explanations of the Documents, six juan collating characters in the commentaries on the Three Ritual Classics, and six juan correcting the Spring and Autumn Annals commentaries. He died at thirty.
28
任啟運,字翼聖,宜興人。 少讀孟子,至卒章,輒哽咽,大懼道統無傳。 家貧,無藏書,從人借閱。 夜乏膏火,持書就月,至移牆不輟。 事父母孝以聞。 年五十四,舉於鄉。 雍正十一年,計偕至都,會世宗問有精通性理之學者,尚書張照以啟運名上。 特詔廷試,以「太極似何物」對,進呈御覽,得旨嘉獎。 會成進士,遂於臚唱前一日引見,特授翰林院檢討,在阿哥書房行走。 上嘗問以「朝聞夕死」之旨,啟運對以「生死一理,未知生,焉知死」。 上曰:「此是賢人分上事,未到聖人地位。 從此作去,久自知之。」 逾年抱疾,賜藥賜醫,越月謝恩,特諭繞廊而進。 面稱:「知汝非堯、舜不敢以陳於王前。」 務令自愛。 令侍臣扶掖以出,且遙望之。
Ren Qiyun, courtesy name Yisheng, was a native of Yixing. As a youth reading Mencius, he would break into sobs at the closing chapter, tormented by the fear that the sage's lineage might die with him. Poor and without a library of his own, he read whatever books he could borrow. When he had no lamp oil at night, he read by moonlight, following the shifting light along the wall without ever stopping. He was widely known for his devotion to his parents. He did not pass the provincial examination until he was fifty-four. In Yongzheng 11, while in the capital for the metropolitan exams, he came to the Yongzheng Emperor's attention when the emperor asked for scholars versed in moral philosophy and Minister Zhang Zhao recommended him by name. The emperor summoned him for a special court examination, where he answered the question 'What is the Great Ultimate like?'; his response was submitted to the throne and won imperial praise. Having passed the jinshi examination, he was received in audience the day before the results were proclaimed and was specially appointed Hanlin Academician Expositor, with duties in the princes' study hall. The emperor once asked him about the meaning of 'hear the Way in the morning and die content in the evening'; Qiyun answered with Confucius's words: 'Life and death are one principle—if you do not yet understand life, how can you understand death?' The emperor replied: 'That is the answer of a worthy man—it has not yet reached the level of a sage. Continue on this path, and in time you will understand it yourself.' The next year he fell ill, and the emperor sent medicine and physicians. When he came to offer thanks a month later, he was specially told to enter by the side corridor rather than the main hall. The emperor told him directly: "I know you would not dare present anything before the king unless it were Yao or Shun." He urged him to take good care of himself. He had attendants help him out and watched him from a distance until he was gone.
29
高宗登基,仍命在書房行走,署日講起居注官,尋擢中允。 乾隆四年,遷侍講,晉侍講學士。 七年,擢都察院左僉都御史。 八年,充三禮館副總裁官,尋升宗人府府丞。 九年,卒於賜第,年七十五。 賜帑金治喪具,賜祭葬。
When Emperor Gaozong took the throne, Qiyun continued in the study hall, served as acting Daily Lecturer and Recorder of the Emperors Actions, and was soon promoted to Junior Subeditor. In Qianlong 4 he was made Reader-in-Waiting and then promoted to Academician Reader-in-Waiting. In Qianlong 7 he was promoted to Left Assistant Censor-in-Chief of the Censorate. In Qianlong 8 he became Associate Director of the Three Rites Bureau and soon after was promoted to Vice Director of the Imperial Clan Court. He died in Qianlong 9 at his imperially granted residence, aged seventy-five. The court provided treasury funds for his funeral and granted him the honors of state sacrifice and burial.
30
啟運學宗朱子,嘗謂諸經已有子朱子傳,獨未及禮經,乃著肆獻祼饋食禮三卷。 以儀禮特性、少牢、饋食禮皆士禮,因據三禮及他傳記之有關王禮者推之,不得於經,則求諸注疏以補之,凡五篇:一曰祭統,二曰吉蠲,三曰朝踐,四曰正祭,五曰繹祭。 其名則取周禮「以肆獻祼享先王」、「以饋食享先王」之文,較之黃幹所續祭禮,更為精密。 又宮室考十三卷,於李如圭釋宮之外別為類次:曰門,曰觀,曰朝,曰廟,曰寢,曰塾,曰寧,曰等威,曰名物,曰門大小廣狹,曰明堂,曰方明,曰辟雍,考據頗為精核。 儀禮一經,久成絕學,啟運研究鉤貫,使條理秩然,不愧窮經之目。 又禮記章句十卷,以大學、中庸,朱子既成章句,則曲禮以下四十七篇,皆可釐為章句。 但所傳篇次序列紛錯,爰仿鄭康成序儀禮例,更其前後,並為四十二篇。 其有關倫紀之大,而為秦、漢、元、明輕變易者,則眾著其說,以俟後之論禮者酌取。 外有周易洗心九卷,四書約指十九卷,孝經章句十卷,夏小正注,竹書紀年考,逸書補,孟子時事考,清芬樓文集等書,其周易洗心則年六十時作,觀像玩辭,時闡精理。
Qiyun's scholarship followed Zhu Xi, who he felt had commented on every classic except the Ritual Classic; to fill that gap he wrote the Rites of Presentation, Libation, and Feeding Sacrifice in three juan. Because the Te Xing, Shao Lao, and Feeding Sacrifice rites in the Ceremonies and Rites are all commoner rituals, he reconstructed royal ritual by drawing on the Three Rites and other records that touch on kingship; where the classics fell short, he turned to commentaries. The work comprises five sections: Sacrificial Regulations, Auspicious Purification, Morning Presentation, the Main Sacrifice, and the Secondary Sacrifice. He took the title from the Zhou Rites phrases "to present libations and perform the guan offering to former kings" and "to make the food offering to former kings"; compared with Huang Gan's continuation of the Sacrificial Rites, his reconstruction is more rigorous. He also wrote An Examination of Palaces and Chambers in thirteen juan, organizing material beyond Li Rugui's Explication of Chambers into categories such as gates, watchtowers, courts, temples, sleeping quarters, schoolrooms, rest halls, rank and insignia, named objects, gate dimensions, the Bright Hall, the Square Bright Hall, and the Imperial Academy—backed by exceptionally careful evidence. The Ceremonies and Rites had long been a moribund field; Qiyun's painstaking research restored its coherence and fully earned him the reputation of a true classicist. His ten-juan Chapter-and-Sentence Commentary on the Record of Rites argued that since Zhu Xi had already done so for the Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean, the remaining forty-seven chapters from Qu Li onward could likewise be organized into chapter-and-sentence form. Because the transmitted chapter order was confused, he rearranged the text into forty-two chapters, following Zheng Xuan's method for ordering the Ceremonies and Rites. On points of major ethical import that dynasties from Qin through Ming had casually altered, he laid out competing views for future ritual scholars to judge and choose among. His other works include Cleansing the Mind through the Book of Changes in nine juan, Essential Guide to the Four Books in nineteen juan, Chapter-and-Sentence Commentary on the Classic of Filial Piety in ten juan, Commentary on the Xia Xiaozheng, Examination of the Bamboo Annals, Supplements to Lost Books, Investigation of Contemporary Events in Mencius, and the Qingfen Lou Collected Writings. Cleansing the Mind through the Book of Changes, written at sixty, contemplates the hexagram images and teases out their subtlest principles.
31
啟運研窮刻苦,既受特達之知,益思報稱。 年七十二,猶書自責語曰:「孔、曾、思、孟,實惟汝師。 日面命汝,汝頑不知,痛自懲責,涕泗漣洏。 嗚呼老矣,瞑目為期。」 及總裁三禮館,喜甚,因盡發中秘所儲,平心參訂,目營手寫,漏常二十刻不輟。 論必本天道,酌人情,務求合朱子遺意,而心神煎耗,竟以是終。
Qiyun pursued his studies with relentless austerity, and the extraordinary favor the throne had shown him only deepened his resolve to repay it. At seventy-two he still wrote words of self-reproach: 'Confucius, Zengzi, Zisi, and Mencius are your true masters. They instruct you every day, yet you remain dull and heedless—I punish myself in anguish, my face awash with tears. Alas, I am old—only closing my eyes awaits me.' When he was appointed Director of the Three Rites Bureau he was overjoyed; he threw open the imperial archives, revised the texts with impartial care, and copied them out by hand, often working until the small hours of the morning without pause. His commentaries always rooted themselves in Heaven's Way and human feeling, striving to honor Zhu Xi's original intent—but the strain wore down his mind and body, and in the end it killed him.
32
十四年,詔舉經學,上諭有「任啟運研窮經術,敦樸可嘉」之語。 三十七年,命中外蒐集古今群書,高宗諭曰:「歷代名臣,洎本朝士林夙望,向有詩文專集及近時沉潛經史,原本風雅,如顧棟高、陳祖範、任啟運、沈德潛輩,亦各著成編,並非剿說卮言可比。 均應概行查明,在坊肆者或量為給價,家藏者或官為裝印。 至有未經鐫刊祗系鈔本存留者,不妨鈔錄副本,仍將原本給還。 庶幾副在石渠,用儲一覽。」 於是上啟運所著書四種,入四庫中。
In Qianlong 14, when the court issued an edict summoning scholars of classical learning, the emperor singled out Ren Qiyun for 'exhaustive mastery of the classics and commendable plain sincerity.' In Qianlong 37, when the court ordered a nationwide search for books ancient and modern, Emperor Gaozong instructed: 'Famous ministers of past dynasties and long-respected scholars of our own, such as Gu Donggao, Chen Zufan, Ren Qiyun, and Shen Deqian, have each produced substantial collections of poetry and prose or deep studies of the classics and histories rooted in genuine literary tradition—they are not to be lumped together with plagiarized or empty verbiage. All such works should be located; those in bookshops might be purchased at fair prices, and those in private collections might be officially bound and printed. Where only manuscript copies existed and no printed edition had yet been cut, the court might transcribe a duplicate while returning the original to its owner. Copies would then be kept in the Shiqu Pavilion for imperial consultation.' Four of Qiyun's works were accordingly submitted and entered into the Siku Imperial Library.
33
全祖望,字紹衣,鄞縣人。 十六歲能為古文。 討論經史,證明掌故。 補諸生。 雍正七年,督學王蘭生選以充貢,入京師,旋舉順天鄉試。 戶部侍郎李紱見其文,曰:「此深寧、東發後一人也!」 乾隆元年,薦舉博學鴻詞。 是春會試,先成進士,選翰林院庶吉士,不再與試。 時張廷玉當國,與李紱不相能,並惡祖望,祖望又不往見,二年,散館,寘之最下等,歸班以知縣用,遂不復出。 方詞科諸人未集,紱以問祖望,祖望為記四十餘人,各列所長。 性伉直,既歸,貧且病,饔飧不給,人有所餽,弗受。 主蕺山、端谿書院講席,為士林仰重。 二十年,卒於家,年五十有一。 祖望為學,淵博無涯涘,於書無不貫串。 在翰林,與紱共借永樂大典讀之,每日各盡二十卷。 時開明史館,復為書六通移之,先論藝文,次論表,次論忠義、隱逸兩列傳,皆以其言為韙。 生平服膺黃宗羲,宗羲表章明季忠節諸人,祖望益廣修枌社掌故、桑海遺聞以益之,詳盡而核實,可當續史。 宗羲宋元學案甫創草藁,祖望博採諸書為之補輯,編成百卷。 又七校水經注,三箋困學紀聞,皆足見其汲古之深。 又答弟子董秉純、張炳、蔣學鏞、盧鎬等所問經史疑義,錄為經史問答十卷。 儀徵阮元嘗謂經學、史才、詞科三者得一足傳,而祖望兼之。 其經史問答,實足以繼古賢,啟後學,與顧炎武日知錄相埒。 晚年定文藁,刪其十七,為鮚埼亭文集五十卷。 弟子同縣蔣學鏞,字聲始。 乾隆三十六年舉人。 從祖望得聞黃、萬學派,學鏞尤得史學之傳。 董秉純,字小鈍。 乾隆十八年拔貢,補廣西那地州州判,升秦安縣知縣。 全祖望文內、外集,均秉純一手編定。
Quan Zuwang, whose courtesy name was Shaoyi, was a native of Yin County. At sixteen he was already able to compose ancient-style prose. He discussed the classics and histories and verified institutional precedents. He became a licentiate. In Yongzheng 7 Educational Commissioner Wang Lansheng selected him as a tribute student; he entered the capital and soon passed the Shuntian provincial examination. Vice Minister of Revenue Li Fu saw his writing and said: "This is the one man after Shenning and Dongfa!" In Qianlong 1 he was recommended for the Erudite Learning and Vast Letters examination. That spring he first became a jinshi in the metropolitan examination, was selected as a Hanlin Bachelor, and did not sit for the other examination. At the time Zhang Tingyu controlled the government; because he was at odds with Li Fu he also disliked Quan, and Quan likewise did not go to visit him. In Qianlong 2, when Quan left the Academy, Zhang placed him in the lowest class and returned him to the regular pool for use as a county magistrate, so Quan never served again. Before the men summoned for the special literary examination had assembled, Li Fu asked Quan about them, and Quan wrote notes on more than forty men, listing each person’s strengths. Upright and unbending by nature, after returning home he was poor and ill, without enough for morning and evening meals; when others offered gifts, he refused them. He presided over lectures at Jishan and Duanxi academies and was looked up to by the community of scholars. In Qianlong 20 he died at home, aged fifty-one. Quan’s learning was vast beyond measure, and no category of books lay outside his command. While in the Hanlin Academy, he and Li Fu borrowed the Yongle Encyclopedia and read it together, each completing twenty juan per day. When the Ming History Bureau opened, he again wrote six communications to it, first discussing bibliography, then tables, then the two collective biographies of loyal and righteous men and recluses; all his proposals were judged correct. Throughout his life he revered Huang Zongxi. Huang had brought to light the loyal martyrs of the late Ming, and Quan expanded this by compiling local precedents and surviving accounts of dynastic upheaval; the result was detailed, complete, verified, and worthy to stand as a continuation of history. Huang Zongxi had only begun a draft of the Cases of Learning in the Song and Yuan; Quan drew broadly from many books, supplemented and edited it, and compiled it into one hundred juan. He also collated the Commentary on the Water Classic seven times and annotated Notes from Hard Study three times, both showing the depth of his immersion in antiquity. He also answered questions from disciples such as Dong Bingchun, Zhang Bing, Jiang Xueyong, and Lu Hao on doubtful points in the classics and histories, recording them as Questions and Answers on Classics and History in ten juan. Ruan Yuan of Yizheng once said that mastery of classical learning, historical talent, or literary examination ability would be enough for transmission, and Quan possessed all three. His Questions and Answers on Classics and History truly sufficed to continue the ancient worthies and open the way for later learners, standing alongside Gu Yanwu’s Record of Daily Knowledge. In his later years he fixed his prose drafts, deleting seven tenths of them, and made the Collected Writings from Jieqi Pavilion in fifty juan. His disciple Jiang Xueyong, from the same county, had the courtesy name Shengshi. He became a provincial graduate in Qianlong 36. Studying under Quan Zuwang, he learned of the Huang and Wan schools, and Xueyong especially inherited the tradition of historical learning. Dong Bingchun, whose courtesy name was Xiaodun. In Qianlong 18 he became an elevated tribute student, was appointed assistant magistrate of Nadi Prefecture in Guangxi, and was promoted to magistrate of Qin’an County. Quan Zuwang’s inner and outer collected writings were both edited and fixed entirely by Bingchun.
34
沈彤,字果堂,吳江人。 自少力學,以窮經為事。 貫串前人之異同,折衷至當。 乾隆元年,薦舉博學鴻詞報罷,與修三禮及一統志。 書成,授九品官,以親老歸。
Shen Tong, courtesy name Guotang, was a native of Wujiang. From youth he applied himself to learning with tireless energy, dedicating his life to mastering the classics. He wove together earlier scholars' agreements and disagreements and reconciled them with impeccable judgment. In Qianlong 1 he was nominated for the Erudite Literati examination but was not selected; he then helped compile the Three Rites and the Unified Gazetteer. When the compilations were finished he was given a ninth-rank post but went home to care for his aging parents.
35
彤淹通三禮,以歐陽修有周禮官多田少,祿且不給之疑,後人多沿其說,即有辨者,不過以攝官為詞。 乃詳究周制,撰周官祿田考,以辨正歐說。 分官爵數、公田數、祿田數三篇,積算至為精密。 其說自鄭注、賈疏以後,可云特出。 又撰儀禮小疏一卷,取士冠禮、士昏禮、公食大夫禮、喪服、士喪禮為之疏箋,足訂舊義之譌。 其果堂集十二卷,多訂正經學之文,若周官頒田異同說,五溝異同說,井田軍賦說,釋周官地徵等篇,皆援據典核。 又撰春秋左氏傳小疏,尚書小疏,氣穴考略,內經本論。
Tong was deeply versed in the Three Rites. Ouyang Xiu had questioned whether the Zhou Rites assigned too many offices to too little land for salaries to suffice; later scholars mostly followed him, and even dissenters could only invoke acting appointments as a reply. He therefore undertook a thorough investigation of Zhou institutions and wrote An Examination of Salary Lands in the Offices of Zhou to refute Ouyang's thesis. In three sections on the number of offices and ranks, public fields, and salary fields, its cumulative calculations are extraordinarily precise. Since the commentaries of Zheng Xuan and Jia Gongyan, no comparable argument had appeared. He also wrote a one-juan Brief Commentary on the Ceremonies and Rites, annotating the Capping, Wedding, Feasting, Mourning Garments, and Commoner's Funeral rites—enough to correct longstanding errors in interpretation. His twelve-juan Guotang Collection contains many essays correcting classical scholarship—On Agreements and Disagreements in Field Allotments, On the Five Ditches, On Well-Field Military Levies, Explicating the Land Tax in the Offices of Zhou, and others—all grounded in rigorous canonical evidence. He also wrote Brief Commentaries on the Zuo Tradition of the Spring and Autumn Annals and on the Documents, A Brief Examination of the Acupuncture Points, and Basic Treatises on the Inner Canon.
36
彤性至孝,親歿,三年中不茹葷,不內寢。 居恆每講求經世之務,所著保甲論,其後吳德旋見之,稱為最善雲。 卒,年六十五。
Shen Tong was profoundly filial; after his parents died he ate no meat and slept outside the inner chamber throughout the three-year mourning period. In daily life he often discussed practical affairs of governance; Wu Dexuan later read his essay On the Baojia System and declared it the finest treatment of the subject. He died at sixty-five.
37
蔡德晉,字仁錫,無錫人。 雍正四年舉人。 乾隆二年,禮部尚書楊名時薦德晉經明行修,授國子監學正,遷工部司務。 德晉嘗謂橫渠以禮教人,最得孔門博約之旨,故其律身甚嚴。 其論三禮,多前人所未發。 著禮經本義十七卷,禮傳本義二十卷,通禮五十卷。
Cai Dejin, courtesy name Renxi, was a native of Wuxi. He passed the provincial examination in Yongzheng 4. In Qianlong 2, Minister of Rites Yang Mingshi recommended Dejin for clarity in the classics and rectitude in conduct; he was appointed Instructor at the Imperial Academy and later transferred to Clerk in the Ministry of Works. Dejin held that Zhang Zai's teaching through ritual best captured the Confucian balance of breadth and focus, and he therefore disciplined himself with exceptional rigor. His writings on the Three Rites broke ground on many points earlier scholars had not addressed. He wrote Original Meaning of the Ritual Classic in seventeen juan, Original Meaning of the Ritual Tradition in twenty juan, and Comprehensive Rites in fifty juan.
38
盛世佐,字庸三,秀水人。 官貴州龍里知縣。 撰儀禮集編四十卷,集眾解而研辨之,持論謹嚴。 又楊復儀禮圖久行於世,然其說本注疏,而時有並註疏之意失之者,一一是正,至於諸家謬誤,辨之尤詳焉。
Sheng Shizuo, courtesy name Yongsan, was a native of Xiushui. He served as magistrate of Longli in Guizhou. He compiled the Ceremonies and Rites Collected Edition in forty juan, gathering and critically weighing earlier commentaries with careful and rigorous argument. Yang Fu's Diagrams of the Ceremonies and Rites had long circulated, but its explanations sometimes diverged from the commentaries on which they were based; Shizuo corrected these point by point and refuted other schools' errors with especial thoroughness.
39
江永,字慎修,婺源人。 為諸生數十年,博通古今,專心十三經注疏,而於三禮功尤深。 以朱子晚年治禮,為儀禮經傳通解。 書未就,黃氏、楊氏相繼纂續,亦非完書。 乃廣摭博討,大綱細目,一從吉、兇、軍、嘉、賓五禮舊次,題曰禮經綱目,凡八十八卷。 引據諸書,釐正發明,實足終朱子未竟之緒。 嘗一至京師,桐城方苞、荊谿吳紱質以禮經疑義,皆大折服。 讀書好深思,長於比勘,明推步、鐘律、聲韻。 歲實消長,前人多論之者,梅文鼎略舉授時,而亦疑之。 永為之說,當以恆氣為率,隨其時之高衝以算定氣,而歲實消長勿論,其說至為精當。 其論黃鍾之宮,據管子、呂氏春秋以正淮南子,其論古韻平、上、去三聲,皆當為十三部,入聲當為八部,而三代以上之音,始有條不紊。 晚年讀書有得,隨筆撰記。 謂周易以反對為次序,卦變當於反對取之。 否反為泰,泰反為否,故「小往大來」,「大往小來」,是其例也。 凡曰來、曰下、曰反,自反卦之外卦來居內卦也。 曰往、曰上、曰進、曰升,自反卦之內卦往居外卦也。 又謂兵、農之分,春秋時已然,不起於秦、漢。 證以管子、左傳,兵常近國都,野處之農固不隸於師旅也。 其於經、傳稽考精審多類此。
Jiang Yong, courtesy name Shenxiu, was a native of Wuyuan. A licentiate for decades, he mastered learning ancient and modern and devoted himself to the Thirteen Classics commentaries, achieving his deepest work in the Three Rites. Zhu Xi had spent his later years on ritual, producing the Comprehensive Explanation of the Ceremonies and Rites Classic and Tradition. He died before finishing it; the Huang and Yang families continued the work in turn, but the result was still incomplete. Jiang therefore undertook a wide-ranging investigation, organizing outline and detail according to the traditional sequence of the five rites—auspicious, inauspicious, military, festive, and guest—in his Outline and Details of the Ritual Classic, eighty-eight juan in all. Drawing on a wide range of sources to clarify and extend earlier scholarship, it truly completes the work Zhu Xi left unfinished. On a visit to the capital he was questioned on knotty points in the ritual classics by Fang Bao of Tongcheng and Wu Fu of Jingxi—and both were completely won over. He read with deep reflection, excelled at comparative analysis, and was versed in astronomical calculation, pitch standards, and phonology. The variation in the length of the tropical year had long been debated; Mei Wending cited the Shoushi Calendar but still had doubts. Jiang's solution was to use mean solar terms as the standard, calculating the fixed terms from their seasonal positions while setting aside variation in the tropical year—a theory of exceptional precision. In music he used the Guanzi and Lüshi Chunqiu to correct the Huainanzi on the Yellow Bell mode; in phonology he divided the level, rising, and departing tones of ancient rhyme into thirteen groups and entering tones into eight, bringing order to the sounds of the age before the Three Dynasties. In his later years he jotted down whatever insights reading brought him. He argued that the Book of Changes orders its hexagrams by opposition and that hexagram transformation should be read from opposing pairs. Pi transforms into Tai and Tai into Pi—hence 'the small departs and the great arrives' and 'the great departs and the small arrives' illustrate the principle. Whenever the text says 'comes,' 'descends,' or 'returns,' the outer trigram of the opposing hexagram moves into the inner position. When it says 'goes,' 'ascends,' 'advances,' or 'rises,' the inner trigram of the opposing hexagram moves into the outer position. He also argued that the separation of soldiers and farmers dated to the Spring and Autumn period and did not begin under Qin and Han. Evidence from the Guanzi and Zuo Tradition shows troops stationed near the capital while farmers in the countryside were not subject to military service. His meticulous investigations of the classics and commentaries follow this pattern throughout.
40
所著有周禮疑義舉要七卷,禮記訓義擇言六卷,深衣考誤一卷,律呂闡微十卷,律呂新論二卷,春秋地理考實四卷,鄉黨圖考十一卷,讀書隨筆十二卷,古韻標準四卷,四聲切韻表四卷,音學辨微一卷,河洛精蘊九卷,推步法解五卷,七政衍、金水二星發微、冬至權度、恆氣注歷辨、歲實消長辨、歷學補論、中西合法擬草各一卷,近思錄集注十四卷,考訂朱子世家一卷。 乾隆二十七年,卒,年八十二。 弟子甚眾,而戴震、程瑤田、金榜尤得其傳。 雲、榜自有傳。
His works include Essential Points on Doubtful Passages in the Rites of Zhou in seven juan, Selected Interpretations of the Record of Rites in six juan, Corrections to the Deep-Garment Rites in one juan, Elucidation of Pitch Pipes in ten juan, New Discourses on Pitch Pipes in two juan, Verified Geography of the Spring and Autumn Annals in four juan, Illustrated Study of the Village Party in eleven juan, Reading Notes in twelve juan, Standard of Ancient Rhyme in four juan, Table of the Four Tones and Cut Rhymes in four juan, Subtle Distinctions in Phonology in one juan, Essence of the River and Luo Charts in nine juan, Explanation of Astronomical Calculation Methods in five juan, and one-juan treatises on the Seven Regulators, Mercury and Venus, Winter Solstice Measurements, Mean Solar Terms in Calendrical Annotation, Variation in the Tropical Year, Supplements to Calendrical Learning, and Draft Synthesis of Chinese and Western Methods, plus Collected Commentary on Reflections on Things at Hand in fourteen juan and Revised Genealogy of Master Zhu in one juan. He died in Qianlong 27, aged eighty-two. He had many disciples, but Dai Zhen, Cheng Yaotian, and Jin Bang above all inherited his scholarly lineage. Wu Lingyun and Jin Bang each have separate biographies.
41
瑤田,字易疇,歙人。 讀書好深沉之思,學於江氏。 乾隆三十五年舉人,選授太倉州學正。 以身率教,廉潔自持。 告歸之日,錢大昕、王鳴盛皆贈詩推重,至與平湖陸隴其並稱。 嘉慶元年,舉孝廉方正。 同時舉者,推錢大昭、江聲、陳鱣三人,阮元獨謂瑤田足以冠之。 平生著述,長於旁搜曲證,不屑依傍傳注,所著曰喪服足徵記,宗法小記,溝洫疆裡小記,禹貢三江考,九穀考,磬折古義,水地小記,解字小記,聲律小記,考工創物小記,釋草釋蟲小記。 年老目盲,猶口授孫輩成琴音記。 東原戴氏自謂尚遜其精密。
Cheng Yaotian, whose courtesy name was Yichou, came from She County. In his studies he preferred profound reflection, training under Jiang Yong. He became a provincial graduate in Qianlong 35 and was appointed Director of Studies at Taicang Prefecture. He led by example in teaching and maintained personal integrity throughout his career. When he retired, Qian Daxin and Wang Mingsheng both sent him poems of high esteem, ranking him alongside Lu Longqi of Pinghu. In Jiaqing 1 he was nominated as a Filial and Incorrupt appointee. Of those nominated at the same time, Qian Dazhao, Jiang Sheng, and Chen Shan were the most respected, but Ruan Yuan alone declared that Yaotian stood foremost among them. His scholarly method favored wide-ranging research and subtle textual verification; he disdained leaning on traditional commentaries. Among his works are Mourning Garments with Full Evidence, Brief Record on Clan Law, Brief Record on Ditches and Fields, Investigation of the Three Rivers in the Tribute of Yu, Investigation of the Nine Grains, Ancient Meaning of the Bell-Angle, Brief Record on Water and Land, Brief Record on Character Analysis, Brief Record on Prosody, Brief Record on Craftsmen\u2019s Creations, and Brief Record on Interpreting Plants and Insects. Even when old and blind, he dictated to his grandsons to complete his Record of Qin Tones. Dai Zhen of Dongyuan himself acknowledged that his own scholarship still fell short of Yaotian's precision.
42
褚寅亮,字搢升,長洲人。 乾隆十六年召試舉人,授內閣中書,官至刑部員外郎。 寅亮少以博雅名,心思精銳,於史書魯魚,一見便能訂其誤謬。 中年覃精經術,一以注疏為歸。 從事禮經幾三十年,墨守家法,專主鄭學。 鄭氏周禮、禮記注,妄庸人群起嗤點之,獨儀禮為孤學,能發揮者固絕無,而謬加指摘者亦尚少。 惟敖繼公集說,多巧竄經文,陰就己說。 後儒苦經注難讀,喜其平易,無疵之者。 萬斯大、沈彤於鄭注亦多所糾駮,至張爾岐、馬駉但粗為演繹,其於敖氏之似是而非,均未能正其失也。 寅亮著儀禮管見三卷,於敖氏洞見其癥結,驅豁其雺霧。
Chu Yinliang, whose courtesy name was Jinsheng, came from Changzhou. Summoned for palace examination as a provincial graduate in Qianlong 16, he became a Secretariat drafter and eventually rose to Vice Director in the Ministry of Justice. From youth Chu was renowned for erudition; his mind was penetrating, and he could spot and correct textual errors in historical works at a glance. In midlife he devoted himself to classical studies, grounding his work in traditional commentaries and subcommentaries. For nearly thirty years he worked on the ritual classics, adhering strictly to established methods and championing Zheng Xuan's school of learning. Zheng Xuan's commentaries on the Rites of Zhou and the Record of Rites drew widespread mockery from shallow critics, but the Ceremonies remained a neglected specialty: almost no one could truly expound it, and mistaken criticism was still comparatively rare. Only Ao Jigong's Collected Explanations stood out for subtly tampering with the text to fit his own interpretations. Later scholars, struggling with the difficulty of the original commentaries, welcomed Ao's accessible style and raised no objections. Wan Sida and Shen Tong also challenged Zheng's commentary in many places, while Zhang Erqi and Ma Jiong offered only rough paraphrases; none succeeded in correcting Ao's plausible but erroneous readings. Chu wrote Ceremonies: Personal Views in three juan, penetrating the heart of Ao's errors and clearing away his obscurities.
43
時公羊何氏學久無循習者,所謂五始、三科、九旨、七等、六輔、二類之義,不傳於世,惟武進莊存與默會其解,而寅亮能闡發之,撰公羊釋例三十篇。 謂三傳惟公羊為漢學,孔子作春秋,本為後王制作,訾議公羊者,實違經旨。 又因何劭公言禮有殷制,有時王之制,與周禮不同,作周禮公羊異義二卷,世稱為絕業。 又長於算術,著句股廣問三卷,校正三統術衍刊本誤字甚多,其中月相求六扐之數句,六扐當作七扐; 推閏餘所在加十得一句,加十當作加七:皆寅亮說也。
By then He Xiu's Gongyang learning had long lacked active followers; doctrines such as the Five Beginnings, Three Categories, Nine Purposes, Seven Grades, Six Aids, and Two Types had fallen out of transmission. Only Zhuang Cunyu of Wujin had silently recovered their meaning, and Chu was able to expound them in thirty chapters of Exemplary Patterns in the Gongyang. He held that of the Three Commentaries only the Gongyang represented authentic Han learning: Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn to provide models for future kings, and critics of the Gongyang in fact betrayed the classic's intent. Drawing on He Shao's claim that ritual had both Yin-dynasty forms and forms of the reigning king, distinct from the Rites of Zhou, he wrote Divergent Meanings between the Rites of Zhou and the Gongyang in two juan—a work hailed as a supreme achievement. He was also skilled in mathematics, writing Broad Questions on Right Triangles in three juan. In correcting the printed text of the Three Systems Calendar Derivations he found many errors, including a passage on the moon's phases where "six positions" should read "seven positions"; and a line reading "add ten to locate the intercalary remainder," where "add ten" should read "add seven"—these were all Chu's corrections.
44
著有十三經筆記十卷,諸史筆記八卷,諸子筆記二卷,名家文集筆記七卷,藏於家。 四十六年,以病告歸,主常州龍城書院八年。 五十五年,卒,年七十六。
His unpublished manuscripts included Collected Notes on the Thirteen Classics in ten juan, on various histories in eight juan, on various masters in two juan, and on collected works of famous authors in seven juan. In Qianlong 46 he retired on grounds of illness and headed Longcheng Academy in Changzhou for eight years. He died in Qianlong 55, aged seventy-six.
45
盧文弨,字召弓,餘姚人。 父存心,乾隆初舉博學鴻詞科。 文弨,乾隆十七年一甲進士,授翰林院編修,上書房行走。 歷官左春坊左中允、翰林院侍讀學士。 三十年,充廣東鄉試正考官。 三十一年,提督湖南學政,以條陳學政事宜,部議降三級用。 三十三年,乞養歸。
Lu Wenjiao, whose courtesy name was Zhaogong, came from Yuyao. His father Lu Cunxin passed the special erudition examination in the early Qianlong reign. Lu became a top-ranked jinshi in Qianlong 17, was appointed Hanlin Compiler, and served in the imperial Upper Study. He served successively as Left Assistant in the Left Secretariat and as Reader-in-Waiting and Academician in the Hanlin Academy. In Qianlong 30 he served as chief examiner of the Guangdong provincial examination. In Qianlong 31 he was appointed Educational Commissioner of Hunan; after submitting recommendations on educational policy, the ministry ordered his demotion by three ranks. In Qianlong 33 he retired to care for his parents.
46
文弨孝謹篤厚,潛心漢學,與戴震、段玉裁友善。 好校書,所校逸周書、孟子音義、荀子、呂氏春秋、賈誼新書、韓詩外傳、春秋繁露、方言、白虎通、獨斷、經典釋文諸善本,鏤板惠學者。 又苦鏤板難多,則合經、史、子、集三十八種而名之曰群書拾補。 所自著書有抱經堂集三十四卷,儀禮注疏詳校十七卷,鍾山劄記四卷,龍城劄記三卷,廣雅釋天以下注二卷,皆使學者諟正積非,蓄疑渙釋。 其言曰:「唐人之為義疏也,本單行,不與經注合。 單行經注,唐以後尚多善本,自宋後附疏於經注,而所附之經注非必孔、賈諸人所據之本也,則兩相齟《齒吾》矣。 南宋後又附經典釋文於注疏間,而陸氏所據之經注,又非孔、賈諸人所據也,則齟《齒吾》更多矣。 淺人必比而同之,則彼此互改,多失其真,幸有改之不盡,以滋其齟《齒吾》,啟人考核者,故注疏、釋文合刻,似便而非古法也。」 其特識多類此。
Lu was filial, conscientious, and sincere, devoting himself to Han learning and maintaining close friendships with Dai Zhen and Duan Yucai. He loved textual collation. Among the fine editions he collated and published were the Lost Book of Zhou, Meaning of Mencius' Sounds, Xunzi, Lü's Spring and Autumn Annals, Jia Yi's New Book, Han Ying's Outer Commentary on the Odes, Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn, Fangyan, Baihu Tong, Du Duan, and Jingdian Shiwen. Finding it impractical to carve blocks for every work separately, he combined thirty-eight works from the classics, histories, masters, and collections into Collected Supplements from Various Books. His own works include Collected Works from the Baojing Hall in thirty-four juan, Detailed Collation of the Ceremonies with Commentary in seventeen juan, Zhongshan Miscellany in four juan, Longcheng Miscellany in three juan, and Commentary below "Interpretation of Heaven" in Guangya in two juan—works that helped scholars correct accumulated errors and resolve long-standing doubts. He observed: "When Tang scholars produced meaning subcommentaries, these were originally issued separately rather than combined with the classic commentary. Separate editions of commentaries remained common through the Tang, but from the Song onward subcommentaries were bound together with commentaries—and the commentaries used were not necessarily those Kong Yingda and Jia Gongyan had relied on. The two layers then conflicted with each other. After the Southern Song, Jingdian Shiwen was inserted among commentaries and subcommentaries, but Lu Deming's base text was again not what Kong and Jia had used—creating still more inconsistencies. Shallow editors try to harmonize everything, cross-correcting texts until the originals are lost. Yet precisely because complete harmonization is impossible, the remaining inconsistencies alert careful readers to investigate further. Combined editions of commentary, subcommentary, and Shiwen may seem convenient, but they depart from ancient practice." His distinctive insights were mostly of this kind.
47
文弨歷主江、浙各書院講席,以經術導士,江、浙士子多信從之,學術為之一變。 六十年,卒,年七十九。
Lu successively headed academies in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, guiding students through classical learning. Scholars across the region followed him, and academic practice shifted accordingly. He died in Qianlong 60, aged seventy-nine.
48
文弨校書,參合各本,擇善而從,頗引他書改本書,而不專主一說,故嚴元照詆其儀禮詳校,顧廣圻譏其釋文考證,後黃丕烈影宋刻書,各本同異另編於後,兩家各有宗旨,亦互相補苴云。
In collating texts Lu compared multiple editions and chose the best readings, often citing other works to emend the base text rather than adhering to a single theory. Yan Yuanzhao criticized his Detailed Collation of the Ceremonies, Gu Guangqi mocked his Evidential Study of Shiwen, and later Huang Pilie, in reproducing Song editions, listed variant readings separately for each edition. The two schools each had their principles and also complemented one another.
49
顧廣圻,字千里,元和人。 諸生。 吳中自惠氏父子後,江聲繼之,後進翕然多好古窮經之士。 廣圻讀惠氏書,盡通其義。 論經學云:「漢人治經,最重師法。 古文今文,其說各異。 若混而一之,則轇轕不勝矣。」 論小學云:「說文一書,不過為六書發凡,原非字義盡於此。」
Gu Guangqi, whose courtesy name was Qianli, came from Yuanhe. He held licentiate status. In the Wu region, after the Hui family, Jiang Sheng carried on their tradition, and a new generation of scholars devoted to antiquity and classical learning flourished. Gu read the Hui family's works and mastered their methods completely. On classical learning he said: "Han scholars treated the classics above all through received master traditions. Old Text and New Text traditions differ in their explanations. Mix them together and the resulting confusion becomes unbearable." On philology he said: "The Shuowen merely outlines the Six Scripts; it was never meant to exhaust all character meanings."
50
廣圻天質過人,經、史、訓詁、天算、輿地靡不貫通,至於目錄之學,尤為專門,時人方之王仲寶、阮孝緒。 兼工校讎,同時孫星衍、張敦仁、黃丕烈、胡克家延校宋本說文、禮記、儀禮、國語、國策、文選諸書,皆為之札記,考定文字,有益後學。 乾、嘉間以校讎名家,文弨及廣圻為最著雲。 又時為漢學者多譏宋儒,廣圻獨取先儒語錄,摘其切近者,為遯翁苦口一卷,以教學者。 著有思適齋文集十八卷。 道光十九年,卒,年七十。
Gu's natural gifts surpassed ordinary scholars. He mastered classics, histories, exegesis, astronomy, mathematics, and geography without exception; in bibliography he was especially expert, and contemporaries ranked him alongside Wang Zhongbao and Ruan Xiaoxu. He was also an expert collator. Sun Xingyan, Zhang Dunren, Huang Pilie, and Hu Kejia engaged him to collate Song editions of the Shuowen, Record of Rites, Ceremonies, Discourses of the States, Intrigues of the Warring States, and Selections of Refined Literature; for each he produced reading notes verifying the text for the benefit of later scholars. Among Qian-Jia scholars famed for textual collation, Lu Wenjiao and Gu Guangqi were the most celebrated. At a time when many Han-learning scholars mocked Song Confucianism, Gu alone compiled practical passages from earlier Confucians into Bitter Words of the Recluse in one juan to instruct students. His works include Collected Writings from the Sishi Studio in eighteen juan. He died in Daoguang 19, aged seventy.
51
錢大昕,字曉徵,嘉定人。 乾隆十六年召試舉人,授內閣中書。 十九年進士,選翰林院庶吉士,散館授編修。 大考二等一名,擢右春坊右贊善。 累充山東鄉試、湖南鄉試正考官,浙江鄉試副考官。 大考一等三名,擢翰林院侍講學士。 三十二年,乞假歸。 三十四年,補原官。 入直上書房,遷詹事府少詹事,充河南鄉試正考官。 尋提督廣東學政。 四十年,丁父艱,服闋,又丁母艱,病不復出。 嘉慶九年,卒,年七十七。 大昕幼慧,善讀書。 時元和惠棟、吳江沈彤以經術稱,其學求之十三經注疏,又求之唐以前子、史、小學。 大昕推而廣之,錯綜貫串,發古人所未發。 任中書時,與吳烺、褚寅亮同習梅氏算術。 及入翰林,禮部尚書何國宗世業天文,年已老,聞其善算,先往見之,曰:「今同館諸公談此道者鮮矣。」 大昕於中、西兩法,剖析無遺。 用以觀史,自太初、三統、四分,中至大衍,下迄授時,朔望薄蝕,凌犯進退,抉摘無遺。 漢三統術為七十餘家之權輿,訛文奧義,無能正之者。 大昕衍之,據班志以闡劉歆之說,裁志文之訛,二千年已絕之學,昭然若發蒙。 大昕又謂:「古法歲陰與太歲不同,淮南天文訓攝提以下十二名,皆謂歲陰所在。 史記太初元年年名焉逢、攝提格者,歲陰,非太歲也。 東漢後不用歲陰紀年,又不知太歲超辰之法,乃以太初元年為丁丑歲,則與史、漢之文皆悖矣。」 又謂:「尚書緯四遊升降之說,即西法日躔最高、卑之說,宋楊忠輔統天術以距差乘躔差,減氣汎積為定積,梅文鼎謂郭守敬加減歲餘法出於此。 但統天求汎積,必先減氣差十九日有奇,與郭又異,文鼎不能言。 大昕推之同,凡步氣朔,必以甲子日起算,今統天上元冬至乃戊子日,不值甲子,依授時法當加氣應二十四日有奇,乃得從甲子起。 今減去氣差,是以上元冬至後甲子日起算也。 既如此,當減氣應三十五日有奇,今減十九日有奇者,去躔差之數不算也。 求天正經朔又減閏差者,經朔當從合朔起算。 今推得統天上元冬至後第一朔乃乙丑戌初二刻弱,故必減閏差而後以朔實除之,即授時之朔應也。」 大昕始以辭章名,沈德潛吳中七子詩選,大昕居一。 既乃研精經、史,於經義之聚訟難決者,皆能剖析源流。 文字、音韻、訓詁、天算、地理、氏族、金石以及古人爵裡、事實、年齒,瞭如指掌。 古人賢姦是非疑似難明者,典章制度昔人不能明斷者,皆有確見。 惟不喜二氏書,嘗曰:「立德立功立言,吾儒之不朽也。 先儒言釋氏近於墨,予以為釋氏亦終於楊氏為己而已。 彼棄父母而學道,是視己重於父母也。」 大昕在館時,常與修音韻述微、續文獻通考、續通志、一統志、天球圖諸書。 所著有唐石經考異一卷,經典文字考異一卷,聲類四卷,廿二史考異一百卷,唐書史臣表一卷,唐五代學士年表二卷,宋學士年表一卷,元史氏族表三卷,元史藝文志四卷,三史拾遺五卷,諸史拾遺五卷,通鑑注辨證三卷,四史朔閏考四卷,吳興舊德錄四卷,先德錄四卷,洪文惠、洪文敏、王伯厚、王弇州四家年譜各一卷,疑年錄三卷,潛揅堂文集五十卷,詩集二十卷,潛揅堂金石文跋尾二十五卷,養新錄二十三卷,恆言錄六卷,竹汀日記鈔三卷。 族子塘、坫,能傳其學。 塘,字學淵。 乾隆四十五年進士,改教職,選江寧府學教授。 塘少大昕七歲,相與共學,又與大昕弟大昭及弟坫相切磋,為實事求是之學,於聲音文字、律呂推步尤有神解。 著律呂古義六卷,據所得漢慮俿銅尺正荀勖以劉歆銅斛尺為周尺之非。 謂周本八寸尺,不可以製律,律必用十寸尺,即昔人所云夏尺。 周因夏、商,夏、商因唐、虞,古律當無異度。 又史記三書釋疑三卷,於律曆天官家言皆究其原本,而以他書疏通證明之。 律書「上九、商八、羽七、角六、宮五、徵九」數語,注家皆不能曉,小司馬疑其數錯。 塘據淮南子、太玄經證之,始信其確。 又著泮宮雅樂釋律四卷,說文聲繫二十卷,淮南天文訓補注三卷。 其所作古文曰述古編凡四卷。 卒,年五十六。 坫,字獻之。 副榜貢生。 遊京師,朱筠引為上客。 以直隸州州判官於陝,與洪亮吉、孫星衍討論訓詁輿地之學,論者謂坫沉博不及大昕,而精當過之。 嘉慶二年,教匪擾陝西,坫時署華州,率眾乘城,力遏其衝。 城無弓矢,仿古為合竹強弓,厚背紙為翎,二人共發之,達百五十步; 又以意為發石之法,石重十斤,達三百步:前後斃賊無算,城獲全。 以積勞得末疾,引歸。 著史記補注百三十卷,詳於音訓及郡縣沿革、山川所在。 陝甘總督松筠重其品學,親至臥榻問疾,索未刊著述,坫取付之。 曰:「三十年精力,盡於此書矣!」 十一年,卒,年六十六。 又有詩音表一卷,車制考一卷,論語後錄五卷,爾雅釋義十卷,釋地以下四篇注四卷,十經文字通正書十四卷,說文斠銓十四卷,新斠注地理志十六卷,漢書十表注十卷,聖賢塚墓誌十二卷。 王鳴盛,字鳳喈,嘉定人。 幼從長洲沈德潛受詩,後又從惠棟問經義,遂通漢學。 乾隆十九年,以一甲進士授翰林院編修,大考翰詹第一,擢侍讀學士。 充福建鄉試正考官,尋擢內閣學士,兼禮部侍郎。 坐濫支驛馬,左遷光祿寺卿。 丁內艱,遂不復出。 鳴盛性儉素,無聲色玩好之娛,晏坐一室,吚唔如寒士。 嘗言:「漢人說經必守家法,自唐貞觀撰諸經義疏而家法亡,宋元豐以新經學取士而漢學殆絕,今好古之儒皆知崇注疏矣,然注疏惟詩、三禮及公羊傳猶是漢人家法,他經注則出魏、晉人。 未為醇備。」 著尚書後案三十卷,專述鄭康成之學,若鄭注亡逸,採馬、王注補之。 孔傳雖出東晉,其訓詁猶有傳授,間一取焉。 又謂東晉所獻之太誓偽,而唐人所斥之太誓非偽,故附書今文太誓一篇,存古之功,自謂不減惠氏周易述也。 又著周禮軍賦說四卷,發明鄭氏之旨。 又十七史商榷一百卷,於一史中紀、志、表、傳互相稽考,因而得其異同,又取稗史叢說以證其舛誤,於輿地、職官、典章、名物每致詳焉。 別撰蛾術編一百卷,其為目十:說錄、說字、說地、說制、說人、說物、說集、說刻、說通、說系,蓋仿王應麟、顧炎武之意,而援引尤博。 詩以才輔學,以韻達情。 古文用歐、曾之法,闡許、鄭之義,有詩文集四十卷。 嘉慶二年,卒,年七十六。 弟子同縣金曰追,字對揚。 諸生。 深於九經正義,每有疑譌,隨條輒錄,先成儀禮注疏正偽十七卷。 阮元奉詔校勘儀禮石經,多采其說。
Qian Daxin, whose courtesy name was Xiaozheng, was a native of Jiading. In Qianlong 16 he was summoned for examination as a provincial graduate and appointed Secretariat Drafter. In Qianlong 19 he became a jinshi, was selected as a Hanlin Bachelor, and after leaving the Academy was appointed Compiler. In the grand examination he ranked first in the second class and was promoted to Right Expositor in the Right Spring Secretariat. He repeatedly served as chief examiner for the Shandong and Hunan provincial examinations and as associate examiner for the Zhejiang provincial examination. In another grand examination he ranked third in the first class and was promoted to Hanlin Reader-in-Waiting. In Qianlong 32 he requested leave and returned home. In Qianlong 34 he was restored to his original office. He entered service in the Upper Study, was transferred to Junior Supervisor of the Household of the Heir Apparent, and served as chief examiner for the Henan provincial examination. Soon he became Educational Commissioner of Guangdong. In Qianlong 40 he went into mourning for his father; when that mourning ended, he again mourned his mother, and because of illness did not serve again. In Jiaqing 9 he died, aged seventy-seven. Daxin was intelligent from youth and skilled at reading. At the time Hui Dong of Yuanhe and Shen Tong of Wujiang were famed for classical learning; their learning sought evidence in the Thirteen Classics commentaries and subcommentaries, and also in pre-Tang masters, histories, and philology. Daxin extended and broadened this, interweaving and connecting the material and bringing out what earlier scholars had not. When he served as Secretariat Drafter, he studied the Mei family mathematics together with Wu Lang and Chu Yinliang. When he entered the Hanlin Academy, Minister of Rites He Guozong, whose family had long specialized in astronomy, was already old; hearing that Qian was good at calculation, he first went to see him and said: "Among the gentlemen now in the same academy, few discuss this Way." Daxin analyzed both Chinese and Western methods without omission. Using them to examine history, from the Taichu, Santong, and Sifen calendars, through Dayan, down to Shoushi, he omitted nothing in exposing and extracting issues concerning new and full moons, eclipses, occultations, advances, and retreats. The Han Santong method was the origin of more than seventy schools, but its corrupt text and deep meanings had no one able to correct them. Daxin expanded it, using Ban Gu’s treatise to clarify Liu Xin’s explanations and trimming away corruptions in the treatise text, so that learning cut off for two thousand years became clear as if a veil had been lifted. Daxin also said: "In the ancient method, suiyin and taisui are different. The twelve names from sheti onward in the Astronomical Instructions of the Huainanzi all refer to the location of suiyin. When the Records of the Grand Historian gives the year names for the first year of Taichu as yanfeng and shetige, these are suiyin, not taisui. After the Eastern Han, people no longer used suiyin to record years and also did not know the method by which taisui leaps stations; they therefore made the first year of Taichu a dingchou year, which contradicts the texts of both the Records and the Han History." He also said: "The Documents weft text’s theory of the four wanderings rising and descending is precisely the Western method’s theory of the sun’s highest and lowest path. Yang Zhongfu’s Song-era Tongtian method multiplied distance difference by path difference and subtracted solar-term common accumulation to make fixed accumulation; Mei Wending said Guo Shoujing’s method of adding and subtracting the year remainder came from this. But when Tongtian seeks common accumulation, it must first subtract a solar-term difference of nineteen days and more, which differs again from Guo, and Wending could not explain it. Daxin calculated that in all computation of solar terms and new moons, one must start from a jiazi day. Now the winter solstice of the Tongtian upper epoch falls on a wuzi day, not a jiazi day; following the Shoushi method, one should add a solar-term epoch of twenty-four days and more before one can start from jiazi. Now, subtracting the solar-term difference means starting from the jiazi day after the winter solstice of the upper epoch. If so, one should subtract a solar-term epoch of thirty-five days and more; the present subtraction of nineteen days and more leaves out the path-difference number. When seeking the standard new moon of the celestial first month, it also subtracts the intercalation difference because the standard new moon should be calculated from conjunction. Now calculation shows that the first new moon after the winter solstice of the Tongtian upper epoch was yichou, just before the second quarter of early xu; therefore one must subtract the intercalation difference and afterward divide by the true new-moon period, which is the Shoushi new-moon epoch." Daxin first became known for literary composition; in Shen Deqian’s Selected Poems of the Seven Masters of Wu, Daxin was one of them. Later he studied classics and histories with precision, and whenever classical meanings were disputed and difficult to settle, he could analyze their sources and development. Characters, phonology, exegesis, astronomy and mathematics, geography, clans, inscriptions, and the ranks, native places, facts, and ages of ancient people were all as clear to him as his own palm. Where the worthiness or wickedness, rights and wrongs, or doubtful resemblances of ancient people were hard to clarify, and where earlier scholars could not decisively explain institutions and systems, he always had firm views. Only he disliked the books of the Buddhists and Daoists. He once said: "Establishing virtue, establishing achievement, and establishing words are the immortality of us Confucians. Earlier Confucians said Buddhism is close to Mozi; I think Buddhism also ends with Yang Zhu’s concern for the self. They abandon father and mother to study the Way; this means they regard themselves as more important than father and mother." While Daxin was in the academy, he often participated in compiling works such as Subtle Exposition of Phonology, Continuation of the Comprehensive Examination of Documents, Continuation of the Comprehensive Treatises, the Unified Gazetteer, and Celestial Sphere Diagrams. His writings include Textual Variants in the Tang Stone Classics in one juan, Textual Variants in Classical Characters in one juan, Sound Categories in four juan, Textual Variants in the Twenty-Two Histories in one hundred juan, Table of Historiographical Officials in the Tang History in one juan, Chronological Table of Academicians of Tang and the Five Dynasties in two juan, Chronological Table of Song Academicians in one juan, Clan Tables of the Yuan History in three juan, Treatise on Bibliography of the Yuan History in four juan, Supplementary Omissions from the Three Histories in five juan, Supplementary Omissions from Various Histories in five juan, Verification of Notes to the Comprehensive Mirror in three juan, Investigation of New Moons and Intercalations in the Four Histories in four juan, Record of Old Worthies of Wuxing in four juan, Record of Ancestral Virtue in four juan, chronological biographies of Hong Wenhui, Hong Wenmin, Wang Bohou, and Wang Yanzhou in one juan each, Record of Doubtful Years in three juan, Collected Writings from the Qianyan Hall in fifty juan, poetry collection in twenty juan, Postscripts to Metal and Stone Texts from the Qianyan Hall in twenty-five juan, Record of Nurturing the New in twenty-three juan, Record of Constant Sayings in six juan, and Extracted Zhuting Diary in three juan. His clansmen Tang and Dian were able to transmit his learning. Tang’s courtesy name was Xueyuan. He became a jinshi in Qianlong 45, was transferred to educational office, and was selected as professor of the Jiangning prefectural school. Tang was seven years younger than Daxin and studied together with him; he also sharpened his learning with Daxin’s younger brother Dazhao and his own younger brother Dian, pursuing scholarship that sought truth from facts, with especially marvelous understanding of phonology, characters, pitch standards, and calendrical calculation. He wrote Ancient Meanings of Pitch Standards in six juan, using a Han bronze chi-ruler he had obtained to correct Xun Xu’s error in taking Liu Xin’s bronze hu-vessel ruler as the Zhou ruler. He held that the Zhou basic ruler was an eight-inch ruler and could not be used to make pitch pipes; pitch pipes must use a ten-inch ruler, which is what earlier people called the Xia ruler. Zhou followed Xia and Shang, and Xia and Shang followed Tang and Yu, so ancient pitch standards should not have differed in measure. He also wrote Resolving Doubts in the Three Treatises of the Records of the Grand Historian in three juan, investigating the original basis of sayings on pitch, calendar, and celestial offices and clarifying and proving them with other books. In the Treatise on Pitch, the phrases "upper nine, shang eight, yu seven, jue six, gong five, zhi nine" were not understood by commentators, and Sima Zhen suspected the numbers were wrong. Tang proved them from the Huainanzi and Taixuanjing, and only then could their correctness be trusted. He also wrote Explaining Pitch in Pangong Elegant Music in four juan, Sound Connections in the Shuowen in twenty juan, and Supplementary Notes to the Astronomical Instructions of the Huainanzi in three juan. His ancient-style prose was titled Compilation for Recounting Antiquity, in four juan. He died aged fifty-six. Dian’s courtesy name was Xianzhi. He was a supplementary-list tribute student. When he traveled to the capital, Zhu Yun received him as an honored guest. He served in Shaanxi as subprefect of a directly administered department, and discussed exegesis and geography with Hong Liangji and Sun Xingyan. Critics said Dian’s depth and breadth did not match Daxin’s, but his precision and aptness surpassed him. In Jiaqing 2, when sectarian rebels disturbed Shaanxi, Dian was acting at Huazhou; he led the people onto the walls and forcefully blocked their attack. The city had no bows or arrows, so he imitated antiquity by making strong laminated-bamboo bows and using thick-backed paper for fletching; two men fired them together, and they reached 150 paces. He also devised a method for launching stones, each weighing ten jin and reaching 300 paces; before and after, countless rebels were killed, and the city was preserved. Because accumulated exertion caused an illness of the extremities, he retired and returned home. He wrote Supplementary Notes to the Records of the Grand Historian in 130 juan, detailed in sounds and glosses, changes in commanderies and counties, and the locations of mountains and rivers. Shaanxi-Gansu Governor-General Songyun valued his character and learning, personally came to his sickbed to ask after him, and requested his unpublished writings; Dian took them out and handed them over. He said: "Thirty years of energy are all exhausted in this book!" In Jiaqing 11 he died, aged sixty-six. He also wrote Table of Odes Sounds in one juan, Investigation of Carriage Systems in one juan, Later Records on the Analects in five juan, Explanation of Meanings in the Erya in ten juan, Notes to the Four Chapters from Explaining Places Onward in four juan, Comprehensive Correction of Characters in the Ten Classics in fourteen juan, Collated Selections from the Shuowen in fourteen juan, Newly Collated Notes to the Treatise on Geography in sixteen juan, Notes to the Ten Tables of the Han History in ten juan, and Gazetteer of Tombs of Sages and Worthies in twelve juan. Wang Mingsheng, whose courtesy name was Fengjie, was a native of Jiading. In youth he studied poetry under Shen Deqian of Changzhou, and later asked Hui Dong about classical meaning, thereby mastering Han learning. In Qianlong 19, as a first-class jinshi, he was appointed Hanlin Compiler; in the grand examination for Hanlin and heir-apparent officials he ranked first and was promoted to Reader-in-Waiting. He served as chief examiner for the Fujian provincial examination, and was soon promoted to Grand Secretariat Academician with concurrent post as Vice Minister of Rites. For improperly drawing on postal horses he was demoted to Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. When he went into mourning for his mother, he did not serve again. Mingsheng was frugal and plain by nature, with no pleasures of music, women, or fine objects; he sat quietly in one room, chanting like a poor scholar. He once said: "When Han people explained the classics, they necessarily preserved family methods. From the Zhenguan reign of Tang, when the subcommentaries to the classics were compiled, the family methods disappeared; when the Yuanfeng reign of Song used New Classical Learning to select officials, Han learning was nearly cut off. Now antiquarian Confucians all know to honor commentaries and subcommentaries, yet among them only the Odes, the Three Rites, and the Gongyang Tradition still preserve Han family methods; the commentaries on the other classics come from Wei and Jin people. They are not yet pure and complete." He wrote Later Cases on the Documents in thirty juan, devoted to expounding Zheng Kangcheng’s learning; where Zheng’s commentary was lost, he used the commentaries of Ma and Wang to supplement it. Although the Kong commentary came from the Eastern Jin, its exegesis still had transmission, so he occasionally adopted it. He also held that the Great Declaration presented in the Eastern Jin was forged, while the Great Declaration rejected by Tang scholars was not forged; therefore he appended one New Text chapter of Great Declaration to the Documents, preserving antiquity in a way he himself said was no less than the Hui family’s Exposition of the Zhou Changes. He also wrote Explanation of Military Levies in the Rites of Zhou in four juan, elucidating Zheng’s intent. He also wrote Discussions of the Seventeen Histories in one hundred juan; within each history he cross-checked annals, treatises, tables, and biographies to find their agreements and differences, and also used unofficial histories and miscellanies to verify their errors, giving especially detailed attention to geography, offices, institutions, and names of things. Separately he wrote Compilation of Ant-Like Arts in one hundred juan, with ten categories: explaining records, characters, places, systems, people, things, collections, inscriptions, connections, and lineages. It followed the intent of Wang Yinglin and Gu Yanwu, but cited even more broadly. In poetry he used talent to support learning and rhyme to convey feeling. In ancient-style prose he used the methods of Ouyang Xiu and Zeng Gong to elucidate the meanings of Xu and Zheng; he had a poetry and prose collection in forty juan. In Jiaqing 2 he died, aged seventy-six. His disciple Jin Yuezhui, from the same county, had the courtesy name Duiyang. He was a licentiate. Deeply versed in the Correct Meaning of the Nine Classics, he recorded every doubtful corruption as he encountered it, first completing seventeen juan of Correcting Falsehoods in the Commentary and Subcommentary to the Ceremonies and Rites. When Ruan Yuan was commissioned by edict to collate the Ceremonies and Rites stone classics, he adopted many of Jin's views.
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時同縣通經學者,有吳凌雲,字得青。 嘉慶五年歲貢。 讀書深造,經師遺說,靡不通貫。 嘗假館錢大昕孱守齋,盡讀所藏書,學益邃。 所著十三經考異,援據精核,多前人所未發。 又經說三卷,小學說、廣韻說各一卷,海鹽陳其幹為合刊之,題曰吳氏遺著。 戴震,字東原,休寧人。 讀書好深湛之思,少時塾師授以說文,三年盡得其節目。 年十六七,研精注疏,實事求是,不主一家。 與郡人鄭牧、汪肇龍、方矩、程瑤田、金榜從婺源江永遊,震出所學質之永,永為之駭嘆。 永精禮經及推步、鐘律、音聲、文字之學,惟震能得其全。
At the time another scholar from the same county who mastered the classics was Wu Lingyun, whose courtesy name was Deqing. In Jiaqing 5 he became an annual tribute student. He pursued his studies to great depth and mastered the transmitted teachings of classical masters without exception. Once lodging at Qian Daxin's Chanshou Studio, he read all the books Qian had collected, and his learning grew still deeper. His Textual Variants in the Thirteen Classics cites evidence with precision and rigor, and contains many insights not previously brought out. He also wrote Discourses on the Classics in three juan, and one juan each of Discourses on Philology and Discourses on the Guangyun; Chen Qigan of Haiyan combined and published them under the title Posthumous Writings of Wu. Dai Zhen, whose courtesy name was Dongyuan, was a native of Xiuning. In reading, he delighted in deep and penetrating thought; when his tutor taught him the Shuowen in youth, he mastered its structure completely within three years. At sixteen or seventeen he studied commentaries and subcommentaries with great care, seeking truth from facts and not adhering to a single school. Together with fellow prefectural men Zheng Mu, Wang Zhaolong, Fang Ju, Cheng Yaotian, and Jin Bang, he studied under Jiang Yong of Wuyuan; when Dai presented his learning to Jiang for judgment, Jiang was astonished and sighed in admiration. Jiang Yong was expert in the ritual classics, calendrical calculation, pitch pipes, phonology, and philology, and only Dai Zhen was able to grasp his learning in its entirety.
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性特介。 年二十八補諸生,家屢空,而學日進。 與吳縣惠棟、吳江沈彤為忘年友。 以避仇入都,北方學者如獻縣紀昀、大興朱筠,南方學者如嘉定錢大昕、王鳴盛,餘姚盧文弨,青浦王昶,皆折節與交。 尚書秦蕙田纂五禮通考,震任其事焉。 乾隆二十七年,舉鄉試,三十八年,詔開四庫館,徵海內淹貫之士司編校之職,總裁薦震充纂修。 四十年,特命與會試中式者同赴殿試,賜同進士出身,改翰林院庶吉士。 震以文學受知,出入著作之庭。 館中有奇文疑義,輒就諮訪。 震亦思勤修其職,晨夕披檢,無間寒暑。 經進圖籍,論次精審。 所校大戴禮記、水經注尤精核。 又於永樂大典內得九章、五曹算經七種,皆王錫闡、梅文鼎所未見。 震正譌補脫以進,得旨刊行。 四十二年,卒於官,年五十有五。 震之學,由聲音、文字以求訓詁,由訓詁以尋義理。 謂:「義理不可空憑胸臆,必求之於古經。 求之古經而遺文垂絕,今古懸隔,必求之古訓。 古訓明則古經明,古經明則賢人聖人之義理明,而我心之同然者,乃因之而明。 義理非他,存乎典章制度者也。 彼歧古訓、義理而二之,是古訓非以明義理,而義理不寓乎典章制度,勢必流入於異學曲說而不自知也。」 震為學精誠解辨,每立一義,初若創獲,乃參考之,果不可易。 大約有三:曰小學,曰測算,曰典章制度。 其小學書有六書論三卷,聲韻考四卷,聲類表九卷,方言疏證十卷。 漢以後轉注之學失傳,好古如顧炎武,亦不深省。 震謂:「指事、象形、諧聲、會意四者為書之體,假借、轉注二者為書之用。
His character was exceptionally upright and uncompromising. At twenty-eight he became a licentiate. Though his household was repeatedly destitute, his learning advanced daily. He formed friendships across generations with Hui Dong of Wu County and Shen Tong of Wujiang. Fleeing enemies, he went to the capital; northern scholars such as Ji Yun of Xian County and Zhu Yun of Daxing, and southern scholars such as Qian Daxin and Wang Mingsheng of Jiading, Lu Wenchao of Yuyao, and Wang Chang of Qingpu, all humbled themselves to associate with him. When Minister Qin Huitian compiled the Comprehensive Investigation of the Five Rites, Dai Zhen took charge of the work. In Qianlong 27 he passed the provincial examination; in Qianlong 38, when an edict opened the Siku Library and summoned broadly learned men from across the empire to take charge of editing and collation, the chief editors recommended Dai as a compiler. In Qianlong 40 he was specially ordered to attend the palace examination together with those who had passed the metropolitan examination, was granted the status of associate jinshi, and was appointed a Hanlin Bachelor. Dai was recognized for his literary learning and moved within the court of imperial compilation. Whenever the library encountered unusual texts or doubtful meanings, officials immediately consulted him. Dai likewise strove diligently to fulfill his office, opening and examining texts morning and evening without pause through heat or cold. The books and charts he submitted to the throne were arranged and assessed with exacting care. His collations of the Records of the Elder Dai and the Commentary on the Water Classic were especially precise. He also found within the Yongle Encyclopedia seven mathematical classics, including the Nine Chapters and the Five Departments Mathematical Classic, all unseen by Wang Xichan and Mei Wending. Dai corrected errors, supplied omissions, and submitted them; an imperial order had them printed and circulated. In Qianlong 42 he died in office, aged fifty-five. Dai Zhen’s learning sought exegesis through phonology and script, and sought principles through exegesis. He said: "Principles cannot be based emptily on one’s private thoughts; they must be sought in the ancient classics. When one seeks them in the ancient classics, but surviving texts are nearly severed and ancient and modern stand far apart, one must seek them in ancient glosses. When ancient glosses are clear, the ancient classics become clear; when the ancient classics are clear, the principles of worthies and sages become clear, and what is equally so in my own mind is then made clear through them. Principles are nothing else: they reside in institutions, regulations, and systems. If someone forks ancient glosses and principles into two, then ancient glosses no longer clarify principles, and principles no longer reside in institutions and systems; such a person will inevitably drift into heterodox learning and crooked theories without realizing it." Dai’s scholarship was precise, sincere, analytical, and discerning. Whenever he established a meaning, it at first seemed newly discovered; but when checked against evidence, it proved unalterable. In broad outline his learning had three branches: philology, mathematical astronomy, and institutions and systems. His philological works include Discourse on the Six Scripts in three juan, Investigation of Sounds and Rhymes in four juan, Table of Sound Categories in nine juan, and Evidential Commentary on Dialect Expressions in ten juan. After the Han, the doctrine of transferred annotation was lost; even so great a lover of antiquity as Gu Yanwu did not examine it deeply. Dai said: "The four categories indication, pictograph, phonetic-semantic compound, and compound ideograph are the forms of writing; loan borrowing and transferred annotation are the functions of writing.
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一字具數用者為假借,數字共一用者為轉注。 初、哉、首、基之皆為始,工卩、吾、台、予之皆為我,其義轉相注也。」 又自漢以來,古音浸微,學者於六書之故,靡所從入。 顧氏古音表,入聲與廣韻相反。 震謂:「有入無入之韻,當兩兩相配,以入聲為之樞紐。 真至仙十四韻,與脂、微、齊、皆、灰五韻同入聲; 東至江四韻及陽至登八韻,與支、之、佳、咍、蕭、宵、餚、豪、尤、侯、幽十一韻同入聲; 浸至凡九韻之入聲,則從,無與之配。 魚、虞、模、歌、戈、麻六韻,無入聲,今同以鐸為入聲,不與唐相配。 而古音遞轉及六書諧聲之故,胥可由此得之。」 皆古人所未發。
When one character serves several uses, that is jiajie; when several characters share one meaning, that is zhuanzhu. The forms chu, zai, shou, and ji all mean "beginning"; gongjie, wu, tai, and yu all mean "I"—their meanings mutually extend and annotate one another." From the Han onward ancient phonology gradually declined, leaving scholars no clear entry into the principles of the Six Scripts. In Gu Yanwu's Table of Ancient Sounds, entering tones stand opposite to those in the Guangyun. Dai Zhen said: "Rhyme groups with and without entering tones should be paired in twos, with entering tones serving as the pivot. The fourteen rhyme groups from zhen to xian share entering tones with zhi, wei, qi, jie, and hui; The four groups from dong to jiang and the eight from yang to deng share entering tones with zhi, zhi, jia, hai, xiao, xiao, yao, hao, you, hou, and you; The entering tones of the nine groups from qin to fan follow the Guangyun, with no corresponding open-tone groups. The six groups yu, yu, mo, ge, ge, and ma have no entering tones; today duo is uniformly assigned as their entering tone, which does not match Tang practice. Yet the successive shifts of ancient sounds and the principles of phonetic formation in the Six Scripts can all be recovered through this method." These were all insights not previously articulated by earlier scholars.
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其測算書原像一卷,迎日推策記一卷,句股割圜記三卷,曆問一卷,古曆考二卷,續天文略三卷,策算一卷。 自漢以來,疇人不知有黃極,西人入中國,始云赤道極之外又有黃道極,是為七政恆星右旋之樞,詫為六經所未有。 震謂:「西人所云赤極,即周髀之正北極也,黃極即周髀之北極璿璣也。 虞書'在璿璣玉衡,以齊七政',蓋設璿璣以擬黃道極也。 黃極在柱史星東南,上弼、少弼之間,終古不隨歲差而改。 赤極居中,黃極環繞其外,周髀固已言之,不始於西人也。」 震所著典章制度之書未成。 有詩經二南補注二卷,毛鄭詩考四卷,尚書義考一卷,儀經考正一卷,考工記圖二卷,春秋即位改元考一卷,大學補注一卷,中庸補注一卷,孟子字義疏證三卷,爾雅文字考十卷,經說四卷,水地記一卷,水經注四十卷,九章補圖一卷,屈原賦注七卷,通釋三卷,原善三卷,緒言三卷,直隸河渠書一百有二卷,氣穴記一卷,藏府算經論四卷,葬法贅言四卷,文集十卷。 震卒後,其小學,則高郵王念孫、金壇段玉裁傳之;測算之學,曲阜孔廣森傳之;典章制度之學,則興化任大椿傳之:皆其弟子也。 後十餘年,高宗以震所校水經注問南書房諸臣曰:「戴震尚在否?」 對曰:「已死。」 上惋惜久之。 王念孫、段玉裁、孔廣森、任大椿自有傳。 金榜,字輔之,歙縣人。 乾隆二十九年召試舉人,授內閣中書,軍機處行走。 三十七年一甲一名進士,授翰林院修撰。 散館後,養疴讀書不復出,卒於家。 師事江永,友戴震,著禮箋十卷,刺取其大者數十事為三卷,寄朱珪,珪序之,以為詞精義核。 榜治禮最尊康成,然博稽而精思,慎求而能斷。 嘗援鄭志答趙商云:「不信亦非,悉信亦非。」 曰:「斯言也,敢以為治經之大法。故鄭義所未衷者必糾正之,於鄭氏家法不敢誣也。」 段玉裁,字若膺,金壇人。 生而穎異,讀書有兼人之資。 乾隆二十五年舉人,至京師見休寧戴震,好其學,遂師事之。 以教習得貴州玉屏縣知縣,旋調四川,署富順及南溪縣事,又辦理化林坪站務。 時大兵徵金川,輓輸絡繹,玉裁處分畢,輒篝鐙著述不輟。 著六書音均表五卷。 古韻自顧炎武析為十部,後江永复析為十三部,玉裁謂支、佳一部也,脂、微、齊皆、灰一部也,之、咍一部也,漢人猶未嘗淆借通用。 晉、宋而後,乃少有出入。 迄乎唐之功令,支注「脂、之同用」,佳注「皆同用」,灰注「咍同用」,於是古之截然為三者,罕有知之。 又謂真、臻、先、與諄、文、殷、魂、痕為二,尤、幽與侯為二,得十七部。 其書始名詩經韻譜,羣經韻譜。 嘉定錢大昕見之,以為鑿破混沌,後易其體例,增以新加,十七部蓋如舊也。 震偉其所學之精,云自唐以來講韻學者所未發。 尋任巫山縣,年四十六,以父老引疾歸,鍵戶不問世事者三十餘年。 玉裁於周、秦、兩漢書,無所不讀,諸家小學,皆別擇其是非。 於是積數十年精力,專說說文,著說文解字注三十卷,謂:「爾雅以下,義書也;聲類以下,音書也;說文,形書也。 凡篆一字,先訓其義,次釋其形,次釋其音,合三者以完一篆,故曰形書。」 又謂:「許以形為主,因形以說音、說義。 其所說義,與他書絕不同者,他書多假借,則字多非本義,許惟就字說其本義。 知何者為本義,乃知何者為假借,則本義乃假借之權衡也。 說文、爾雅相為表裏,治說文而後爾雅及傳注明。」 又謂:「自倉頡造字時至唐、虞、三代、秦、漢以及許叔重造說文,曰'某聲'、曰'讀若某'者,皆條理合一不紊。 故既用徐鉉切音,又某字志之曰古音第幾部,後附六書音均表,俾形、聲相為表裏。 始為長編,名說文解字讀,凡五百四十卷。 既乃隱括之成此注。」 玉裁又以:「說文者,說字之書,故有'讀如'、無'讀為',說經、傳之書,必兼是二者。 漢人作注,於字發疑正讀,其例有三:'讀如'、'讀若'者,擬其音也,比方之詞;'讀為''讀曰'者,易其字也,變化之詞;'當為'者,定為字之誤、聲之誤,而改其字也,救正之詞:三者分,而漢注可讀,而經可讀。」 述漢讀考,先成周禮六卷,又撰禮經漢讀考一卷,其他十六卷未成。 儀徵阮元謂玉裁書有功於天下後世者三:言古音一也,言說文二也,漢讀考三也。 其他說經之書,以漢志毛詩經、毛詩古訓傳本各自為書,因釐次傳文,還其舊著,重訂毛詩古訓傳三十卷。 以諸經惟尚書離厄最甚,古文幾亡,賈逵分別古今,劉陶是正文字,其書皆不存。 乃廣蒐補闕,正晉、唐之妄改,存周、漢之駮文,著古文尚書撰異三十二卷。 又錄左氏經文,取鄭注禮、周禮,存古文、今文故書之例,附見公羊、穀梁經文之異,著春秋左氏古經十二卷,而以左氏傳五十凡附後。 外有毛詩小學三十卷,汲古閣說文訂六卷,經韻樓集十二卷。 嘉慶二十年,卒,年八十一。 初,玉裁與念孫俱師震,故戴氏有段、王兩家之學,玉裁少震四歲,謙,專執弟子禮,雖耄,或稱震,必垂手拱立,朔望必莊誦震手札一通。 卒後,王念孫謂其弟子長洲陳奐曰:「若膺死,天下遂無讀書人矣!」 玉裁弟子,長洲徐頲、嘉興沈濤及女夫仁和龔麗正俱知名,而奐尤得其傳,奐自有傳。 鈕樹玉,字匪石,吳縣人。 篤志好古,不為科舉之業,精研文字聲音訓詁。 謂說文懸諸日月而不刊者也,後人以新附淆之,誣許君矣。 因博稽載籍,著說文新附考六卷,續考一卷。 又著說文解字校錄三十卷。 樹玉後見玉裁書,著段氏說文注訂八卷,所駮正之處,皆有依據。 徐承慶,字夢祥,元和人。 乾隆五十一年舉人,官至山西汾州府知府。 著段注匡謬十五卷,其攻瑕索瘢,尤勝鈕氏之書,皆力求其是,非故為吹求者。
His astronomical and mathematical works include Original Images in one juan, Record of Advancing the Sun and Calculating Periods in one juan, Record of Right Triangles and Circle Division in three juan, Calendrical Questions in one juan, Investigation of Ancient Calendars in two juan, Supplement to the Brief Account of Astronomy in three juan, and Rod Calculations in one juan. From the Han onward Chinese calendar experts did not know of a yellow pole. Only when Westerners entered China did they say that beyond the equatorial pole there was also an ecliptic pole, the pivot of the westward rotation of the seven regulators and fixed stars, and they marveled that it was not found in the Six Classics. Dai Zhen said: "What Westerners call the red pole is precisely the true north pole of the Zhoubi; the yellow pole is precisely the north-pole xuanji of the Zhoubi. The Yu Documents says, 'at the Xuanji and Jade Balance, to regulate the seven governors'; this means that the xuanji was set up to model the ecliptic pole. The yellow pole lies southeast of the Steward star, between Upper Assistant and Lower Assistant, never shifting with precession through the ages. The red pole stands at the center and the yellow pole circles around it; the Zhoubi already said this, and it did not begin with Westerners." Dai Zhen’s book on institutions and systems was not completed. His works include Supplementary Notes to the Two Nan of the Book of Odes in two juan, Investigation of Mao and Zheng on the Odes in four juan, Investigation of Meaning in the Documents in one juan, Corrections to the Ritual Classic in one juan, Diagrams for the Record of Artisans in two juan, Investigation of Accession and Era Change in the Spring and Autumn in one juan, Supplementary Notes to the Great Learning in one juan, Supplementary Notes to the Doctrine of the Mean in one juan, Evidential Commentary on the Meanings of Words in Mencius in three juan, Investigation of Characters in the Erya in ten juan, Classical Discourses in four juan, Record of Waters and Lands in one juan, Commentary on the Water Classic in forty juan, Supplementary Diagrams to the Nine Chapters in one juan, Commentary on Qu Yuan’s Rhapsodies in seven juan, Comprehensive Explanation in three juan, Original Goodness in three juan, Preliminary Words in three juan, Book on the Rivers and Canals of Zhili in 102 juan, Record of Acupuncture Points in one juan, Treatise on the Viscera Mathematical Classic in four juan, Superfluous Words on Burial Methods in four juan, and Collected Writings in ten juan. After Dai Zhen died, his philology was transmitted by Wang Niansun of Gaoyou and Duan Yucai of Jintan; his mathematical astronomy by Kong Guangsen of Qufu; and his learning on institutions and systems by Ren Dachun of Xinghua. All were his disciples. More than ten years later, Emperor Gaozong asked the ministers of the Southern Study about Dai’s collated Commentary on the Water Classic, saying: "Is Dai Zhen still alive?" They replied: "He is already dead." The emperor lamented this for a long time. Wang Niansun, Duan Yucai, Kong Guangsen, and Ren Dachun have biographies of their own. Jin Bang, whose courtesy name was Fuzhi, was a native of She County. In Qianlong 29 he was summoned for examination as a provincial graduate, appointed Secretariat Drafter, and assigned to serve in the Grand Council. In Qianlong 37 he ranked first in the first class of jinshi and was appointed Hanlin Compiler. After leaving the Academy he nursed illness and read, did not serve again, and died at home. He studied under Jiang Yong, befriended Dai Zhen, and wrote Notes on Ritual in ten juan; he excerpted several dozen major matters into three juan and sent them to Zhu Gui, who wrote a preface praising their precise wording and verified meaning. In treating ritual Jin Bang most honored Kangcheng, yet he investigated broadly, thought precisely, sought cautiously, and could make judgments. He once cited Zheng’s Records in answer to Zhao Shang: "Not believing is wrong; believing everything is also wrong." He said: "I dare take these words as the great method for studying the classics. Therefore wherever Zheng’s meaning has not hit the center, it must be corrected; with regard to the Zheng family method, I dare not misrepresent it." Duan Yucai, whose courtesy name was Ruoying, was a native of Jintan. He was outstanding from birth and had a capacity for reading that surpassed others. He became a provincial graduate in Qianlong 25; when he went to the capital and met Dai Zhen of Xiuning, he admired Dai’s learning and became his disciple. Through service as an instructor he obtained the magistracy of Yuping County in Guizhou, was soon transferred to Sichuan, acted in charge of Fushun and Nanxi counties, and also handled affairs of the Hualinping station. At the time, the great army was campaigning against Jinchuan and transport was continuous; whenever Yucai finished his administrative duties, he lit a lamp and wrote without stopping. He wrote Table of Sounds and Rhymes in the Six Scripts in five juan. Ancient rhymes had been divided by Gu Yanwu into ten groups, and later Jiang Yong further divided them into thirteen. Yucai held that zhi and jia formed one group; zhi, wei, qi, jie, and hui one group; and zhi and hai one group, and that Han people had not yet confused or borrowed them interchangeably. Only after the Jin and Song did there begin to be some variation. By the official regulations of the Tang, zhi was annotated "used together with zhi and zhi," jia was annotated "used together with jie," and hui was annotated "used together with hai"; from then on, few knew that in antiquity the three had been sharply distinct. He also held that zhen, zhen, and xian were separate from zhun, wen, yin, hun, and hen, and that you and you were separate from hou, yielding seventeen groups. His books were originally titled Rhyme Chart of the Book of Odes and Rhyme Chart of the Collected Classics. Qian Daxin of Jiading saw them and thought they had pierced primordial confusion; later Duan changed their format and added new material, but the seventeen groups remained as before. Dai Zhen admired the precision of his learning, saying it revealed what scholars of rhyme since the Tang had not brought out. He soon served in Wushan County; at forty-six, because his father was old, he cited illness and returned home, closing his door and ignoring worldly affairs for more than thirty years. Yucai read everything from the Zhou, Qin, and two Han periods and discriminated right and wrong among the philological writings of all schools. He therefore accumulated several decades of effort and devoted himself to explaining the Shuowen, writing Commentary on the Shuowen Jiezi in thirty juan. He said: "The Erya and what follows are books of meaning; the Sound Categories and what follows are books of sound; the Shuowen is a book of form. For each seal-script character, it first glosses the meaning, next explains the form, then explains the sound; by combining these three it completes one seal graph, and therefore it is called a book of form." He also said: "Xu takes form as primary, and through form explains sound and meaning. The meanings he explains differ completely from other books: other books often use loan borrowings, so many characters do not carry their original meanings, while Xu explains only each character’s original meaning. Only by knowing what is original meaning can one know what is loan borrowing; original meaning is the balance by which loan borrowing is weighed. The Shuowen and Erya are inner and outer to each other; only after studying the Shuowen do the Erya and the commentaries and subcommentaries become clear." He also said: "From the time Cangjie created writing through Tang, Yu, the Three Dynasties, Qin, Han, and down to Xu Shuzhong’s making of the Shuowen, statements such as 'with such-and-such sound' and 'read like so-and-so' are all unified in pattern and not confused. Therefore after using Xu Xuan’s fanqie sounds, I also note for each character which ancient-sound group it belongs to, and append the Table of Sounds and Rhymes in the Six Scripts afterward, so that form and sound become inner and outer to each other. At first I made a long compilation titled Readings in the Shuowen Jiezi, in 540 juan. Afterward I compressed and shaped it into this commentary." Yucai also held: "The Shuowen is a book explaining characters, so it has 'read like' and not 'read as'; books explaining classics and traditions must include both. When Han scholars made commentaries and raised doubts about characters to correct readings, their examples had three types: 'read like' and 'read as if' approximate the sound and are words of comparison; 'read as' and 'read called' change the character and are words of transformation; 'should be' determines that a character or sound is wrong and changes the character, being words of correction. Once these three are distinguished, Han commentaries can be read and the classics can be read." In setting out Investigations of Han Readings, he first completed six juan on the Rites of Zhou and also wrote one juan of Investigations of Han Readings in the Ritual Classic; the remaining sixteen juan were unfinished. Ruan Yuan of Yizheng said that Yucai’s books had three services to the world and later ages: first, his discussion of ancient sounds; second, his discussion of the Shuowen; third, his Investigations of Han Readings. Among his other books explaining the classics, because the Han bibliographic treatise lists the Mao Odes Classic and Mao Odes Ancient Gloss Commentary as separate works, he arranged the commentary text and restored its old form, producing a revised Mao Odes Ancient Gloss Commentary in thirty juan. He held that among all the classics, the Documents had suffered the worst disasters: the Old Text was nearly lost, and the works in which Jia Kui distinguished old and new and Liu Tao corrected the characters no longer survived. He therefore searched broadly to fill gaps, corrected reckless Jin and Tang alterations, preserved variant Zhou and Han texts, and wrote Compiled Variants of the Old Text Documents in thirty-two juan. He also recorded the Zuo classic text, took examples of old-text, new-text, and archaic-script traditions from Zheng’s commentaries on the Rites and Rites of Zhou, appended the textual variants of the Gongyang and Guliang classic texts, and wrote Ancient Classic Text of the Zuo Spring and Autumn in twelve juan, placing the fifty general principles of the Zuo Tradition afterward. Other works include Philology of the Mao Odes in thirty juan, Corrections to the Jiguge Shuowen in six juan, and Collected Writings from the Jingyun Tower in twelve juan. In Jiaqing 20 he died, aged eighty-one. At first Yucai and Wang Niansun both studied under Dai Zhen, so Dai’s learning had the Duan and Wang lines. Yucai was only four years younger than Dai, but he was humble and strictly observed the etiquette of a disciple; even in old age, whenever someone mentioned Dai, he would lower his hands and stand respectfully, and on the first and fifteenth of each month he would solemnly recite one of Dai’s handwritten letters. After Duan died, Wang Niansun told his disciple Chen Huan of Changzhou: "With Ruoying dead, there are no scholars left in the world!" Yucai’s disciples Xu Ting of Changzhou, Shen Tao of Jiaxing, and his son-in-law Gong Lizheng of Renhe were all known, but Chen Huan especially received his transmission; Huan has his own biography. Niu Shuyu, whose courtesy name was Feishi, was a native of Wu County. Resolute in purpose and fond of antiquity, he did not pursue examination studies and instead studied characters, sounds, and exegesis with precision. He held that the Shuowen was as fixed as the sun and moon and should not be altered; later people confused it with the New Additions and thereby slandered Master Xu. He therefore broadly examined written sources and wrote Investigation of the New Additions to the Shuowen in six juan, with a continuation in one juan. He also wrote Collation Record of the Shuowen Jiezi in thirty juan. After Shuyu saw Yucai’s book, he wrote Corrections to Duan’s Commentary on the Shuowen in eight juan; every point he refuted and corrected had evidence. Xu Chengqing, whose courtesy name was Mengxiang, was a native of Yuanhe. He became a provincial graduate in Qianlong 51 and rose in office to prefect of Fenzhou in Shanxi. He wrote Correcting Errors in Duan’s Commentary in fifteen juan; in attacking flaws and seeking blemishes it went even further than Niu’s book, but all of it strove to find what was right and was not deliberate fault-finding.
57
孫志祖,字詒穀,仁和人。 乾隆三十一年進士,改刑部主事,洊升郎中,擢江南道監察御史,乞養歸。 志祖清修自好,讀經史必釋其疑而後已,著讀書脞錄七卷,考論經、子、雜家,折衷精詳,不為武斷之論。 又家語疏證六卷,謂王肅作聖證論以攻康成,又偽撰家語,飾其說以欺世。 因博集群書,凡肅所剿竊者,皆疏通證明之。 又謂孔叢子亦王肅偽託,其小爾雅亦肅借古書以自文,並作疏證以辨其妄。 幼熟精文選,後乃仿韓文考異之例,參稽眾說,正俗本之誤,為文選考異四卷。 又輯前人及朋輩論說,為文選注補正四卷。 又有文選理學權輿補一卷。 輯風俗通逸文一卷,補正姚之駰輯謝承後漢書五卷。 嘉慶六年,卒,年六十五。
Sun Zhizu, whose courtesy name was Yigu, came from Renhe. After passing the jinshi examination in Qianlong 31, he served in the Ministry of Justice, rose to director, was appointed Censor of the Jiangnan Circuit, then retired to care for his parents. Sun lived austerely and pursued learning rigorously, never resting until he had resolved every doubt in the classics and histories. His Miscellaneous Reading Notes in seven juan examine classics, masters, and miscellaneous schools with balanced precision, avoiding arbitrary judgments. In Family Sayings with Evidential Commentary in six juan, he argued that Wang Su wrote the Sheng Zheng Lun to attack Zheng Xuan and forged the Family Sayings to embellish his views and deceive the world. He gathered sources broadly and demonstrated every passage Wang Su had plagiarized. He also argued that the Kong Congzi was Wang Su's forgery, and that the Small Erya was Wang Su's borrowing from ancient texts to lend himself authority; he wrote evidential commentaries exposing both. From youth he knew the Wenxuan thoroughly; later, following the model of Han Yu's Textual Variants, he collated various explanations and corrected popular-edition errors in Textual Variants of the Wenxuan in four juan. He also compiled predecessors' and colleagues' discussions into Corrections and Supplements to the Wenxuan Commentary in four juan. He also wrote Supplement to the Origins of Neo-Confucian Learning in the Wenxuan in one juan. He compiled lost passages of the Customs and Mores in one juan and corrected Yao Zhi'er's compilation of Xie Cheng's Later Han in five juan. He died in Jiaqing 6, aged sixty-five.
58
翟灝,字大川,亦仁和人。 乾隆十九年進士,官金華、衢州府學教授。 灝見聞淹博,又能蒐奇引痺,嘗與錢塘梁玉繩論王肅撰家語難鄭氏,欲搜考以證其譌,因握筆互疏所出,頃刻數十事。 時方被酒,旋罷去,未竟藁,其精力殊絕人也。 著有爾雅補郭二卷,以爾雅郭注未詳、未聞者百四十二科,邢疏補言其十,餘仍闕如,乃參稽眾家,一一備說。 又云:「古爾雅當有釋禮篇,與釋樂篇相隨。 祭名與講武、旌旂三章,乃釋禮之殘缺失次者。」 又著四書考異七十二卷,皆貫串精審,為世所推。 他著又有家語發覆、通俗篇、湖山便覽、無不宜齋詩文藁。 五十三年,卒。
Zhai Hao, whose courtesy name was Dachuan, also came from Renhe. A jinshi of Qianlong 19, he served as professor at the Jinhua and Quzhou prefectural schools. Zhai's learning was broad and his citations ran to obscure sources. Once, discussing with Liang Yusheng of Qiantang Wang Su's forged Family Sayings and its challenge to the Zheng school, they took up pens and each noted sources—several dozen in moments. He was drunk at the time and left before finishing the draft; his scholarly energy was extraordinary. His Supplement to Guo's Erya in two juan addresses 142 entries where Guo's commentary was insufficient and Xing's subcommentary covered only ten, supplying full explanations from multiple sources. He also said: "The ancient Erya must have had an Explaining Ritual chapter, paired with the Explaining Music chapter. The three chapters on sacrificial names, military reviews, and banners and flags are remnants of Explaining Ritual, incomplete and out of order." He also wrote Textual Variants of the Four Books in seventy-two juan, a penetrating and precise work widely admired. His other works include Exposing the Family Sayings, Popular Essays, Illustrated Guide to Lakes and Mountains, and collected writings from the Wubuyi Studio. He died in Qianlong 53.
59
梁玉繩,字曜北,錢塘人。 增貢生。 家世貴顯,玉繩不志富貴,自號清白士。 嘗語弟履繩曰:「後漢襄陽樊氏,顯重當時。 子孫雖無名德盛位,世世作書生門戶,原與弟共勉之!」 故玉繩年未四十,棄舉子業,專心撰著。 其瞥記七卷,多釋經之文,有裨古義。 玉繩尤精乙部書,著史記志疑三十六卷,據經、傳以糾乖違,參班、荀以究同異,錢大昕稱其書為龍門功臣。 著人表考九卷,謂班氏借用禹貢田賦九等之目,造端自馬遷。 史記李將軍傳云:「李蔡為人在下中。」 其說頗是。
Liang Yusheng, whose courtesy name was Yaobei, came from Qiantang. He held augmented tribute-student status. Though his family was prominent for generations, Liang did not aspire to wealth or rank, styling himself the Pure White Scholar. He once told his younger brother Lvsheng: "The Fan clan of Xiangyang in Later Han was prominent in its day. Though their descendants held no great office or famous virtue, they maintained a scholarly household for generations. I hope you and I will encourage each other in this!" Accordingly, before turning forty Liang abandoned the examination track and devoted himself to scholarship. His Brief Notes in seven juan mostly explain the classics and clarify ancient meanings. Liang was especially expert in historical texts, writing Doubts about the Records of the Grand Historian in thirty-six juan, correcting discrepancies against the classics and comparing Ban Gu and Xun Yue. Qian Daxin called it a meritorious servant of Sima Qian's tradition. In Investigation of the Tables of Persons in nine juan, he argued that Ban Gu borrowed the nine grades of field and tax from the Tribute of Yu, an idea originating with Ma Yuan. The Biography of General Li in the Records states: "Li Cai's character was lower-middle." This reading is quite correct.
60
履繩,字處素。 乾隆五十三年舉人。 與兄玉繩相礱錯,有元方、季方之目。 其於眾經中尤精左氏傳,謂隋志載賈逵解詁、服虔解義各數十卷,今俱亡佚。 杜氏參用賈、服,仲達作疏,間有稱引,未睹其全。 亦如馬融諸儒之說,僅存單文只義。 唐以後注左氏者,惟張洽、趙汸最為明晰,大抵詳書法而略紀載。 履繩綜覽諸家,旁採眾籍,以廣杜之所未備,作左通補釋三十二卷。 又有未成者五門:曰廣傳、考異、駁證、古音、臆說。 錢大昕見其書,嘆為絕恉。 通說文,下筆鮮俗字。 年四十六,卒。
Lvsheng, whose courtesy name was Chusu. He became a provincial graduate in Qianlong 53. He and his elder brother Yusheng sharpened each other's scholarship, earning comparison to the Yuan brothers of the Cao Wei period. Among the classics he was especially expert in the Zuo Commentary. The Sui Records list Jia Kui's Exegesis and Fu Qian's Explanation in dozens of juan each, but both are now lost. Du Yu drew on Jia and Fu; Kong Yingda wrote the subcommentary with occasional citations, but their complete works were no longer available. The same is true of Ma Rong and other Han commentators, of whom only isolated phrases survive. Among post-Tang commentators on the Zuo, Zhang Qia and Zhao Fang were clearest, though they emphasized calligraphic method over historical narrative. Lvsheng surveyed all schools and gathered wide sources to supplement what Du Yu had omitted, producing Supplementary Explanations to the Comprehensive Zuo in thirty-two juan. He also planned five unfinished categories: Broadening the Tradition, Investigating Variants, Refuting Evidence, Ancient Sounds, and Speculative Discussions. Qian Daxin read the work and declared it a supreme achievement. He mastered the Shuowen and wrote with scarcely a vulgar character. He died at forty-six.
61
汪家禧,字漢郊,仁和人。 諸生。 穎敏特異,通漢易,作易消息解。 所著書數十卷,毀於火。 其友秀水莊仲方、門人仁和許乃穀輯其遺文,為東里生燼餘集三卷。 文多說經,粹然有家法。
Wang Jiaxi, whose courtesy name was Hanjiao, came from Renhe. He held licentiate status. Exceptionally quick-minded, he mastered the Han Changes and wrote Explanations of the Changes' Messages. His writings, several tens of juan in all, were destroyed by fire. His friend Zhuang Zhongfang of Xiushui and his disciple Xu Naigu of Renhe compiled his surviving writings into Collected Remains of the Dongli Scholar in three juan. The essays mostly expound the classics with pure and disciplined method.
62
劉台拱,字端臨,寶應人。 性至孝,六歲,母朱氏歿,哀如成人。 事繼母鍾氏,與親母同。 九歲作顏子頌,斐然成章,觀者稱為神童。 中乾隆三十五年舉人,屢試禮部不第。 是時朝廷開四庫館,海內方聞綴學之士云集。 台拱在都,與學士朱筠、編修程晉芳、庶吉士戴震、學士邵晉涵及其同郡御史任大椿、給事中王念孫等交遊,稽經考古,旦夕討論。 自天文、律呂至於聲音、文字,靡不該貫。 其於漢、宋諸儒之說,不專一家,而惟是之求。 精思所到,如與古作者晤言一室而知其意指之所在,比之閻若璩,蓋相伯仲也。 段玉裁每謂「潛心三禮,吾所不如」。
Liu Taigong, whose courtesy name was Duilin, came from Baoying. Deeply filial by nature, he grieved like an adult when his mother surnamed Zhu died at the age of six. He served his stepmother surnamed Zhong exactly as he would his birth mother. At nine he composed a eulogy to Yan Hui, already polished and accomplished; observers hailed him as a prodigy. He passed the provincial examination in Qianlong 35 but repeatedly failed the metropolitan examination. At that time the court opened the Siku Library, and renowned scholars from across the empire gathered in the capital. In the capital Liu associated with Academician Zhu Yun, Compiler Cheng Jinfang, Hanlin Bachelor Dai Zhen, Academician Shao Jinhan, and his fellow townsman Censor Ren Dachun and Censor-in-Chief Wang Niansun, investigating classics and antiquities in daily discussion. From astronomy and pitch pipes to phonology and philology, he mastered every field. In evaluating Han and Song Confucians, he did not adhere to any single school but sought only what was correct. Where his penetrating thought reached, it was as if conversing with ancient authors in one room and grasping their intent—roughly equal to Yan Ruoqu. Duan Yucai often said, "In devotion to the Three Rites, I am not his equal."
63
選丹徒縣訓導。 取儀禮十七篇除喪服外各繪為圖,與諸生習禮容,為發明先王制作之精意。 迎兩親學署,雍雍色養,年雖五十,有孺子之慕。 嘗客他所,忽心痛驟歸,母病危甚,乃悉心奉湯藥,衣不解帶者數旬,母病遂愈。 逮丁內外艱,水漿不入口。 既斂,枕苫、啜粥,哭泣之哀,震動鄰里。 居喪蔬食五年,出就外寢,以哀毀過情卒,年五十有五。
He was appointed instructor of Dantu County. He diagrammed each of the seventeen chapters of the Ceremonies except Mourning Garments and practiced ritual deportment with his students, elucidating the refined intent of ancient royal institutions. He brought both parents to live at the school office and cared for them with joyful devotion; though fifty, he retained a child's adoring affection. Once while away as a guest he felt sudden heart pain and rushed home. His mother's illness was critical; he nursed her day and night for weeks without removing his clothes, and she recovered. When mourning both parents, he took no food or drink. After the encoffining he slept on straw, drank thin gruel, and wept with a grief that moved the whole neighborhood. He ate only vegetables throughout five years of mourning, slept outside the inner chamber, and died at fifty-five from grief beyond what ritual required.
64
與同郡汪中為文章道義交,中歿,撫其孤喜孫,賴以成立。 武進臧庸常以說經之文請益,台拱善之。 卹其窮,周其困,飲食教誨,十七年如一日,庸心感焉。 台拱慕黃叔度之為人,王昶稱其有曾、閔之孝。 著有論語駢枝、經傳小記、國語補校、荀子補注、方言補校、淮南子補校、漢學拾遺、文集,都為端臨遺書凡八卷。
He shared a friendship in literature and moral principle with his fellow townsman Wang Zhong; when Wang died, Liu raised his orphan Xisun and saw him established in life. Zang Yong of Wujin often submitted essays on classical interpretation for Liu's guidance, which Liu warmly encouraged. He relieved Zang's poverty, fed and taught him for seventeen years without wavering, and Zang was deeply moved. Liu admired Huang Shudu's character; Wang Chang said he possessed the filial piety of Zengzi and Minzi. His works include Excess Branches of the Analects, Brief Notes on Classics and Traditions, Supplementary Collation of the Discourses of the States, Supplementary Commentary on Xunzi, Supplementary Collation of Fangyan, Supplementary Collation of Huainanzi, Remains of Han Learning, and collected writings—Duilin's Posthumous Writings in eight juan in all.
65
同邑朱彬,字武曹。 乾隆六十年舉人。 彬幼有至行,年十一喪母,哀戚如成人。 長丁父憂,斂葬盡禮,三年蔬食居外。 自少至老,好學不厭。 承其鄉王懋竑經法,與外兄劉台拱互相切磋。 每有所得,輒以書札往來辨難,必求其是而後已。 於訓詁、聲音、文字之學,用力尤深。 著有經傳考證八卷,禮記訓纂四十九卷,虎觀諸儒所論議,鄭志弟子之問答,以及魏、晉以降諸儒之訓釋,書鈔、通典、御覽之涉是書者,一以注疏為主,擷其精要,緯以古今諸說。 其附以己意者,皆援據精碻,發前人所未發。 他著有遊道堂詩文集四卷。 道光十四年,卒,年八十有二。 子士彥,吏部尚書,自有傳。
Zhu Bin of the same district, whose courtesy name was Wucao. He became a provincial graduate in Qianlong 60. From youth Zhu showed exceptional conduct; at eleven, when his mother died, he grieved like an adult. As an adult he mourned his father with full encoffining and burial rites, eating vegetables for three years and dwelling outside the inner chamber. From youth to old age he loved learning without tiring. He inherited the classical methods of his townsman Wang Maozu and mutually sharpened his learning with his cousin by marriage Liu Taigong. Whenever he gained an insight, he debated it with Liu by letter until they reached a correct conclusion. He applied himself especially deeply to exegesis, phonology, and philology. His Evidential Investigation of Classics and Traditions in eight juan and Compiled Interpretations of the Record of Rites in forty-nine juan draw on the Tiger Watch Tower discussions, Zheng's disciples' questions, Wei-Jin and later commentators, and relevant passages from book excerpts, the Tongdian, and the Imperial Readings, taking the commentaries as primary and weaving in ancient and modern explanations. Where he added his own views, the evidence was precise and often broke new ground. He also wrote Collected Poetry and Prose from the Youdao Studio in four juan. He died in Daoguang 14, aged eighty-two. His son Shiyan, Minister of Personnel, has his own biography.
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孔廣森,字眾仲,曲阜人,孔子六十八代孫,襲封衍聖公傳鐸之孫,戶部主事繼汾之子。 乾隆三十六年進士,選翰林院庶吉士,散館授檢討。 年少入官,性淡泊,躭著述,不與要人通謁。 告養歸,不復出。 及居大母與父喪,竟以哀卒,時乾隆五十一年,年三十五。 廣森聰穎特達,嘗受經於戴震、姚鼐之門,經史、小學,沉覽妙解。 所學在公羊春秋,嘗以左氏舊學湮於征南,穀梁本義汨於武子。 王祖游謂何休志通公羊,往往為公羊疚病。 其餘啖助、趙匡之徒,又橫生義例,無當於經,唯趙汸最為近正。 何氏體大思精,然不無承訛率臆。 於是旁通諸家,兼採左、穀,擇善而從,著春秋公羊通義十一卷,序一卷。 凡諸經籍義有可通於公羊者,多著錄之。 其不同於解詁者,大端有數事:謂古者諸侯分土而守,分民而治,有不純臣之義,故各得紀年於其境內。 而何劭公謂唯王者然後改元立號,經書元年,為託王於魯,則自蹈所云反傳違戾之失。 其不同一也。 謂春秋分十二公而為三世,舊說「所傳聞之世」,隱、桓、莊、閔、僖也; 「所聞之世」,文、宣、成、襄也; 「所見之世」,昭、定、哀也。 顏安樂以為:襄公二十三年「邾婁鼻我來奔」,云「邾婁無大夫,此何以書? 以近書也」; 又昭公二十七年「邾婁快來奔」,傳云「邾婁無大夫,此何以書? 以近書也」:二文不異,同宜一世,故斷自孔子生後,即為「所見之世」,從之。 其不同二也。 謂桓十七年經無夏,二家經皆有夏,獨公羊脫耳。 何氏謂:「夏者陽也,月者陰也,去夏者,明夫人不繫於公也。」 所不敢言。 其不同三也。 謂春秋上本天道,中用王法,而下理人情。 天道者:一曰時,二曰月,三曰日。 王法者:一曰譏,二曰貶,三曰絕。 人情者:一曰尊,二曰親,三曰賢。 此三科九旨。 而何氏文諡例云:「三科九旨者,新周故宋,以春秋當新王,此一科三旨也。」 又云:「所見異辭,所聞異辭,所傳聞又異辭。」 三科六旨也。 又「內其國而外諸夏,內諸夏而外夷狄,是三科九旨也」。 其不同四也。 他如何氏所據間有失者,多所裨損,以成一家之言。 又謂左氏之事詳,公羊之義長,春秋重義不重事。 皆好學深思,心知其意。 其為說能融會貫通,使是非之旨不謬於聖人大旨,見自序中。 儀徵阮元謂讀其書始知聖誌之所在。
Kong Guangsen, whose courtesy name was Zhongzhong, was a native of Qufu, a sixty-eighth-generation descendant of Confucius, grandson of the hereditary Duke for Continuing the Sage Chuanduo, and son of Ministry of Revenue Principal Jifen. He became a jinshi in Qianlong 36, was selected as a Hanlin Bachelor, and after leaving the Academy was appointed Reviewer. He entered office at a young age, was detached by nature, devoted himself to writing, and did not exchange visits with powerful people. After requesting leave to care for his parents, he returned home and did not serve again. While mourning his grandmother and father, he finally died from grief; this was in Qianlong 51, when he was thirty-five. Guangsen was exceptionally intelligent and penetrating. He studied the classics under Dai Zhen and Yao Nai, and in classics, history, and philology he read deeply and understood subtly. His own learning lay in the Gongyang tradition of the Spring and Autumn. He held that the old learning of the Zuo had been submerged by Du Yu, and that the original meaning of the Guliang had been muddied by Fan Ning. Wang Zuyou said that although He Xiu’s intent penetrated the Gongyang, he often became a sickness within the Gongyang tradition. As for Dan Zhu, Zhao Kuang, and their like, they generated interpretive rules arbitrarily and failed to match the classic; only Zhao Fang came closest to correctness. He Xiu’s system was grand and his thought refined, yet he was not free of inherited errors and rash conjecture. Accordingly Kong ranged through the various schools, adopted from both Zuo and Guliang, chose what was good and followed it, and wrote Comprehensive Meaning of the Gongyang Spring and Autumn in eleven juan with one juan of preface. Whenever meanings in other classics and books could be connected with the Gongyang, he often recorded them. Where he differed from He Xiu’s Exegesis, several major points stand out: he held that in antiquity feudal lords held divided lands and governed divided peoples, retaining a measure of independent authority, and therefore each could record years within his own domain. Yet He Shaogong held that only a true king could change the era and establish a title, and that when the classic writes "first year" it entrusts kingship to Lu; in this he fell into the very error he called contradicting the tradition. This is the first major difference. He held that the Spring and Autumn divides the twelve dukes into three ages. In the old explanation, "the age known by transmitted report" comprises Yin, Huan, Zhuang, Min, and Xi; "the age known by report" comprises Wen, Xuan, Cheng, and Xiang; "the age seen firsthand" comprises Zhao, Ding, and Ai. Yan Anle argued: in Duke Xiang's twenty-third year, the entry "Biwo of Zhulou came in flight" says, "Zhulou has no grandees; why is this written? Because it is recorded from nearby"; Again, in Duke Zhao's twenty-seventh year, "Kuai of Zhulou came in flight," the tradition says, "Zhulou has no grandees; why is this written? Because it is recorded from nearby." Since the two passages do not differ and should belong to the same age, he determined that after Confucius's birth it was already "the age seen firsthand," and Kong followed this. This is the second major difference. He held that in Duke Huan's seventeenth year the classic lacks "summer"; the two other classic texts both include "summer," and only the Gongyang omits it. Master He said: "Summer is yang, and the month is yin; removing summer clarifies that the wife is not subordinated to the duke." On this point Kong declined to follow He Xiu's explanation. This is the third major difference. He held that the Spring and Autumn takes Heaven's Way as its upper foundation, uses royal law in the middle, and orders human sentiment below. Heaven's Way comprises seasons, months, and days. Royal law comprises censure, demotion, and cutting off. Human sentiment comprises honoring, kinship, and esteem for worth. These constitute the three categories and nine purposes. Yet Master He's Examples of Civil and Posthumous Names says: "The three categories and nine purposes are these: taking Zhou as new and Song as old, and treating the Spring and Autumn as the new king. This is one category and three purposes." He also said: "What is seen, heard, and heard by transmission each has different wording." This yields three categories and six purposes. He also cited "making one's state inner and the various Xia outer, making the various Xia inner and the barbarians outer" as the three categories and nine purposes. This is the fourth major difference. In other cases where Master He's authorities sometimes erred, Kong often supplemented or corrected them to form the statement of his own school. He also held that the Zuo is detailed in events, the Gongyang excels in meaning, and the Spring and Autumn values meaning over events. All reflect deep learning and insight into the classic's intent. His explanations fuse and penetrate so that judgments of right and wrong never stray from the sage's great intent, as he explains in his preface. Ruan Yuan of Yizheng said that only after reading Kong's book did one know where the sage's true intent lay.
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又著有大戴禮記補注十四卷,詩聲類十三卷,禮學巵言六卷,經學巵言六卷,少廣正負術內外篇六卷。 駢體兼有漢、魏、六朝、初唐之勝,江都汪中讀之,嘆為絕手。 然廣森不自足,作堂於其居,名曰「儀鄭」,自庶幾於康成。 桐城姚鼐謂其將以孔子之裔傳孔子之學,雖康成猶不足以限之。 惜奔走家難,勞思夭年,不充其志,藝林有遺憾焉。
He also wrote Supplementary Commentary on the Records of the Elder Dai in fourteen juan, Poetic Sound Categories in thirteen juan, Brief Words on Ritual Learning in six juan, Brief Words on Classical Learning in six juan, and Inner and Outer Chapters on Positive and Negative Methods of Shaoguang in six juan. His parallel prose combined the strengths of Han, Wei, Six Dynasties, and Early Tang style; Wang Zhong of Jiangdu read it and declared it the work of a peerless hand. Yet Guangsen was not self-satisfied. He built a hall at home and named it "Modeling Zheng," hoping to approach Kangcheng. Yao Nai of Tongcheng said that Kong, as a descendant of Confucius, would transmit Confucius's learning, and that even Kangcheng was not enough to define his limits. Alas, burdened by family troubles and worn down by overwork, he died young without fulfilling his ambition—a loss deeply regretted in the scholarly world.
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邵晉涵,字二雲,餘姚人。 乾隆三十六年進士,歸班銓選。 會開四庫館,特詔徵晉涵及歷城周永年、休寧戴震、仁和余集等入館編纂,改翰林院庶吉士,授編修。 四十五年,充廣西鄉試正考官。 五十六年,大考遷左中允。 擢侍講學士,充文淵閣直閣事日講起居注官。
Shao Jinhan, whose courtesy name was Eryun, came from Yuyao. A jinshi of Qianlong 36, he returned home to await appointment. When the Siku Library opened, an imperial edict specially summoned Shao along with Zhou Yongnian of Licheng, Dai Zhen of Xiuning, Yu Ji of Renhe, and others to compile its contents. He became a Hanlin Bachelor and was appointed compiler. In Qianlong 45 he served as chief examiner of the Guangxi provincial examination. In Qianlong 56 he was promoted to Left Assistant in the grand palace examination. Promoted to Reader-in-Waiting and Academician, he served as Direct Attendant of the Wenyuan Pavilion and Daily Recorder of the Emperor's Actions.
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晉涵左目眚,清羸。 善讀書,四部、七錄,靡不研究。 嘗謂爾雅者,六藝之津梁,而邢疏淺陋不稱; 乃別為正義二十卷,以郭璞為宗,而兼採舍人、樊、劉、李、孫諸家,郭有未詳者,摭他書附之。 自是承學之士,多舍邢而從邵。
Shao suffered from cataracts in his left eye and was thin and frail. A voracious reader, he investigated everything from the Four Categories to the Seven Records. He held that the Erya is the gateway to the Six Arts, but Xing Shu's subcommentary was shallow and unworthy of the text; he therefore wrote his own Correct Meaning in twenty juan, taking Guo Pu as primary authority while drawing on She, Fan, Liu, Li, Sun, and other commentators, supplementing Guo wherever he was insufficient. Thereafter most scholars abandoned Xing and followed Shao.
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尤長於史,以生在浙東,習聞劉宗周、黃宗羲諸緒論,說明季事,往往出於正史之外。 在史館時,見永樂大典採薛居正五代史,乃薈萃編次,得十之八九,复採冊府元龜、太平御覽諸書,以補其缺。 並參考通鑑長編諸史及宋人說部、碑碣,辨證條系,悉符原書一百五十卷之數。 書成,呈御覽,館臣請仿劉昫舊唐書之例列於廿三史,刊布學宮,詔從之。 由是薛史與歐陽史並傳矣。 嘗謂宋史自南渡後多謬,慶元之間,褒貶失實,不如東都有王偁事略也。 欲先輯南都事略,使條貫粗具,詞簡事增,又欲為趙宋一代之志,俱未卒業。 其後鎮洋畢沅為續宋、元通鑑,囑晉涵刪補考定,故其緒餘稍見於審正續通鑑中。
He was especially skilled in history. Raised in eastern Zhejiang, he was steeped in the teachings of Liu Zongzhou and Huang Zongxi, and his accounts of late Ming affairs often went beyond orthodox histories. In the History Office, finding Xue Juzheng's History of the Five Dynasties in the Yongle Encyclopedia, he gathered and arranged it, recovering eight or nine tenths of the text, then supplemented the gaps from the Cefu Yuangui, Taiping Yulan, and other works. Drawing on the Comprehensive Mirror Long Compilation, various histories, Song anecdotal collections, and stele inscriptions, he verified and arranged the text to match the original one hundred fifty juan. When the work was complete, library officials proposed listing it among the Twenty-Three Histories following the precedent of Liu Xu's Old Book of Tang and publishing it for schools; the emperor approved. Thus Xue's History and Ouyang's History were both transmitted. He observed that the Song History after the southern crossing contained many errors; during the Qingyuan period praise and blame lost truth—not as reliable as Wang Cheng's Outline Events of the Eastern Capital. He planned first to compile Outline Events of the Southern Capital and also to write a gazetteer for the Zhao-Song dynasty—neither was completed. Later Bi Yuan of Zhenyang compiled the Continuation of the Comprehensive Mirror for Song and Yuan and entrusted Shao to revise and verify it; traces of Shao's work appear in the Revised Continuation Comprehensive Mirror.
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晉涵性狷介,不為要人屈。 嘗與會稽章學誠論修宋史宗旨,晉涵曰:「宋人門戶之習,語錄庸陋之風,誠可鄙也。 然其立身製行,出於倫常日用,何可廢耶? 士大夫博學工文,雄出當世,而於辭受取與、出處進退之間,不能無簟豆萬鍾之擇。 本心既失,其他又何議焉! 此著宋史之宗旨也。」 學誠聞而聳然。 他著有孟子述義、穀梁正義、韓詩內傳考,並足正趙岐、範甯及王應麟之失,而補其所遺。 又有皇朝大臣諡跡錄、方輿金石編目、輶軒日記、南江詩文藁。 嘉慶元年,卒,年五十有四。
Shao was upright and uncompromising and would not defer to powerful men. Once discussing the purpose of compiling the Song History with Zhang Xuecheng of Kuaiji, Shao said: "Song factionalism and the vulgar style of recorded sayings are indeed contemptible. Yet their conduct in daily life arose from ordinary human relations—how can that be abandoned? Scholar-officials may be broadly learned and towering over their age, yet in accepting or declining gifts, advancing or withdrawing from office, they cannot avoid choosing between integrity and gain. Once the moral heart is lost, what else remains worth discussing! This is the true purpose of writing the Song History." Zhang Xuecheng was deeply struck by this. His other works include Exposition of Mencius, Correct Meaning of the Guliang, and Investigation of Han Ying's Inner Commentary on the Odes—works sufficient to correct Zhao Qi, Fan Ning, and Wang Yinglin and supplement their omissions. He also wrote Records of Posthumous Titles of Great Ministers of the Dynasty, Catalogue of Regional Steles and Metal Inscriptions, Diary from the Traveling Carriage, and collected writings from the Nanjiang Studio. He died in Jiaqing 1, aged fifty-four.
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周永年,字書昌,歷城人。 博學貫通,為時推許。 乾隆三十六年進士,與晉涵同徵修四庫書,改翰林院庶吉士,授編修。 四十四年,充貴州鄉試副考官。 永年在書館好深沉之思,四部兵、農、天算、術數諸家,鉤稽精義,褒譏悉當,為同館所推重。 見宋、元遺書湮沒者多見採於永樂大典中,於是抉摘編摩,自永新劉氏兄弟公是、公非集以下,凡得十餘家,皆前人所未見者,咸著於錄。 又以為釋、道有藏,儒者獨無。 乃開借書園,聚古今書籍十萬卷,供人閱覽傳鈔,以廣流傳。 惜永年歿後,漸就散佚,則未定經久之法也。
Zhou Yongnian, whose courtesy name was Shuchang, came from Licheng. Broadly learned and penetrating, he was highly esteemed in his time. A jinshi of Qianlong 36, he was summoned with Shao to compile the Siku books, became a Hanlin Bachelor, and was appointed compiler. In Qianlong 44 he served as associate examiner of the Guizhou provincial examination. In the library Zhou loved deep reflection. Across military, agricultural, astronomical, mathematical, and numerological works in the Four Categories, he investigated essential meanings with apt judgments and was esteemed by fellow compilers. Finding many lost Song and Yuan works in the Yongle Encyclopedia, he selected and edited them—from the Yongxin Liu brothers' Collections of What Is and Is Not onward, recovering more than ten previously unknown schools, all entered in the catalogue. He also observed that Buddhism and Daoism had scriptural repositories while Confucians had none. He therefore opened the Borrowing Books Garden, assembling one hundred thousand juan of ancient and modern books for public reading and copying to broaden transmission. Alas, after Zhou's death the collection gradually dispersed—he had not established a lasting institution.
73
王念孫,字懷祖,高郵州人。 父安國,官吏部尚書,諡文肅,自有傳。 八歲讀十三經畢,旁涉史鑒。 高宗南巡,以大臣子迎鑾,獻文冊,賜舉人。 乾隆四十年進士,選翰林院庶吉士,散館,改工部主事。 升郎中,擢陝西道御史,轉吏科給事中。 嘉慶四年,仁宗親政,時川、楚教匪猖獗,念孫陳勦賊六事,首劾大學士和珅,疏語援據經義,大契聖心。 是年授直隸永定河道。 六年,以河堤漫口罷,特旨留督辦河工。 工竣,賞主事銜。 河南衡家樓河決,命往查勘,又命馳赴台莊治河務。 尋授山東運河道,在任六年,調永定河道。 會東河總督與山東巡撫以引黃利運異議,召入都決其是非。 念孫奏引黃入湖,不能不少淤,然暫行無害,詔許之。 已而永定河水復異漲,如六年之隘,念孫自引罪,得旨休致。 道光五年,重宴鹿鳴,卒,年八十有九。
Wang Niansun, whose courtesy name was Huaizu, came from Gaoyou Prefecture. His father Wang Anguo, who rose to Minister of Personnel and was posthumously titled Wensu, has his own biography. At eight he had finished the Thirteen Classics and was already reading histories. When the Qianlong Emperor toured south, as a minister's son he welcomed the imperial carriage, presented a literary portfolio, and was granted provincial graduate status. A jinshi of Qianlong 40, he became a Hanlin Bachelor and after completing his academy term was appointed a clerk in the Ministry of Works. He rose to director, was appointed Censor of the Shaanxi Circuit, then Censor-in-Chief in the Department of Personnel. In Jiaqing 4, when the Jiaqing Emperor took power, teaching-bandits ravaged Sichuan and Hubei. Wang submitted six proposals for suppressing them, opening with an impeachment of Grand Secretary Heshen; the memorial's classical reasoning greatly accorded with the emperor's intent. That year he was appointed Commissioner of the Yongding River Circuit in Zhili. In Jiaqing 6, after a dike breach he was dismissed but retained by special edition to supervise river works. When the work was completed, he was rewarded with the rank of clerk. When the Hengjialou River in Henan breached, he was ordered to investigate and then rushed to Taizhuang to manage river affairs. Soon appointed Commissioner of the Shandong Transport River Circuit, he served six years before transferring to the Yongding River Circuit. When the Eastern Rivers Governor-General and Shandong Governor disagreed on diverting the Yellow River to benefit transport, Wang was summoned to the capital to decide the issue. Wang memorialized that diverting the Yellow River into the lake would inevitably cause some silting but could proceed temporarily without harm; the emperor approved. Soon the Yongding River flooded again as severely as in Jiaqing 6; Wang accepted blame and received permission to retire. At the repeat Lu Ming banquet in Daoguang 5 he died, aged eighty-nine.
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念孫故精熟水利書,官工部,著導河議上下篇。 及奉旨纂河源紀略,議者或誤指河源所出,念孫力辨其譌,議乃定,紀略中辨譌一門,念孫所撰也。 既罷官,日以著述自娛,著讀書雜誌,分逸周書、戰國策、管子、荀子、晏子春秋、墨子、淮南子、史記、漢書、漢隸拾遺,都八十二卷。 於古義之晦,於鈔之誤寫,校之妄改,皆一一正之。 一字之證,博及萬卷,其精於校讎如此。
Wang was thoroughly versed in hydraulic engineering; while serving in the Ministry of Works he wrote Upper and Lower Discourses on Guiding Rivers. When ordered to compile the Outline of the River Source, some debaters misidentified the source; Wang forcefully corrected the error and settled the debate—the section on correcting errors in the Outline was his work. After retirement he devoted himself to writing Miscellaneous Reading Notes in eighty-two juan, covering the Lost Book of Zhou, Intrigues of the Warring States, Guanzi, Xunzi, Yanzi Spring and Autumn, Mozi, Huainanzi, Records of the Grand Historian, Book of Han, and Remains of Han Clerical Script. Obscure ancient meanings, copyist errors, and rash emendations—all were corrected one by one. Evidence for a single character could extend across ten thousand juan—such was his precision in textual collation.
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初從休寧戴震受聲音文字訓詁,其於經,熟於漢學之門戶,手編詩三百篇、九經、楚辭之韻,分古音為二十一部。 於支、脂、之三部之分,段玉裁六書音均表亦見及此,其分至、祭、盍、輯為四部,則段書所未及也。 念孫以段書先出,遂輟作。
He first studied phonology, philology, and exegesis under Dai Zhen of Xiuning. In the classics he mastered Han-learning methods, personally compiling rhymes for the three hundred poems, Nine Classics, and Songs of Chu, dividing ancient sounds into twenty-one parts. In dividing the zhi, zhi, and zhi groups, Duan Yucai's Six Scripts Phonological Table also reached this insight; but Wang's division of zhi, ji, he, and ji into four parts went beyond Duan. Because Duan's book appeared first, Wang set his own work aside.
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又以邵晉涵先為爾雅正義,乃撰廣雅疏證。 日三字為程,閱十年而書成,凡三十二卷。 其書就古音以求古義,引伸觸類,擴充於爾雅、說文,無所不達。 然聲音文字部分之嚴,一絲不亂。 蓋藉張揖之書以納諸說,而實多揖所未知,及同時惠棟、戴震所未及。
Because Shao Jinhan had already written Correct Meaning of the Erya, Wang composed Evidential Commentary on the Guangya. At three characters per day, he completed the work in ten years—thirty-two juan in all. The book seeks ancient meanings through ancient sounds, extending by analogy into the Erya and Shuowen without limit. Yet the strictness of its phonological and philological divisions leaves not a thread out of order. It uses Zhang Yi's Guangya to gather explanations, yet contains much unknown to Zhang and beyond the reach of contemporaries Hui Dong and Dai Zhen.
77
嘗語子引之曰:「詁訓之旨,存乎聲音,字之聲同、聲近者,經傳往往假借。 學者以聲求義,破其假借之字而讀本字,則渙然冰釋。 如因假借之字強為之解,則結夋不通矣。 毛公詩傳多易假借之字而訓以本字,已開改讀之先。 至康成箋詩注禮,屢雲某讀為某,假借之例大明。 後人或病康成破字者,不知古字之多假借也。」 又曰:「說經者,期得經意而已,不必墨守一家。」 引之因推廣庭訓,成經義述聞十五卷,經傳釋辭十卷,周秦古字解詁,字典考證。 論者謂有清經術獨絕千古,高郵王氏一家之學,三世相承,與長洲惠氏相埒云。
He once told his son Yinzhi: "The aim of exegesis lies in sound. Characters with the same or similar sounds in the classics are often phonetic loans. The scholar uses sound to seek meaning; break the loan character and read the original, and confusion melts like ice. Force an explanation through the loan character itself and the text becomes impenetrable. Master Mao's Commentary on the Odes often replaces loan characters with original ones—already opening the way to altered readings. By Zheng Xuan's commentaries, with repeated readings of 'X reads as Y,' the principle of phonetic loan was fully clarified. Later critics who fault Zheng Xuan for emending characters fail to recognize how common phonetic loan was in ancient texts." He also said: "Those who explain classics should seek only the classic’s meaning, not rigid adherence to one school." Yinzhi extended this instruction in Records of Classical Meaning in fifteen juan, Explanations of Terms in Classics and Traditions in ten juan, Exegesis of Zhou-Qin Ancient Characters, and Dictionary Verification. Critics say Qing classical learning stands alone through the ages; the Wang family of Gaoyou, with three generations of transmission, equals the Hui family of Changzhou.
78
引之,字伯申。 嘉慶四年一甲進士,授編修。 大考一等,擢侍講。 歷官至工部尚書。 福建署龍溪令朱履中誣布政使李賡芸受賕,總督汪志伊、巡撫王紹蘭劾之。 對簿無佐證,而持之愈急。 賡芸不堪,遂自經。 命引之讞之,平反其獄,罷督撫官。 為禮部侍郎時,有議為生祖母承重丁憂三年者,引之力持不可。 會奉使去,持議者遽奏行之。 引之還,疏陳庶祖母非祖敵體,不得以承重論。 緣情,即終身持服不足以報罔極; 制禮,則承重之義,不能加於支庶。 請復治喪一年舊例,遂更正。 道光十四年,卒,諡文簡。
Yinzhi, whose courtesy name was Boshen. A top-ranked jinshi of Jiaqing 4, he was appointed Hanlin Compiler. In the grand palace examination he ranked first and was promoted to Reader. He eventually rose to Minister of Works. In Fujian, acting Longxi magistrate Zhu Luzhong falsely accused Provincial Administration Commissioner Li Gengyun of taking bribes; Governor-General Wang Zhiyi and Governor Wang Shaolan joined the impeachment. At trial there was no corroborating evidence, yet the accusers pressed the case ever harder. Unable to endure the pressure, Li Gengyun hanged himself. Assigned to judge the case, Yinzhi reversed the verdict, exonerated Li, and dismissed both the governor-general and governor. As Vice Minister of Rites, when some proposed three years of full mourning for a living paternal grandmother, Yinzhi forcefully opposed it. While he was away on an imperial mission, proponents hastily memorialized and implemented the proposal. On his return Yinzhi memorialized that a concubine grandmother is not the grandfather's equal and cannot qualify for full-weight mourning. In sentiment, even lifelong mourning cannot repay boundless debt; but in ritual regulation, full-weight mourning cannot apply to branch-line descendants. He requested restoring the old one-year mourning precedent, and the policy was corrected. He died in Daoguang 14 and was posthumously titled Wensjian.
79
同州李惇,字成裕。 乾隆四十五年進士。 惇與同縣王念孫、賈田祖同力於學。 始為諸生,為學使謝墉所賞。 將選拔貢,會田祖卒於旅舍,惇經營殯事,不與試,墉嘆為古人。 江籓好詆訶前人,惇謂之曰:「王子雍若不作聖證論以攻康成,豈非醇儒?」 其面規人過如此。 著有群經識小八卷,考諸經古義二百二十餘事,多前人所未發。 四十九年,卒,年五十一。
Li Dun of Tongzhou, whose courtesy name was Chengyu. A jinshi of Qianlong 45. Li worked alongside his fellow townsman Wang Niansun and Jia Tianzu. As a licentiate he won the appreciation of Educational Commissioner Xie Yong. When about to be selected as an elevated tribute student, Jia Tianzu died at an inn; Li arranged the funeral and skipped the examination, prompting Xie Yong to sigh that he was like the ancients. Jiang Fan loved to revile earlier scholars. Li told him: "If Wang Su had not written the Sheng Zheng Lun to attack Zheng Xuan, would he not have been a pure Confucian?" He corrected others' faults to their face in just this way. His Small Recognitions among the Classics in eight juan examines more than two hundred twenty matters of ancient meaning, many not previously articulated. He died in Qianlong 49, aged fifty-one.
80
田祖,字稻孫。 諸生。 通左氏春秋,有春秋左氏通解。
Jia Tianzu, whose courtesy name was Daosun. He held licentiate status. He mastered the Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn and wrote Comprehensive Explanations of the Zuo Commentary.
81
宋綿初,字守端,亦高郵人。 乾隆四十二年拔貢生,官五河、清河訓導。 邃深經術,長於說詩,著韓詩內傳徵四卷。 又有釋服二卷。
Song Mianchu, whose courtesy name was Shouduan, also came from Gaoyou. An elevated tribute student of Qianlong 42, he served as instructor of Wuhe and Qinghe. Profound in classical learning and skilled in the Odes, he wrote Evidential Investigation of Han Ying's Inner Commentary in four juan. He also wrote Interpretation of Mourning Garments in two juan.
82
汪中,字容甫,江都人。 生七歲而孤,家貧不能就外傅。 母鄒,授以四子書。 稍長,助書賈鬻書於市,因遍讀經、史、百家,過目成誦,遂為通人。 年二十,補諸生。 乾隆四十二年拔貢生,提學使者謝墉,每試別置一榜,署名諸生前。 嘗曰:「餘之先容甫,爵也。 若以學,當北面事之。」 其敬中如此。 以母老竟不朝考。 五十一年,侍郎朱珪主江南試,謂人曰:「吾此行必得汪中為選首。」 不知其不與試也。
Wang Zhong, whose courtesy name was Rongfu, came from Jiangdu. Orphaned at seven, his family was too poor to hire an outside tutor. His mother surnamed Zou taught him the Four Books. As a youth he helped a bookseller in the market and thereby read classics, histories, and the hundred schools; he memorized at a glance and became a comprehensive scholar. At twenty he became a licentiate. An elevated tribute student of Qianlong 42; at each examination Educational Commissioner Xie Yong placed Wang on a separate list ahead of the licentiates. Xie once said: "My deferring to Rongfu is courtesy. Judged by learning, I should serve him as my master." Such was his respect for Wang. Because his mother was old he never attended the metropolitan examination. In Qianlong 51, Vice Minister Zhu Gui presided over the Jiangnan examination and said: "On this trip I am sure to rank Wang Zhong first." He did not know Wang was not taking the examination.
83
中顓意經術,與高郵王念孫、寶應劉台拱為友,共討論之。 其治尚書,有尚書考異。 治禮,有儀禮校本,大戴禮記校本。 治春秋,有春秋述義。 治小學,有爾雅校本,及小學說文求端。 中嘗謂國朝古學之興,顧炎武開其端。 河、洛矯誣,至胡渭而絀。 中、西推步,至梅文鼎而精。 力攻古文者,閻若璩也。 專治漢易者,惠棟也。 凡此皆千餘年不傳之絕學,及戴震出而集其大成。 擬作六儒頌,未成。
Wang devoted himself to classical learning and joined Wang Niansun of Gaoyou and Liu Taigong of Baoying in scholarly discussion. His work on the Documents includes Textual Variants of the Documents. His work on ritual includes collated texts of the Ceremonies and Records of the Elder Dai. His work on the Spring and Autumn includes Exposition of the Spring and Autumn. His philological works include Collated Text of the Erya and Seeking Origins in the Shuowen. Wang held that the rise of Qing ancient learning was opened by Gu Yanwu. Fabrications surrounding the River and Luo charts were refuted by Hu Wei. Chinese and Western astronomical calculation reached precision with Mei Wending. The forceful critic of Old Text learning was Yan Ruoqu. The specialist in Han Changes was Hui Dong. All were lost traditions untransmitted for over a thousand years until Dai Zhen gathered them into a great synthesis. He planned Eulogies of the Six Confucians but never completed it.
84
又嘗博考先秦古籍三代以上學制廢興,使知古人所以為學者。 凡虞、夏第一,周禮之制第二,周衰列國第三,孔門第四,七十子後學者第五。 又列通論、釋經、舊聞、典籍、數典、世官,目錄凡六。 而自題其端曰:「觀周禮太史云云,當時行一事則有一書,其後執書以行事,又其後則事廢而書存。 至宋儒以後,則併其書之事而去之矣。」 又曰:「有官府之典籍,有學士大夫之典籍,故老之傳聞。 行一事有一書,傳之後世,奉以為成憲,此官府之典籍也。 先王之禮樂政事,遭世之衰廢而不失,有司徒守其文,故老能言其事。 好古之君子,憫其浸久而遂亡也,而書之簡畢,此學士大夫之典籍也。」 又曰:「古之為學士者,官師之長,但教之以其事,其所誦者詩書而已。 其他典籍,則皆官府藏而世守之,民間無有也。 苟非其官,官亦無有也。 其所謂士者,非王侯公卿大夫之子,則一命之士,外此則鄉學、小學而已。 自辟雍之制無聞,太史之官失守,於是布衣有授業之徒,草野多載筆之士。 教學之官,記載之職,不在上而在下。 及其衰也,諸子各以其學鳴,而先王之道荒矣。 然當諸侯去籍,秦政焚書,有司所掌,蕩然無存。 猶賴學士相傳,存其一二,斯不幸中之幸也。」 又曰:「孔子所言,則學士所能為者,留為世教。 若其政教之大者,聖人無位,不復以教子弟。」 又曰:「古人學在官府,人世其官,故官世其業。 官既失守,故專門之學廢。」 其書藁草略具,亦未成。 後乃即其考三代典禮及文字訓詁、名物像數,益以論撰之文,為述學內、外篇,凡六卷。
He also broadly investigated pre-Qin texts and the rise and fall of Three Dynasties education, showing how the ancients studied. His plan comprised five parts: Yu and Xia, institutions of the Rites of Zhou, feudal states during Zhou decline, the disciples of Confucius, and later learners. He also planned six catalogues: General Discussions, Interpreting Classics, Old Reports, Canonical Records, Numerical Canons, and Hereditary Offices. He opened with: "Observing the Grand Historian passage in the Rites of Zhou—each act once had its book; later the book governed action; finally the act vanished and only the book remained. By Song Confucians' time, both the books and the acts they recorded were discarded." He also said: "There were government archives, scholars' archives, and transmitted reports of elders. Each act produced a book; transmitted to later ages as established statute—this was the government archive. When royal ritual, music, and government survived the age's decline, the Minister of Education guarded the texts and elders could speak of the affairs. Antiquarian gentlemen, fearing gradual loss, wrote accounts on bamboo slips—the archive of learned scholar-officials." He also said: "Ancient scholars were official teachers who taught practical affairs and recited only the Odes and Documents. Other canonical records were stored in government offices and hereditarily guarded; common people had none. Without holding the relevant office, one had no access. Scholars meant sons of the nobility or holders of minor office; beyond them were only district and primary schools. When the Bright Hall system vanished and the Grand Historian's office lost its charge, commoners began teaching disciples and unofficial scribes multiplied. Teaching and record-keeping passed from the court to private hands. In decline each master proclaimed his own learning, and the Way of former kings fell into desolation. When feudal lords lost their registers and Qin burned the books, official holdings were utterly destroyed. Yet scholars transmitted what they could, preserving fragments—fortune within misfortune." He also said: "Confucius taught what scholars could practice, preserving it as instruction for the age. Great matters of government and teaching he could not teach without office." He also said: "Ancient learning resided in government offices; men inherited offices and professions together. Once offices lost their charge, specialized learning collapsed." His drafts were roughly complete but remained unfinished. He later gathered his investigations of Three Dynasties ritual, philology, and numerology with discursive essays into Inner and Outer Chapters on Learning in six juan.
85
其有功經義者,則有若釋三九,婦人無主答問,女子許嫁而壻死從死及守志議,居喪釋服解義。 其表章經傳及先儒者,則有若周官徵文,左氏春秋釋疑,荀卿子通論,賈誼新書序。 其他考證之文,亦有依據。
Works serving classical meaning include Explaining the Three Nines, Questions and Answers on Women Without Masters, Discussion on Betrothed Daughters Whose Fiancés Died, and Explanations of Leaving Mourning and Removing Garments. Works highlighting classics and earlier Confucians include Evidential Text of the Rites of Zhou, Resolving Doubts in the Zuo Commentary, General Discourse on Master Xun, and Preface to Jia Yi's New Book. His other evidential essays are equally well grounded.
86
中又熟於諸史地理,山川阨要,講畫了然,著有廣陵通典十卷,秦蠶食六國表,金陵地圖考。 生平於詩文書翰無所不工,所作廣陵對、黃鶴樓銘、漢上琴台銘,皆見稱於時。 他著有經義知新記一卷,大戴禮正誤一卷,遺詩一卷。 五十九年,卒,年五十一。
Wang was also expert in historical geography, explaining mountain passes and strategic points with clarity. He wrote Comprehensive Gazetteer of Guangling in ten juan, Table of Qin's Gradual Conquest of the Six States, and Investigation of the Map of Jinling. He excelled in poetry, prose, calligraphy, and letters. His Reply on Guangling, Inscription for the Yellow Crane Tower, and Inscription for the Han River Zither Platform were all praised in his day. He also wrote Record of New Insights in Classical Meaning in one juan, Corrections to the Records of the Elder Dai in one juan, and posthumous poetry in one juan. He died in Qianlong 59, aged fifty-one.
87
中事母以孝聞,左右服勞,不辭煩辱。 居喪,哀戚過人,其於知友故舊,沒後衰落,相存問過於從前。 道光十一年,旌孝子。 中子喜孫,自有傳。 同郡人為漢學者,又有江德量、徐復、汪光爔。
Wang was famed for filial service to his mother, performing every duty at her side without complaint. In mourning his grief exceeded others'; toward friends who fell into decline after bereavement he showed even greater care. In Daoguang 11 he received official commendation as a filial son. Wang's son Xisun has his own biography. Other Han-learning scholars from the same district included Jiang Deliang, Xu Fu, and Wang Guangxi.
88
德量,字量殊,江都人。 父恂,好金石文字。 伯父昱,通聲音訓詁之學。 德量少承家學,及長,與汪中友,勵志肄經,學益進。 乾隆四十四年一甲進士,授翰林院編修,改江西道御史。 居朝多識舊聞,博通掌故。 公餘鍵戶,以文籍自娛。 著有古泉志三十卷。 五十八年,卒,年四十二。
Jiang Deliang, whose courtesy name was Liangshu, came from Jiangdu. His father Jiang Xun loved epigraphic inscriptions. His uncle Jiang Yu mastered phonology and exegesis. From youth Jiang inherited family learning; as an adult he befriended Wang Zhong, devoted himself to the classics, and advanced daily. A top-ranked jinshi of Qianlong 44, he became Hanlin Compiler and then Censor of the Jiangxi Circuit. At court he knew much oral tradition and was broadly versed in institutional precedent. In spare time from official duties he immersed himself in books. He wrote Record of Ancient Coins in thirty juan. He died in Qianlong 58, aged forty-two.
89
复,字心仲,亦江都人。 通九章算術。
Xu Fu, whose courtesy name was Xinzhong, also came from Jiangdu. He mastered the Nine Chapters on Mathematical Procedures.
90
光爔,字晉蕃,儀徵人。 廩生。 博通經史,嘗辨惠氏易爻辰圖之謬,又作荑稗釋,時人服其精核。
Wang Guangxi, whose courtesy name was Jinfan, came from Yizheng. He held stipend-student status. Broadly versed in classics and histories, he refuted errors in the Hui family's line-position diagram for the Changes and wrote Explanations of Tares and Weeds; contemporaries admired his precision.
91
武億,字虛谷,偃師人。 父紹周,進士,官吏部郎中。 億居父母喪,哀痛毀瘠,以讀書自勵。 時伊、洛溢,屋圮,架洿以居,斧朽木燎寒,誦讀不輟。 已,復從大興朱筠遊,益為博通之學。 乾隆四十五年進士,五十六年,授山東博山縣知縣。 縣山多土瘠,民不務農。 地產石炭、石礬,燒作玻璃器皿,商賈輻輳。 億問土俗利病,免玻璃入貢,革煤炭供饋,里馬草豆不以累民。 創範泉書院,進其秀者與之講敦倫理,務實學。 而決辭無留獄,禱雨即沛。 有以賄幹者,未敢進,億廉知之,值迅雷,曰:「汝不聞雷聲乎? 吾矢禱久矣。」 賄者惶悚而止,輿情大洽。
Wu Yi, whose courtesy name was Xugu, came from Yanshi. His father Wu Shaozhou, a jinshi, served as a director in the Ministry of Personnel. While mourning his parents, Wu grieved deeply and emaciated himself, driving his studies through grief. When the Yi and Luo rivers flooded and his house collapsed, he built a platform over the mire to live on, warming himself with rotten wood while never ceasing his studies. Later he studied under Zhu Yun of Daxing and became even more broadly learned. A jinshi of Qianlong 45, he was appointed magistrate of Boshan County in Shandong in Qianlong 56. The county's hills were mostly barren and the people neglected farming. The area produced coal and alum for glassmaking, drawing merchants in crowds. Wu investigated local customs' benefits and harms, exempted glass tribute, abolished coal supply requisitions, and spared the people district-horse fodder burdens. He founded Fanquan Academy, selecting talented students to discuss ethics and practical learning. He decided cases without leaving prisoners in limbo, and rain came immediately when he prayed for it. When someone tried to bribe him, they hesitated; Wu knew their intent and, as thunder crashed, said: "Do you not hear the thunder? I have long prayed against such corruption." The briber stopped in fear, and public sentiment turned strongly in Wu's favor.
92
五十七年,大學士和珅領步軍統領事,聞妄人言山東逆匪王倫未定死,密遣番役四出踪蹟之。 於是番役頭目杜成德等十一人橫行州縣,入博山境,手鐵尺飲博,莫敢誰何,億悉執之,成德尤倔強,按法痛杖之。 喧傳其事者曰:「億鹵莽刑無罪,將累上官。」 巡撫吉慶遂以濫責平民劾罷之,而不直書其事。 億蒞任僅七月,及去,民攜老弱千餘人走大府乞留「我好官」,不可得,則日為運致薪米,門如市焉。 吉慶亦感動,因入覲,偕億行,為籌捐复。 大學士、公阿桂謂吉慶曰:「例禁番役出京畿,奈何責縣令按法之非,且隱其實而劾強項吏,何也?」 吉慶深自悔,而格於部議,遂歸。 嘉慶四年十月,仁宗諭朝臣密舉京、外各員內操守端潔、才猷幹濟、於平日居官事蹟可據者,得赴部候旨召用,億在所舉中。 十一月,縣令捧檄至門,而億先以十月卒矣,年五十有五。
In Qianlong 57 Grand Secretary Heshen headed Metropolitan Banner affairs; hearing a rumor that Shandong rebel Wang Lun might still be alive, he secretly sent banner agents to track him. Eleven banner agents led by Du Chengde ran rampant through the counties; in Boshan they gambled with iron rulers in hand until Wu arrested them all and severely punished the stubborn Chengde. Those who spread rumors about the affair said: "Yi rashly punished innocent men and will implicate his superiors." Governor Ji Qing impeached and dismissed him for wantonly punishing commoners, without stating the true facts. Wu served only seven months; when he left, over a thousand people begged the provincial office to keep "our good official," and when refused they daily brought firewood and rice until his gate resembled a market. Ji Qing was moved as well and, entering the capital for audience, traveled with Wu to arrange a donation for his reinstatement. Grand Secretary Duke Agui told Ji Qing: "Banner agents are forbidden outside the capital—why blame a magistrate for enforcing the law and impeach a strong official while concealing the facts?" Ji Qing deeply regretted it, but ministry deliberation blocked reinstatement and Wu returned home. In Jiaqing 4, month 10, the emperor ordered secret recommendations of upright, capable officials with verifiable records; Wu was among those recommended. In month 11 the appointment reached his door, but Wu had already died in month 10, aged fifty-five.
93
億學問醰粹,於七經注疏、三史、涑水通鑑,皆能闇誦。 既罷官,貧不能歸,所至以經史訓詁教授生徒。 勇於著錄,有群經義證七卷,經讀考異九卷,金石三跋十卷,金石文字續跋十四卷,偃師金石記四卷,安陽金石錄十三卷。 又有三禮義證、授堂劄記、詩文集等書,皆旁引遠徵,遇微罅,輒剖抉精蘊,比辭達意,以成一例。 大興朱珪稱億不愧好古遺直雲。
Wu's learning was pure and refined; he could recite from memory the Seven Classics with commentary, the Three Histories, and Sima Guang's Comprehensive Mirror. After dismissal, too poor to return home, he taught classics, histories, and exegesis wherever he went. Prolific in writing, his works include Evidential Interpretations among the Classics in seven juan, Investigation of Variants in Classic Reading in nine juan, Three Postscripts on Metal and Stone in ten juan, Continued Postscripts on Metal and Stone Inscriptions in fourteen juan, Record of Metal and Stone at Yanshi in four juan, and Record of Metal and Stone at Anyang in thirteen juan. He also wrote Evidential Interpretations of the Three Rites, Notes from the Shoutang Studio, and collected writings—citing widely, probing the slightest textual crack, and forming general rules through precise expression. Zhu Gui of Daxing declared Wu worthy of the title of upright lover of antiquity.
94
莊述祖,字葆琛,武進人。 世父存與,官禮部侍郎,自有傳。 述祖,乾隆四十五年進士,官山東濰縣知縣。 明暢吏治,刑獄得中,豪猾斂跡。 嘗勘鹼地,眾以為斥鹵也,述祖指路旁草問何名,曰馬帚。 述祖笑曰:「此於經名荓,夏正'荓秀'記時,凡沙土草荓者宜禾,何謂鹼?」 眾皆服。 甲寅,以卓異引見,還,檄授桃源同知。 不一月,乞養歸。 著書色養者十六年,未嘗一日離左右。 二十一年,卒。
Zhuang Shuzu, whose courtesy name was Baochen, came from Wujin. His father's elder brother Zhuang Cunyu, who rose to Vice Minister of Rites, has his own biography. Shuzu, a jinshi of Qianlong 45, served as magistrate of Weixian in Shandong. Clear in administration, he balanced criminal cases and subdued the powerful. Surveying alkaline land thought saline, he pointed to roadside grass called horse-broom. He smiled: "The classic names this ping; the Xia Calendar's 'ping in flourish' marks the season—sandy soil with ping grass suits grain; how is this alkaline?" All were convinced. In jiayin he was cited for outstanding merit; returning, he was ordered appointed Taoyuan sub-prefect. Within a month he retired to care for his parents. For sixteen years he wrote while caring for his parents, never leaving their side. He died in Jiaqing 21.
95
述祖傳存與之學,研求精密,於世儒所忽不經意者,覃思獨闢,洞見本末。 著述皆義理宏達,為前賢未有。 以為連山亡而尚存夏小正,歸藏亡而尚有倉頡古文,略可稽求義類。 故著夏小正經傳考釋,以斗柄南門織女記天行之不變,以參中大中記日度之差,以二月丁卯知夏時,以正月甲寅啟蟄為曆元,歲祭為郊,萬用入學為禘。 著古文甲乙篇,謂許叔重始一終亥,偏旁條例所由出,日辰干支,黃帝世大撓所作,沮誦、蒼頡名之以易結繩,伏羲畫八卦作十言之教之後,以此三十二類為正名百物之本。 故歸藏為黃帝易,就許氏偏旁條例,以干支別為序次,凡許書所存及見於金石文字者,分別部居,書未竟,而條理粗具。 其餘五經,悉有撰著。 旁及逸周書、尚書大傳、史記、白虎通,於其舛句訛字,佚文脫簡,易次換弟,草薙腋補,咸有證據,無不疏通,曠然思慮之表,若面稽古人而整比之也。 所著夏小正經傳考釋十卷,尚書今古文考證七卷,毛詩考證四卷,毛詩周頌口義三卷,五經小學述二卷,歷代載籍足徵錄一卷,弟子職集解一卷,漢鐃歌句解一卷,石鼓然疑一卷,文鈔七卷,詩鈔二卷。
Shuzu inherited Cunyu's learning with precision; on matters others neglected he thought deeply, opening new paths and seeing through root and branch. His writings all reach broad principles beyond earlier sages. He held that though the Lianshan and Guicang were lost, the Xia Calendar Small Classic and Cang Jie's ancient script survive for tracing meaning. He therefore wrote Investigation and Explanation of the Xia Calendar Small Classic with Commentary, using the Dipper handle, Southern Gate, and Weaver Girl to record Heaven's unchanging motion; using Shen at culmination and the great culmination to record differences in the sun's degrees; using the dingmao day of the second month to determine the Xia season; using the jiayin day of the first month, when hibernating insects stir, as the calendrical epoch; taking the annual sacrifice as the suburban sacrifice; and taking Wanyong entering school as the di rite. In Ancient Script Parts A and B he argued that Xu Shuzhong's sequence from beginning through hai was the source of the radical rules; that the stems and branches of days were made by Dalao in the Yellow Emperor's age; that Jusong and Cang Jie named them to replace knotted cords; and that, after Fuxi drew the Eight Trigrams and framed his ten-word teaching, these thirty-two categories became the basis for correctly naming all things. The Guicang was the Yellow Emperor's Changes; following Xu's radicals and stem-branch order, he classified preserved and epigraphic material—the book unfinished but its structure largely complete. He also wrote on all the remaining Five Classics. He also treated the Lost Book of Zhou, Great Commentary on the Documents, Records of the Grand Historian, and Baihu Tong—correcting errors, lost passages, and displaced text with full evidence, as if consulting the ancients directly. His works include Investigation and Explanation of the Xia Calendar Small Classic with Commentary in ten juan, Evidential Investigation of Old and New Text Documents in seven juan, Evidential Investigation of the Mao Odes in four juan, Oral Exegesis of the Zhou Hymns in three juan, Account of Five Classics Philology in two juan, and nine other titles totaling over thirty juan.
96
存與孫綬甲,字卿珊。 盡通家學,尤為述祖所愛重。 著尚書考異三卷,釋書名一卷。
Cunyu's grandson Shoujia, whose courtesy name was Qingshan. He fully mastered the family learning and was especially cherished by Shuzu. He wrote Textual Variants of the Documents in three juan and Explaining the Book Title in one juan.
97
同族莊有可,字大久。 勤學力行,老而彌篤。 取諸注、傳,精研義理,句櫛字比,合諸儒之書以正其是非,而自為之說。 於易、書、詩、禮、春秋皆有撰述,凡四十二種,四百三十餘卷。
Clansman Zhuang Youke, whose courtesy name was Dajiu. Diligent in learning and conduct, he grew more earnest in old age. Drawing on commentaries and traditions, he finely investigated principle, compared texts across Confucian schools, and formed his own explanations. He wrote on the Changes, Documents, Odes, Rites, and Spring and Autumn—forty-two works in over four hundred thirty juan.
98
戚學標,字鶴泉,太平人。 幼從天台齊召南游,稱高第。 高宗巡江、浙,學標獻南巡頌。 乾隆四十五年,成進士,官河南涉縣知縣。 縣苦闊布徵,學標請於大府得減額。 權林縣,有兄弟爭產者,集李白句為鬥粟謠以諷,皆感悔。 性強項,多與上官齟《齒吾》,卒以是罷。 後改寧波教授,未幾歸,從事撰述。
Qi Xuebiao, whose courtesy name was Hequan, came from Taiping. From youth he studied under Qi Zhaonan of Tiantai and was ranked a top student. When the Qianlong Emperor toured Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Qi presented an Ode on the Southern Tour. He became a jinshi in Qianlong 45 and served as magistrate of She County in Henan. The county suffered from broad-cloth levies; Qi obtained a quota reduction from the provincial office. Acting for Lin County, when brothers disputed an estate he satirized them with a Ballad of Fighting over Millet from Li Bai's lines—all repented. Unyielding by nature, he often clashed with superiors and was ultimately dismissed. Later appointed professor at Ningbo, he soon returned home to write.
99
精考證,著漢學諧聲二十三卷、總論一卷。 用說文以明古音,謂六書之學,三曰形聲,聲不離形,形者聲之本也。 而聲又隨乎氣,氣有陰有陽,故一字之音,或從陰,或從陽,或陽而陰,或陰而陽,或陰陽各造其偏。 昔人知其然,故但以某聲者明字音所出,以耑其本。 以讀若某設為譬況之詞,使人依類而求。 即離絕遠去,而因此聲之本以究此聲之變,無患其不合。 說文從某某聲,從某某亦聲,從某某省聲,從某讀若某,從某讀與某某同,並二端兼舉。 聲音之學,莫備於此。 後人惑於徐氏所附孫愐音切,不究本讀,而一二宿儒言古音如吳棫、陳第、顧炎武、江永之流,亦第就韻書辨析。 不知說文形聲相繫,韻書就聲言聲; 說文聲氣相求,韻書祗論同聲之應。 其部居錯雜分合,類出肊見。 學者苟趣其便,衷於一讀。 且狃於平上去入之界之不可移易,諧聲之法廢,而說文之學晦矣。 其書論聲一本許氏,由本聲以推變聲,既列本注,旁搜古讀以為之證。 末附說文補考二卷,多辨正二徐謬誤。
Skilled in evidential study, he wrote Han Learning Phonetic Correspondence in twenty-three juan and General Discussion in one juan. Using the Shuowen to clarify ancient sounds, he held that in the Six Scripts xingsheng depends on form—form is the root of sound. Sound follows qi; with yin and yang qi, a character's sound may shift between yin and yang or take partial forms. Knowing this, ancients used 'with such-and-such sound' to show a character's phonetic origin and fix its root. 'Read like so-and-so' set up comparisons enabling seekers to find by category. Even when far removed, tracing the root sound reveals changes without mismatch. The Shuowen gives both phonetic root and comparative reading together in formulas such as 'from X with Y sound' and 'read like Z.' Nowhere is the study of sound more complete than this. Later scholars, confused by Sun Mian's fanqie added by the Xu family, ignored original readings; even Gu Yanwu and Jiang Yong analyzed mainly through rhyme books. They failed to see that the Shuowen links form and sound, while rhyme books discuss sound in isolation; the Shuowen seeks sound through qi, while rhyme books only discuss homophonic correspondence. Their departmental arrangements, chaotic in division and merger, mostly reflected subjective views. Scholars seeking convenience settled on a single reading. Clinging to fixed level, rising, departing, and entering tones, they abandoned phonetic correspondence and obscured Shuowen learning. His book takes Xu as basis, deducing changed from root sounds, listing original annotations and searching ancient readings as proof. Appended is Supplementary Investigation of the Shuowen in two juan, mostly correcting the two Xus' errors.
100
又有毛詩證讀若干卷,詩聲辨定陰陽譜四卷,四書偶談四卷,內外篇二卷,字易二卷,鶴泉文鈔二卷。
He also wrote Verified Readings of the Mao Odes, Spectrum Fixing Yin and Yang of Poetic Sounds in four juan, Occasional Talks on the Four Books in four juan, Inner and Outer Chapters, Character Changes, and Literary Notes of Hequan in two juan each.
101
江有誥,字晉三,歙縣人。 通音韻之學,得顧炎武、江永兩家書,嗜之忘寢食。 謂江書能補顧所未及,而分部仍多罅漏,乃析江氏十三部為二十一,與戴震、孔廣森多暗合。 書成,寄示段玉裁,玉裁深重之,曰:「餘與顧氏、孔氏皆一於考古,江氏、戴氏則兼以審音。 晉三於前人之說擇善而從,無所偏徇,又精於呼等字母,不惟古音大明,亦使今韻分為二百六部者得其剖析之故,韻學於是大備矣。」 著有詩經韻讀、群經韻讀、楚辭韻讀、先秦韻讀、漢魏韻讀、唐韻四聲正、諧聲表、入聲表、二十一部韻譜、唐韻再正、唐韻更定部分,總名江氏音學十書,王念孫父子胥服其精。 晚歲著說文六書錄、說文分韻譜。 道光末,室災,焚其稿。 有誥老而目盲,鬱鬱遂卒。
Jiang Youhao, whose courtesy name was Jinsan, came from She County. Mastering phonology, he devoured the works of Gu Yanwu and Jiang Yong. He held that Jiang supplemented Gu but divisions still had gaps; dividing Jiang's thirteen parts into twenty-one, he largely agreed with Dai Zhen and Kong Guangsen. He sent the work to Duan Yucai, who deeply valued it: "Gu and Kong focus on antiquity; Jiang and Dai also examine sounds. Jinsan chooses the best from earlier scholars without leaning to any faction, and he is also expert in hu, deng, letters, and initials. He not only makes ancient sounds brilliantly clear, but also explains why the modern rhymes divide into 206 sections. Rhyme learning is thus complete." His Jiang's Ten Books on Phonology include Rhyme Readings of the Book of Odes, the Classics, the Songs of Chu, Pre-Qin, and Han-Wei texts, plus tables of phonetic and entering tones—works Wang Niansun and his son both admired. In late life he wrote Record of the Six Scripts in the Shuowen and Rhyme Spectrum by Shuowen Divisions. Late in Daoguang a fire destroyed his house and burned his drafts. Youhao grew old and blind, fell into depression, and soon died.
102
陳熙晉,原名津,字析木,義烏人。 優貢生。 以教習官貴州開泰、龍里、普定知縣,仁懷同知,擢湖北宜昌府知府。 權開泰時,教匪蔣昌華擾黎平,將興大獄,熙晉縛其渠而貸諸脅從,全活無算。 龍里民以釘奚殺人,已誣服,而兇驗不合,心疑焉。 一日,方慮囚,見叢人中有曳釘奚竊睨者,命執而鞫之,痕宛合,遂款服。 普定俗糾聚相雄長,號其魁曰「牛叢」。 其獲盜,不謁之官,輒積薪焚殺之。 先是有挾仇焚三尸者,吏不敢捕。 熙晉期必得,重繩以法,風頓革。 其守宜昌也,楚大水,流民聚宜昌,畢力撫綏,繕城垣,以工代賑。 會秩滿將行,為留六閱月,蕆其事。 送者數千人,皆泣下。 乞養歸,未幾卒。
Chen Xijin, originally named Jin, whose courtesy name was Ximu, came from Yiwu. He was an outstanding tribute student. As a teaching instructor he served as magistrate of Kaitai, Longli, and Puding in Guizhou, sub-prefect of Renhuai, and was promoted to prefect of Yichang in Hubei. Acting for Kaitai, when teaching-bandit Jiang Changhua disturbed Liping, Chen bound ringleaders and pardoned the coerced, saving countless lives. At Longli a man had falsely confessed to killing someone with a nail-shoe, but wound evidence did not match—Chen was suspicious. While reviewing prisoners he spotted someone in the crowd dragging nail-shoes and glancing furtively; seized and interrogated, the wounds matched exactly and the true culprit confessed. At Puding groups dominated one another, calling their chiefs "Ox Clusters." When they caught thieves, they did not report to officials but burned them alive on piled firewood. Previously someone burned three corpses in revenge, and officials did not dare make arrests. Chen vowed to catch the culprits, punished them severely by law, and the custom was quickly reformed. As prefect of Yichang during a great Chu flood, he pacified refugees, repaired the walls, and used labor projects for relief. When his term ended he was kept six months to complete the work. Several thousand people saw him off, all in tears. He retired to care for his parents and soon died.
103
熙晉邃於學,積書數万卷,訂疑糾謬,務窮竟原委,取裁精審。 嘗謂杜預解左氏有三蔽,劉光伯規之,而書久佚。 惟正義引一百七十三事,孔穎達皆以為非,乃刺取經史百家及近儒著述,以明劉義。 其杜非而劉是者申之,杜是而劉非者釋之,杜、劉兩說義俱未安,則證諸群言,斷以己意,成春秋規過考信九卷。 又謂隋經籍志載光伯左氏述義四十卷,不及規過,據孔穎達序稱習杜義而攻杜氏,疑規過即在述義中。 舊唐書經籍志載述義三十七卷,較隋志少三卷,而多規過三卷,此其證也。 正義於規杜一百七十三事外,又得一百四十三事,蓋皆述義之文。 其異杜者三十事,駁正甚少。 殆唐初奉敕刪定,著為令典,黨同伐異,勢會使然。 乃參稽得失,援據群言,成春秋述義拾遺八卷。
Profound in learning, Chen amassed tens of thousands of books, correcting doubts and exhausting origins with precise judgment. He said Du Yu's Zuo commentary had three blind spots; Liu Guangbo corrected them, but Liu's book was long lost. Only the Correct Meaning cites 173 cases Kong Yingda rejected; Chen drew on classics, histories, and recent scholarship to clarify Liu's views. He expanded where Liu was right against Du, explained where Liu was wrong, and decided by his own judgment where both failed—forming Verified Investigation of Liu's Corrections in nine juan. He argued that Liu's Exposition of the Zuo listed in the Sui catalog likely included his corrections, based on Kong Yingda's preface. The Old Tang catalog lists the Exposition in 37 juan—three fewer than Sui but matching the three juan of corrections. Beyond the 173 anti-Du cases in the Correct Meaning, he found 143 more—all likely from Liu's Exposition. Only thirty cases differ from Du, with few refutations. Probably early Tang editors, favoring Du, deleted Liu's corrections when fixing the standard text. Comparing gains and losses across sources, he completed Supplementary Remains of the Exposition of the Zuo in eight juan.
104
他著有古文孝經述義疏證五卷,帝王世紀二卷,貴州風土記三十二卷,黔中水道記四卷,宋大夫集箋注三卷,駱臨海集箋注十卷,日損齋筆記考證一卷,文集八卷,征帆集四卷。
Other works include Exposition and Evidential Commentary on the Old Text Filial Classic, Annals of Emperors and Kings, Record of Guizhou Customs, and eight additional titles.
105
李誠,字靜軒,黃岩人。 嘉慶十八年拔貢生,官雲南姚州州判,終順寧知縣。 撰十三經集解二百六十卷,首臚漢、魏諸家之說,次採近人精確之語,而唐、宋諸儒之徵實者亦不廢焉。 嘗謂記水之書,自酈道元下,代不乏人,而言山者無成編,乃作萬山綱目六十卷。 又水道提綱補訂二十八卷,宦遊日記一卷,微言管窺三十六卷,醫家指迷一卷。
Li Cheng, whose courtesy name was Jingxuan, came from Huangyan. An elevated tribute student of Jiaqing 18, he served in Yunnan and ended as magistrate of Shunning. He compiled Collected Explanations of the Thirteen Classics in 260 juan, drawing on Han-Wei commentaries, recent scholarship, and solid Tang-Song work. Observing that waterway books were plentiful but mountain geography lacked a comprehensive work, he wrote Comprehensive Outline of Ten Thousand Mountains in sixty juan. He also wrote Supplement and Revision of Waterway Compendium in 28 juan, Diary of Official Travel, Glimpses through a Tube in 36 juan, and Guide for Physicians.
106
丁杰,原名錦鴻,字升衢,歸安人。 乾隆四十六年進士,官寧波府學教授。 杰純孝誠篤,嘗奔走滇南迎父柩歸葬。 少家貧,就書肆中讀。 肆力經史,旁及說文、音韻、算數。 初至都,適四庫館開,任事者延之佐校,遂與朱筠、戴震、盧文弨、金榜、程瑤田等相講習。
Ding Jie, originally named Jinhong, whose courtesy name was Shengqu, came from Gui'an. A jinshi of Qianlong 46, he served as professor of the Ningbo prefectural school. Deeply filial, he once rushed to Yunnan to bring his father's coffin home for burial. Poor from youth, he read in bookshops. He studied classics and histories along with the Shuowen, phonology, and mathematics. When the Siku Library opened he assisted collation and studied with Zhu Yun, Dai Zhen, Lu Wenjiao, Jin Bang, and Cheng Yaotian.
107
杰為學長於校讎,與盧文弨最相似。 得一書必審定句讀,博稽他本同異。 於大戴禮用功尤深,著有大戴禮記繹。 又易鄭注久佚,宋王應麟裒輯成書,惠棟復有增入。 杰審視兩本,以為多羼入鄭氏易乾鑿度注,又漢書注所云鄭氏,乃即注漢書之人,非康成。 乃刊其譌,定其是,复摘補其未備,著周易鄭注後定凡十二卷。 胡渭禹貢錐指號為絕學,杰摘其誤甚多。 嘗謂緯書「移河為界,在齊呂填閼八流以自廣」。 河患之棘,由九河堙廢,而害始於齊。 管仲能臣,必不自貽伊戚。 班固敘溝洫志云:「商竭周移,秦決南涯,自茲距漢,北亡八支。」 則九河之塞,當在秦、楚之際矣。 惠棟尚書大傳輯本,杰以為疏舛,如「鮮度作荊,以詰四方」,誤讀困學紀聞,此謬之甚者。 五行傳文不類,讀後漢書注,始知誤連皇覽也。 杰嘗與翁方綱補正朱彝尊經義考序年月,博採見聞,以相證合。 又與許言彥闡繹墨子上、下經,大有端緒。 方言善本,始於戴震,杰採獲裨益最多,盧文弨以為不在戴下。 漢隸字原考正,錢塘謂得隸之義例。
Ding excelled at textual collation, most resembling Lu Wenjiao. For every book he fixed punctuation and collated variants across editions. He worked especially on the Records of the Elder Dai, writing Exposition of the Records of the Elder Dai. Zheng Xuan's Commentary on the Changes had long been lost; Wang Yinglin of Song compiled a recovery, augmented by Hui Dong. Ding found both recoveries interpolated passages from Zheng's Qianzao Du commentary and misattributed Han History notes. He corrected errors and supplemented gaps in Final Determination of Zheng's Commentary on the Changes in twelve juan. Hu Wei's Axe and Pointer to the Tribute of Yu was hailed as supreme learning; Ding pointed out many errors. He cited a weft classic: "Shifting the river as boundary, at Qi filling and blocking the eight streams to expand itself." River calamity stemmed from the Nine Rivers being blocked, with harm beginning in Qi. Guan Zhong was a capable minister and would not have brought such disaster on himself. Ban Gu's Treatise on Ditches and Channels says: "Shang exhausted, Zhou shifted, Qin broke the southern bank; from then to Han, the north lost eight branches." Thus the Nine Rivers were likely blocked during the Qin-Chu period. Hui Dong's compiled Great Commentary on the Documents contained grave errors such as misreading Kunxue Jiwen in "fresh degrees making Jing." The Five Elements Transmission text was corrupt; reading Later Han commentary showed it had been wrongly joined with Huanglan. With Weng Fanggang he corrected dates in Zhu Yizun's Evidential Investigation of Classical Meaning preface. With Xu Yanyan he elucidated Mozi's upper and lower canons with great progress. Dai Zhen began fine Fangyan editions; Ding contributed most, and Lu Wenjiao ranked him not below Dai. Qiantang said his Correct Investigation of the Origin of Han Clerical Characters grasped clerical principles.
108
杰又言字母三十六字不可增並,不可顛倒:見、端、知、邦、非、精、照為孤清,不可增濁聲也; 疑、泥、襄、明、微、來、日為孤濁,不可增清聲也; 非即邦之輕脣,不可並於專攵; 微即明之輕脣,不可並於奉; 影為曉之深喉,喻為匣之深喉,曉、匣、影、喻不可顛倒為影、曉、喻、匣也。 所著書有小酉山房文集,嘉慶十二年,卒,年七十。
Ding held that the thirty-six initials cannot be increased, merged, or reversed: jian, duan, zhi, bang, fei, jing, and zhao are isolated clear initials and cannot take voiced counterparts; yi, ni, xiang, ming, wei, lai, and ri are isolated voiced initials and cannot take clear counterparts; fei is the light-labial form of bang and cannot merge with zhuan; wei is the light-labial form of ming and cannot merge with feng; ying and yu are deep-throat forms of xiao and xia and cannot be reordered as ying, xiao, yu, xia. He wrote Collected Writings from the Xiaoyou Mountain Studio and died in Jiaqing 12, aged seventy.
109
子授經,嘉慶三年優貢; 傳經,六年優貢。 皆能世其家學,有「雙丁」之目。 授經佐其友嚴可均造甲乙丙丁長編,以校定說文。
His son Shoujing was an outstanding tribute student of Jiaqing 3; Chuanjing was an outstanding tribute student of Jiaqing 6. Both inherited the family learning and were known as the "Twin Ding." Shoujing assisted Yan Kejun in compiling the ABCD long compilation to collate the Shuowen.
110
周春,字松靄,海寧人。 乾隆十九年進士,官廣西岑溪縣知縣。 革陋規,幾微不以擾民,有古循吏風。 以憂去官,岑溪人構祠祀焉。 嘉慶十五年,重赴鹿鳴。 二十年,卒,年八十七。 春博學好古,兩親服闋,年未五十,不謁選。 著十三經音略十三卷,專考經音,以陸氏釋文為權輿,參以玉篇、廣均、五經文字諸書音,字必審音,音必歸母,謹嚴細密,絲毫不假。 他著又有中文孝經一卷,爾雅補注四卷,小學餘論二卷,代北姓譜二卷,遼金元姓譜一卷,遼詩話一卷,選材錄一卷,杜詩雙聲疊韻譜括略八卷。
Zhou Chun, whose courtesy name was Song'ai, came from Haining. A jinshi of Qianlong 19, he served as magistrate of Cenxi County in Guangxi. He abolished corrupt customs without disturbing the people, in the style of ancient conscientious officials. When he left on bereavement, Cenxi built a shrine in his honor. In Jiaqing 15 he again attended the Lu Ming banquet. He died in Jiaqing 20, aged eighty-seven. Broadly learned and loving antiquity, after mourning both parents he did not seek office though not yet fifty. His Outline of Sounds of the Thirteen Classics in thirteen juan, based on Lu Deming's Shiwen and Yupian and Guangyun, rigorously assigns every character to its initial. Other works include Chinese Filial Classic, Supplementary Commentary on Erya, Remaining Discourses on Philology, surname genealogies, and Outline of Alliteration in Du Fu's Poetry in eight juan.
111
孫星衍,字淵如,陽湖人。 少與同里楊芳燦、洪亮吉、黃景仁文學相齊。 袁枚品其詩,曰「天下奇才」,與訂忘年交。 星衍雅不欲以詩名,深究經、史、文字、音訓之學,旁及諸子百家,皆必通其義。 乾隆五十二年,以一甲進士授翰林院編修,充三通館校理。 五十四年,散館,試厲志賦,用史記「如畏」,大學士和珅疑為別字,置三等改部。 故事,一甲進士改部,或奏請留館,又編修改官可得員外,前此吳文煥有成案。 珅示意欲使往見,星衍不肯屈節,曰:「主事終擢員外,何汲汲求人為?」 自是編修改主事遂為成例。
Sun Xingyan, whose courtesy name was Yuanru, came from Yanghu. From youth his literary gifts matched those of Yang Fangcan, Hong Liangji, and Huang Jingren. Yuan Mei called him a "genius under heaven" and formed a friendship across generations. Sun did not wish fame as a poet, devoting himself to classics, histories, philology, and the hundred schools. A top-ranked jinshi of Qianlong 52, he became Hanlin Compiler and collator of the Three Compendia Office. In Qianlong 54, leaving the Hanlin academy, he used Records' "like in fear" in his Fu on Firm Resolve; Heshen suspected a wrong character and demoted him to a ministry post. Precedent allowed top jinshi to remain in the Hanlin or rise to vice-director—Wu Wenhuan had done so. Heshen hinted he should visit; Sun refused: "A clerk eventually rises to vice-director—why seek favor?" Thereafter Hanlin compilers demoted to clerks became precedent.
112
官刑部,為法寬恕,大學士阿桂、尚書胡季堂悉器重之。 有疑獄,輒令依古義平議,所平反全活甚眾。 退直之暇,輒理舊業。 洊升郎中。 六十年,授山東兗沂曹濟道。
In the Ministry of Justice he was lenient in law; Agui and Hu Jitang valued him. For doubtful cases he judged by ancient principles, saving many lives. After duty he always pursued scholarship. He rose to director. In Qianlong 60 he was appointed intendant of the Yan-Yi-Cao-Ji Circuit in Shandong.
113
嘉慶元年七月,曹南水漫灘潰,決單縣地,星衍與按察使康基田鳩工集夫,五日夜,從上游築堤遏御之,不果決。 基田謂此役省國家數百萬帑金也。 尋權按察使,凡七閱月,平反數十百條,活死罪誣服者十餘獄。 濰縣有武人犯法,賄和珅門,囑託大吏。 星衍訪捕鞫之,械和門來者於衢。 及回本任,值曹工漫溢,星衍以無工處所得疏防咎,特旨予留任。 曹工分治引河三道,星衍治中段。 畢工,較濟東道、登萊道上下段省三十餘萬。 先是河工分賠之員或得羨餘,謂之扣費,星衍不取,悉以給引河工費。 時曹工尚未合,河督、巡撫亟奏合龍,移星衍任,尋又奏稱合而復開。 開則分賠兩次壩工銀九萬兩,當半屬後任,而司事者並以歸星衍。 星衍亦任之,曰:「吾既兼河務,不能不為人受過也。」
In Jiaqing 1, month 7, floods breached at Shan County; Sun and Kang Jitian built upstream dikes in five days and nights to prevent a breakthrough. Kang Jitian said the work saved the state millions in treasury silver. Acting surveillance commissioner for seven months, he reversed scores of cases and saved more than ten death-row prisoners wrongly convicted. In Weixian a martial offender bribed Heshen's gate and sought protection from high officials. Sun searched him out, tried him, and shackled Heshen's messenger in the street. Returning to his post during Cao flood work, he was blamed for defense negligence but retained by special edict. Cao flood work divided three diversion rivers; Sun managed the middle section. When complete, his section saved over three hundred thousand compared with Jidong and Denglai sections. Where others took surplus "deduction fees" from river compensation, Sun took none and applied all funds to diversion work. Before Cao works were joined, superiors hurriedly reported completion and moved Sun; soon they reported the works had reopened. Reopening required sharing ninety thousand taels in dam compensation—half should fall on his successor, but officials assigned it all to Sun. Sun accepted it, saying: "Since I also manage river affairs, I cannot avoid bearing others' faults."
114
四年,丁母憂歸,浙撫阮元聘主詁經精舍。 星衍課諸生以經史疑義及小學、天部、地理、算學、詞章,不十年,舍中士皆以撰述名家。 服闋入都,仍發山東,十年,補督糧道。 十二年,權布政使。 值侍郎廣興在省,按章供張煩擾,星衍不肯妄支。 後廣以賄敗,豫、東兩省多以支庫獲罪,星衍不與焉。 十六年,引疾歸。
In Jiaqing 4 he mourned his mother; Ruan Yuan engaged him to head the Gujing Jingshe Academy. He tested students on classical doubts, philology, astronomy, geography, mathematics, and composition; within ten years they became noted writers. After mourning he returned to Shandong; in Jiaqing 10 he became grain commissioner. In Jiaqing 12 he acted as provincial administration commissioner. When Vice Minister Guangxing visited, Sun refused improper disbursements for his entourage. When Guang later fell on bribery charges, many Henan and Shandong officials were punished for treasury disbursements—Sun was not. In Jiaqing 16 he retired citing illness.
115
星衍博極群書,勤於著述。 又好聚書,聞人家藏有善本,借鈔無虛日。 金石文字,靡不考其原委。 嘗病古文尚書為東晉梅賾所亂,官刑部時,即集古文尚書馬鄭註十卷、逸文二卷。 歸田後,又為尚書今古文注疏三十九卷,其序例云:「尚書古注散佚,今刺取書傳升為注者五家三科之說:一,司馬遷從孔氏安國問故,是古文說; 一,書大傳伏生所傳歐陽高、大夏侯勝、小夏侯建,是今文說; 一,馬氏融、鄭氏康成雖有異同,多本衛氏宏、賈氏逵,是孔壁古文說:皆疏明出典。 其先秦諸子所引古書說及緯書、白虎通等,漢、魏諸儒今文說、許氏說文所載孔壁古文,注中存其異文、異字,其說則附疏中。」 其意在網羅放失舊聞,故錄漢、魏人佚說為多,又兼採近代王鳴盛、江聲、段玉裁諸人書說。 惟不取趙宋以來諸人注,以其時文籍散亡,較今代無異聞,又無師傳,恐滋臆說也。 凡積二十二年而後成。
Sun was broadly read and prolific in writing. He loved collecting books and copied fine editions whenever he found them. He investigated the origins of every epigraphic inscription he encountered. Lamenting that the Old Text Documents were corrupted by Mei Ze of Eastern Jin, he began collecting Ma-Zheng commentary while at the Ministry of Justice. After retirement he completed Commentary and Subcommentary to Old and New Text Documents in 39 juan. Its methodological preface says: "The old commentaries to the Documents have scattered and disappeared. I now select from the traditions raised into commentary the views of five schools in three categories: first, Sima Qian, who asked Kong Anguo about old matters, represents the Old Text interpretation; second, Fusheng's Book Great Tradition, transmitted by Ouyang Gao, Elder Xiahou Sheng, and Younger Xiahou Jian, represents the New Text interpretation; third, Ma Rong and Zheng Kangcheng, though they have differences, mostly draw on Wei Hong and Jia Kui and represent the Kong-wall Old Text interpretation. All these are traced to their sources in the subcommentary. As for old Documents interpretations cited by pre-Qin masters, weft texts, Baihu Tong, and the like, the New Text interpretations of Han and Wei scholars, and the Kong-wall Old Text recorded in Xu's Shuowen, the commentary preserves their variant passages and variant characters, while their explanations are appended in the subcommentary." His aim was to recover lost tradition, chiefly Han-Wei fragments, also drawing on Wang Mingsheng, Jiang Sheng, and Duan Yucai. He excluded Song and later commentaries as lacking reliable transmission and prone to arbitrary invention. The work took twenty-two years to complete.
116
其他撰輯,有周易集解十卷,夏小正傳校正三卷,明堂考三卷,考注春秋別典十五卷,爾雅廣雅詁訓韻編五卷,魏三體石經殘字考一卷,孔子集語十七卷,晏子春秋音義二卷,史記天官書考證十卷,建立伏博士始末二卷,寰宇訪碑錄十二卷,金石萃編二十卷,續古文苑二十卷,詩文集二十五卷。 二十三年,卒,年六十六。 星衍晚年所著書,多付文登畢亨、嘉興李貽德為卒其業。
Other works include Collected Explanations of the Changes in ten juan, Corrected Xia Calendar Small Classic Transmission in three, Investigation of the Bright Hall in three, Annotated Investigation of the Separate Canon of the Spring and Autumn in fifteen, Erya and Guangya Exegetical Rhyme Compilation in five, Investigation of Surviving Characters from the Wei Three-Script Stone Classics in one, Collected Sayings of Confucius in seventeen, Phonological Notes on Yanzi's Spring and Autumn in two, Evidential Investigation of the Heavenly Offices chapter of the Records of the Grand Historian in ten, Beginning and End of Establishing the Fu Classicist in two, Record of Searching for Steles throughout the Realm in twelve, Collected Metal and Stone Inscriptions in twenty, Continued Ancient Literary Anthology in twenty, and Collected Poetry and Prose in twenty-five. He died in Jiaqing 23, aged sixty-six. Late works were mostly completed by Bi Heng of Wendeng and Li Yide of Jiaxing.
117
亨,原名以田,字恬谿。 初從休寧戴震遊,精漢人古訓之學,尤長於書。 星衍撰尚書今古文注疏,多采亨說,每稱以為經學無雙。 中嘉慶十二年舉人,道光六年,以大挑知縣分發江西,署安義縣。 有兄殺胞弟案,亨執「不念鞠子哀,泯亂倫彝,刑茲無赦」義,不准援赦。 大府怒,將劾之,會歙程恩澤重亨,事乃解。 後補崇義,以積勞卒官,年且八十矣。 著有九水山房文存二卷。
Bi Heng, originally named Yitian, whose courtesy name was Tianxi. A student of Dai Zhen of Huining, he mastered Han exegesis and especially the Documents. Sun's Documents commentary drew heavily on Bi Heng, whom he called unmatched in classical learning. A juren of Jiaqing 12, he was appointed to Jiangxi through grand selection in Daoguang 6 and served at Anyi County. In a fratricide case he upheld "confounding moral order—punish without pardon" and refused amnesty. The provincial office nearly impeached him, but Cheng Enze of She intervened. Later posted to Chongyi, he died in office from overwork, nearly eighty. He wrote Literary Remains from the Jiushui Mountain Studio in two juan.
118
貽德,字次白。 嘉慶二十三年舉人。 館星衍所,相得甚歡。 著春秋左氏解賈服注輯述二十卷。 其書援引甚博,字比句櫛,於義有未安者,亦加駁難。 雖使衝遠復生,終未敢專樹征南之幟而盡棄舊義也。 又有詩考異、詩經名物考、周禮賸義、十七史考異、攬青閣詩鈔、夢春廬詞。
Li Yide, whose courtesy name was Cibai. A juren of Jiaqing 23. He lodged with Sun and they worked together happily. He wrote Compiled Exposition of Jia and Fu Commentary on the Zuo Exegesis in twenty juan. The work cites broadly and compares texts closely, refuting points he found unsatisfactory. Even Du Yu reborn would not dare raise Du's banner alone and abandon older Zuo traditions. Other works include Investigation of Variants in the Odes, Investigation of Names of Things in the Book of Odes, Remaining Rites of the Zhou, and several more titles.
119
王聘珍,字貞吾,南城人。 自幼以力學聞。 乾隆五十四年,學使翁方綱拔貢成均,為謝啟昆、阮元參訂古籍。 嘗客浙西,與歙凌廷堪論學,廷堪深許之。 為人厚重誠篤,廉介自守。
Wang Pinzhen, whose courtesy name was Zhenwu, came from Nancheng. From youth he was known for rigorous scholarship. In Qianlong 54, Weng Fanggang selected him as tribute student; he collated texts for Xie Qikun and Ruan Yuan. While guesting in western Zhejiang he discussed learning with Ling Tingkan, who deeply approved him. Grave, sincere, and incorruptibly self-restraining in character.
120
治經確守後鄭之學,著大戴禮記解詁十三卷、目錄一卷。 其言曰:「大戴與小戴同受業於後倉,各取孔壁古文說,非小戴刪大戴、馬融足小戴也。 禮察、保傅,語及秦亡,乃孔襄等所合藏。 是賈誼有取於古記,非古記採及新書也。 三朝記、曾子,乃劉氏分屬九流,非大戴所裒集也。」
Upholding Zheng Xuan's tradition, he wrote Exegesis of the Records of the Elder Dai in thirteen juan with a one-juan catalog. His words were: "Elder Dai and Lesser Dai both studied under Hou Cang, each drawing on Kong-wall Old Text interpretations. It is not the case that Lesser Dai abridged Elder Dai or that Ma Rong supplemented Lesser Dai. Investigation of Rites and Protector and Tutor mention Qin's fall, so they were jointly stored away by Kong Xiang and others. This means Jia Yi drew from ancient records, not that the ancient records drew from the New Writings. Record of Three Reigns and Master Zeng were assigned by the Liu clan among the nine streams; they were not collected by Elder Dai."
121
又曰:「近代校讎,不知家法,王肅本點竄此經,私定孔子家語,反據肅本改易經文。 又或據唐、宋類書如藝文類聚、太平御覽之流,增刪字句,或云據永樂大典改某字作某。 凡茲數端,率以今義繩古義,以今音證古音,以今文易古文,遂使孔壁古奧之經,變而文從字順,經義由茲而亡。」 故其發凡大旨,禮典器數,墨守鄭義,解詁文字,一依爾雅、說文及兩漢經師訓詁。 有不知而闕,無杜撰之言。 如「五義」義字,據周禮注讀若儀,「五鑿」五字釋若忤,青史子引漢書「君子養之」,讀若「中心養養」之養。 皆能根據經史,發蒙解惑。 江都焦循稱其不為增刪,一仍其舊,列為三十二讀書讚之一。 他著經義考補,九經學。
He also said: "Recent collation does not understand school methods. Wang Su's edition tampered with this classic and privately fixed Confucius's Family Sayings, yet people instead rely on Wang's text to alter the classic. Others rely on Tang and Song encyclopedias such as Classified Gatherings from the Literature and the Imperial Readings of the Taiping Era to add or delete words and phrases, or claim that the Yongle Encyclopedia warrants changing one character into another. In all these cases, they use modern meanings to constrain ancient meanings, modern sounds to prove ancient sounds, and modern text to replace ancient text, thereby making the ancient and profound Kong-wall classic become smooth in wording while its meaning disappears." His principles: ritual codes and implements strictly followed Zheng; character exegesis relied on Erya, Shuowen, and Han commentators. Where uncertain he left blanks; he never fabricated readings. Examples include reading "five yi" as yi per Zhou Rites commentary, explaining "five zao" as wu, and Qing Shi Zi's citation of Han History "the gentleman nourishes them" as in "the center nourishes." All were grounded in classics and histories and dispelled confusion. Jiao Xun of Jiangdu praised him for preserving the text without arbitrary changes, listing him among thirty-two Reading Praises. Other works include Supplement to Evidential Investigation of Classical Meaning and Study of the Nine Classics.
122
凌廷堪,字次仲,歙縣人。 六歲而孤,冠后始讀書,慕其鄉江永、戴震之學。 乾隆五十五年進士,改教職,選寧國府學教授。 奉母之官,畢力著述者十餘年。 嘉慶十四年,卒,年五十三。
Ling Tingkan, whose courtesy name was Cizhong, came from She County. Orphaned at six, he began reading after coming of age, admiring Jiang Yong and Dai Zhen. A jinshi of Qianlong 55, he became professor of the Ningguo prefectural school. He took his mother to office and wrote devotedly for over ten years. He died in Jiaqing 14, aged fifty-three.
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廷堪之學,無所不窺,於六書、曆算以迄古今疆域之沿革、職官之異同,靡不條貫。 尤專禮學,謂:「古聖使人復性者學也,所學者即禮也。 顏淵問仁,孔子告之者惟禮焉爾,顏子嘆道之高堅前後。 迨'博文約禮',然後'如有所立',即'立於禮'之立也。 禮有節文度數,非空言理者可託。」 著禮經釋例十三卷,謂:「禮儀委曲繁重,必須會通其例。 如鄉飲酒、鄉射、燕禮、大射不同,而其為獻酢酬旅、酬無算爵之例則同; 聘禮、覲禮不同,而其為郊勞執玉、行享庭實之例則同; 特牲饋食、少牢饋食不同,而其為屍飯主人初獻、主婦亞獻、賓長三獻、祭畢飲酒之例則同。」 乃區為八例,以明同中之異,異中之同:曰通例,曰飲食例,曰賓客例,曰射例,曰變例,曰祭例,曰器服例,曰雜例。 禮經第十一篇,自漢以來說者雖多,由不明尊尊之旨,故罕得經意,乃為封建尊尊服制考一篇,附於變例之後。 大興朱珪讀其書,贈詩推重之。
His learning ranged from Six Scripts and calendrics to territorial and office history—all systematically arranged. He specialized especially in ritual learning, saying: "What the ancient sages used to restore people's nature was learning, and what was learned was ritual. When Yan Yuan asked about benevolence, what Confucius told him was only ritual; Yanzi sighed at the Way as high and hard, before and behind. Only when he reached 'broadly learning in culture and restraining oneself by ritual' was it then 'as if something stood before him'; this is precisely the standing in 'standing through ritual.' Ritual has regulated forms, measures, and numbers; it is not something that can be entrusted to empty talk of principle." He wrote Exemplifying the Ritual Classic in thirteen juan, saying: "Rites are intricate and weighty, so one must understand their patterns comprehensively. Village drinking, village archery, banquet rites, and grand archery differ, yet their patterns of offering, responding, toasting, traveling toasts, and limitless cups are the same; mission rites and audience rites differ, yet their patterns of suburban reception, holding jade, proceeding with offerings, and courtyard gifts are the same; single-victim feeding sacrifices and lesser-victim feeding sacrifices differ, yet their patterns of feeding the impersonator, the host's first offering, the hostess's second offering, the senior guest's third offering, and drinking after the sacrifice are the same." He divided rites into eight patterns—general, food and drink, guest, archery, variant, sacrifice, implements and dress, and miscellaneous—to clarify sameness within difference. Because Han commentators missed the honoring-the-honored principle, he added Investigation of Feudal Honoring-the-Honored Service System after the variant pattern. Zhu Gui of Daxing read the work and praised it in verse.
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廷堪禮經而外,复潛心於樂,謂今世俗樂與古雅樂中隔唐人燕樂一關,蔡季通、鄭世子輩俱未之知。 因以隋沛公鄭譯五旦、七調之說為燕樂之本,又參考段安節琵琶錄、張叔夏詞源、遼史樂志諸書,著燕樂考原六卷。 江都江籓嘆以為「思通鬼神」。 他著有元遺山年譜二卷,校禮堂文集三十六卷、詩集十四卷。 儀徵阮元常命子常生從廷堪授士禮,又稱其鄉射五物考、九拜解、九祭解、釋牲、詩楚茨考諸說經之文,多發古人所未發。 其尤卓然者,則復禮三篇云。
Beyond ritual he studied music, holding that vulgar and elegant music were separated by Tang banquet music—unknown to Cai Jitong and Prince Zheng. Taking Zheng Yi's five keys and seven modes as basis and drawing on Duan Anjie, Zhang Shuxia, and Liao History Music Treatise, he wrote Investigation of the Origins of Banquet Music in six juan. Jiang Fan of Jiangdu called it "thought penetrating spirits and ghosts." Other works include Chronological Biography of Yuan Haowen, Collected Writings from the Jiaoli Hall in thirty-six juan, and Poetry Collection in fourteen juan. Ruan Yuan had his son study Scholar's Rites under Ling and praised his investigations of village archery, nine bows, nine sacrifices, and Chu Ci. Most outstanding were his three chapters on restoring ritual.
125
同邑洪榜,字汝登。 乾隆二十三年舉人。 四十一年,應天津召試第一,授內閣中書。 卒,年三十有五。 粹於經學,著明象未成,終於益卦。 因鄭康成易贊作述贊二卷。 又明聲均,撰四聲均和表五卷,示兒切語一卷。 江氏永切字六百十有六,是書增補百三十九字,又以字母見、溪等字注於廣韻之目每字之上,以定喉、吻、舌、齒、脣五音,蓋其書宗江、戴二家之說而加詳焉。 為人律身以正,待人以誠。 生平服膺戴震。 戴震所著孟子字義疏證,當時讀者不能通其義,惟榜以為功不在禹下。 撰震行狀,載與彭紹升書,朱筠見之曰:「可不必載,戴氏可傳者不在此。」 榜乃上書辨論。 江籓在吳下見其書,歎曰:「洪君可謂衛道之儒矣。」
Fellow townsman Hong Bang, whose courtesy name was Rudeng. A juren of Qianlong 23. In Qianlong 41 he ranked first in the Tianjin imperial test and became Secretariat Drafting Clerk. He died aged thirty-five. Pure in classical learning; his Clarifying Images remained unfinished, ending at the Yi hexagram. Following Zheng Xuan's Eulogy on the Changes he wrote Expository Eulogy in two juan. He also wrote Table of Balanced Four Tones in five juan and Children's Fanqie in one juan. Jiang Yong had 616 fanqie characters; Hong added 139 and marked initials above Guangyun entries to fix the five sound categories, extending Jiang and Dai. He regulated himself uprightly and treated others sincerely. All his life he devoted himself to Dai Zhen. When others could not grasp Dai Zhen's Evidential Commentary on the Meaning of Mencius, Hong alone ranked its achievement with Yu the Great. When he drafted Dai Zhen's biographical account, he included a letter to Peng Shaosheng. Zhu Yun saw it and said: "It need not be included; what can be transmitted of Master Dai does not lie here." Hong submitted a letter arguing in reply. Jiang Fan in Wu, reading it, sighed: "Master Hong is a Confucian defending the Way."
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汪龍,字辰叔,亦廷堪同邑人。 乾隆五十一年舉人。 嗜古博學,尤精於詩,嘗讀詩生民、玄鳥二篇,疑鄭箋跡乳卵生之說,不若毛詩謂姜嫄、簡狄從帝嚳祀郊禖之正。 遂稽傳、箋同異,用力於是經者數十年,成毛詩異義四卷,毛詩申成十卷。 卒,年八十二。
Wang Long, whose courtesy name was Chenshu, was also from Ling Tingkan's county. A juren of Qianlong 51. Broadly learned in poetry, he rejected Zheng's miraculous birth explanation for Birth of the People and Dark Bird, preferring Mao's account of Jiang Yuan and Jiandi at the suburban Mei rite. After decades of work he completed Different Meanings of the Mao Odes in four juan and Upholding Mao in ten juan. He died aged eighty-two.
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桂馥,字冬卉,曲阜人。 乾隆五十五年進士,選雲南永平縣知縣,卒於官。
Gui Fu, whose courtesy name was Donghui, came from Qufu. A jinshi of Qianlong 55, he was magistrate of Yongping in Yunnan and died in office.
128
馥博涉群書,尤潛心小學,精通聲義。 嘗謂:「士不通經,不足致用; 而訓詁不明,不足以通經。」 故自諸生以至通籍,四十年間,日取許氏說文與諸經之義相疏證,為說文義證五十卷。 力窮根柢,為一生精力所在。
Broadly read, he devoted himself to philology and mastered sound and meaning. He said: "Without mastering classics a scholar cannot serve; without clear exegesis one cannot master classics." For forty years he daily compared Xu's Shuowen with classic meanings, producing Evidential Commentary on the Meaning of Shuowen in fifty juan. Exhausting textual roots, this was his life's work.
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馥與段玉裁生同時,同治說文,學者以桂、段並稱,而兩人兩不相見,書亦未見,亦異事也。 蓋段氏之書,聲義兼明,而尤邃於聲; 桂氏之書,聲亦並及,而尤博於義。 段氏鉤索比傅,自以為能冥合許君之旨,勇於自信,自成一家之言,故破字創義為多; 桂氏專佐許說,發揮旁通,令學者引申貫注,自得其義之所歸。 故段書約而猝難通闢,桂書繁而尋省易了。 夫語其得於心,則段勝矣; 語其便於人,則段或未之先也。 其專臚古籍,不下己意,則以意在博證求通,展轉孳乳,觸長無方,亦如王氏廣雅疏證、阮氏經籍篡詁之類,非以己意為獨斷者。
Gui and Duan Yucai, contemporaries both studying Shuowen, were equally famed though they never met or read each other's books. Duan's work excels in both sound and meaning, especially sound; Gui's also treats sound but is especially broad in meaning. Duan boldly reconstructed characters and meanings, confident he matched Xu's intent; Gui assisted Xu's text, developing lateral connections so readers could extend meaning themselves. Duan is concise and hard to penetrate; Gui is elaborate and easier to use. In inward grasp Duan wins; in convenience for readers Gui may be ahead. Like Wang's Guangya Commentary and Ruan's Collected Glosses, he cited ancient books without imposing sole judgment.
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及馥就宦滇南,追念舊聞,隨筆疏記十卷,以其細碎,比之匠門木材,題曰札樸。 然馥嘗引徐幹中論:「鄙儒博學,務於物名,詳於器械,考於訓詁,摘其章句而不能統其大義之所極,以獲先王之心。 故使學者勞思慮而不知道,費日月而無功成。」 謂近日學者風尚六書,動成習氣,偶涉名物,自負倉、雅,略講點畫,妄議斯、冰,叩以經典大義,茫乎未之聞也。 此尤為同時小學家所不能言,足以針肓起廢。 他著有晚學集十二卷。
In Yunnan office he wrote fragmentary Notes from the Craftsman's Door in ten juan recalling old reports. Yet Gui Fu once cited Xu Gan's Discourses on the Mean: "Vulgar scholars are broadly learned, busy themselves with the names of things, are detailed about implements, and investigate exegesis, but they pluck out chapters and sentences and cannot unite them with the ultimate reach of the great meaning so as to grasp the mind of the former kings. Thus they make students labor in thought without knowing the Way, and spend days and months without accomplishing anything." He warned that Six Script fashion produced scholars proud of name objects and strokes but blank on classic great meaning. Few philologists of his day could speak so—enough to awaken the complacent. Other works include Late Learning Collection in twelve juan.
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許瀚,字印林,日照人。 道光十五年舉人,官嶧縣教諭。 博綜經史及金石文字,訓詁尤深。 至校勘宋、元、明本書籍,精審不減黃丕烈、顧廣圻。 晚年為靈石楊氏校刊桂馥說文義證於清河,甫成而板毀於捻寇,並所藏經籍金石俱盡,遂挹鬱而歿,年七十。 他著有韓詩外傳勘誤,攀古小廬文。
Xu Han, whose courtesy name was Yinlin, came from Rizhao. A juren of Daoguang 15, he served as instructor of Yixian. Broadly versed in classics, histories, and epigraphy, with deep exegesis. In collating Song-Yuan-Ming editions he matched Huang Pilie and Gu Guangqi. Collating Gui Fu's Shuowen commentary for the Yang clan, he lost everything when blocks were destroyed by Nian bandits and died depressed, aged seventy. Other works include Collation of Errors in Han Poetry Outer Commentary and Essays from the Pangu Studio.
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江聲,字叔澐,元和人。 七歲就傅讀書,問讀書何為,師以取科第為言,聲求所以進於是者。 年二十九,遭父疾,晨夕侍衛褥,不解衣帶,至自滌穠窬,視穢以驗疾進退。 及居憂,哀毀骨立,逾三年,容戚然如新喪者。 侍母疾,居喪,亦如父歿時。 族黨哀其至行。 既孤,因不復事科舉業。
Jiang Sheng, whose courtesy name was Shujun, came from Yuanhe. At seven he asked his tutor why one read; told it was for rank, he sought how to advance beyond that. At twenty-nine, nursing his ill father, he never left the couch and even washed his father's garments to monitor his condition. In mourning he was emaciated with grief; after three years he still looked newly bereaved. He served his mother's illness and mourning with equal devotion. Clansmen pitied his utmost filial conduct. Orphaned, he abandoned the examination career.
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讀尚書,怪古文與今文不類。 又怪孔傳非安國所為。 年三十五,師事同郡通儒惠棟,得讀所著古文尚書考及閻若璩古文疏證,乃知古文及孔傳皆晉時人偽作,於是集漢儒之說,以注二十九篇,漢注不備,則旁考他書。 精研古訓,成尚書集注音疏十二卷,附補誼九條、識偽字一條,尚書集注音疏前後述外編一卷,尚書經師系表也。 經文注疏,皆以古篆書之。 疑偽古文者,始於宋之吳才老,朱子以後,吳草廬、郝京山、梅鷟皆不能得其要領。 至本朝閻、惠兩徵君所著之書,乃能發其作偽之跡、剿竊之原。 若刊正經文,疏明古注,則皆未之及也,及聲出而集大成焉。
Reading the Documents, he found Old Text unlike New Text. He also doubted Kong's commentary came from Anguo. At thirty-five he studied under Hui Dong, learned Old Text was forged, and collected Han commentary to annotate twenty-nine chapters. He completed Collected Commentary and Phonological Subcommentary to the Documents in twelve juan with supplements and a lineage table of Documents classicists. He wrote classic text and commentary entirely in ancient seal script. Doubters of forged Old Text began with Wu Cailao of Song; later skeptics missed essentials. Yan Ruoju and Hui Dong finally revealed forgery and plagiarism. Correcting text and clarifying ancient commentary awaited Jiang Sheng's summation.
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聲又病後世深求考老轉注之義,至以篆跡求之,因為六書說,謂建類一首,即始一終亥五百四十部之首,同意相受,即凡某之屬皆從某也。 陽湖孫星衍亦推其說,以為爾雅肇、祖、元、胎之屬,始也。 始亦建類一首,肇、祖、元、胎皆為始,亦同意相受。 說文此類亦甚多,推考老之訓,如口部之咽,嗌也; 嗌,咽也。 走部之走,趨也; 趨,走也。 猶之考注老,老轉注考矣。 其同在口部、走部,即建類一首也。 聲亦以為然,而戴震以為貫全部則義太廣。 聲折之曰:「若止考老為轉注,不已隘乎? 且諧聲一義,不貫全部乎?」 聲與震以學問相推重,其不相附和如此。
Rejecting seal-trace zhuanzhu speculation, he wrote On the Six Scripts: establishing category with head means the 540 hai departments; same intent means all of a type follow that type. Sun Xingyan agreed, citing Erya words for beginning—zhao, zu, yuan, tai. Beginning forms a category; zhao, zu, yuan, and tai all mean beginning under same intent. Shuowen has many such pairs; yan and ai in the mouth department illustrate lao-zhuanzhu. Ai means yan. In the run department, zou and qu; qu means zou. Like lao and zhuanzhu mutually defining each other. Sharing the mouth or run department exemplifies establishing category with head. Jiang agreed, but Dai Zhen thought whole-department scope was too broad. Jiang replied: "If only lao is zhuanzhu, is that not too narrow? And does xingsheng not also span whole departments?" Jiang and Dai respected each other yet disagreed thus.
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生平不作楷書,即與人往來筆札,皆作古篆,俗儒往往非笑之,而聲不顧也。 其寫尚書瀍水字,L0字,不在說文,瀍據淮南作廛,瀍據爾雅義作孟,人始或怪之,後服其非臆說。 顧其書終以時俗不便識讀,不甚行於時。
He never wrote regular script, using ancient seal even in letters despite ridicule. For Documents water names not in Shuowen he used Huainan and Erya evidence; skeptics later accepted. Yet his seal-script Documents commentary did not circulate widely.
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聲性耿介,不慕榮利。 交遊如王鳴盛、王昶、畢沅,皆重其品藻,而聲未嘗以私事乾之,當事益重其人。 嘉慶元年,舉孝廉方正。 四年,卒,年七十有九。 晚年因不諧俗,動與時違,取周易艮背之義,自號艮庭,學者稱為艮庭先生云。
Upright and unyielding, he did not covet glory or profit. Wang Mingsheng, Wang Chang, and Bi Yuan valued him; he never used connections for private ends. In Jiaqing 1 he was recommended as Filial and Incorrupt. He died in Jiaqing 4, aged seventy-nine. In late life, at odds with custom, he styled himself Genting after the Gen hexagram's 'back'; scholars called him Master Genting.
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子鏐,吳縣學生。 孫沅,優貢生。 世傳其學。
His son Liu was a Wuxian student. Grandson Yuan was an outstanding tribute student. The family transmitted his learning for generations.
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沅,字子蘭。 金壇段玉裁僑居蘇州,沅出入其門者數十年。 沅先著說文釋例,後承玉裁囑,以段書十七部諧聲表之列某聲某聲者為綱,而件系之; 聲復生聲,則依其次第,為說文解字音均表凡十七卷。 沅於段紕譌處略箋其失,其言曰:「支、脂、之之為三,真、臻、先與諄、文、欣、魂、痕之為二,皆陸氏之舊,而段氏矜為獨得之秘,嚴分其界以自殊異。 凡許氏所合韻處,皆多方改使離之,而一部之與十二部,亦不使相通。 故皕之讀若秘,改為逼; 肊之乙聲,刪去聲字; 必之弋亦聲,改為八亦聲。 而於開章一篆說解極一物三字,即是一部、十二部、十五部合韻之理,於是絕不敢言其韻,直至亥字下重文說之也。 十二、十三兩部之相通者,惟民、昬二字為梗,故力去昬字,以就其說。 畀字田聲,十五部也,綥從畀得聲,而翏即古綦字,在一部,遂改畀字為★M1聲,以避十五部與一部之合音。 凡此皆段氏之癥結處也。」 又曰:「段氏論音謂古無去,故譜諸書平而上入。 沅意古音有去無入,平輕去重,平引成上,去促成入。 上入之字,少於平去,職是故耳。 北人語言入皆成去,古音所沿,至今猶舊,非敢苟異,參之或然。」 沅當時面質玉裁,親許駮勘,故有不同雲。 卒,年七十二。
Yuan, whose courtesy name was Zilan. Duan Yucai of Jintan sojourned in Suzhou; Yuan studied under him for decades. Yuan first wrote Exemplifying Shuowen; commissioned by Duan, he itemized Duan's seventeen-part phonetic table; tracing sound from sound in sequence, producing Phonological Tables for Explaining Characters in seventeen juan. Yuan briefly annotated Duan's mistakes where they were defective, saying: "That zhi, zhi, and zhi form three groups, and that zhen, zhen, xian and zhun, wen, xin, hun, hen form two groups, are all Lu's old views; yet Duan prided himself on them as a secret he alone had obtained, strictly dividing their boundaries to set himself apart. Wherever Xu combined rhymes, Duan altered them in every possible way to separate them, and he also would not allow part one and part twelve to communicate. Thus he changed bi, read like mi, into bi; for yi having the sound yi, he deleted the character sheng; and for bi having yi also as its sound, he changed it into ba also as its sound. In the explanation of the opening seal graph, where one thing has three characters, this is the principle that parts one, twelve, and fifteen rhyme together; but there he absolutely dared not discuss the rhyme, and only explained it later under the repeated form of the character hai. For the communication between parts twelve and thirteen, only the two characters min and hun obstructed him, so he forcefully removed hun to fit his theory. The character bi has tian as its sound and belongs to part fifteen; qi takes its sound from bi, while liao is the ancient character qi and belongs to part one, so he changed bi to have M1 as its sound in order to avoid the combined sound of part fifteen and part one. All these are Duan's knotty points." He also said: "In discussing sounds, Duan says antiquity had no departing tone, and so in charting the books he makes level tones rise and enter. In Yuan's view, ancient sounds had departing tones and no entering tones: level was light and departing was heavy; drawn-out level became rising, and shortened departing became entering. The reason rising and entering characters are fewer than level and departing characters lies just in this. In northern speech, entering tones all become departing tones; this follows from ancient sounds and remains old usage down to the present. I do not dare be rashly different; comparing the evidence, it may be so." Yuan debated Duan in person; Duan allowed refutation—hence their differences. Yuan died aged seventy-two.
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錢大昭,字晦之,嘉定人,大昕弟。 大昕深於經史,一門群從,皆治古學,能文章,為東南之望。 大昭少於大昕者二十年,事兄如嚴師,得其指授,時有兩甦之比。 壯歲遊京師,嘗校錄四庫全書,人間未見之秘,皆得縱觀,由是學問益浩博。 又善於決擇,其說經及小學之書,能直入漢儒閫奧。 嘗欲從事爾雅,大昕與書,謂:「六經皆以明道,未有不通訓詁而能知道者。 欲窮六經之旨,必自爾雅始。」 大昭乃著爾雅釋文補三卷及廣雅疏義二十卷。
Qian Dazhao, whose courtesy name was Huizhi, came from Jiading and was Qian Daxin's younger brother. Qian Daxin mastered classics and histories; the Qian clan studied ancient learning and were luminaries of the southeast. Twenty years younger, Dazhao studied under Daxin like a strict teacher—they were compared to the two Sus. In the capital he collated the Siku Quanshu, viewing rare texts and greatly expanding his learning. Skilled at selection, his classic and philology works entered Han exegetical depths. When he wished to study Erya, Daxin wrote: "The Six Classics illuminate the Way; none can know the Way without exegesis. To exhaust the Six Classics one must begin with Erya." Dazhao wrote Supplement to Erya Shiwen in three juan and Commentary on the Meaning of Guangya in twenty juan.
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又著說文統釋六十卷,其例十:一曰疏證以佐古義,凡經典古義與許合者在所必收。 二曰音切以復古音,以徐鉉、徐鍇等不知古音,往往誤讀,又許君言讀若某者,即有某音,今並補正; 又說文本有舊音,隋書經籍誌有說文音隱,顏氏家訓引之。 唐以前傳注家多稱說文音某,今並採附本字之下。 三曰考異以復古本,凡古本暨古書所引有異同者,悉取以折中。 四曰辨俗以正譌字,凡經典相承俗字,及徐氏新補、新附字,皆辨證詳明,別為一卷附後。 五曰通義以明互借,凡經典之同物同音,於古本是通用者,皆引經證之。 六曰從母以明孳乳,如完、刓、髡、軏等字,皆於元下注云從此。 七曰別體以廣異義,凡重文中之籀、篆、古文、奇字,皆有所從,其許君未言者,亦略釋之; 經典兩用者,則引而證焉。 八曰正譌以訂刊誤,凡許君不收之字,注中不應有,又字畫脫誤者,併校正之。 九曰崇古以知古字,如鷐、鴠、、之類,經典有不從鳥者,此古今字,今注曰古用某。 十曰補字以免漏略,如由、希、免、畾等三十九字,從此得聲者甚多,而書中脫落,有子無母,非許例,今酌補之,亦別為一卷附後。
He also wrote Unified Explanation of Shuowen in sixty juan with ten principles, first collecting classic meanings agreeing with Xu. Second, restoring ancient fanqie, correcting the two Xus' misreadings and Xu's 'read like' formulas; also preserving old Shuowen sounds cited in Sui catalog and Yan Family Admonitions. Pre-Tang commentators' Shuowen pronunciations were collected under each character. Third, reconciling ancient editions and citation variants. Fourth, distinguishing vulgar and erroneous characters including Xu's supplements, in a separate juan. Fifth, clarifying mutual borrowing in classics with textual proof. Sixth, marking derived initials for proliferating forms like wan, wan, kun, yue. Seventh, explaining variant forms in repeated entries—zhou, seal, ancient script, strange characters; where classics use both forms, citing proof. Eighth, correcting publication errors and characters Xu did not include. Ninth, noting ancient-modern character variants such as chen and dan where classics omit the bird radical. Tenth, supplementing thirty-nine missing phonetic parents such as you, xi, mian, lei in a separate juan.
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大昭於正史尤精兩漢,嘗謂注史與注經不同,注經以明理為宗,理寓於訓詁,訓詁明而理自見。 注史以達事為主,事不明,訓詁雖精無益也。 每怪服虔、應劭之於漢書,裴駰、徐廣之於史記,其時去古未遠,稗官、載記、碑刻尚多,不能會而通之,考異質疑,徒戔戔於訓詁,乃著兩漢書辨疑四十卷,於地理、官制皆有所得。 又彷其例著三國志辨疑三卷。 又以宋熊方所補後漢書年表祗取材范書、陳志,乃於正史外兼取山經、地志、金石、子集,其體例依班氏之舊,而略變通之,著後漢書補表八卷。 計所補王侯,多於熊書百三十人,論者謂視萬斯同歷代史表有過之無不及。 他著有詩古訓十二卷,經說十卷,補續漢書藝文志二卷,後漢郡國令長考一卷,邇言二卷。
Dazhao especially mastered the two Han histories, holding that history annotation aims at events while classic annotation aims at principle through exegesis. History annotation must clarify events—precise exegesis alone is useless if events remain obscure. He lamented that Fu Qian, Ying Shao, Pei Yin, and Xu Guang failed to synthesize abundant early sources, and wrote Doubts on the Two Han Histories in forty juan. He also wrote Doubts on the Records of the Three Kingdoms in three juan. He also thought that the chronological tables Xiong Fang of the Song had supplied for the History of the Later Han drew only on Fan Ye's History and Chen Shou's Records. He therefore used, beyond the standard histories, the Classic of Mountains and Seas, geographical treatises, bronze-and-stone inscriptions, and masters' collections; he followed Ban Gu's old format while modifying it slightly, and wrote Supplementary Tables to the History of the Later Han in eight juan. His tables added 130 more nobles than Xiong Fang's—judged superior to Wan Sitong's dynastic tables. Other works include Ancient Exegesis of the Odes, Classic Explanations, Continued Han Bibliographic Treatise, and Nearby Words.
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生平不嗜榮利,名其讀書之所曰可廬,欲蘄至於古之隨遇自足者。 嘉慶元年,舉孝廉方正。
Not fond of glory, he named his studio Ke Studio, seeking ancient contentment. In Jiaqing 1 he was recommended as Filial and Incorrupt.
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子東垣,字既勤。 嘉慶三年舉人。 官浙江松陽縣知縣,以艱歸。 服闋,補上虞縣。 東垣與弟繹、侗,皆潛研經、史、金石,時稱「三鳳」。 嘗與繹、侗及同縣秦鑑勘訂鄭志,又與繹、侗、鑑及桐鄉金錫鬯輯釋崇文總目,世稱精本。 東垣為學沉博而知要,以世傳孟子注疏繆舛特甚,乃輯劉熙、綦毋邃、陸善經諸儒古注及顧炎武、閻若璩、同時師友之論,附以己見。 並正其音讀,考其異同,為孟子解誼十四卷。 他著有小爾雅校證二卷,補經義考四十卷,列代建元表,勤有堂文集。
His son Dongyuan, whose courtesy name was Jiqin. A juren of Jiaqing 3. He served as magistrate of Songyang in Zhejiang and returned on bereavement. After mourning he was posted to Shangyu County. Dongyuan and brothers Yi and Tong studied classics, histories, and epigraphy—they were called the "Three Phoenixes." With Yi, Tong, and Qin Jian he collated Zheng's Gazetteer and the Comprehensive Catalog of Chongwen—both prized editions. Finding Mencius commentary corrupt, he compiled ancient commentators and recent scholars including Gu Yanwu and Yan Ruoju with his own views. Correcting readings and comparing variants, he produced Explanations of Mencius in fourteen juan. Other works include Collation of Small Erya, Supplement to Evidential Investigation of Classical Meaning, and Collected Writings from the Qinyou Hall.
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侗,字同人。 於曆算之學,亦能究其原本。 大昕撰宋遼金元四史朔閏考,未竟而卒,侗證以群書、金石文字,增輯一千三百餘條。 日夕檢閱推算,幾忘寢食,卒因是感疾而歿。
Tong, whose courtesy name was Tongren. He also mastered calendrics and calculation at their roots. Daxin's unfinished Calendar Intercalation in the Four Histories was augmented by Tong with 1,300 entries from books and epigraphy. He worked day and night until illness killed him.
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朱駿聲,字豐芑,吳縣人。 年十三,受許氏說文,一讀即通曉。 從錢大昕遊,錢一見奇之,曰:「衣缽之傳,將在子矣!」 嘉慶二十三年舉人,官黟縣訓導。 咸豐元年,以截取知縣入都,進呈所著說文通訓定聲及古今韻準、柬韻、說雅,共四十卷。 文宗披覽,嘉其洽,賞國子監博士銜。 旋遷揚州府學教授,引疾,未之官。 八年,卒,年七十一。
Zhu Junsheng, whose courtesy name was Fengqi, came from Wu County. At thirteen he mastered the Shuowen on first reading. Studying under Qian Daxin, he struck Qian as extraordinary at first sight, and Qian said: "The transmission of the robe and bowl will be with you!" A juren of Jiaqing 23, he served as director of Yi County. In Xianfeng 1 he entered the capital as selected magistrate, presenting Unified Explanation of Shuowen with Fixed Phonology and related works in forty juan. Emperor Wenzong praised the work and awarded him National University Doctor rank. Soon appointed professor at Yangzhou but declined citing illness. He died in Xianfeng 8, aged seventy-one.
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駿聲著述甚博,不求知於世,兼長推步,明通像數。 嘗論爾雅太歲在寅,推大昕說,謂其時自以實測之歲星在亥,定太歲在寅,命之曰攝提格以紀年,歲星所合之辰,即為太歲。 然歲星閱百四十四年而超一辰,在秦、漢而甲寅之年歲星在醜,太歲應在子。 漢詔書以太初元年為攝提格者,因六十紀年之名,歷年以次排敘,不能頓超一辰,故仍命以攝提格也。 於是後人以寅、卯等為太歲,強以攝提格等為歲陰。 其實爾雅所云歲陽、歲陰,非如後人說也。 他著有左傳旁通十卷,左傳識小錄三卷,夏小正補傳一卷,離騷補注一卷。
Prolific yet seeking no fame, he also mastered astronomy and calendrics. On Erya's "Grand Year in yin" he followed Daxin: the Year Star was observed in hai while Grand Year was fixed in yin as Sheti Ge. The Year Star shifts one sign every 144 years; by Qin-Han jiayin it was in chou and Grand Year should have been in zi. Han edicts kept the first year of Taichu as Sheti Ge because the sixty-year cycle could not suddenly skip a sign. Later people wrongly took yin and mao as Grand Year and Sheti Ge as Year Yin. Erya's Year Yang and Year Yin differ from later explanations. Other works include Lateral Connections to the Zuo, Small Records of Zuo Recognition, and supplements to the Xia Calendar and Encountering Sorrow.
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子孔彰,字仲我。 能傳父業,著有說文粹三編,十三經漢注,中興將帥別傳。
His son Kongzhang, whose courtesy name was Zhongwo. He inherited his father's work, writing Essence of Shuowen in three compilations, Han Commentary on the Thirteen Classics, and Separate Biographies of Restoration Generals.