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列傳二百六十九
Biography 269
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儒林三
Confucian Scholars III
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馬宗槤張惠言陳壽祺許宗彦呂飛鵬嚴可均焦循李富孫胡承珙凌曙劉逢祿雷學淇胡培翬劉文淇丁晏王筠曾釗柳興恩陳澧鄭珍劉寶楠龍啓瑞{{*|苗夔龐大-{堃}-}}陳立陳奐黃式三兪樾王闓運王先謙孫詒讓鄭杲
Ma Zongchao, Zhang Huiyan, Chen Shouqi, Xu Zongyan, Lü Feipeng, Yan Kejun, Jiao Xun, Li Fusun, Hu Chenggong, Ling Shu, Liu Fenglu, Lei Xueqi, Hu Peihui, Liu Wenqi, Ding Yan, Wang Yun, Zeng Zhao, Liu Xingen, Chen Li, Zheng Zhen, Liu Baonan, and Long Qirui—with appended biographies of Miao Kui and Pang Dakun—followed by Chen Li, Chen Huan, Huang Shisan, Yu Yue, Wang Kaiyun, Wang Xianqian, Sun Yirang, and Zheng Gao
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馬宗槤，字器之，桐城人。 由舉人官東流縣教諭。 嘉慶六年成進士，又一年卒。 少從舅氏姚鼐學詩、古文詞，所作多沉博絶麗，既而精通古訓及地理之學。 鄕舉時，以解論語過位、升堂合於古-{制}-，大興朱珪亟拔之。 後從邵晉涵、任大椿、王念孫遊，其學益進。 嘗以解經必先通訓詁，而載籍極博，未有匯成一編者，乃偕同-{志}-孫星衍、阮元、朱錫庚分韻編録，適南旋中輟。 其後元視學江、浙，萃諸名宿爲經籍篡詁，其凡例猶宗槤所手訂也。 生平敦實，寡嗜好，惟以著述爲樂。 嘗撰左氏補註三巻，博徴漢、魏諸儒之説，不苟同立異。 所著別有毛鄭詩詁訓考證、周禮鄭注疎證、穀梁傳疎證、説文字義廣證、戰國策地理考、南海鬱林合浦蒼梧四郡沿革考、嶺南詩鈔，共數十巻，校經堂詩鈔二巻。
Ma Zongchao, whose style was Qizhi, came from Tongcheng. Having passed the provincial examination, he held the post of county instructor in Dongliu. He attained the jinshi degree in the sixth year of the Jiaqing reign and died the following year. As a young man he studied poetry and belles-lettres under his uncle Yao Nai, and his writings were noted for depth, breadth, and exceptional polish. He went on to master classical glossology and historical geography. At the provincial examination his interpretation of the Analects lines on not overstepping one's rank and on ascending the hall matched ancient ritual practice, and Zhu Gui of Daxing promptly marked him for advancement. He later studied with Shao Jinhan, Ren Dachun, and Wang Niansun, and his scholarship progressed still further. He argued that exegesis must come before scriptural interpretation, and that although the source materials were vast, no one had yet gathered them into one reference work. With like-minded scholars Sun Xingyan, Ruan Yuan, and Zhu Xigeng he began a rhyme-indexed compilation, but the work stopped when he went home to the south. When Ruan Yuan later served as educational commissioner in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, he assembled leading scholars to compile the Jingji Cuangu; its editorial principles were still those Zongchao had drawn up himself. He was sober and earnest by nature, cared little for pastimes, and found his chief delight in scholarly writing. He wrote three fascicles of supplementary commentary on the Zuo Tradition, drawing widely on Han and Wei commentators and refusing to agree or disagree merely for the sake of novelty. Among his other writings are studies of the Mao and Zheng Odes commentaries, exegesis of Zheng Xuan's Zhouli notes, exegesis of the Guliang Commentary, expanded glosses on the Shuowen, a geographical commentary on the Zhanguoce, a historical survey of the four southern commanderies, and Lingnan shichao—several dozen fascicles in all—plus two fascicles of poetry from the Jiaojing Hall.
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子瑞辰，字元伯。 嘉慶十五年進士，選翰林院庶吉士。 散館，改工部營繕司主事。 擢郎中，因事罣誤，發盛京效力。 旋賞主事，奏留工部，補員外郎。 复坐事發往黑龍江，未幾釋歸。 歴主江西白鹿洞、山東嶧山、安徽廬陽書院講席。 發逆陷桐城，衆驚走，賊脅之降，瑞辰大言曰：「吾前翰林院庶吉士、工部都水司員外郎馬瑞辰也！ 吾命二子團練鄕兵，今仲子死，少子從軍，吾豈降賊者耶？」 賊執其發爇其背而擁之行。 行數-{里}-，罵愈厲，遂死，年七十九。 事聞，卹廕如例，敕建專祠。
His son Ruichen, whose style was Yuanbo. He passed the jinshi examination in the fifteenth year of Jiaqing and was appointed a Hanlin bachelor. When his Hanlin term ended, he was assigned as a secretary in the Ministry of Works' Construction Bureau. Promoted to bureau director, he was caught up in a case and banished to serve at Mukden. He was soon restored to secretary rank, petitioned to stay at the Ministry of Works, and was made vice director. He was implicated again and exiled to Heilongjiang, but was released and sent home not long after. He later headed the teaching chairs at Bailudong Academy in Jiangxi, Yishan Academy in Shandong, and Luyang Academy in Anhui. When rebel forces seized Tongcheng, the people fled in terror. The insurgents tried to force his surrender, and Ruichen cried out: "I am Ma Ruichen, former Hanlin bachelor and vice director in the Ministry of Works' Directorate of Waterways! I sent my two sons to organize the local militia. My second son is dead and my younger son is with the army—do you think I would surrender to rebels?" The rebels seized him by the hair, burned his back, and forced him to march. After several li his curses grew only fiercer, and he died at the age of seventy-nine. When word reached the court, he received the usual posthumous honors and hereditary privileges, and the throne ordered a shrine built in his memory.
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瑞辰勤學著書，耄而不倦。 嘗謂：「詩自齊、魯、韓三家既亡，説詩者以毛詩爲最古。 據鄭-{志}-答張逸-{云}-：『注詩宗毛爲主，毛義隱略，則更表明。』 是鄭君大旨，本以述毛，其牋詩改讀，非盡易傳。 而正義或誤以爲毛、鄭異義。 鄭君先從張恭祖受韓，凡牋訓異毛者，多本韓説。 其答張逸亦-{云}-：『如有不同，即下己意。』 而正義又或誤合傳、牋爲一。 毛詩用古文，其經字多假借，類皆本於雙聲、疊韻，而正義或有未達。」 於是乃撰毛詩傳牋通釋三十二巻，以三家辨其異同，以全經明其義例，以古音、古義證其譌互，以雙聲、疊韻別其通借。 篤守家法，義據通深。 同時長洲陳奐著毛詩傳疎，亦爲專門之學。 由是治毛詩者多推此兩家之書。
Ruichen studied and wrote without slackening, and remained industrious even in his old age. He once observed: "Once the Qi, Lu, and Han Odes traditions were lost, commentators treated the Mao recension as the oldest surviving text. Zheng Xuan's reply to Zhang Yi states: "In commenting on the Odes I follow Mao as my main authority; where Mao is obscure, I clarify the sense." That was Zheng's essential aim—to expound Mao—and his revised readings in the commentary did not amount to abandoning the Mao tradition wholesale. Yet the Correct Meaning sometimes wrongly treated Mao and Zheng as fundamentally at odds. Zheng had first studied the Han recension under Zhang Gongzu, and wherever his glosses diverge from Mao they usually draw on Han teaching. In the same reply to Zhang Yi he also says: "Where they differ, I state my own view." The Correct Meaning, in turn, sometimes wrongly treated the Mao tradition and Zheng's commentary as a single text. The Mao text uses archaic graphs and relies heavily on phonetic loan characters explained through double initials and rhyming pairs—points the Correct Meaning did not always understand." He therefore wrote thirty-two fascicles of Comprehensive Exposition of the Mao Tradition and Zheng Commentary, comparing the three schools, clarifying interpretive principles across the full text, verifying errors with ancient phonology and semantics, and separating genuine readings from phonetic loans. He adhered faithfully to his family's scholarly method, and his arguments were thorough and deeply grounded. At the same time Chen Huan of Changzhou produced his Exegesis of the Mao Tradition, another specialized work in the field. From that point scholars of the Mao Odes largely looked to these two works as authorities.
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子三俊，字命之。 優貢生。 舉孝廉方正，學宗程、朱。 以國難家仇，憤欲殺賊。 -{咸}-豐四年六月，率練勇追賊至周瑜城，力戰死，年三十五。 著有馬徴君遺集。
His son Sanjun, whose style was Mingzhi. He was a selected tribute student. Recommended as a Filial and Incorrupt candidate of upright character, he followed the Cheng-Zhu school. Moved by the national calamity and his family's losses, he was determined to fight the rebels. In the sixth month of the fourth year of Xianfeng he led local militia in pursuit of the rebels to Zhouyu City, fell in fierce combat, and died at thirty-five. His writings survive as the Collected Remains of Master Ma the Recluse.
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張惠言，字皋聞，武進人。 少受易經，即通大義。 年十四爲童子師，修學立行，敦禮自守，人皆稱敬。 嘉慶四年進士，時大學士朱珪爲吏部尚書，以惠言學行特奏改庶吉士，充實録館纂修官。 六年，散館，改部屬，珪复特奏授翰林院編修。 七年，卒，年四十有二。
Zhang Huiyan, whose style was Gaowen, came from Wujin. He studied the Book of Changes in youth and quickly mastered its main principles. At fourteen he taught village pupils, pursued learning with moral seriousness, observed ritual scrupulously, and won universal respect. After passing the jinshi examination in the fourth year of Jiaqing, he was singled out by Grand Secretary Zhu Gui, then Minister of Personnel, for special appointment as a Hanlin bachelor and compiler at the Veritable Records Office. In the sixth year, when his Hanlin term ended and he was assigned to a ministry post, Zhu Gui again secured a special appointment for him as Hanlin compiler. He died in the seventh year at the age of forty-two.
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惠言鄕、會兩試皆出朱珪門，未嘗以所能自異，默然隨群弟子進退而已。 珪潛察得之，則大喜，故屢進達之，而惠言亦龂龂相諍不敢隱。 珪言天子當以寬大得民，惠言言：「國家承平百年餘，至仁涵育，遠出漢、唐、宋之上，吏民習於寬大，故-{姦}-孽萌芽其間，宜大伸罰以肅内外之政。」 珪言天子當優有過大臣，惠言言：「庸猥之輩，幸致通顯，复壞朝廷法度，惜全之當何所用？」 珪喜進淹雅之士，惠言言「當進内治官府、外治疆埸者」，與同縣洪亮吉於廣坐諍之。
Though both his provincial and metropolitan successes came through Zhu Gui's patronage, Huiyan never flaunted his talent and quietly kept pace with the other students. Gui noticed this in secret and was delighted, which is why he promoted him repeatedly; Huiyan, in turn, debated him frankly and never held back his opinions. When Gui argued that the emperor should win the people's hearts through magnanimity, Huiyan replied: "The empire has been at peace for more than a century, and imperial benevolence has surpassed Han, Tang, and Song. Officials and commoners have grown used to leniency, and wrongdoing has taken root. The court should enforce punishment more firmly to restore order at home and abroad." When Gui urged leniency toward erring ministers, Huiyan asked: "What is the point of protecting mediocre men who happen to rise high and then undermine the law?" When Gui said he favored promoting cultivated scholars, Huiyan countered that the court should advance men able to govern the bureaucracy at home and the borders abroad, and debated the point openly with his fellow townsman Hong Liangji.
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惠言少爲詞賦，擬司馬相如、揚雄之文。 及壯，又學韓愈、歐陽修。 篆書初學李陽冰，後學漢碑額及石鼓文。 嘗奉命詣盛京篆列聖加尊號玉寶，惠言言於當事，謂舊藏寶不得磨治； 又謂翰林奉命篆列聖寶，宜奏請馳驛，以格於例不果行。
In his youth Huiyan wrote fu in the manner of Sima Xiangru and Yang Xiong. As an adult he turned to the prose models of Han Yu and Ouyang Xiu. He first studied seal script under Li Yangbing, then Han stele inscriptions and the Stone Drum Texts. When ordered to Mukden to engrave the jade seals for the augmented honorific titles of the dynastic founders, he told the officials in charge that the existing seals must not be reworked; and he argued that Hanlin engravers commissioned for imperial seals should petition for courier transport—though precedent prevented the request from being approved.
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生平精思絶人，嘗從歙金榜問故，其學要歸六經，而尤深易、禮。 著有周易虞氏義、虞氏消息，序曰：「自漢成帝時，劉向校書，考易説，以爲諸易家皆祖田何、楊叔、丁將軍，大義略同，惟京氏爲異。 而孟喜受易家陰陽，其説易本於氣，而後以人事明之。 八卦六十四象，四正七十二候，變通消息，諸儒祖述之，莫能具。 當漢之季年，扶風馬融作易傳，授鄭康成作易注。 而荊州牧劉表、會稽太守王朗、潁川荀爽、南陽宋忠皆以易名家，各有所述。 唯翻傳孟氏學，既作易注，奏上之獻帝。 翻之言易，以陰陽消息六爻，發揮旁通，升降上下，歸於乾元用九而天下治。 依物取類，貫穿比附，始若瑣碎，及其沉深解剝，離根散-{葉}-，暢茂條理，遂於大道，後儒罕能通之。 自魏王弼以虚空之言解易，唐立之學官，而漢世諸儒之説微，獨資州李鼎祚作周易集解，頗採古易家言，而翻注爲多。 其後古書盡亡，而宋道士陳摶以意造爲龍圖，其徒劉牧以爲易之河圖、洛書也，河南邵雍又爲先天、後天之圖，宋之説易者翕然宗之，以至於今，牢不可拔，而易陰陽之大義，蓋盡晦矣。 大淸有天下，元和徴士惠棟，始考古義孟、京、荀、鄭、虞氏，作易漢學，又自爲解釋，曰周易述。 然掇拾於亡廢之後，左右採獲，十無二三。 其所述大氐宗祢虞氏，而未能盡通，則旁徴他説以合之。 蓋從唐、五代、宋、元、明朽壞散亂千有餘年，區區修補收拾，欲一旦而其道復明，斯固難也。 翻之學既邃，又具見馬、鄭、荀、宋氏書，考其是否，故其義爲精。 又古書亡，而漢、魏師説可見者十餘家，然唯鄭、荀、虞三家略有梗概可指説，而虞尤較備。 然則求七十子之微言，田何、楊叔、丁將軍之所傳者，-{舍}-虞氏之注，其何所自焉？ 故求其條貫，明其統例，釋其疑滯，信其亡闕，爲虞氏義九巻； 又表其大旨，爲消息二巻。」 又著有虞氏易禮二巻，虞氏易候一巻，虞氏易言二巻。
His penetrating intellect was extraordinary. He studied antiquities with Jin Bang of She, grounded his scholarship in the Six Classics, and was deepest in the Changes and the Rites. Among his works are Meaning of the Zhouyi according to the Yu School and Yu School Messages. His preface begins: "When Liu Xiang collated texts under Emperor Cheng of Han and surveyed Yi scholarship, he found that every school traced its line to Tian He, Yang Shu, and General Ding and agreed in broad outline, with only the Jing tradition standing apart. Meng Xi inherited the Changes tradition of yin-yang cosmology: his reading begins in qi and only then applies human affairs to clarify it. The eight trigrams, the sixty-four hexagrams, the four cardinal figures, the seventy-two seasonal nodes, and the cycles of change and message—later scholars repeated these doctrines but none could fully expound them. Late in the Han, Ma Rong of Fufeng wrote a commentary on the Changes and taught Zheng Xuan, who produced an annotated edition. Liu Biao, governor of Jingzhou; Wang Lang, administrator of Kuaiji; Xun Shuang of Yingchuan; and Song Zhong of Nanyang all became famous for the Changes, each with his own writings. Only Yu Fan carried on the Meng school tradition; after completing his commentary he submitted it to Emperor Xian. Fan's reading of the Changes works through yin-yang and the message of the six lines, developing lateral connections and cycles of ascent and descent until all returns to the primal Qian and the use of nine by which the world is brought to order. He groups phenomena by kind and weaves comparisons through them; the method seems minute at first, yet as one goes deeper and strips away layers, what looked like scattered branches resolves into a luxuriant order that reaches the Way itself—something later scholars rarely mastered. After Wang Bi of Wei explained the Changes in abstruse metaphysical terms and the Tang made his text the official curriculum, Han scholarship faded. Li Dingzuo of Zizhou alone compiled the Collected Explanations, drawing on earlier Yi masters but relying chiefly on Fan's commentary. Later, when the ancient texts were lost, the Daoist Chen Tuan invented the Dragon Diagram, his disciple Liu Mu identified it with the River Chart and Luo Writ, and Shao Yong of Henan added the Before Heaven and After Heaven diagrams. Song commentators on the Changes adopted these figures wholesale, and they remain entrenched today, while the great yin-yang teaching of the Changes has been largely lost from view. After the Qing founding, the scholar Hui Dong of Yuanhe recovered the ancient teachings of the Meng, Jing, Xun, Zheng, and Yu schools in his Han Learning of the Changes and wrote his own commentary, the Zhouyi shu. Yet he was gathering fragments from the wreckage of tradition, and scarcely two or three parts in ten could be recovered. His work chiefly followed the Yu school, but where he could not master it fully he brought in other traditions to fill the gaps. After more than a thousand years of decay from Tang through Ming, it was inevitably hard to expect the Way to blaze forth again from a few scattered repairs. Fan's learning was profound, and because he could compare the writings of Ma, Zheng, Xun, and Song Zhong and test their claims, his interpretations were especially precise. Although the ancient texts were lost, more than ten Han and Wei masters' teachings survive in fragments; yet only Zheng, Xun, and Yu offer outlines clear enough to follow, and Yu is the most complete of the three. If one seeks the subtle teachings of the seventy disciples as transmitted through Tian He, Yang Shu, and General Ding, where else could one turn but the Yu commentary? He therefore traced its systematic coherence, clarified its principles, resolved its difficulties, and accepted its lacunae in nine fascicles of Yu School Meaning; and summarized its main themes in two fascicles on message cycles." He also wrote two fascicles on Yu School Yi Rites, one on Yu School seasonal nodes, and two on Yu School Yi sayings.
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初，惠棟作周易述，大旨遵虞翻，補以鄭、荀諸儒，學者以未能專一少之。 儀徴阮元謂漢人之易，孟、費諸家，各有師承，勢不能合。 惠言傳虞氏易，即傳漢孟氏易矣，孤經絶學也。 惠言又著周易鄭氏義三巻，周易荀氏九家義一巻，周易鄭荀義三巻，易義別録十四巻，易緯略義三巻，易圖條辨二巻。 其易義別録序，謂不盡見其辭而欲論其是非，猶以偏言決獄也。 故其所著，皆羽儀虞氏易者。 於禮有儀禮詞一巻，讀儀禮記二巻，皆特精審。 又有茗柯文五巻，詞一巻。
When Hui Dong first wrote the Zhouyi shu, following Yu Fan and supplementing him with Zheng, Xun, and others, scholars criticized it for lacking a single focused lineage. Ruan Yuan of Yizheng observed that in Han times the Meng, Fei, and other Changes schools each had its own line of transmission and could not simply be merged. In transmitting the Yu school Changes, Huiyan was transmitting the Han Meng tradition—a solitary classic from a broken lineage. Huiyan also wrote three fascicles on Zheng's Zhouyi, one on the nine Xun-school traditions, three comparing Zheng and Xun, fourteen fascicles of collected Yi glosses, three on the Yi weft texts, and two analyzing the Yi diagrams. In the preface to his Separate Record he warned that judging a tradition without its full wording is like deciding a lawsuit on partial testimony. His writings therefore all served to support the Yu school tradition. On ritual he wrote one fascicle on Yili phrasing and two on reading the Yili, both exceptionally careful. He also left five fascicles of Mingke wen and one of lyric poetry.
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子成孫，字彦惟。 少時，惠言課以説文，令分六書譜之，成像形二巻。 惠言著説文諧聲譜，未竟而卒，成孫後從莊述祖遊，得其大要，乃續成之。 巻第篇例多所增易，凡五十巻。 其書分中、僮、薨、林、岩、筐、榮、蓁、詵、千、萋、肄、揖、支、皮、絲、鳩、芼、蔞、岨二十部，此乃於毛詩中拈其最先出之字爲建首，加以易韻、屈韻，而又以説文之聲分從之，犁然不紊，有各家所未及者。 嘗以示儀徴阮元，元歎其超卓精細。 成孫兼精天學，同-{里}-董祐誠歿，爲校刊其遺書。 又著有端虚勉一居文集。
His son Chengsun, whose style was Yanwei. As a boy, Huiyan had him study the Shuowen, arrange the six scripts systematically, and compile two fascicles on pictographic characters. Huiyan had begun a Harmonic-Sound Genealogy of the Shuowen but died before finishing it; Chengsun later studied with Zhuang Shuzu, mastered the method, and brought the work to completion. He revised the arrangement extensively, and the finished work ran to fifty fascicles. The work divides characters into twenty rhyme sections, taking the earliest-occurring Mao Odes graph in each group as the head character, incorporating Changes and Qu Yuan rhyme schemes, and subordinating Shuowen sound classes beneath them in a clear order no earlier scholar had achieved. When he showed it to Ruan Yuan of Yizheng, Ruan marveled at its exceptional precision. Chengsun was also expert in astronomy; when his fellow townsman Dong Youcheng died, he edited and published Dong's posthumous writings. He also left the Collected Writings of the Duanxu Mianyi Studio.
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江承之，字安甫，歙縣人。 學於惠言。 時弟子從惠言受易、禮者十數，其甥董士錫受易，通陰陽五行家言； 承之兼受易、禮，著有周易爻義、虞氏易變表、儀禮名物、鄭氏詩譜，年僅十有八。
Jiang Chengzhi, whose style was Anfu, came from She County. He studied under Zhang Huiyan. At the time, more than ten disciples were studying the Changes and the Rites under Zhang Huiyan; his nephew Dong Shixi studied the Changes and had mastered the Yin-Yang and Five Phases tradition; Jiang Chengzhi studied both the Changes and the Rites under him and wrote the Commentaries on the Zhouyi Hexagrams, Master Yu's Table of Yi Transformations, Names and Objects in the Ceremonies, and Master Zheng's Genealogy of the Odes—all before he was eighteen.
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郝懿行，字恂九，棲霞人。 嘉慶四年進士，授戸部主事。 二十五年，補江南司主事。 道光三年，卒，年六十九。
Hao Yixing, whose style was Xunjiu, came from Qixia. He passed the metropolitan examination in the fourth year of the Jiaqing reign and was appointed a director in the Ministry of Revenue. In the twenty-fifth year of the reign he was reassigned as director of the Jiangnan bureau. He died in the third year of the Daoguang reign, at the age of sixty-nine.
16
懿行爲人謙退，訥若不出口，然自守廉介，不輕與人晉接。 遇非素知者，相對竟日無一語，迨談論經義，則喋喋忘倦。 所居四壁蕭然，庭院蓬蒿常滿，僮-{僕}-不備，懿行處之晏如。 浮沉郎署，視官之榮悴，若無與於己者，而一肆力於著述，漏下四鼓者四十年。 所著有爾雅義疎十九巻，春秋説略十二巻，春秋比一巻，山海經牋疎十八巻，易説十二巻，書説二巻。
Hao Yixing was humble and retiring, so quiet that he seemed barely able to speak, yet he held himself to strict integrity and did not readily seek company. With those he did not already know, he could sit face to face all day without a word; but once the conversation turned to classical interpretation, he would talk on tirelessly. His home was bare on all sides, weeds often filled the courtyard, and he had scarcely any servants, yet Hao Yixing remained perfectly at ease. He spent his career in minor capital posts, treating rank and its loss as matters indifferent to him, and gave himself wholly to scholarship, often writing until the fourth watch of the night for forty years. His writings include Erya Yishu in nineteen fascicles, Chunqiu Shuolue in twelve fascicles, Chunqiu Bi in one fascicle, Shanhai Jing Jianshu in eighteen fascicles, Yishuo in twelve fascicles, and Shushuo in two fascicles.
17
懿行嘗曰：「邵晉涵爾雅正義蒐輯較廣，然聲音訓詁之原，尚多壅閡，故鮮發明。 今-{余}-作義疎，於字借聲轉處，詞繁不殺，殆欲明其所以然。」 又曰：「-{余}-田居多載，遇草木蟲魚有弗知者，必詢其名，詳察其形，考之古書，以徴其然否。 今茲疎中其異於舊説者，皆經目驗，非憑胸肊，此-{余}-書所以別乎邵氏也。」 懿行之於爾雅，用力最久，藁凡數易，垂歿而後成。 於古訓同異，名物疑似，必詳加辨論，疎通證明，故所造較晉涵爲深。 髙郵王念孫爲之點閲，寄儀徴阮元刊行。 元總裁會試時，從經義中識拔懿行者也。
Hao Yixing once remarked, "Shao Jinhan's Correct Meaning of the Erya assembles a wide range of material, yet the foundations of phonology and exegesis remain largely blocked, so there is little genuine explanation. In my Yishu, wherever characters are borrowed or sounds shift, the exposition is full and unsparing, because I want to show why things are so." He also said, "I have lived in the countryside for many years; whenever I did not know a plant, insect, or fish, I asked its name, studied its form closely, checked the ancient books, and tested whether the old accounts were correct. Where this commentary departs from earlier views, every point has been checked by my own eyes, not guessed from imagination—that is how my book differs from Shao's." On the Erya, Hao Yixing labored longest; he revised the draft many times and finished it only on the eve of his death. On disputed ancient glosses and doubtful identifications of things, he argued each case in detail and proved his points, and his achievement therefore surpassed Shao Jinhan's. Wang Niansun of Gaoyou edited the text for him, and it was sent to Ruan Yuan in Yizheng for printing. Ruan Yuan had first singled out Hao Yixing during the metropolitan examination, when he distinguished himself in the classical exposition.
18
其牋疎山海經，援引各籍，正名辨物，事刊疎謬，辭取雅馴。 阮元謂呉氏廣注徴引雖博，失之蕪雜； 畢沅校本，訂正文字尚多疎略； 惟懿行精而不鑿，博而不濫。
His commentary on the Shanhai Jing draws on every sort of source, corrects nomenclature and identifies objects, cuts errors and absurdities, and keeps the language elegant and restrained. Ruan Yuan observed that Wu Ruan's expansive commentary, for all its breadth of citation, was spoiled by clutter; Bi Yuan's collated edition still left many textual corrections loose and incomplete; only Hao Yixing was precise without being forced, and learned without being excessive.
19
懿行妻王照圓，字瑞玉。 博渉經史，當時著書家，有「髙郵王父子，棲霞郝夫婦」之目。 著有詩説一巻，列女傳補註八巻，附女録一巻，女校一巻。 又與懿行以詩答問，懿行録之爲詩問七巻，其爾雅義疎亦間取照圓説； 他著有詩經拾遺一巻，汲冢周書輯要一巻，竹書紀年校正十四巻，荀子補註一巻，晉宋書故一巻，補晉書刑法-{志}-一巻，食貨-{志}-一巻，文集十二巻。 照圓又有列仙傳校正二巻。
Hao Yixing's wife was Wang Zhaoyuan, whose style was Ruiyu. She was widely read in the classics and histories; contemporary scholars spoke of "the Wang father and son of Gaoyou and the Hao husband and wife of Qixia." She wrote Shishuo in one fascicle, Supplementary Commentary to the Biographies of Exemplary Women in eight fascicles, with Nülü in one fascicle and Nüjiao in one fascicle appended. She and Hao Yixing also exchanged questions and answers in verse, which he collected as Shiwen in seven fascicles; his Erya Yishu also occasionally adopts Wang Zhaoyuan's views; Her other writings include Shijing Shiyi in one fascicle, Essentials of the Zhou Writings from the Ji Tomb in one fascicle, Collation of the Bamboo Annals in fourteen fascicles, Supplementary Commentary to the Xunzi in one fascicle, Remains of the Jin and Song Histories in one fascicle, a supplement to the Treatise on Penal Law in the History of Jin in one fascicle, a Treatise on Food and Money in one fascicle, and Collected Writings in twelve fascicles. Wang Zhaoyuan also wrote a Collation of the Liexian Zhuan in two fascicles.
20
又著三巻，二巻，十巻，二巻，六巻，二巻，一巻。
Chen Shouqi also wrote Variorum Exegesis and Verification of the Different Meanings of the Five Classics in three fascicles, Classical Discrimination of the Zuohai in two fascicles, Collected Writings of the Zuohai in ten fascicles, Parallel Prose of the Zuohai in two fascicles, Collected Poems of the Jiangkui Hall in six fascicles, Later Account of the Confucian Scholars and Literary Garden of Eastern Yue in two fascicles, and Surviving Drafts from the Eastern View in one fascicle.
21
子，字。 五年舉人，二十四年，以大挑知縣分發。 歴官、、、諸縣，署、、知府。 以經術飾吏治，居官有聲。 七年，卒於官，年六十一。 初，以鄭注禮記多改讀，又嘗鉤考、、三家詩佚文、佚義與毛氏異同者，輯而未就。 病革，謂曰：「爾好漢學，治經知師法，他日能成吾-{志}-，九原無憾矣！」 乃繹舊聞，勒爲定本，成六巻，十五巻。 又著二巻，四巻。 謂齊詩之學，宗旨有三：曰四始，曰五際，曰六情。 皆以明天地陰陽終始之理，考人事盛衰得失之原，言王道治亂安危之故。 齊先亡，最爲寡證，獨翼奉存其百一，且其説多出詩緯，察躔象，推歴數，徴休咎，蓋齊學所本也。 詩緯亡而齊詩遂爲絶學矣。 又著今文尚書經説考三十四巻，歐陽夏侯經説考一巻。 謂：「二十九篇今文具存，十六篇既無今文可考，遂莫能盡通其義。 凡古文易、書、詩、禮、論語、孝經所以傳，悉由今文爲之先驅，今文所無輒廢。 向微伏生，則萬古長夜矣。 歐陽、大小夏侯各守師法，苟能得其單辭片義，以尋千百年不傳之緒，則今文之維持聖經於不墜者，豈淺尟哉！」 又有詩經四家異文考五巻，毛詩鄭牋改字説四巻，禮堂經説二巻，最後爲尚書説。 時宿學漸蕪，考據家爲世訾謷，獨湘鄕曾國籓見其書以爲可傳。 自元和惠氏、髙郵王氏外，惟喬樅能修世業，張大其家法。
His son was Chen Qiao Cong, whose style was Puyuan. He passed the provincial examination in the fifth year of the Daoguang reign, and in the twenty-fourth year was selected through the da-tiao and assigned as a county magistrate. He served successively as magistrate of Fenyang, Yiyang, Dehua, and Nancheng, and acted as prefect of Yuanzhou, Linjiang, and Fuzhou. He brought classical learning to bear on governance and earned a strong reputation in office. He died in office in the seventh year of the Tongzhi reign, at the age of sixty-one. Earlier, noting how often Zheng Xuan's Liji commentary changed the readings, he had also collated lost passages and interpretations from the Qi, Lu, and Han versions of the Odes and compared them with the Mao tradition, but left the compilation unfinished. On his deathbed he told his son, "You love Han Learning and understand how to follow a master's transmission in the classics; if you can one day fulfill my ambition, I shall die without regret!" His son then worked up the old notes into definitive texts: Investigation of Zheng Xuan's Variant Readings in the Liji in six fascicles, and Investigation of Lost Teachings of the Three Schools of the Odes in fifteen fascicles. He also wrote Exegesis and Verification of Master Yi's Qi Odes Learning in two fascicles and Collected Verification of the Apocryphal Commentaries on the Odes in four fascicles. He held that Qi Odes scholarship rests on three principles: the Four Beginnings, the Five Epochs, and the Six Sentiments. All were meant to illuminate the cosmic cycle of yin and yang, trace the roots of human fortune and failure, and explain why dynasties rose, fell, and stood in safety or peril. The Qi school was the first to disappear and is the hardest to document; only Yi Feng preserved a fraction of it, and his doctrines largely derive from the apocryphal Odes literature—reading the heavens, calculating chronology, and testing omens—which formed the basis of Qi learning. Once the apocryphal Odes texts were lost, Qi Odes scholarship became a dead tradition. He also wrote Investigation of the New-Text Exegesis of the Documents in thirty-four fascicles and Investigation of the Exegesis of the Ouyang and Xiahou Schools in one fascicle. He argued, "All twenty-nine new-text chapters of the Documents survive intact; for the sixteen lost chapters there is no new text to consult, so their meaning cannot be fully recovered. The transmission of the old-text Changes, Documents, Odes, Rites, Analects, and Classic of Filial Piety all depended on new-text scholarship as their pioneer; what the new text lacked was set aside. Without Fu Sheng, the classics would have remained in darkness for ten thousand generations. Ouyang Gao and the Elder and Younger Xiahou each preserved his master's line; had scholars recovered even a single phrase to pursue what had gone untransmitted for a millennium, the new text's service in keeping the scriptures alive would have been no small matter! He also wrote Investigation of Variant Readings among the Four Schools of the Shijing in five fascicles, Discussion of Character Changes in Master Zheng's Mao Odes Commentary in four fascicles, Classical Exegesis of the Litang in two fascicles, and finally Shangshu Shuo. By then the great scholars of an earlier age were fading, and evidential scholars were widely mocked; only Zeng Guofan of Xiangxiang, reading his books, thought them worth preserving. Apart from the Hui lineage of Yuanhe and the Wang lineage of Gaoyou, only Chen Qiao Cong could sustain the family calling and expand its scholarly tradition.
22
壽祺同-{里}-治古學者，有謝震、何治運。
Among those in Chen Shouqi's home district who studied ancient learning were Xie Zhen and He Zhiyun.
23
震，原名在震，字甸男，侯官人。 乾隆五十四年舉人，官順昌學教諭。 震嘗與閩縣林一桂、甌寧萬世美倶精三禮，震尤篤學嗜古。 然龂龂持漢學，好排撃宋儒鑿空逃虚之説。 壽祺與震同舉鄕試，少震六歳，視爲畏友。 震重氣誼，有-{志}-用世，而不遇於時，年四十卒。 弟子輯其遺著，有禮案二巻，精覈勝敖氏。 又有四書小牋一巻，四聖年譜一巻。 工詩，有櫻桃軒詩集二巻。
Xie Zhen, whose original given name was Zaizhen and whose style was Diannan, came from Houguan. He passed the provincial examination in the fifty-fourth year of the Qianlong reign and served as prefectural instructor in Shunchang. Xie Zhen, together with Lin Yigui of Min County and Wan Shimei of Ouning, was deeply versed in the Three Rites; Xie Zhen was especially devoted to learning and fond of antiquity. Yet he stubbornly championed Han Learning and delighted in attacking what he saw as the Song Confucians' forced and hollow doctrines. Chen Shouqi and Xie Zhen sat for the provincial examination together; Shouqi was six years younger and regarded Xie as a senior friend he deeply respected. Xie Zhen prized loyalty and friendship and aspired to serve the world, but found no opportunity in his day and died at forty. His disciples compiled his posthumous writings, including Ritual Cases in two fascicles, more rigorous and superior to the Ao family's work. He also left a Brief Commentary on the Four Books in one fascicle and a Chronological Genealogy of the Four Sages in one fascicle. He was also accomplished in poetry and left the Collected Poems of the Yingtao Studio in two fascicles.
24
治運，字支阝海，閩縣人。 嘉慶十二年舉人。 洽聞彊識，篤-{志}-漢學。 粵督阮元嘗聘纂廣東通-{志}-。 後遊浙中，巡撫陳若霖爲鋟其經解及論辨文字四巻，名何氏學。 道光元年，卒，年四十七。 治運與壽祺友，及卒，壽祺以謂無與爲質，不獲以輔成其學也。
He Zhiyun, whose style was Zhihai, came from Min County. He passed the provincial examination in the twelfth year of the Jiaqing reign. Widely informed and with a formidable memory, he was deeply committed to Han Learning. The Guangdong governor-general Ruan Yuan once engaged him to help compile the Guangdong Gazetteer. He later traveled to Zhejiang, where Governor Chen Ruolin had four fascicles of his scriptural exegeses and discursive writings printed under the title Mr. He's Learning. He died in the first year of the Daoguang reign, at the age of forty-seven. He Zhiyun was Chen Shouqi's friend; when Zhiyun died, Shouqi lamented that he had lost the one person with whom he could test his ideas and could no longer find a companion to help bring his scholarship to completion.
25
孫經世，字濟侯，惠安人。 壽祺弟子。 壽祺課士不一格，遊其門者，若仙遊王捷南之詩、禮、春秋、諸史，晉江杜彦士之小學，惠安陳金城之漢易，將樂梁文之性理，建安丁汝恭、德化賴其煐、建陽張際亮之詩、古文辭，皆足名家。 而經世學成蚤世，世以儒林推之。 經世少喜讀近思録，後沉研經義，謂不通經學，無以爲理學； 不明訓詁，無以通經； 不知聲音文字之原，無以明訓詁。 著説文會通十六巻，爾雅音疎六巻，釋文辨證十四巻，韻學溯源四巻，十三經正讀定本八十巻，經傳釋辭續編八巻。 又著春秋例辨八巻，孝經説二巻，夏小正説一巻，詩韻訂二巻，惕齋經説六巻，讀經校語四巻。
Sun Jingshi, whose style was Jihou, came from Huian. He was a disciple of Chen Shouqi. Chen Shouqi taught without a single fixed curriculum; among his students, Wang Jienan of Xianyou mastered the Odes, Rites, Spring and Autumn, and the histories; Du Yanshi of Jinjiang, paleography; Chen Jincheng of Huian, Han Changes scholarship; Liang Wen of Jiangle, Neo-Confucian moral principle; and Ding Rugong of Jian'an, Lai Qiying of Dehua, and Zhang Jiliang of Jianyang, poetry and ancient prose—each was accomplished enough to stand as a master in his own right. Sun Jingshi, however, matured early and died young; posterity ranks him among the Confucian scholars. As a youth Sun Jingshi loved the Jinsi Lu; later he plunged into scriptural meaning and held that without classical learning there can be no true Neo-Confucianism; without exegesis one cannot master the classics; and without knowing the origins of sound and writing one cannot clarify exegesis. His writings include Comprehensive Exposition of the Shuowen in sixteen fascicles, Erya Yinshu in six fascicles, Textual Verification of the Shiwen in fourteen fascicles, Tracing the Origins of Rhyme Studies in four fascicles, a definitive reading text of the Thirteen Classics in eighty fascicles, and Continuation of Exegesis of the Classics in eight fascicles. He also wrote Examples and Discriminations in the Spring and Autumn in eight fascicles, Exposition of the Classic of Filial Piety in two fascicles, Exposition of the Xia Xiaozheng in one fascicle, Revision of Odes Rhymes in two fascicles, Classical Exegesis of the Tizhai in six fascicles, and Collation Notes on Reading the Classics in four fascicles.
26
柯蘅，膠州人。 從壽祺受許、鄭之學，嘗以史、漢諸表爲紀、傳之綱領，而譌誤舛奪，最爲難治，乃條而理之，著漢書七表校補二十巻。 爲例十：一曰辨事誤，二曰辨文字誤，三曰辨注誤，四曰辨諸家考證之誤，五曰以本書證本書之誤，六曰史、漢互證而知其誤，七曰漢書、荀紀互證而知其誤，八曰漢書、水經註互證而知其誤，九曰據紀、傳以補表之闕，十曰據今地以證表之誤。 鉤稽隱賾，凡前人之説，皆取而辨其是非，至前人未及者，又得二三十事，亦專門之學也。 尤長於詩，著有聲詩闡微二巻，舊雨草堂詩集四巻，其説經、説史之作，門人集爲舊雨草堂札記。
Ke Heng came from Jiaozhou. He studied the Xu and Zheng tradition under Chen Shouqi and argued that the tables in the Records and the History of Han form the framework of their annals and biographies, yet textual corruption makes them the hardest part to handle; he therefore sorted them systematically and wrote Collation and Supplement to the Seven Tables of the Hanshu in twenty fascicles. He laid down ten principles: distinguish factual errors; distinguish character errors; distinguish commentary errors; distinguish errors in earlier scholars' reconstructions; correct the text by internal evidence from the same book; correct it by cross-checking the Records and the Han; correct it by cross-checking the Hanshu and the Xun Ji; correct it by cross-checking the Hanshu and the Commentary on the Water Classic; fill gaps in the tables from the annals and biographies; and test the tables against modern geography. Digging into obscure points, he weighed every earlier opinion for right and wrong; where predecessors had not gone, he found another twenty or thirty cases—specialized scholarship in its own right. He was especially gifted in poetry and wrote Elucidation of Tonal Poetry in two fascicles and the Collected Poems of the Jiuyu Thatched Hall in four fascicles; his exegeses and historical studies were compiled by his disciples as the Notes of the Jiuyu Thatched Hall.
27
許宗彦，字積卿，德淸人。 九歳能讀經、史。 善屬文，侍郎王昶愛其-{才}-，作積卿字説以贈。 嘉慶四年進士，授兵部主事，就官兩月，以親老遽引疾歸。 親歿，卒不出。 居杭州，杜門以讀書爲事。 其學無所不通，探賾索隱，識力卓然，發千年儒者所未發。 考周五廟二祧，以爲周-{制}-五廟之外，別有二祧，爲遷廟之殺，以厚親親之仁。 宗廟之外，別立祖宗，與禘、郊同爲重祭，以大尊尊之義。 諸經無文、武二廟不毀之説，誤始於韋玄成，而劉歆因之，鄭康成亦因之。 祧者遷廟，乃謂爲不遷之廟，名實乖矣。 又考文、武二世室，以爲周文、武皆配於明堂太室，故有「文、武世室」之號。 孔穎達誤謂伯禽稱「文世室」，周公稱「武世室」。 以公羊傳周公稱「太廟」、魯公稱「世室」、群公稱「宮」證之，舛甚。
Xu Zongyan, whose style was Jiqing, came from Deqing. At nine he could read the classics and histories. He wrote well; Vice Minister Wang Chang admired his talent and composed an essay explaining his style name Jiqing as a gift. He passed the metropolitan examination in the fourth year of the Jiaqing reign and was appointed a director in the Ministry of War, but after only two months he resigned abruptly to care for his aging parents. After their deaths he never took office again. He settled in Hangzhou, shut his doors, and devoted himself to reading. His learning knew scarcely any bounds; probing the recondite and pursuing the obscure, his insight was outstanding, and he articulated what scholars had not articulated in a millennium. Examining the Zhou institution of five ancestral temples and two elevated shrines, he argued that beyond the five temples the Zhou maintained two separate elevated shrines as the stage at which temples were shifted—a way to deepen the benevolence of honoring one's kin. Outside the main temple line they also established ancestral and imperial shrines, which, like the ti and jiao sacrifices, were great rites expressing the highest form of reverence. No classic text supports the theory that the temples of King Wen and King Wu were never destroyed; the error began with Wei Xuancheng, Liu Xin adopted it, and Zheng Kangcheng followed suit. An elevated shrine means a temple subject to transfer, yet they treated it as a temple that is never transferred—name and reality were at odds. He also examined the Wen and Wu "world-shrines" and held that in the Zhou both King Wen and King Wu were enshrined in the Grand Chamber of the Bright Hall, hence the designation "world-shrines of Wen and Wu." Kong Yingda mistakenly held that Bo Qin was called "the Wen world-shrine" and the Duke of Zhou "the Wu world-shrine." Checked against the Gongyang tradition, in which the Duke of Zhou is called "Grand Temple," the Lord of Lu "world-shrine," and the lesser lords "palace," Kong's reading is deeply wrong.
28
又考禹貢三江，以爲漢-{志}-言「分江水首受江，東至餘姚入海」。 夫曰「分江水」，曰「首受江」，則非南江之正流可知； 曰「東至餘姚入海」，則非在呉入海可知，與禹貢三江無與。 又考太歳、太陰，以爲太歳者，歳星與日同次鬥杓所建之辰也。 太陰始寅終-{丑}-，太歳始子終亥。 漢律-{志}-曰：「太初元年，歳前十一月朔旦冬至，歳在星紀婺女六度，歳名困敦。」 此太歳始子之碻證。 武帝詔曰：「年名焉逢、攝提格。」 此太陰始寅之碻證。 漢書天文-{志}-始誤以甘、石之言太陰者-{係}-之太歳，而與太初之太歳遂差兩辰，乃以爲星有贏縮，非矣。
He also examined the Three Jiang of the Yugong and argued that the Treatise in the Han History states, "The head of the divided Jiang water receives the Jiang and flows east to enter the sea at Yuyao." Since the text says "divided Jiang water" and "head receives the Jiang," it cannot be the main course of the southern Jiang; and since it says "flows east to enter the sea at Yuyao," it cannot be the route that enters the sea at Wu—so it has nothing to do with the Three Jiang of the Yugong. He also studied Tai Sui and Tai Yin and held that Tai Sui is the year star in the same celestial station as the sun—the chronogram established by the handle of the Dipper. Tai Yin runs from yin to chou; Tai Sui runs from zi to hai. The Treatise on Calendar and Music in the Han History records: "In the first year of Taichu, on the new-moon morning of the eleventh month preceding the year, at the winter solstice, the year was lodged in Xingji, six degrees into Nü, under the year-name Kun Dun." —solid proof that Tai Sui begins at zi. An edict of Emperor Wu states: "The year-names are Maofeng and Shetige." —solid proof that Tai Yin begins at yin. The Astronomical Treatise in the Han History first misapplied Gan De and Shi Shen's remarks on Tai Yin to Tai Sui, throwing Tai Sui in the Taichu era off by two chronograms; scholars then imagined that stars advance and lag—a mistake.
29
又説六書轉注，以爲從偏旁轉相注。 説文曰：「轉注者，建類一首，同意相受，考老是也。」 後序曰「其建首也，立一爲耑」，即建類一首之謂也。 如示爲部首，從示之偏旁注爲神祇等字，從神祇注爲祠祀祭祝等字，展轉相注，皆同意爲一類。 戴震指爾雅詁訓爲轉注，而不知詁訓出於後來，非製字時所豫有也。 段玉裁引戴説，又言爾雅字多假借，而不知假借者本無其字，今如初、哉、首、基之訓，非本無首字，而假初、哉諸字以當之也。 其他所著學説，能持漢、宋儒者之平。 禮論、治論諸篇，皆稽古證今，通達政體。
He also treated the "derived annotation" category of the Six Scripts as meaning that characters within a radical family annotate one another in turn. The Shuowen states: "Derived annotation establishes a category under one head-character; forms that share a meaning receive one another—'lao' and 'kao' are the model." The postface says, "In establishing the heads, one character is taken as the stem"—that is precisely "establishing a category with one head." Take shi (spirit) as the head: characters built on shi yield shenqi and the like; from shenqi come cisi, jizhu, and the like—each turn annotating the next, all one semantic class. Dai Zhen took Erya glosses to be derived annotation, unaware that glossing came later and was never part of the original act of making characters. Duan Yucai followed Dai and added that Erya characters are mostly loan characters—yet borrowing means there was no character to begin with; glosses such as chu, zai, shou, and ji do not mean that "head" never existed and that chu or zai stood in for it. In his other writings he could hold the even ground between Han and Song learning. His essays on ritual and on governance examine the past to clarify the present and show a firm grasp of how government works.
30
尤精天文，得泰西推歩秘法，自製渾金球，別具神解。 嘗援緯書四遊以疎本天髙卑，而知不同心非渾圓之理。 考周髀北極璿璣，以推古人測驗之法。 七政皆統於天，而知東漢以前用赤道不用黃道，爲得諸行之本。 論日左右旋一理，以王錫闡解黃道右旋、赤道平行，戴震分黃、極爲二行，其説頗不分明，爲剖析之，洞徹微妙，皆言天家所未及。
He excelled in astronomy, mastered Western methods of celestial calculation, built his own armillary sphere, and showed an insight all his own. Drawing on apocryphal accounts of the Four Traversals, he clarified how heaven's height varies—and saw that a non-concentric model cannot be truly spherical. He studied the north polar Xuanji in the Zhoubi to reconstruct how the ancients measured the heavens. Because the Seven Regulators all answer to heaven, he saw that before the Eastern Han scholars used the equator rather than the ecliptic—and thus touched the root of every motion. On the single principle behind the sun's left and right rotation: Wang Xichan explained the ecliptic as rotating rightward and the equator as moving parallel; Dai Zhen split the yellow path and the pole into two motions—doctrines none too clear. Xu dissected them with penetrating subtlety, going where astronomers had not.
31
性孝友，愼於交遊，體羸而神理澂淡，見者皆肅然敬之。 儀徴阮元，會試舉主也，重其學術行誼，以子女爲★I2家。
Filial and brotherly by nature, careful in friendship, slight in build yet lucid in mind—everyone who met him stood in quiet respect. Ruan Yuan of Yizheng, who had been his metropolitan examiner, esteemed his scholarship and character and joined their families in marriage, giving his children to Xu's in alliance.
32
呂飛鵬，字-{云}-裡，旌德人。 從寧國凌廷堪治禮，廷堪器之，以爲能傳其學。 山陽汪廷珍視學安徽，喜士通古經義，補飛鵬縣學附生。
Lü Feipeng, styled Yunli, was from Jingde. He studied ritual under Ling Tingkan of Ningguo; Tingkan prized him and believed he could carry on his school. When Wang Tingzhen of Shanyang served as education intendant in Anhui, he favored men versed in the old classics and enrolled Feipeng as a supplementary student at the county school.
33
飛鵬少讀周禮，長而癖嗜，廷堪嘗著周官九拜九祭解、鄕射五物考，援據禮經，疎通證明，足發前人所未發。 飛鵬師其意而變通之，成周禮補註六巻。 其大旨以鄭氏爲宗，自序曰：「漢、魏之治周禮者，如賈逵、張衡、孫炎、薛綜、陳劭、崔靈恩之注，遺文軼事，散見群籍。 或與鄭義符合，或與鄭義乖違，同者可得其會通，異者可博其旨趣。 是用廣蒐衆説，補所未備，條-{系}-於經文之下，或旁採他經舊注，或兼取近儒經説，要於申明古義而已。」 又著周禮古今文義證六巻，嘗考康成本治小戴禮，後以古經校之，取其於義長且順者爲鄭氏學。 又注小戴所傳禮記四十九篇，又嘗作毛詩牋：「今取鄭氏之學證鄭氏之注，則辭易了然，即彼此互歧、前後錯出，亦不煩辭費而得失已明，故於三者刺取爲多。 至許氏説文解字，徴引周禮，彼此互異，取以推廣鄭義，不嫌牴牾。 其他史冊流傳，事-{系}-本朝，禮遵週典，亦備採擇，用俟辯章。 猶是鄭氏況以漢法之意也。」
Feipeng read the Zhouli as a boy and never lost the passion. Tingkan had written on the nine bows and nine sacrifices of the Zhou Offices and on the five items of district archery—grounding every point in the ritual canon with proofs clear enough to open what earlier scholars had missed. Feipeng took his teacher's approach and adapted it, producing a Supplementary Commentary on the Zhouli in six juan. Its guiding principle is the school of Zheng Xuan. In his preface he writes: "Han and Wei commentators on the Zhouli—Jia Kui, Zhang Heng, Sun Yan, Xue Zong, Chen Shao, Cui Lingen—left fragments and anecdotes scattered through many works. Some align with Zheng; some oppose him—agreement yields a unified view, disagreement widens one's sense of the text's range. So he gathered opinions widely, filled the gaps, and arranged them line by line beneath the classic—sometimes from old notes on other classics, sometimes from recent scholars—all to restore the ancient sense." He also wrote Evidence for Ancient and Modern Readings of the Zhouli in six juan. He showed that Zheng Kangcheng first studied the Xiao Dai Li, then collated it with the ancient text and kept readings that were sounder and smoother—thus the Zheng school. He annotated the forty-nine chapters of the Liji in the Xiao Dai transmission and once drafted a Mao Shi commentary: "Use Zheng's own school to test Zheng's glosses and the wording clears at once; even where passages clash or contradict, one need not argue at length—the truth shows itself. Hence I rely most on these three sources. Xu Shen's Shuowen cites the Zhouli in ways that do not always agree; Feipeng used those citations to extend Zheng's doctrine and did not shrink from the tension. Passages from other histories, matters bearing on the present dynasty, ritual usage that follows Zhou precedent—all were gathered for later arrangement and review. —still Zheng's method, as it were, tempered by the spirit of Han institutions."
34
平居書齋閣自銘誡，粹然出於儒先道學。 鄕飢，籌粟倡賑，人多德之。 有爭辯，一言立釋。 嘗戒其子賢基曰：「成名易，成人難。」 又曰：「言官不易爲，毋陳利而昧大體，毋挾私而務髙名。」 其本行如此。 賢基卒以忠節著。 道光二十九年，卒，年七十三。 子賢基，工部右侍郎，諡文節，自有傳。
At home he wrote moral admonitions on the walls of his study—purely in the spirit of the sages before him. When famine struck his district he organized grain relief; many blessed his name. When neighbors quarreled, a single word from him would settle the matter. He once warned his son Xianji: "Winning a name is easy; becoming a whole man is hard." He also said: "The censor's role is not easy: do not tout narrow gain and miss the larger design, nor serve private ends while chasing a grand name." Such was the man at his core. Xianji in the end won fame for loyal resolve unto death. He died in the twenty-ninth year of Daoguang, at seventy-three. His son Xianji, Vice Minister of Works, was posthumously honored as Wenjie and has a separate biography.
35
有淸爲周禮之學者，有惠士奇、沈彤、莊存與、沈夢蘭、段玉裁、徐養原、宋世犖。
Qing masters of the Zhouli included Hui Shiqi, Shen Tong, Zhuang Cunyu, Shen Menglan, Duan Yucai, Xu Yangyuan, and Song Shiluo.
36
夢蘭，字古春，烏程人。 乾隆四十八年舉人，官湖北宜都縣知縣。 夢蘭博通諸經，實事求是，尤邃於周官，成周禮學一書。 分溝洫、畿封、邦國、都鄙、城郭、宮室、職官、祿田、貢賦、軍旅、車乘、禮射、律度量衡十三門，取司馬法、逸周書、管子、呂覽、伏傳、戴記諸古書參互考證，合之書、詩、禮記、三傳、孟子，先儒所病其牴牾者，無不得其會通。 爲圖若-{干}-，並取經、傳文之與周官相發明者釋於篇。 他著有易、書、詩、孟子學，五省溝洫圖説。 其易學自序-{云}-：「自輯周禮學，於易象得井、比、師、訟、同人、大有若-{干}-卦，錯綜參伍，知易之爲道，先王一切之治法於是乎在。」 而孟子學，則又以疎證周官之故，匯其餘説以成帙者。 其溝洫圖説，巻不盈寸，凡南北形勢、河道原委、歴代沿革、衆説異同，與夫溝遂經畛之體，廣深尋尺之數，以及蓄水、止水、盪水、均水、-{舍}-水、瀉水之事皆備。 复證之周官，考究詳覈。 官湖北時，奉檄襄-{築}-荊州堤工，上江堤埽工議及荊江論。 沔陽水災，复奉檄會勘，作水利説以諭沔民。 原本經術，有裨實用，皆此類也。
Shen Menglan, styled Guchun, was from Wucheng. He passed the provincial examinations in Qianlong 48 and served as magistrate of Yidu in Hubei. Menglan mastered the classics with a sober eye for fact and was deepest in the Zhou Offices; he produced a comprehensive study of the Zhouli. He organized his work in thirteen topics—from canals and the royal domain to states, districts, walls, palaces, offices, salary lands, tribute, armies, chariots, archery ritual, and weights and measures—cross-reading the Sima Fa, Lost Zhou Documents, Guanzi, Lüshi Chunqiu, Fu's traditions, and Dai's Records with the Documents, Odes, Liji, Three Commentaries, and Mencius until contradictions that had troubled earlier scholars fell into place. He drew several diagrams and glossed, throughout the work, every passage in the classics and commentaries that throws light on the Zhou Offices. He also wrote studies of the Changes, Documents, Odes, and Mencius, and an Illustrated Explanation of Canals in Five Provinces. In the preface to his study of the Changes he writes: "While compiling my Zhouli work I found in the hexagram images Jing, Bi, Shi, Song, Tongren, Dayou, and several others; woven together they show that the Changes holds the Former Kings' entire program of rule." His study of Mencius gathers what remained after he had used that classic to test and confirm the Zhou Offices." His canal treatise fits in a palm-sized volume, yet covers terrain north and south, river courses and sources, changes through the dynasties, rival theories, the layout of ditches, paths, and field boundaries, dimensions in chi—and every hydraulic task: storing, holding, sluicing, equalizing, releasing, and draining water. He then checked every point against the Zhou Offices with painstaking care. In Hubei office he was ordered to help build the Jingzhou dikes and submitted proposals on upper-river revetments and on governing the Jing. When Mianyang flooded he was again sent to inspect jointly and wrote an essay on waterworks to instruct the people there. Grounded in the classics yet useful in the world—such was the pattern of his work.
37
世犖，字卣勳，臨海人。 乾隆五十三年舉人，以教習官陝西扶風知縣。 地當川、藏孔道，夫馬悉斂之民。 計畝率錢，名曰「公局」。 世犖多所裁革，無妄取。 時教匪初定，州縣多以獲盜遷擢。 扶風民有持齋爲怨家所訐者，大府飛檄至，捕而鞫之，皆良民，釋弗顧。 罷歸，揅求經訓，熟於諧聲、假借之例，著周禮故書疎證六巻，儀禮古今文疎證二巻。
Song Shiluo, styled Youxun, was from Linhai. He passed the examinations in Qianlong 53 and, via an instructor posting, became magistrate of Fufeng in Shaanxi. The county lay on the road to Sichuan and Tibet; corvée and horses were wrung from the people. Fees were calculated by the mu and collected under the name "Public Bureau." Shiluo abolished much of it and took nothing without just cause. The White Lotus rebellion had only just been suppressed; magistrates often won promotion by seizing "bandits." In Fufeng, men who kept vegetarian fasts were denounced by personal enemies; urgent orders came to arrest and try them. Shiluo found only honest folk and let them go, ignoring the pressure. After leaving office he threw himself into exegesis, mastered phonetic parallelism and loan characters, and wrote Exegesis of the Ancient Zhouli Text in six juan and Exegesis of Ancient and Modern Yili Readings in two juan.
38
嚴可均，字景文，烏程人。 舉人，官建德縣教諭，引疾歸。 可均博聞強識，精考據之學，與姚文田同治説文，爲説文長編，亦謂之類考。 有天文、算術、地理類，草木、鳥獸、蟲魚類，聲類，説文引群書、群書引説文類，積四十五冊。 又輯鐘鼎拓本爲説文翼十五篇，將校定説文，撰爲疎義。 孫星衍促其成，乃撮舉大略。 就毛氏汲古閣初印本別爲校議三十篇，專正徐鉉之失。
Yan Kejun, styled Jingwen, was from Wucheng. A provincial graduate, he served as county instructor in Jiande, then pleaded illness and retired. Kejun was encyclopedic in memory and a master of evidential scholarship; with Yao Wentian he compiled the Long Compilation on the Shuowen, also called the Classified Investigation. It ran to forty-five fascicles in categories—astronomy, mathematics, geography; plants, birds, beasts, insects, and fish; sound; Shuowen citations of other books and other books' citations of the Shuowen. He also gathered bronze inscriptions into Wings to the Shuowen in fifteen sections, planning a collated Shuowen with full commentary. Sun Xingyan pressed him to finish; he therefore set down the main outlines. Using the Mao family's first Jiguge imprint, he wrote thirty chapters of collation devoted to correcting Xu Xuan's mistakes.
39
又與丁溶同治唐石經，著校文十巻，自序-{云}-：「-{余}-弱冠治經，稍見宋槧本。 既又念若漢、若魏、若唐、若孟蜀、若宋嘉祐、紹興各立石經，今僅嘉祐四石，紹興八十七石，皆殘本。 而唐大和石壁二百二十八石，巋然獨存，此天地間經本之最完最舊者也。 夫唐代四部之富，埒於梁、隋，而鄭覃、唐元度輩皆通儒，頗見古本。 苟能栞正積非，歸於眞是，即方駕熹平不難，而僅止於是。 今也古本皆亡，欲復舊觀，已難爲力，可嘅也！ 然而後唐彫版，實依石經句度鈔寫，歴宋、元、明轉刻轉誤，而石本倖存，縱不足與復古，以匡今繆有餘也。 獨怪數百年來，學士大夫鮮或過問者，間有一二好古之士，亦與塚碣、寺碑同類而並道之。 康熙初，顧炎武始略校焉，觀其所作九經誤字、金石文字記，刺取寥寥，是非寡當，又誤信王堯惠之補字以誣石經。 顧氏且然，況其他乎？ 烏乎！ 石經者，古本之終，今本之祖。 治經不及見古本，而並荒石經，匪直荒之，又交口誣之，豈經之幸哉？ -{余}-不自揆，欲爲今版本正其誤，爲唐石經釋其非，爲顧氏等袪其惑。 隨讀隨校，凡石經之磨改者、旁增者與今本互異者皆録出，輒據注疎、釋文，旁稽史、傳及漢、唐人所徴引者，爲之左證，而石-{台}-孝經附其後焉。」
With Ding Rong he collated the Tang stone classics and wrote Collation Text in ten juan. His preface says: "In my youth I took up the classics and caught glimpses of Song printed editions. Then I thought how Han, Wei, Tang, Later Shu, and Song Jiayou and Shaoxing each carved stone classics—today only four Jiayou stones and eighty-seven Shaoxing stones survive, all broken. Yet the two hundred twenty-eight stones of the Tang Dahe wall still stand whole—the oldest and most complete canonical text on earth. Tang libraries rivaled Liang and Sui in wealth; Zheng Tan, Tang Yuandu, and their peers were true scholars who had handled old books. Had they corrected accumulated error and restored the true text, they might have matched the Xiping stones—but they stopped short. Ancient editions are gone; to see the old canon whole again is beyond our power—a grief. Later Tang block editions copied the stone text's phrasing and punctuation; Song, Yuan, and Ming reprints piled error on error—yet the stones survive. They cannot restore antiquity, but they are more than enough to correct today's texts. What astonishes me is that for centuries few scholar-officials have cared; the rare antiquary treats them like any tomb or temple stele. Early in Kangxi, Gu Yanwu made a start—but his Wrong Characters in the Nine Classics and Record of Metal and Stone Inscriptions excerpt little and judge poorly; he even trusted Wang Yaohui's forged supplements and called the stones false. If Gu Yanwu fared so, what of lesser men? Alas! The stone classics are the last witness of the old canon and the ancestor of every text we read today. To study the classics without ancient books, then neglect the stones—not merely neglect them but slander them together—is that any blessing to the canon? Beyond my measure, I mean to correct today's printed texts, explain the Tang stones' difficulties, and clear the confusion sown by Gu Yanwu and others. I collate as I read, recording every worn passage, marginal addition, and divergence from modern texts, supporting each point from commentaries, Shiwen, histories, and Han and Tang citations—and append the Stone Platform Classic of Filial Piety at the end."
40
嚴元照，字九能，歸安人。 十歳能爲四體書，補諸生。 儀徴阮元、大興朱珪深賞之。 熟於爾雅，作匡名八巻，旁羅異文軼訓，鉤稽而疎證之。 著有悔葊文鈔、詩鈔、詞鈔，娯親雅言等書。
Yan Yuanzhao, styled Jiuneng, was from Gui'an. At ten he could write in the four script styles and was enrolled as a licentiate. Ruan Yuan of Yizheng and Zhu Gui of Daxing held him in high regard. Deep in the Erya, he wrote Rectifying Names in eight juan, gathering variant readings and lost glosses and proving each point. His writings include collected prose, poetry, and lyrics from the Huian Studio and Elegant Words to Delight One's Parents, among others.
41
焦循，字-{裡}-堂，甘泉人。 嘉慶六年舉人，曾祖源、祖、父蔥，世傳易學。 循少穎異，八歳在阮賡堯家與賓客辨壁上「馮夷」字，曰：「此當如楚辭讀皮冰切，不當讀如縫。」 阮奇之，妻以女。 既壯，雅尚經術，與阮元齊名。 元督學山東、浙江，倶招循往遊。 性至孝，丁父及嫡母謝艱，哀毀如禮。 一應禮部試，後以生母殷病癒而神未健，不復北行。 殷歿，循毀如初。 服除，遂託足疾不入城市者十餘年。 葺其老屋，曰半九書塾，复構一樓，曰雕菰樓，有湖光山色之勝，讀書著述其中。 嘗歎曰：「家雖貧，幸蔬菜不乏。 天之疾我，福我也。 吾老於此矣！」 ，卒，年五十八。
Jiao Xun, styled Litang, was from Ganquan. He passed the provincial examinations in Jiaqing 6; his great-grandfather Yuan, grandfather Ai, and father Cong had handed down Yijing learning for generations. As a boy Xun was unusually bright. At eight, in Ruan Gengyao's house, he argued with guests over the wall inscription "Feng Yi": "It should be read as in the Chuci, pi-bing—not like feng, 'seam.'" Ruan was astonished and gave him his daughter in marriage. Grown to manhood, he devoted himself to the classics and stood equal in renown with Ruan Yuan. When Ruan Yuan served as education commissioner in Shandong and Zhejiang, he invited Xun to accompany him in both provinces. He was profoundly filial. When his father and his stepmother Lady Xie died, he mourned and wasted away in full accordance with ritual. He sat the Ministry of Rites examination once, but when his birth mother Yin recovered from illness yet remained frail in mind and body, he never traveled north again. When Yin died, Xun mourned with the same devastating grief as before. After the mourning period, he pleaded a foot ailment and stayed out of the cities for more than ten years. He restored his old home as the Half-Nine Book Hall and added a tower, the Carved Millet Studio, with fine views of lake and hills, where he read and wrote for years. He once sighed and said, "Our house is poor, but at least we never lack vegetables. Heaven's affliction is Heaven's blessing. I shall grow old here!" He died at fifty-eight.
42
循博聞強記，識力精卓。 毎遇一書，無論隱奧平衍，必究其源，以故經史、暦算、聲音、訓詁無所不精。 幼好易，父問小畜「密雲」二語何以復見於小過，循反復其故不可得。 既學洞淵九容之術，乃以數之比例，求易之比例，漸能理解，著易通釋二十巻。 自謂所悟得者，一曰哦曰旁通，二曰相錯，三曰時行。 又以古之精通易理，深得羲、文、週、孔之恉者，莫如孟子。 生孟子後，能深知其學者，莫如趙氏。 偽疎踳駮，未能發明，著孟子正義三十巻。 謂爲孟子作疎，其難有十，然近代通儒，已得八九。 因博採諸家之説，而下以己意，合孔、孟相傳之正恉，又著六經補疎二十巻。 以説漢易者毎屛王弼，然弼解箕子用趙賓説，讀彭爲旁，借雍爲甕，通孚爲浮，解斯爲廝，蓋以六書通借。 其解經之法，未遠於馬、鄭諸儒，爲周易王註補疎二巻。 以尚書偽孔傳説之善者，如金縢「我之不闢」，訓闢爲法，居東即東-{征}-，罪人即管、蔡，大誥周公不自稱王，而稱成王之命，皆非馬、鄭所能及，爲尚書孔氏傳補疎二巻。 以詩毛、鄭義有異同，正義往往雜鄭於毛，比毛於鄭，爲毛詩鄭氏牋補疎五巻。 以左氏傳「稱君君無道，稱臣臣之罪」，杜預揚其詞而暢衍之，預爲司馬懿女壻，目見成濟之事，將以爲司馬飾，即用以爲己飾。 萬斯大、惠士奇、顧棟髙等未能摘-{姦}-而發覆，爲春秋傳杜氏集解補疎五巻。 以禮以時爲大，訓詁名物，亦所宜究，爲禮記鄭氏注補疎三巻。 以論語一書，發明羲、文、周公之恉，參伍錯綜，引申觸類，亦與易例同，爲論語何氏集解補疎三巻。 合之爲二十巻。 又録當世通儒説尚書者四十一家，書五十七部，仿衞湜禮記之例，以時之先後爲序，得四十巻，曰書義叢鈔。 又著禹貢鄭註釋一巻，毛詩地理釋四巻，毛詩鳥獸草木蟲魚釋十一巻，陸璣疎考證一巻，群經宮室圖二巻，論語通釋一巻。 又著有雕菰樓文集二十四巻，詞三巻，詩話一巻。
Xun possessed encyclopedic learning and a formidable memory, with judgment both sharp and deep. Whatever book he took up, obscure or straightforward, he traced to its roots; thus he excelled alike in the classics and histories, calendrical science, phonology, and textual exegesis. As a boy he loved the Yijing. His father asked why the phrase "dense clouds" in Xiao Xu reappears in Xiao Guo; Xun turned the problem over and over without success. After mastering the Dongyuan Nine-Rong mathematical methods, he applied numerical proportion to the proportions of the Changes, came gradually to understand them, and wrote Comprehensive Explanation of the Changes in twenty juan. What he claimed to have grasped was threefold: lateral penetration, mutual crossing, and movement in season. He held, too, that among those in antiquity who mastered the Changes and truly caught the intent of Fu Xi, King Wen, the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius, none surpassed Mencius. After Mencius, the one who knew his teaching most deeply was Zhao Qi. The forged commentary was muddled and incoherent and failed to illuminate the text, so he wrote Correct Meaning of Mencius in thirty juan. He observed that writing a commentary on Mencius posed ten difficulties, yet the great scholars of recent times had already resolved eight or nine. He therefore drew widely on earlier schools, added his own conclusions, and aligned them with the orthodox intent handed down from Confucius and Mencius; he also wrote Supplementary Commentaries on the Six Classics in twenty juan. Scholars of Han Changes routinely dismissed Wang Bi, yet Bi's gloss on Jizi followed Zhao Bin: reading peng as pang, borrowing yong for weng, tong fu as fu, jie si as si—all by the rules of phonetic loan in the Six Scripts. His method of exegesis was not far removed from Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan; he wrote Supplementary Commentary to Wang Bi's Zhouyi Notes in two juan. Where the forged Kong commentary on the Documents was sound—as in Metal Coffer, glossing bi as "law," taking "dwelling in the east" as the eastern expedition and "the criminals" as Guan and Cai, and in the Great Announcement having the Duke of Zhou speak as Cheng's minister rather than as king—he showed points beyond Ma and Zheng; he wrote Supplementary Commentary to the Kong Clan Documents Tradition in two juan. Because the Mao and Zheng readings of the Odes often diverge and the Correct Meaning mingles them, he wrote Supplementary Commentary to Zheng's Mao Odes Commentary in five juan. The Zuoshi line "when the ruler is named, it is the ruler's want of the Way; when the minister is named, it is the minister's fault" Du Yu inflated and elaborated. As Sima Yi's son-in-law and witness to Cheng Ji's killing, he dressed the Simas in moral language—and himself as well. Wan Sida, Hui Shiji, Gu Donggao, and others had failed to expose Du's duplicity; Xun wrote Supplementary Commentary to Du's Collected Explanations of the Spring and Autumn Commentary in five juan. Since ritual honors timeliness and demands close study of terms and objects, he wrote Supplementary Commentary to Zheng's Record of Rites Notes in three juan. The Analects, he held, unfolds the intent of Fu Xi, King Wen, and the Duke of Zhou through combinatorial and analogical reasoning akin to the patterns of the Changes; he wrote Supplementary Commentary to He's Collected Explanations of the Analects in three juan. Together these works fill twenty juan. He also anthologized forty-one contemporary scholars on the Documents in fifty-seven works, following Wei Kan's model for the Record of Rites and arranging them chronologically in forty juan as Collected Excerpts on the Meaning of the Documents. He also wrote Explication of Zheng's Tribute of Yu Commentary; Geographical Explication of the Mao Odes in four juan; Explication of Birds, Beasts, Plants, and Insects in the Mao Odes in eleven juan; Verification of Lu Ji's Commentary; Diagrams of Palaces in the Classics in two juan; and Comprehensive Explanation of the Analects. His other writings include twenty-four juan of prose from the Carved Millet Tower, three juan of lyrics, and one juan of poetic criticism.
43
循壯年即名重海内，錢大昕、王鳴盛、程瑤田等皆推敬之。 始入都，謁座主英和，和曰：「吾知子之字曰裡堂，江南老名士，屈久矣！」 歿後，阮元作傳，稱其學「精深博大，名曰通儒」，世謂不愧-{云}-。
While still in his prime Xun was renowned throughout the empire; Qian Daxin, Wang Mingsheng, Cheng Yaotian, and others held him in the highest regard. On his first visit to the capital he paid his respects to his examiner Ying He, who said, "I know your style is Litang—you are a distinguished Jiangnan scholar long kept in obscurity!" After his death Ruan Yuan wrote his biography, calling his learning "profound, broad, and worthy of the name tongru—a scholar who masters all learning"—and contemporaries agreed the praise was just.
44
子廷琥，字虎玉。 優廩生。 性醇篤，善承家學，阮元稱爲端士。 循嘗與廷琥纂孟子長編三十巻，後撰正義，其廷琥有所見，亦本-{范}-氏穀梁之例，爲之録存。 循又以測圓海鏡、益古演段二書，不詳開方之法，以常法推之不合。 既得秦道古數學九章，有正圓開方法，爲開方通釋，乃謂廷琥曰：「汝可列益古演段六十四問，用正員開方法推之。」 廷琥布策下算，一一符合，著益古演段開方補一巻。 陽湖孫星衍不信西人地圓之説，以楊光先之斥地圓，比孟子之距楊、墨。 廷琥謂古之言天者三家，曰宣夜，曰周髀，曰渾天。 宣夜無師承，渾蓋之説，皆謂地圓。 泰州陳氏、宣城梅氏悉以東西測景有時差，南北測星有地差，與圓形合爲説。 且大戴有曾子之言，内經有岐伯之言，宋有邵子、程子之言，其説非西人所自創。 因博搜古籍，著地圓説二巻。 他著有密梅花館詩文鈔。
His son Tinghu, styled Huyu. He was an outstanding granary-supported student. Sincere and steady in character, he carried on the family scholarship well; Ruan Yuan called him a man of upright conduct. Xun once worked with Tinghu on a thirty-juan Long Draft of Mencius; when he later wrote the Correct Meaning, he preserved Tinghu's insights on the model of Fan Zu's Guliang commentary. Xun found that Measuring the Circle Sea Mirror and Augmenting Ancient Segments did not fully explain root extraction, and ordinary methods failed to square with them. Once he obtained Qin Daogu's Nine Chapters with its true-circle root-extraction method and wrote Comprehensive Explanation of Root Extraction, he told Tinghu, "List the sixty-four problems in Augmenting Ancient Segments and work them by true-circle root extraction." Tinghu laid out the rods and calculated every case to a match, and wrote Supplement on Root Extraction for Augmenting Ancient Segments in one juan. Sun Xingyan of Yanghu rejected the Western doctrine of a spherical earth and likened Yang Guangxian's attack on it to Mencius' repudiation of Yang Zhu and Mozi. Tinghu replied that ancient cosmology knew three schools: Xuanye, Gaitian (Zhoubi), and Huntian. Xuanye had no lineage; both Huntian and Gaitian teaching held the earth to be round. The Chen family of Taizhou and the Mei family of Xuancheng argued from differing noon shadows east and west and differing star altitudes north and south—evidence consistent with a spherical earth. Moreover Zengzi speaks in the Da Dai Record, Qibo in the Inner Canon, and Shao Yong and Cheng Yi in the Song—all long before any Western novelty. He therefore combed the ancient sources and wrote Treatise on the Round Earth in two juan. His other writings include Collected Poetry and Prose from the Dense Plum Blossom Hall.
45
顧鳳毛，字超宗，江蘇興化人。 乾隆四十九年，南巡召試列二等，五十三年，副榜貢生。 父九苞，字文子，長於詩、禮。 九苞母任氏，大椿祖姑，通經達史。 九苞之學，母所教也。 乾隆四十六年進士，歸時卒於路，著述不傳。 鳳毛亦受經於祖母，年十一，通五經。 及長，與焦循同學，循就鳳毛問難，始用力於經。 鳳毛又學音韻律呂於嘉定錢塘，撰楚辭韻考、入聲韻考、毛詩韻考，皆得塘旨。 又撰毛詩集解，董子求雨考，三代田-{制}-考，未成而卒，年二十七。 卒後，循理其喪，作招亡友賦哭之。
Gu Fengmao, styled Chaozong, was from Xinghua in Jiangsu. In Qianlong 49 he placed second class in the imperial tour examination; in Qianlong 53 he became a tribute student on the supplementary list. His father Jiubao, styled Wenzi, excelled in the Odes and Rites. Jiubao's mother, née Ren—a paternal aunt of Ren Da Chun—was steeped in the classics and history. What Jiubao knew, his mother had taught him. He passed the metropolitan examination in Qianlong 46 but died on the journey home; none of his writings survive. Fengmao studied the classics with his grandmother as well and knew all Five Classics by eleven. As a young man he studied with Jiao Xun, who debated difficult points with him and thereupon threw himself into classical learning. He also studied phonology and pitch standards under Qian Tang of Jiading and wrote Rhyme Studies of the Chuci, of the Entering Tone, and of the Mao Odes—all in the true spirit of Tang's teaching. He also drafted Collected Explanations of the Mao Odes, Study of Dong Zhongshu's Rain Prayer, and Study of the Field Systems of the Three Dynasties, but died unfinished at twenty-seven. After his death Xun arranged the funeral and wrote Summoning a Departed Friend in lament.
46
鍾懷、李鍾泗皆有名，均甘泉人。 鍾懷，字保岐。 優貢生。 與阮元、焦循相善。 共爲經學，旦夕討論，務求其是。 居恆禮法自守，不與世爭名，交遊中稱爲君子。 嘉慶十年，卒，年四十五。 著有菣厓考古録四巻。 其漢儒考，較陸德明所載增多十餘人。
Zhong Huai and Li Zhongsi were both well known, both from Ganquan. Zhong Huai, styled Baoqi. He was an outstanding tribute student. He was close to Ruan Yuan and Jiao Xun. Together they pursued classical studies, debating day and night in search of truth. In daily life he held to ritual propriety, shunned worldly fame, and was known among friends as a true gentleman. He died in Jiaqing 10 at forty-five. He wrote Archaeological Records from the Qinyin Cliff in four juan. His study of Han scholars names more than ten figures omitted from Lu Deming's catalog.
47
鍾泗，字濱石。 嘉慶六年舉人，治經精左氏春秋，撰規規過一書，抑劉伸杜，焦循服其精博。
Zhong Si, styled Binshi. A provincial graduate of Jiaqing 6, he specialized in the Zuoshi Spring and Autumn, wrote Every Rule Has Its Exception to challenge Liu Xin and Du Yu, and won Jiao Xun's admiration for its depth.
48
李富孫，字既汸，嘉興人。 嘉慶六年拔貢生。 良年來孫，良年自有傳。 從祖集。 字敬堂，乾隆二十八年進士，官鄖縣知縣。 精研經學，以漢、唐爲宗，嘗爲學規論以課窮經、課經濟，著有原學齋文鈔。
Li Fusun, styled Jifang, was from Jiaxing. He was selected as a tribute student in Jiaqing 6. He was a descendant of Li Liangnian, who has his own biography. His collateral ancestor was Li Ji. Styled Jingtang, he passed the metropolitan examination in Qianlong 28 and served as magistrate of Yun County. Deep in classical learning and devoted to Han and Tang models, he wrote Regulations for Learning to test mastery of texts and statecraft; his Collected Essays from the Original Learning Studio survives.
49
富孫學有原本，與伯兄超孫、從弟遇孫有「後三李」之目。 長-{游}-四方，就正於盧文弨、錢大昕、王昶、孫星衍，飫聞緒論。 阮元撫浙，肄業詁經精-{舍}-，遂湛深經術，尤好讀易，著易解賸義。 謂易學三派，有漢儒之學，鄭、虞、荀、陸諸家精矣； 有晉、唐之學，王弼、孔穎達諸家，即北宋胡瑗、石介、東坡、伊川猶是支流餘裔； 至宋陳、邵之學出，本道學之術，創爲圖説，舉羲、文、週、孔之所未及，漢以後諸儒之所未言者，以自神其附會之説。 理其理而非易之所謂理，數其數而非易之所謂數，而前聖之易道晦矣。 唐李鼎祚所輯易解，精微廣大，聖賢遺旨，略見於此。 然其於三十六家之説，尚多未採，其遺文賸義，間見他書，猶可蒐輯。 爰綴而録之，成書三巻，又成校異二巻。
Fusun's scholarship was firmly grounded; with his elder brother Chaosun and cousin Yusun he was known as one of the "later three Lis." He traveled widely and studied under Lu Wenchao, Qian Daxin, Wang Chang, and Sun Xingyan, drinking in their teaching. When Ruan Yuan governed Zhejiang, Fusun studied at the Jingyi Studio, immersed himself in classical learning, favored the Changes above all, and wrote Remaining Meanings in Explanation of the Changes. He held that Yijing studies fall into three lines: Han scholarship, in which the schools of Zheng, Yu, Xun, and Lu excel; Jin and Tang learning, represented by Wang Bi and Kong Yingda, with Northern Song figures such as Hu Yuan, Shi Jie, Su Dongpo, and Cheng Yi as lesser tributaries; and the Song teaching of Chen Tuan and Shao Yong, rooted in Neo-Confucian metaphysics, inventing diagrammatic lore about matters never touched by Fu Xi, King Wen, the Duke of Zhou, or Confucius, nor by Han scholars, to sanctify their forced parallels. They pursued a Reason not the Changes' own and numbers not the Changes' own, until the sages' Way of the Changes was lost in obscurity. Li Dingzuo's Tang anthology of Yijing commentaries, subtle and vast, preserves something of the sages' intent. Yet he had not exhausted the thirty-six traditions; stray passages still scattered through other works could be gathered. He therefore compiled them in three juan and added two juan of variant readings.
50
又著七經異文釋，就經、史、傳、注、諸子百氏所引，以及漢、唐、宋石經，宋、元槧本，校其異同。 或字有古今，或音近通假，或沿襲乖舛，悉據古誼而疎證之； 而前儒之論説，並爲蒐輯，使正其譌謬，辨其得失，折衷以求一是。 凡易六巻，尚書八巻，毛詩十六巻，春秋三傳十二巻，禮記八巻。 同-{里}-馮登府稱其詳核奧博，爲詁異義者集其大成。 又謂説文一書，保氏六書之旨，賴以僅存。 自篆變爲隸，隸變爲眞，文字日繁，譌偽錯出。 或有形聲意義大相區別，亦有近似而其實異，後人多混而同之。 或有一篆之形，從某爲古、籀，爲或體，後人竟析而二之。 經典文字，往往昧於音訓，擅爲改易，甚與本義相迕，亦字學之大變。 夫假借通用，説文自有本字，有得通借者，有不容通借而並爲俗誤者。 援據經典以相證契，俾世之踵謬沿譌焯然可辨，爲説文辨字正俗八巻。 同-{里}-錢泰吉謂其書大旨折衷段注，而亦有段所未及者，讀説文之津梁也。
He also wrote Explanation of Variant Texts in the Seven Classics, collating citations in the classics, histories, commentaries, and masters against Han, Tang, and Song stone editions and Song and Yuan prints. Whether the issue was archaic versus current graphs, phonetic loan, or corrupted transmission, he explained each by ancient usage; and he gathered earlier scholars' views, corrected errors, weighed strengths and weaknesses, and adjudicated toward a single standard. The work runs to six juan on the Changes, eight on the Documents, sixteen on the Mao Odes, twelve on the Three Commentaries to the Spring and Autumn, and eight on the Record of Rites. His townsman Feng Dengfu called it exhaustive and profound—the crowning synthesis of variant-reading scholarship. He observed, too, that the Shuowen alone preserves the Registrar's teaching of the Six Scripts. As seal gave way to clerical script and clerical to regular, characters multiplied and corruption spread. Some graphs differ sharply in form, sound, and sense; others look alike yet differ in meaning—yet later readers often conflated them. Sometimes a single seal form with ancient, Zhou, or variant components was wrongly split into two characters by later scholars. Classical texts were often altered in ignorance of sound and meaning, sometimes flatly against the original sense—a revolution, and a calamity, in philology. Phonetic loan is licit where the Shuowen gives a base graph; some loans are valid, others are vulgar mistakes that should not be generalized. Citing the classics throughout, he made persistent errors plain and wrote Correcting Vulgar Usage in Shuowen Character Discrimination in eight juan. Qian Taiji of his hometown said it generally harmonizes with Duan Yucai yet goes beyond him—the indispensable bridge to the Shuowen.
51
他著有漢魏六朝墓銘纂例四巻，鶴徴録八巻、後録十二巻，曝書亭詞註七巻，梅-{里}--{志}-十六巻，校經庼文藁十八巻。
His other books include Compendium of Epitaph Forms from Han, Wei, and the Six Dynasties; Records of Hezheng and a twelve-juan sequel; his commentary on Zhu Yizun's song lyrics; the Gazetteer of Meili; and eighteen juan of Draft Essays from the Jiao Jing Studio.
52
超孫，字引樹。 嘉慶六年舉人，官會稽縣教諭。 剖析經義，尤深於詩。 嘗以毛詩草木蟲魚則有疎，名物則有解，地理則有考，而詩中所稱之人則未有纂輯成書者，因取詩人之氏族名字，博考經、史、諸子及近儒所著述，並列國之世次，洎其人之行事，搜羅薈集，爲詩氏族考六巻。 官會稽時，課諸生依寧化雷鋐學規條約，士習日上。 又著拙守齋集。
Chao Sun, whose style was Yinshu. He passed the provincial examination in the sixth year of Jiaqing and held the post of county instructor in Kuaiji. He parsed the classics with care and was deepest in the Odes. He noted that Mao Odes scholarship already had Zheng Xuan's commentary on flora and fauna, Mao's exegesis of names and objects, and geographical studies—yet no one had compiled the people mentioned in the poems. He therefore collected poets' clans and personal names, drew on the classics, histories, philosophers, and Qing scholars, arranged them by state and period together with biographical notices, and produced his Study of Clans in the Odes in six juan. At Kuaiji he drilled his students in Lei Ao's school regulations from Ninghua, and local scholarship improved steadily. He also published the Collected Works of the Humble Guardian Studio.
53
遇孫，字金瀾，集孫。 優貢生，處州府訓導。 幼傳祖訓，淹貫經史，著有尚書隸古定釋文八巻。 漢孔安國以科鬥文難知，取伏生今文次第之，爲隸古定，宋薛宣因之成古文訓。 遇孫又以隸古文難知，引説文諸書疎通之，譌者是正，疑者則闕。 性嗜金石，有芝省齋碑録八巻，金石學録四巻。 官處州時，以處州地僻山遠，阮元兩浙金石-{志}-未免脱漏，乃搜輯數百餘種爲括蒼金石-{志}-八巻。 他著有日知録補正一巻、校正一巻，古文苑拾遺十巻，天香録八巻，隨筆六巻，詩文集十八巻。
Yu Sun, styled Jinlan and also known as Jisun. A selected tribute student, he served as assistant instructor of Chuzhou prefecture. Trained from boyhood in his grandfather's teaching, he mastered the classics and histories and wrote his eight-juan Commentary on the Clerical-Ancient Fixed Documents. In Han times Kong Anguo, finding tadpole script illegible, arranged Fu Sheng's modern text into the clerical-ancient fixed version; the Song scholar Xue Xuan followed that tradition in his ancient-text commentary. Yu Sun found the clerical-ancient graphs equally obscure; he drew on the Shuowen and related works to clarify them, correcting errors and leaving doubtful cases unmarked. He had a passion for epigraphy and wrote an eight-juan Record of Steles from the Zhisheng Studio and a four-juan Record of Epigraphic Studies. At Chuzhou he found that Ruan Yuan's Two-Zhejiang Epigraphic Gazetteer, thorough as it was, had missed many inscriptions from that remote hill country; he therefore collected several hundred specimens into his eight-juan Gazetteer of Kuocang Epigraphy. His other books include supplements to Gu Yanwu's Record of Daily Learning, Recoveries from the Ancient Prose Garden, the Record of Heavenly Fragrance, six juan of miscellany, and eighteen juan of poetry and prose.
54
胡承珙，字墨莊，涇縣人。 嘉慶十年進士，選翰林院庶吉士，散館授編修。 十五年，充廣東鄕試副考官，尋遷-{御}-史，轉給事中。 自以身居言路，當周知天下利弊，陳之於上，方不負職。 數年中陳奏甚多，多見施行。 而其最切中時病者，則有條陳虧空弊端各條：「一曰冒濫宜禁。 司庫支發錢糧，向有扣除二三成之弊，故籓司書吏將不應藉支之款，冒支濫借。 此在領者便於急需，不敢望其足數； 而在放者利於多扣，不復問其合宜：則雖應放而仍與浮冒無異。 一曰抑勒宜禁。 州、縣交代，例限綦嚴，均不准充抵。 近日仍多以議單欠票虚開實抵者，總由上司多方抑勒，逼令新任擔承。 一曰糜費宜省。 各省攤捐津貼名目，豈盡必不可省。 聞州縣所解各上司衙門飯食季規等銀，逐歳增加。 如邸報一事，安徽省毎年通派各屬萬金。 一省如此，他省可知； 一事如此，他事可知。 一曰升調宜愼。 部選人員，多-{系}-初任，或尚能不敢輕易接受。 惟佐雜題升，及調補繁缺二者，毎多久歴仕途，習成狡滑。 在題升者急於得缺，明知此地之多累，不復顧後而瞻前； 在調補者遷就一時，轉因原任之有虧，希圖挪彼以掩此。 究之擔承彌補，皆屬空名，不過剜肉補瘡，甚且變本加厲。」 其言深切著明。 二十四年，授福建分巡延建邵道，編査保甲，設立緝捕章程八條，匪徒斂跡。 調署臺灣兵備道，緝獲洋盜張充等置於法。 旋乞假回籍。 臺灣素稱難治，承珙力行淸莊弭盜之法，民、番安肅、自承珙去後，彰化、淡水即以械鬥起釁矣。 道光十二年，卒，年五十七。
Hu Chenggong, styled Mozhuang, came from Jing County in Anhui. He took his jinshi in the tenth year of Jiaqing, entered the Hanlin Academy as a bachelor, and on completion of his term was made a compiler. In his fifteenth year of service he assisted at the Guangdong provincial examinations, was soon made a censor, and then a supervising secretary. He held that a man on the remonstrance track must know the empire's ills and report them frankly to the throne if he was to do his duty. In a few years he submitted many memorials, and many of his proposals were adopted. His most telling critique was a set of articles on the abuses behind fiscal deficits: "First, reckless borrowing must be stopped. Treasuries habitually withheld twenty or thirty percent when paying out funds and grain, so provincial clerks advanced money that should never have been borrowed and drew on accounts without restraint. Recipients, pressed for cash, dared not demand the full amount; while paymasters profited by skimming more and never asked whether the deduction was fair—so even legitimate payments became indistinguishable from fraud. Second, coercive settlement of accounts must be forbidden. Statute sets strict deadlines for prefectural and county handovers, and offsetting old debts against new revenue is forbidden. Yet officials still settle accounts with fictitious receipts and IOUs, because superiors bully incoming magistrates into assuming their predecessors' deficits. Third, wasteful levies should be cut. Surely not every provincial surcharge and allowance is indispensable. I hear that the silver counties and prefectures send up for superiors' meals, seasonal gifts, and similar charges rises every year. The Court Gazette alone costs Anhui ten thousand taels a year, assessed across the province. If one province is like this, others surely are; and if one charge is like this, the rest may be inferred. Fourth, promotions and transfers must be made with care. Officials appointed through the Board of Civil Appointments are often in their first post and may still hesitate to accept a ruinous assignment. But deputies promoted by memorial and veterans transferred into difficult posts have usually spent years in office and learned every trick. The first group grasp at a post even when they know its debts, never glancing backward; the second accept a transfer to escape a deficit in their old post, hoping to cover one hole by digging another. In the end these 'assumptions' and 'make-goods' are empty forms—robbing Peter to pay Paul, and often making the wound worse." His words were trenchant and plain. In his twenty-fourth year of service he became Fujian intendant for the Yanjian-Shao circuit, reorganized the baojia registers, issued eight regulations for pursuit and arrest, and banditry subsided. He was transferred to serve as acting Taiwan military intendant and brought the foreign pirate Zhang Chong and his gang to justice. He soon petitioned for leave and returned home. Taiwan had long been considered ungovernable; Chenggong enforced frugal, upright administration and suppressed banditry until settlers and indigenous peoples alike lived in peace. After he left, Changhua and Tamsui soon erupted in armed feuds. He died in the twelfth year of Daoguang, aged fifty-seven.
55
承珙究心經學，尤專意於毛詩傳，歸-{里}-後鍵戸著書，與長洲陳奐往復討論不絶，著毛詩後牋三十巻。 其書主於申述毛義，自註疎而外，於唐、宋、元諸儒之説，及近人爲詩學者，無不廣徴博引，而於名物訓詁及毛與三家詩文有異同，類皆剖析精微，折衷至當。 而其最精者，能於毛傳本文前後會出指歸，又能於西漢以前古書中反覆尋考，貫通詩義，證明毛旨。 凡三四易，手自寫定。 至魯頌泮水章而疾作，遺言囑陳奐校補，奐乃爲續成之。 又以鄭君注儀禮參用古、今文二本，撮其大例，有必用其正字者，有即用其借字者，有務以存古者，有兼以通今者，有因彼以決此者，有互見而並存者。 閎意妙旨，有關於經實夥。 遂取注中疊出之字，並「讀如」、「讀爲」、「當爲」各條，排比梳櫛，考其訓詁，明其假借，參稽旁採，疎通而證明之，作儀禮古今文疎義十七巻。 又謂惠氏棟九經古義未及爾雅，遂補撰數十條，成二巻。 小爾雅原本不傳，今存孔叢子中，世多謂爲偽書，作小爾雅義證十三巻，斷以爲眞。 复著有求是堂詩文集三十四巻。
Chenggong devoted himself to classical studies, above all the Mao commentary on the Odes. Back home he shut his door to the world and wrote, corresponding endlessly with Chen Huan of Changzhou, and produced his thirty-juan Later Commentary on the Mao Odes. The work chiefly restates the Mao school's readings. Beyond Zheng Xuan's commentary and Mao's gloss, he cites Tang, Song, Yuan, and Qing Odes scholars without stint; wherever names, objects, or readings diverge between Mao and the Three Schools, his analysis is minute and his judgments balanced. His greatest strength was reading the Mao commentary itself as a whole to recover its intent, and mining pre-Han texts again and again to unify the poem's meaning and vindicate the Mao school's readings. He revised it three or four times and copied out the fair version in his own hand. Illness overtook him at the Lu Eulogy "Pan Water"; he left instructions for Chen Huan to edit and finish the book, which Huan did. He also observed that Zheng Xuan's Yili commentary draws on both ancient and modern text traditions, and distilled its principles: sometimes the standard graph is required, sometimes a loan graph is used outright; sometimes antiquity is preserved, sometimes the present is accommodated; sometimes one passage decides another, sometimes two readings stand side by side. These broad and subtle principles matter greatly for reading the classics. He therefore collected the commentary's recurring graphs and every "read like," "read as," and "should be" note, ordered and analyzed them, clarified phonetic loans, cross-checked other sources, and wrote his seventeen-juan Exegesis of Ancient and Modern Text in the Yili. Finding that Hui Dong's Ancient Meanings of the Nine Classics omitted the Erya, he added several dozen entries in two juan. The Lesser Erya had long been lost except for the version embedded in the Kongcongzi, widely dismissed as a forgery; his thirteen-juan Evidential Study of the Lesser Erya argued for its authenticity. He also left thirty-four juan of poetry and prose from the Seeking-Truth Hall.
56
胡秉虔，字伯敬，績溪人。 嘉慶四年進士，官刑部主事，改甘肅靈臺縣知縣，升丹噶爾同知，卒於官。 秉虔自幼嗜學，博通經史。 嘗入都肄業成均，夜讀必盡燭二條。 尤精於聲音訓話，著古韻論三巻，辨江、戴、段、孔諸家之説，細入毫芒，塙不可易。 説文管見三巻，發明古音古義，多獨得之見。 末論二徐書，有灼見語，蓋其所致力也。 他著有周易、尚書、論語小識各八巻，卦本圖考一巻，尚書序録一巻，漢西京博士考二巻。 甘州明季成仁録四巻，河州景忠録三巻。
Hu Bingqian, styled Bojing, came from Jixi. A jinshi of the fourth year of Jiaqing, he served in the Ministry of Justice, became magistrate of Lingtai in Gansu, rose to subprefect of Dan Gar, and died in office. Bingqian loved learning from childhood and mastered the classics and histories. Studying at the Imperial Academy in the capital, he would burn through two candles every night. He excelled in phonology and glossology and wrote his three-juan Discourse on Ancient Rhymes, adjudicating Jiang, Dai, Duan, Kong, and their rivals with hair-splitting precision that colleagues found unassailable. His three-juan Shuowen Glimpses recovers ancient sounds and meanings, often with insights no one else had reached. His concluding discussion of the Xu brothers' Shuowen editions shows where his keenest insight lay. He also wrote Brief Notes on the Changes, Documents, and Analects, Investigation of Hexagram Origins and Diagrams, a Documents Preface Record, and a Study of Han Western Capital Erudites. He compiled a four-juan Record of Martyrs at the Ming Dynasty's End in Ganzhou and a three-juan Record of Loyal Deeds in Hezhou.
57
朱珔，字蘭坡，涇縣人。 珔生三年而孤，祖命爲季父後，嗣母汪未婚守-{志}-，珔孝事之與生母同，昆弟均相友愛。 嘉慶七年成進士，選翰林院庶吉士，與幸翰林院栢梁體聯句宴。 散館授編修，擢至侍讀。 與修明-{鑑}-，坐承纂官累，降編修。 道光元年，直上書房，屢蒙嘉獎，有「品學兼優」之褒。 升右春坊右贊善，告養歸。 植品敦俗，獎誘後進。 歴主鍾山、正誼、紫陽書院，卒，年八十有二。
Zhu Pei, styled Lanpo, came from Jing County. Orphaned at three, he was made heir to his uncle's line on his grandfather's orders. His stepmother Wang had never married but kept her widow's vow; Pei served her as devotedly as his own mother, and he lived in harmony with his brothers. He became a jinshi in the seventh year of Jiaqing, entered the Hanlin as a bachelor, and took part in the imperial linked-verse banquet at the Academy. On leaving the Hanlin he was made a compiler and rose to reader-in-waiting. While helping compile the Mirror of Ming he was implicated in an editorial scandal and demoted to compiler. In the first year of Daoguang he entered the Upper Study, won repeated praise, and was commended for "excellence in character and learning alike." Promoted to right assistant in the Right Eastern Palace, he then petitioned to retire and care for his parents. He cultivated his own integrity, upheld local morals, and encouraged younger scholars. He headed the Zhongshan, Zhengyi, and Ziyang academies in turn and died at eighty-two.
58
珔愛書如命，學有本原。 主講席幾三十年，教士以通經學古爲先。 與桐城姚鼐、陽湖李兆洛並負儒林宿望，蓋鼎足而三-{云}-。 著有説文假借義證二十八巻，經文廣異十二巻，文選集釋二十四巻，小萬巻齋詩文集七十巻。 輯有國朝古文匯鈔二百七十二巻，又有詁經文鈔六十二巻，匯有淸諸名家説經之文，依次標題，篇幅完善，尤足爲後學津逮-{云}-。
Pei treasured books as his lifeblood and built his learning on solid foundations. For nearly thirty years in the lecture hall he taught students to master the classics and recover antiquity first. He shared the senior standing of the scholarly world with Yao Nai of Tongcheng and Li Zhaoluo of Yanghu—the three pillars of their generation, it was said. His books include Evidential Study of Shuowen Phonetic Loans, Broad Variants in Classic Texts, Collected Exegesis of the Wenxuan, and seventy juan of poetry and prose from the Little Ten-Thousand-Juan Studio. He also compiled a 272-juan Anthology of Qing Ancient Prose and a 62-juan Excerpted Classics Exegesis collecting Qing masters' commentarial essays—carefully arranged and complete enough, it was said, to serve later students as a thoroughfare into the tradition.
59
凌曙，字曉樓，江都人。 國子監生。 曙好學根性，家貧，讀四子書未畢，即去鄕，雜作傭保，而績學不倦。 年二十爲童子師，問所當治業於涇包世臣，世臣曰：「治經必守家法，專法一家，以立其基，則諸家漸通。」 乃示以武進張惠言所輯四子書漢説數十事。 曙乃稽典禮、考古訓，爲四書典故覈六巻，歙洪梧甚稱之。 既，治鄭氏學，得要領； 又從呉沈欽韓問疑義，益貫穿精審。 後聞武進劉逢祿論何氏公羊春秋而好之。 及入都，爲儀徴阮元校輯經郛，盡見魏、晉以來諸家春秋説。 深念春秋之義，存於公羊，而公羊之學，傳自董子。 董子春秋繁露，識禮義之宗，達經權之用。 行仁爲本，正名爲先。 測陰陽五行之變，明-{制}-禮作樂之原。 體大思精，推見至隱，可謂善發微言大義者。 然旨奧詞賾，未易得其會通，淺嘗之夫，橫生訾議，經心聖符，不絶如線。 乃博稽旁討，承意儀-{志}-，梳其章，櫛其句，爲註十七巻。 又病宋、元以來學者空言無補，惟實事求是，庶幾近之，而事之切實無過於禮，著公羊禮疎十一巻，公羊禮説一巻，公羊問答二巻。 家居讀禮，以喪服爲人倫大經，後儒舛議，是非頗謬，作禮論百篇，引申鄭義。 阮元延曙入粵課諸子，曙書與元商榷，乃刪合三十九篇爲一巻。 道光九年，卒，年五十五。
Ling Shu, styled Xiaolou, came from Jiangdu. He was a student of the Imperial Academy. Shu was a born scholar. Poor as he was, he left home before he had finished the Four Books and worked as a laborer and servant, yet never stopped studying. At twenty he taught village children and asked Bao Shichen of Jing what to study. Bao replied, "You must follow one school's method: master a single tradition first, and the rest will open to you." He then showed him several dozen entries from Zhang Huiyan of Wujin's collection of Han readings of the Four Books. Shu investigated ritual precedent and ancient glosses and wrote his six-juan Verification of Four Books Anecdotes, which Hong Wu of She highly praised. He then took up Zheng Xuan's learning and mastered its essentials; and studied doubtful points with Shen Qinhan of Wu, growing ever more rigorous. Later he heard Liu Fenglu of Wujin lecture on He Xiu's Gongyang commentary and was converted. In the capital he helped Ruan Yuan of Yizheng compile the Jingyuan and read every Spring and Autumn commentary from Wei and Jin times onward. He became convinced that the Spring and Autumn's moral vision lives in the Gongyang tradition, and that the Gongyang school descends from Dong Zhongshu. Dong's Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn grasps the root of ritual and righteousness and understands when to hold to the norm and when to bend it. Benevolence is the foundation; rectifying names comes first. He traced yin-yang and the five phases and clarified how ritual and music were instituted. Vast in scope and subtle in thought, drawing the hidden into view, he ranks among the great expounders of the classics' deepest meanings. Yet the text is dense and easily misread; shallow critics carped at it, and the thread of the sages' teaching nearly snapped. He therefore researched widely, followed Dong's intent line by line, combed and ordered the text, and produced a seventeen-juan commentary. He deplored the empty Song and Yuan talk and held that only concrete scholarship—above all ritual—could restore the tradition, and wrote his Exegesis of Gongyang Ritual, Discourse on Gongyang Ritual, and Gongyang Questions and Answers. At home he studied ritual, especially mourning dress as the backbone of human relations; finding later scholars often wrong, he wrote a hundred Ritual Discourses extending Zheng Xuan's views. When Ruan Yuan brought him to Guangdong to tutor his sons, their correspondence yielded an abridged one-juan selection of thirty-nine discourses. He died in the ninth year of Daoguang, aged fifty-five.
60
曙有甥儀徴劉文淇，貧而穎悟，愛而課之，遂知名，其學實自曙出-{云}-。
His nephew Liu Wenqi of Yizheng was poor but brilliant; Shu loved him and trained him, and Liu's fame—and learning—ultimately came from Shu, it was said.
61
薛傳均，字子韻，甘泉人。 諸生。 博覽群籍，強記精識。 就福建學政陳用光聘，用光見所著書，恨相見晩。 旋以疾卒於汀州試院，年四十一。 傳均於十三經註疎功力最深，大端尤在小學，於許君原書，鉤稽貫串，洞其義而熟其辭，嘉定錢大昕文集内有説文答問一巻，深明通轉假借之義，傳均博引經史以證之，成説文答問疎證六巻。 又以文選中多古字，條舉件-{系}-，疎通證明，爲文選古字通十二巻。
Xue Chuanjun, styled Ziyun, came from Ganquan. He held licentiate status. He read widely, remembered fiercely, and understood with precision. Chen Yongguang, Fujian's educational commissioner, hired him; reading his books, Chen lamented they had not met sooner. He soon fell ill and died in the Tingzhou examination hall, aged forty-one. His deepest work was on the Thirteen Classics' commentarial tradition, above all philology. In Xu Shen's Shuowen he traced usages until meaning and wording alike were clear. Building on Qian Daxin's Questions on the Shuowen, which explains loan and extended characters, he cited classics and histories throughout and produced six juan of Exegesis and Evidence. The Wen Xuan abounds in archaic characters; he collected each case, explained it, and wrote Comprehensive Archaic Characters in the Wen Xuan in twelve juan.
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劉逢祿，字申受，武進人。 祖綸，大學士，諡文定，自有傳。 外王父莊存與、舅莊述祖，並以經術名世，逢祿盡傳其學。 嘉慶十九年進士，選翰林院庶吉士，散館改禮部主事。 二十五年，仁宗大事，逢祿蒐集大禮，創爲長編，自始事至奉安山陵，典章具備。 道光三年，通政司參議盧浙請以尚書湯斌從祀文廟，議者以斌康熙中在上書房獲譴，乾隆中嘗奉駮難之。 逢祿攬筆書曰：「後夔典樂，猶有朱、均； 呂望陳書，難匡管、蔡。」 尚書汪廷珍善而用之，遂奉兪旨。 四年，補儀-{制}-司主事。 越南貢使陳請爲其國王母乞人葠，得旨賞給。 而諭中有「外夷貢道」之語，其使臣欲請改爲「外籓」，部中以詔書難更易。 逢祿草牒復之曰：「周官職方王畿之外分九服。 夷服去王國七千-{里}-，籓服九千-{里}-，是籓遠而夷近。 説文羌、狄、蠻、貊字皆從物旁，惟夷從大、從弓。 考東方大人之國夷，俗仁，仁者壽，有東方不死之國，故孔子欲居之。 乾隆間奉上諭申飭四庫館不得改書籍中『夷』字作『彝』，舜東夷之人，文王西夷之人，我朝六合一家，盡去漢、唐以來拘忌嫌疑之陋，使者無得以此爲疑。」 越南使者遂無辭而退。 逢祿在禮部十二年，恆以經義決疑事，爲衆所欽服類如此。
Liu Fenglu, styled Shenshou, came from Wujin. His grandfather Liu Lun, a Grand Secretary posthumously titled Wendi, has a separate biography. His maternal grandfather Zhuang Cunyu and uncle Zhuang Shuzu were renowned classicists; Fenglu received their entire tradition. He passed the jinshi examination in Jiaqing 19, entered the Hanlin Academy as a bachelor, and on leaving was appointed a secretary in the Ministry of Rites. When Emperor Renzong died in Jiaqing 25, Fenglu compiled the state mourning rites into a full chronicle from the opening ceremonies to burial on the imperial hill. In Daoguang 3, Lu Zhe proposed enshrining Tang Bin in the Confucian temple. Opponents recalled Bin's disgrace under Kangxi in the Upper Study and Qianlong's earlier rebuke. Fenglu drafted a reply: "Even Hou Kui, who presided over music, had Zhu and Jun to contend with; and Lü Wang laid out his plans, yet could not save Guan and Cai from ruin." Wang Tingzhen endorsed the lines, and the court approved. The next year he was posted to the Ceremonial Regulations Division. A Vietnamese tribute mission asked that ginseng be sent to their queen mother; the throne agreed. The edict spoke of the "tribute route of outer barbarians"; the envoys wanted "outer feudatories" instead, but the ministry said an imperial text could not be lightly changed. Fenglu answered in a draft: "The Offices of Zhou divide the realm beyond the capital into nine domains. The Yi domain lay seven thousand li from the capital, the Fan domain nine thousand—so Fan was farther out and Yi closer in. In the Shuowen, Qiang, Di, Man, and Mo all use the beast radical; only Yi combines "great" and "bow." The eastern Yi were called humane; the humane live long, and legend placed the land of immortality in the east—Confucius himself said he would go east to live among them. Qianlong had forbidden the Siku editors to substitute other graphs for yi; Shun came from the eastern Yi and King Wen from the western Yi. The Qing realm is one family under heaven, free of Han and Tang squeamishness about the word—and the envoys were told to accept it. The Vietnamese envoys withdrew without another word. For twelve years in the Ministry of Rites he settled doubtful cases by scripture, winning the respect of colleagues again and again.
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其爲學務通大義，不專章句。 由董生春秋闚六藝家法，由六藝求觀聖人之-{志}-。 嘗謂：「世之言經者，於先漢則古詩毛氏，後漢則今易虞氏，文詞稍爲完具。 然毛公詳古訓而略微言，虞翻精像變而罕大義，求其知類通達、微顯闡幽者，則公羊在先漢有董生、後漢有何劭公氏、子夏喪服傳有鄭康成氏而已。 先漢之學，務乎大體，故董生所傳非章句訓詁之學也。 後漢條理精密，要以何劭公、鄭康成氏爲宗，然喪服於五禮特其一端。 春秋文成數万，其旨數千，天道浹，人事備，以之貫群經，無往不得其原； 以之斷史，可以決天下之疑； 以之持身治世，則先王之道可復也。」 於是尋其餘貫，正其統紀，爲公羊春秋何氏釋例三十篇，又析其疑滯，強其守衞，爲牋一巻，答難二巻。 又推原穀梁氏、左氏之得失，爲申何難鄭四巻。 又博徴諸史刑、禮之不中者爲儀禮決獄四巻。 又推其意爲論語述何、夏時經傳牋、中庸崇禮論、漢紀述例各一巻。 別有緯略二巻，春秋賞罰格一巻。 愍時學者説春秋皆襲宋儒「直書其事、不煩褒貶」之辭，獨孔廣森爲公羊通義能抉其蔽，然尚不能信三科、九旨爲微言大義所在，乃著春秋論上、下篇以張聖權。 又成左氏春秋考證二巻，知者謂與閻、惠之辯古文尚書等。
His learning aimed at large meaning, not mere philological detail. From Dong Zhongshu's Spring and Autumn he traced the Six Arts' school traditions; through them he sought the sage's purpose. He said: "Among classical traditions, Former Han offers the Mao Odes and Later Han the Yu Changes—both relatively intact. Mao Hong excels at glosses but not at deep doctrine; Yu Fan at hexagram change but not at moral scope. True penetration of the hidden belongs to Gongyang learning—Dong in Han, He Xiu in Later Han, and Zheng Xuan on mourning dress. Former Han scholarship sought the whole; Dong Zhongshu did not teach mere exegesis. Later Han was more systematic, with He Xiu and Zheng Xuan as anchors—yet mourning dress is only one ritual among five. The Spring and Autumn runs to tens of thousands of words with thousands of governing aims—heaven and earth in full, human affairs complete. It threads the classics and finds their root everywhere; applied to history it clears the empire's doubts; applied to conduct and government, the former kings' way can live again." He traced its threads, fixed its lineage, and wrote Exemplary Patterns of He's Gongyang Spring and Autumn in thirty chapters, plus a commentary and two juan answering objections. He weighed Guliang against Zuo in Upholding He and Challenging Zheng, four juan. He collected historical cases where penal law and ritual failed in Adjudication by the Yili, four juan. He also wrote The Analects Expounding He, a commentary on the Xia Season transmission, On Honoring Ritual in the Doctrine of the Mean, and Exemplary Patterns in the Han Annals—one juan each. He also left Apocryphal Digest in two juan and the Spring and Autumn Grid of Rewards and Punishments in one. He deplored Song-style "plain recording" in Spring and Autumn studies. Kong Guangsen's Gongyang Comprehensive Meaning broke that habit, yet even Kong doubted the three categories and nine aims; Fenglu wrote Discourses on the Spring and Autumn to restore the sage's sovereign judgment. His Textual Verification of the Zuo Spring and Autumn in two juan was compared to Yan Ruoqu and Hui Dong's campaign against the forged ancient Documents.
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逢祿於易主虞氏，於書匡馬、鄭、於詩初尚毛學，後好三家。 有易虞氏變動表、六爻發揮旁通表、卦象陰陽大義、虞氏易言補各一巻。 又爲易象賦、卦氣頌，提其指要。 尚書今古文集解三十巻，書序述聞一巻，詩聲衍二十七巻。 所爲詩、賦、連珠、論、序、碑、記之文約五十篇。 道光九年，卒，年五十有六。 弟子潘準、莊繽樹、趙振祈皆從學公羊及禮有名。
On the Changes he followed Yu Fan; on the Documents he revised Ma and Zheng; on the Odes he began with Mao and turned to the three schools. His Yi works include tables of movement and side-connection, the yin-yang meaning of hexagram images, and a supplement to Yu's commentary—one juan each. He also wrote Rhapsody on Change Images and Hymn on Hexagram Qi to distill the essentials. His Documents scholarship includes Collected Exegesis in thirty juan, Narrative Prefaces Investigated, and Extension of Ode Sounds in twenty-seven juan. He left roughly fifty pieces of poetry, rhapsody, linked pearls, essays, prefaces, steles, and records. He died in Daoguang 9, aged fifty-six. Disciples Pan Zhun, Zhuang Binshu, and Zhao Zhenqi were noted for Gongyang learning and ritual.
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宋翔鳳，字於庭，長洲人。 嘉慶五年舉人，官湖南新寧縣知縣，亦莊述祖之甥。 述祖有「劉甥可師、宋甥可友」之語，劉謂逢祿，宋謂翔鳳也。 翔鳳通訓詁名物，-{志}-在西漢家法，微言大義，得莊氏之眞傳。 著論語説義十巻，序曰：「論語説曰，子夏六十四人共撰仲尼微言，以當素王。 微言者，性與天道之言也。 此二十篇，尋其條理，求其恉趣，而太平之治、素王之業備焉。 自漢以來，諸家之説，時合時離，不能畫一。 嘗綜覈古今，有纂言之作。 其文繁多，因別録私説，題爲説義。」 又有論語鄭註十巻，大學古義説二巻，孟子趙注補正六巻，孟子劉熙註一巻，四書釋地辨證二巻，卦氣解一巻，尚書説一巻，尚書譜一巻，爾雅釋服一巻，小爾雅訓纂六巻，五經要義一巻，五經通義一巻，過庭録十六巻。 -{咸}-豐九年，重賦鹿鳴。 逾年，卒，年八十二。
Song Xiangfeng, styled Yuting, came from Changzhou. A Jiaqing 5 provincial graduate, he became magistrate of Xinning in Hunan and was Zhuang Shuzu's nephew. Zhuang Shuzu said the Liu nephew was fit to teach and the Song nephew fit to befriend—Liu being Fenglu, Song being Xiangfeng. Xiangfeng excelled at exegesis and ritual nomenclature, pursued Former Han methods, and inherited the Zhuang school's subtle doctrines. His Meaning of the Analects, ten juan, opens: "The Analects Exegesis says Zixia's sixty-four disciples compiled Confucius' subtle words to stand in for the uncrowned king. Subtle words are speech about nature and Heaven's way. These twenty chapters, read for structure and intent, contain the blueprint of great peace and the uncrowned king's work. Since Han, commentators have agreed and disagreed without ever settling on one reading. He once compiled a comprehensive collection of sayings. That work grew too large; he excerpted his own views separately as Meaning. He also wrote on Zheng's Analects, the Great Learning, Mencius, geography in the Four Books, hexagram qi, the Documents, the Erya, the five classics, and Records beyond the Court—sixteen juan of the last alone. In Xianfeng 9 he attended the Deer Cry banquet again. He died the next year, aged eighty-two.
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戴望，字子髙，德淸人。 諸生。 始好詞章，繼讀博野顏元書，爲顏氏學。 最後謁長洲陳奐，通聲音訓詁。 復從翔鳳授公羊春秋，遂通公羊之學。 著論語註二十巻，用公羊家法演逢祿論語述何之微言。 他著有管子校註二十四巻，顏氏學記十巻，謫麟堂遺集四巻。
Dai Wang, styled Zigao, came from Deqing. He was a licentiate. He began with literary composition, then read Yan Yuan of Boye and joined the Yan school. He later studied with Chen Huan of Changzhou and mastered phonology and glosses. From Xiangfeng he learned Gongyang Spring and Autumn and mastered that tradition. His Commentary on the Analects in twenty juan applies Gongyang method to Fenglu's Analects Expounding He. He also left Collation and Commentary on the Guanzi, Record of the Yan School, and Posthumous Writings from the Exiled Unicorn Hall.
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雷學淇，字瞻叔，順天通州人。 父鐏，字宗彝，乾隆二十七年舉人，選江西崇仁縣知縣。 道光初元，詔天下臣民嚴冠服之辨，鐏著古今服緯以申古義，抑奢侈。 至九年書成，年九十矣。
Lei Xueqi, styled Zhanshu, came from Tongzhou in Shuntian. His father Lei Zun, styled Zongyi, passed the provincial exam in Qianlong 27 and became magistrate of Chongren in Jiangxi. Early in Daoguang the throne ordered strict observance of dress codes; Zun wrote Ancient and Modern Garment Apocrypha to recover ancient usage and curb extravagance. The book was finished in Daoguang 9, when he was ninety.
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學淇，嘉慶十九年進士，任山西和順縣知縣，改貴州永從縣知縣。 生平好討論之學，毎得一解，必求其會通，務於諸經之文無所牴牾。 以父鐏著古今服緯，爲之註釋，附以釋問一篇、異同表二篇。 又以夏小正一書備三統之義，究心參考二十餘年。 以堯典中星、諸經歴數，採虞史伯夷之説，據周公垂統之文，檢校異同，訂其譌誤，網羅放失，尋厥指歸，著夏小正經傳考二巻。 又考定經、傳之文，爲之疎證，成夏小正本義四巻。
Xueqi passed the jinshi in Jiaqing 19, governed Heshun in Shanxi, then Yongcong in Guizhou. He loved systematic debate: every solution had to cohere, and no classic text could contradict another. He annotated his father's Garment Apocrypha, adding an essay of questions and two tables of differences. He held that the Xia Seasonal Classic encodes the three calendrical systems and studied it for over twenty years. Drawing on Yao's lodge stars, calendrical passages, Yu historiography, and Zhou succession texts, he collated, corrected, and recovered lost material in Investigation of the Xia Seasonal Classic and Commentary, two juan. He then verified classic and commentary and wrote Original Meaning of the Xia Seasonal Classic in four juan.
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毎慨竹書紀年自五代以來頗多殘闕，爰博考李唐以前諸書所稱引者，積以九年之蒐輯，頗復舊觀。 嘗謂：「孟子先至梁後至齊，此經之明文，即無他左驗，亦當從之爲説。 況竹書紀年曰『梁惠成王後元十五年齊威王薨』，『十七年惠成王卒』，然則惠王後元十六年齊宣王始即位，孟子至梁，當即在後元十六年王卒之前一歳也。 史記誤謂惠王立三十六年即卒，故-{云}-三十五年孟子至梁，而以惠王改元之後十六年爲襄王之世。 今據竹書稱梁惠會諸侯於徐州，改元稱王，故孟子呼之曰王。 史謂孟子至梁之二年惠王卒，襄王立，以本經考之，其言可信。 但卒於改元後之十七年，非三十六年也。 襄王既立，孟子見其不似人君，乃東至齊，據竹書即齊宣即位之二年也。 梁至齊千數百-{里}-，故曰：『千-{里}-而見王』。 若孟子先見齊宣王，由鄒之齊六百餘里，不得-{云}-千-{里}-矣。 齊人取燕，孟子明謂宣王時事，史記於齊失載悼子、侯剡二代，將威、宣之立，皆移前二十二年。 於齊人伐燕事，不知折衷孟子，而年表謂在湣王十年，司馬温公終求其説而不得，乃將宣之即位下移十年，以遷就孟子。 自後説者疑信各半，實皆未有定論。 今據紀年，則伐燕在宣王七年，實週赧王之元年。 凡孟子書所記古人年歳，以史記、漢書之説推之皆不合者，以紀年推之無不合。」 且以竹書長歴推驗列宿之歳差，歴代之日蝕，自唐、虞以來，無有差貸。 嘗自-{云}-：「傳、牋、注、疎取-{捨}-多殊，非敢訾議前賢，期於事理之合-{云}-爾。」 他著有校輯世本二巻，古今天象考十二巻，附圖説二巻，亦囂囂齋經義考及文集三十二巻。
Lamenting the Bamboo Annals' damage since the Five Dynasties, he reconstructed it from pre-Tang citations over nine years. He argued: "Mencius reached Liang before Qi—the text says so plainly, and even without other proof that order should stand. The Bamboo Annals places King Wei of Qi's death in Hui of Liang's fifteenth later-yuan year and Hui's own death two years later—so Xuan of Qi acceded in year sixteen and Mencius reached Liang the year before Hui died. The Records wrongly gives Hui thirty-six years, dates Mencius' visit to his thirty-fifth year, and treats the sixteen years after his era change as King Xiang's reign. The Bamboo Annals shows that after Hui met the lords at Xuzhou and took the title king, Mencius rightly called him king. The Records place Mencius' visit two years before Hui's death and Xiang's accession—a reading that fits the Mencius. Hui actually died in year seventeen after changing his era, not in year thirty-six. Disappointed in Xiang, Mencius went east to Qi—in the Bamboo Annals, the second year of King Xuan. Liang to Qi is a thousand li and more—hence "seeing the king after a thousand li." Had he seen Xuan of Qi first from Zou, only six hundred-odd li lay between them—not a thousand. Qi's seizure of Yan was, Mencius says plainly, under King Xuan. The Records skip two Qi rulers and shift Wei and Xuan's accession back twenty-two years. On Yan they ignored Mencius and dated the campaign to King Min's tenth year; Sima Guang, unable to reconcile the accounts, pushed Xuan's accession ten years later to fit Mencius. Later scholars split between belief and doubt; none had a firm answer. On the Annals' dating, Yan fell in Xuan's seventh year—the first year of King Nan of Zhou. Where Mencius' dates clash with the Records and History, the Bamboo Annals align them. He also used the Annals' long chronology to test lodge precession and solar eclipses from antiquity onward without error. He said of himself: "Commentarial traditions differ; I do not presume to judge the ancients—I only seek what fits the facts." Other works include collated Shiben, Investigation of Ancient and Modern Astronomy with diagrams, and thirty-two juan of classical studies and essays from the Yiaoyao Studio.
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王萱齡，字北堂，昌平人。 道光元年副貢，旋舉孝廉方正，官新安、柏鄕兩縣教諭。 嗜漢學，精訓詁，受業於髙郵王引之，經義述聞中時引其説。 著有周秦名字解詁補一巻，即補引之所闕疑者。
Wang Xuanling, styled Beitang, came from Changping. In Daoguang 1 he became a senior tribute student, was recommended as Filial and Incorrupt, and taught in Xin'an and Baixiang. A devotee of Han learning and fine exegesis, he studied with Wang Yinzhi of Gaoyou, whose Jingyi Shuwen cites him repeatedly. He also wrote a one-juan Supplement to Exegesis of Zhou and Qin Personal Names, filling the gaps in Wang Yinzhi's work.
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崔述，字武承，大名人。 乾隆二十七年舉人，選福建羅源縣知縣。 武弁多藉海盜邀功，誣商船爲盜，述平反之。 未幾，投效歸。 著書三十餘種，而考信録一書，尤生平心力所專注。 凡考古提要二巻，上古考信録二巻，唐虞考信録四巻，夏商考信録四巻，豐鎬考信録八巻，豐鎬別録三巻，洙泗考信録四巻，洙泗餘録三巻，孟子事實録二巻，考古續説二巻，附録二巻。 又有王政三大典考三巻，讀風偶識四巻，尚書辨偽二巻，論語餘説一巻，讀經餘論二巻，名考古異録。
Cui Shu (Cuī Shù), styled Wǔchéng, came from Daming. In Qianlong 27 he passed the provincial examination and was appointed magistrate of Luoyuan in Fujian. Military officers often used pirates to win credit, branding merchant vessels as pirates; Shu overturned those verdicts. Soon afterward he resigned and went home. He wrote more than thirty works, but Finding the Trustworthy was the focus of his life's labor. These include Archaeological Essentials (2 juan), Finding the Trustworthy for High Antiquity (2), Tang and Yu (4), Xia and Shang (4), Feng and Hao (8), Feng and Hao Supplementary Records (3), Zhu and Si (4), Zhu and Si Remainder Records (3), Factual Record of Mencius's Affairs (2), Continued Archaeological Discussions (2), and appendices (2). He also wrote Investigation of the Three Great Canons of Royal Government (3 juan), Occasional Insights from Reading the Odes (4), Discerning Forgeries in the Documents (2), Remaining Discussions on the Analects (1), and Remaining Discussions on Reading the Classics (2)—published together as Miscellaneous Archaeological Records.
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其著書大旨，謂不以傳注雜於經，不以諸子百家雜於傳注。 以經爲主，傳注之合於經者著之，不合者辨之，異説不經之言，則闢其謬而削之。 如謂易傳僅溯至伏羲，春秋傳僅溯至黃帝，不應後人所知反多於古人。 凡緯書所言十紀，史所-{云}-天皇、地皇、人皇，皆妄也。 謂戰國楊、墨橫議，常非堯、舜，薄湯、武，以快其私。 毀堯則託諸許由，毀禹則託諸子髙，毀孔子則託諸老聃，毀武王則託諸伯夷。 太史公尊黃、老，故好採異端雜説，學者但當信論、孟，不當信史記。 謂夏、商、週未有號爲某公者，公亶父相連成文，猶所謂公劉也。 「古公亶父」，猶言「昔公亶父」也。 謂匡爲宋邑，似畏匡、過宋本一事，「匡人其如予何」、「桓魋其如予何」，似一時一事之言，記者小異耳。 其説皆爲有見。
His central principle was that commentaries must not be confused with the classics, nor the hundred schools with commentaries. With the classics as the standard, he retained commentarial material that fit the text, challenged what did not, and cut away heterodox or uncanonical claims. He argued, for instance, that the Yi commentary reaches only to Fuxi and the Chunqiu commentary only to the Yellow Emperor—later ages should not know more than antiquity did. The apocryphal Ten Registers and the histories' Heavenly, Earthly, and Human Sovereigns are all fictions. In the Warring States, he said, Yangists and Mohists debated freely, often denigrating Yao and Shun and belittling Tang and Wu to serve private ends. To attack Yao they invoked Xu You; to attack Yu, Gaozi; Confucius, Laozi; King Wu, Boyi. Sima Qian favored Huang-Lao thought and drew freely on heterodox lore; students should trust the Analects and Mencius, not the Records of the Historian. He held that Xia, Shang, and Zhou knew no personal title "Lord X"; "Lord Danfu" is a compound like "Lord Liu," not an honorific plus name. "Ancient Lord Danfu" means simply "the former Lord Danfu." He took Kuang as a Song town and the episodes at Kuang and in Song as one event—the parallel sayings "what can the men of Kuang do to me?" and "what can Huan Tui do to me?" differ only in minor recording. Many of his views are keenly argued.
73
述之爲學，考據詳明如漢儒，而未嘗墨守舊説而不求其心之安； 辨析精微如宋儒，而未嘗空談虚理而不核乎事之實。 然勇於自信，任意軒輊者亦多。 他著有易卦圖説一巻，五服異同彙考三巻，大名水道考一巻，聞見雜記四巻，知味録二巻，知非集三巻，無聞集五巻，小草集五巻。 嘉慶二十一年，卒。 年七十七。
Cui Shu's scholarship was as exacting as the Han commentators, yet he never clung to tradition without testing whether it satisfied reason; and as subtle as the Song moralists, yet he never traded in empty theory without grounding it in evidence. Yet he trusted his own judgment boldly, and often weighed matters by personal preference. Other works include Diagrammatic Explanation of the Yi Hexagrams, Collected Investigation of Differences in the Five Garments, Investigation of Daming Waterways, Miscellaneous Records of Things Heard, Record of Knowing Flavor, Collection of Knowing Error, Collection Without Reputation, and Little Grass Collection. He died in Jiaqing 21. He was seventy-seven.
74
胡培翬，字載平，績溪人。 祖匡衷，字樸蘇，歳貢生。 於經義多所發明，不苟與先儒同異。 著有三禮劄記、周禮井田圖考、井田出賦考、儀禮釋官等書。 其於井田多申鄭義，而授田一事，以遂人所言是鄕遂-{制}-，大司徒所言是都鄙-{制}-，鄭注自相違戾。 作畿内授田考實一篇，積算特精密。 其釋官則以周禮、禮記、左傳、國語與儀禮相參證，論據精確，足補注疎所未及。 又著有周易傳義疑參十二巻，左傳翼服、論語古本證異、論語補牋、莊子集評、離騷集注、樸齋文集。 年七十四，卒。
Hu Peihui (Hú Péihuī), styled Zàipíng, came from Jīxī. His grandfather Kuangzhong (Kuàngzhōng), styled Pǔsū, was a tribute student. He made many original contributions to classical meaning and did not follow or reject the ancients lightly. His works include Notes on the Three Rites, Investigation of the Well-field Diagram, Investigation of Well-field Taxation, and Exegesis of Offices in the Etiquette. On the well-field he largely followed Zheng Xuan, but on field allotment he showed that the Sui ren passage describes the district system and the Grand Minister of Instruction the capital-and-border system—Zheng's notes contradict each other. His Solid Investigation of Field Allotment within the Capital Domain is a model of precise calculation. His Exegesis of Offices cross-checks the Rites, Zuozhuan, Guoyu, and Etiquette with exact argument, filling gaps in the commentarial tradition. He also wrote Doubtful Points in the Yi Zhuan and Right Meaning, Wings to Robes in the Zuozhuan, Evidence of Variants in the Ancient Analects Text, Supplementary Commentary on the Analects, Collected Critiques on Zhuangzi, Collected Commentary on the Lisao, and the Puzhai Collected Writings. He died at seventy-four.
75
培翬，進士，官内閣中書、戸部廣東司主事。 居官勤而處事密，時人稱其治官如治經，一字不肯放過。 絶不受財賄，而抉隱指弊，胥吏-{咸}-憚之。 假照案發，司員失察者數十人，惟培翬及蔡紹江無所汚，然猶以隨同畫諾鐫級歸-{里}-。 後主講鍾山、雲間，於涇川一再至，並引翼後進爲己任。 去涇川日，門人設飲餞者相望於道。 篤友誼，郝懿行、胡承珙遺書，皆賴培翬次第付梓。 道光二十九年，卒，年六十八。
Peihui, a jinshi, served as Secretariat draftsman and principal clerk in the Guangdong Bureau of Revenue. Diligent and meticulous in office, contemporaries said he ran government as he read classics—no word escaped scrutiny. He took no bribes, and clerks feared his eye for hidden abuse. When a forged license scandal broke, dozens of officials were faulted; only Peihui and Cai Shaojiang were clean, yet both were demoted for having countersigned and sent home. He later lectured at Zhongshan and Yunjian, returned repeatedly to Jingchuan, and made mentoring juniors his charge. When he left Jingchuan, farewell feasts lined the road. He was devoted to friends: posthumous works of Hao Yixing and Hu Chenggong reached print only through his care. He died in Daoguang 29, aged sixty-eight.
76
績溪胡氏，自明諸生東峰以來，世傳經學。 培翬涵濡先澤，又學於歙凌廷堪，邃精三禮。 初著燕寢考三巻，王引之見而喜之。 既爲儀禮正義，上推周公、孔子、子夏垂教之旨，發明鄭君、賈氏得失，旁逮鴻儒、經生之所議。 張皇幽渺，闡揚聖緒，二千餘歳絶學也。 其旨見與順德羅惇衍書曰：「培翬撰正義，約有四例：一曰疎經以補注，二曰通疎以申注，三曰匯各家之説以附註，四曰採他説以訂注，書凡四十巻，至賈氏公彦之疎，或解經而違經旨，或申注而失注意，不可無辨。 別爲儀禮賈疎訂疑一書。 宮室-{制}-度，今以朝-{制}-、廟-{制}-、寢-{制}-爲綱，以天子、諸侯、大夫、士爲目。 學-{制}-則分別庠、序館-{制}-則分別公、私，皆先將宮室考定，而以十七篇所行之禮，條-{系}-於後，名宮室提綱。 陸氏經典釋文於儀禮頗略，擬取各經音義及集釋文以後各家音切，挨次補録，名曰儀禮釋文校補。」 培翬覃精是書凡四十餘年，晩歳患風痺，猶力疾從事。 尚有士昏禮、鄕飲酒禮、鄕射禮、燕禮、大射儀五篇未卒業而歿。 門人江寧楊大堉從學禮，爲補成之。 他著有禘祫問答，研六室文鈔。
The Hu family of Jixi had transmitted classical learning since the Ming scholar Dongfeng. Peihui drew on his family tradition and studied with Ling Tingkan of She, becoming a master of the Three Rites. His early Investigation of the Private Apartment (3 juan) won Wang Yinzhi's praise. His Correct Meaning of the Etiquette traces the teaching of the Duke of Zhou, Confucius, and Zixia, weighs Zheng Xuan and Jia Gong against later scholars, and gathers the whole commentarial debate. It revives a thread of sage learning lost for two millennia. He explained his method to Luo Dunyan of Shunde: "Peihui's Correct Meaning follows four rules: commentate the classic to supplement the note; use the subcommentary to clarify the note; gather schools to append to the note; and adopt rival views to correct the note. The work is forty juan. Jia Gongyan sometimes explains the text against its intent or extends a note past its meaning—those cases must be distinguished. He also wrote Correcting Doubts in Jia's Etiquette Subcommentary. On palace institutions he organizes court, temple, and residential rules under the ranks from Son of Heaven to serviceman. School and lodge systems are treated separately; palace layouts are fixed first, then the seventeen ritual chapters are arranged under them in Outline of Palace Buildings. Lu Deming's glosses on the Etiquette are thin; he planned to supplement them from all classics and later phonological works in Collation and Supplement to Etiquette Glosses." Peihui labored on this book for over forty years; in old age, though crippled by stroke, he kept at it. Five chapters—Scholar's Wedding, District Drinking, District Archery, Banquet, and Great Archery—were still unfinished at his death. His student Yang Daju of Jiangning, who had studied the rites under him, finished the remainder. He also wrote Questions and Answers on Di and Xia Sacrifices and the Yanshi Studio Literary Collection.
77
大堉，字雅輪。 諸生。 篤學寡交，研窮經訓。 初從元和顧廣圻、呉縣鈕樹玉遊，備聞蒼、雅閫奧。 著説文重文考六巻，純以聲音求叚借，以偏旁繁省求古、籀異同之變。 又作五廟考，專駮王肅之失。 江督陶澍以防海議試諸生，大堉洋洋千言，大略謂：「中國官恃客氣，居上臨下，視洋人若小負販。 顧彼雖好利，而越數万-{里}-海洋至此，此必非無所挾持者。 鹵莽行之，必生邊隙。」 時承平久，人習附和之談，獨大堉卓識正論，侃然無忌諱。 若豫-{卜}-有義律、璞鼎査之事，讀者色變。 他著論語正義、毛詩補注、三禮義疎辨正，皆佚。
Yang Daju (Yáng Dàjǔ), styled Yǎlún. He was a licentiate. Severe in scholarship and sparing in company, he pursued exegesis to the root. He first studied with Gu Guangqi of Yuanhe and Niu Shuyu of Wuxian, learning the depths of paleography and lexicography. His Investigation of Repeated Graphs in Shuowen traces loan characters by sound and ancient versus Zhou forms by graphic simplification and complexity. His Investigation of the Five Temples refutes Wang Su. When Tao Shu, governor of Jiangsu, tested licentiates on coastal defense, Daju wrote a thousand-word essay arguing that officials treated Westerners like petty peddlers, yet men who crossed ten thousand li of sea could not have come without backing. Rash policy would surely invite border conflict. In a long peace when most echoed official optimism, only Daju spoke with foresight and without fear. Read as if he had foretold Elliot and Pottinger, his words made listeners blanch. His Correct Meaning of the Analects, Supplementary Commentary on the Mao Odes, and Correcting the Subcommentary on the Three Rites are lost.
78
劉文淇，字孟瞻，儀徴人，嘉慶二十四年優貢生。 父錫瑜，以醫名世。 文淇稍長，即研精古籍，貫串群經。 於毛、鄭、賈、孔之書及宋、元以來通經解誼，博覽冥搜，折衷一是。 尤肆力春秋左氏傳，嘗謂左氏之義，爲杜注剝蝕巳久，其稍可觀覽者，皆-{係}-襲取舊説。 爰輯左傳舊注疎證一書，先取賈、服、鄭三君之注，疎通證明。 凡杜氏所排撃者糾正之，所剿襲者表明之。 其沿用韋氏國語注者，亦一一疎記。 他如五經異義所載左氏説，皆本左氏先師； 説文所引左傳，亦是古文家説； 漢書五行-{志}-所載劉子駿説。 實左氏一家之學； 經疎、史注、-{御}-覽等書所引左傳注不載姓名而與杜注異者，皆賈、服舊説。 凡若此者，皆稱爲舊注，而加以疎證。 其顧、惠補注及近人專釋左氏之書，説有可採，-{咸}-與登列。 末始下以己意，定其從違。 上稽先秦諸子，下考唐以前史書，旁及雜家筆記、文集，皆取爲證佐。 期於實事求是，俾左氏之大義炳然著明。 草創四十年，長編已具，然後依次排比成書，爲左氏舊注疎證。 又謂：「左傳義疎多襲劉光伯述議，隋經籍誌及孝經疎，-{云}-述議者，述其義，疎議之。 然則光伯本載舊疎，議其得失，其引舊疎，必當録其姓名。 孔穎達左傳疎序祗-{云}-據以爲本，初非故襲其説。 至永徽中諸臣詳定，乃將舊注姓氏削去，襲爲己語。」 因細加剖析，成左傳舊疎考正八巻。
Liu Wenqi (Liú Wénqí), styled Mèngzhān, of Yízhēng, was an outstanding tribute student in Jiaqing 24. His father Xiyu was a renowned physician. From youth Wenqi mastered ancient texts and the full classical corpus. He ranged through Mao, Zheng, Jia, Kong, and Song–Yuan exegesis, reading widely and weighing all to one standard. He devoted himself above all to the Zuozhuan, arguing that Du Yu's commentary had long stripped its meaning and what remained was mostly recycled old glosses. He therefore compiled Old Commentary and Subcommentary on the Zuozhuan, beginning with the notes of Jia, Fu, and Zheng and proving them through. Where Du Yu had attacked old glosses he restored them; where Du had silently borrowed, he exposed the source. Passages drawn from Wei Zhao's Guoyu commentary he annotated in full. Zuoshi doctrines in Wujing Yiyi, he held, came from the Zuoshi masters themselves; Zuozhuan citations in Shuowen belong to the Old Text school; and Liu Zijun's views in the Hanshu Treatise on the Five Phases. All belong to the Zuoshi tradition; anonymous Zuozhuan glosses in subcommentaries, histories, and the Yulan that differ from Du Yu are Jia and Fu. He called all such material "old commentary" and supplied evidence. Supplements by Gu and Hui and modern Zuozhuan specialists were included when their views held up. Only at the end did he add his own judgment. He drew evidence from pre-Qin masters, pre-Tang histories, and miscellanies alike. His aim was truth from facts and a clear restoration of Zuoshi's great meaning. After forty years of drafting he arranged his materials into Old Commentary and Subcommentary on the Zuozhuan. He also argued that the Tang Zuozhuan subcommentary largely copies Liu Fang's Shuyi—the Sui bibliography and Xiaojing subcommentary describe Shuyi as stating a thesis for subcommentary debate— so Liu Fang preserved old glosses and debated them, and ought to have named their authors. Kong Yingda's preface says only that he used Shuyi as a base—not that he meant to plagiarize. Only in the Yonghui revision did editors strip old commentators' names and pass their words off as new. From this he produced eight juan of Correcting the Old Subcommentary on the Zuozhuan.
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又據史記秦楚之際月表，知項羽曾都江都。 核其時勢，推見割據之述，成楚漢諸侯疆域-{志}-三巻。 據左傳、呉越春秋、水經註等書，謂唐、宋以前揚州地勢南髙北下，且東西兩岸未設堤防，與今運河形勢迥不相同，成揚州水道記四巻。 又讀書隨筆二十巻，文集十巻，詩一巻。
From the Shiji's Qin–Chu monthly table he showed that Xiang Yu once made Jiangdu his capital. Reconstructing the partition of power, he wrote Territorial Gazetteer of Chu–Han Feudatories in three juan. From the Zuozhuan, Wu-Yue Chunqiu, and Shuijing Zhu he argued that pre-Tang Yangzhou sloped south-high, north-low, without the dikes of today's canal system, and wrote Record of Yangzhou Waterways in four juan. He also left Reading Notes (20 juan), collected writings (10), and one juan of poetry.
80
文淇事親純孝，父年篤老，目眚，侍起居，朝夕扶掖，寒夜足凍，侍親以温其足。 舅氏凌曙極貧，遺孤毓瑞，文淇收育之。 延同-{里}-方申爲其師，並補諸生。 申通虞氏易，皆其教也。 卒，年六十有六。
Wenqi was deeply filial: when his aged father went blind, he tended him day and night and on cold nights warmed his father's feet with his own. His uncle Ling Shu died destitute; Wenqi raised the orphan Yurui. He engaged Fang Shen of his home district as tutor and secured him a licentiate's place. Fang Shen mastered Yu Fan's Yi tradition—entirely through Wenqi's instruction. He died at the age of sixty-six.
81
子毓崧，字伯山。 道光二十年舉優貢生。 從父受經，長益致力於學。 以文淇故，治左氏纘述先業，成春秋左氏傳大義二巻。 以文淇考證左傳舊疎，因承其義例，著周易、尚書、毛詩、禮記舊疎考正各一巻。 又謂六藝未興之先，學各有官，惟史官之立爲最古。 不獨史家各體各類並支裔之小説家出於史官，即經、子、集三部及後世之幕客書吏，淵源所仿，亦出於史官。 班氏之-{志}-藝文，論述史官，尚未發斯旨。 其敘九流，以明諸子所出之官，必有所授，而其中仍有分省失當者。 既析九流中小説家流歸入史官，又辨道家非專出於史官，改爲出於醫官。 又增益者凡三家：曰名家，出於司士之官； 兵家，出於司馬之官； 藝術家，出於考工之官：統爲十一家。 博稽載籍，窮極根要，成史乘、諸子通義各四巻。 又經傳通義十巻，王船山年譜二巻，彭城獻徴録十巻，舊德録一巻，通義堂筆記十六巻，文集十六巻，詩集一巻。 卒，年五十。
His son was Yusong, styled Boshan. In 1840 he was selected as an outstanding tribute student. He studied the classics under his father and, as he matured, threw himself ever more deeply into learning. In Wenqi's footsteps he pursued the Zuoshi tradition and carried on the family scholarship, completing The Great Meaning of the Zuoshi Commentary on the Spring and Autumn in two juan. Building on Wenqi's work on the old Zuozhuan subcommentary, he applied the same method to produce one juan each of Correcting the Old Subcommentaries on the Zhouyi, Documents, Mao Odes, and Record of Rites. He also argued that before the Six Arts took shape, every field of learning had its own official charge—and that the historiographer's office was the oldest of all. Historiography in all its forms, fiction in all its branches, and even the later tripartite canon of classics, masters, and belles-lettres—not to mention the clients and clerks of later ages—all took the historiographer's office as their ultimate model. Even Ban Gu's Treatise on Literature, for all its discussion of historiographers, never drew out this insight. His account of the Nine Schools was meant to show which Zhou office each philosophical tradition descended from, yet several of his attributions were wrong. He reassigned the fictionists among the Nine Schools to the historiographer's office, showed that Daoism did not derive solely from historiography, and traced it instead to the medical office. He added three further schools: the School of Names, from the director of multitudes; the military school, from the minister of war; and the school of arts and techniques, from the director of works—eleven schools in all. After wide reading of the sources he distilled their essentials into General Meaning of Historical Writings and General Meaning of the Masters, four juan each. His other works include General Meaning of the Classics and Commentaries (10 juan), a chronological biography of Wang Fuzhi (2), Record of Pencheng Tributes (10), Record of Former Virtues (1), Tongyi Hall Notes (16), collected writings (16), and one juan of poetry. He died at the age of fifty.
82
孫壽曾，字恭甫。 同治三年、光緒二年兩中副榜。 毓崧主金陵書局，爲曾國籓所重。 毓崧卒後，招壽曾入局中，所刊群籍，多爲校定。 初，文淇治左氏春秋長編，晩年編輯成疎，甫得一巻，而文淇沒。 毓崧思卒其業，未果。 壽曾乃發憤以繼-{志}-述事爲任，嚴立課程，至襄公四年而卒，年四十五。 又讀左劄記，春秋五十凡例表，皆治左疎時旁推交通發明古誼者。 他著昏禮別論對駮義，南史校義集評，傳雅堂集，芝雲雜記，各若-{干}-巻。
His grandson was Shouzeng, styled Gongfu. He twice placed on the provincial supplementary list, in 1864 and 1876. Yusong directed the Jinling Publishing Bureau and won the high esteem of Zeng Guofan. After Yusong's death he brought Shouzeng into the bureau, where Shouzeng collated and corrected most of the editions it published. Wenqi had spent years compiling a Zuoshi long draft and in his last years began shaping it into a subcommentary, but completed only one juan before his death. Yusong tried to finish the project but did not live to do so. Shouzeng then threw himself into the task with fierce resolve, kept a strict schedule—and died at Duke Xiang's fourth year, having reached only forty-five. His Reading Notes on the Zuoshi and Fifty General Rules for the Spring and Autumn in tabular form likewise record the collateral insights he developed while working on the subcommentary. He also wrote Separate Discussions on the Ceremonies of Capping with Rebuttals, Collated Meanings and Collected Critiques on the Southern History, the Chuanya Hall Collection, and Zhiyun Miscellany—each in several juan.
83
方申，字端齋。 少孤，受學於文淇，通易，著諸家易象別録、虞氏易像匯編、周易卦象集證、周易互體詳述、周易卦變舉要。
Fang Shen, styled Duanzhai. Orphaned in youth, he studied under Wenqi, mastered the Changes, and wrote Separate Record of Various Schools' Yi Images, Compiled Images of Yu Fan's Yi, Collected Evidence on Zhouyi Hexagram Images, Detailed Account of Zhouyi Mutual Images, and Essentials of Zhouyi Hexagram Change.
84
丁晏，字柘堂，江蘇山陽人。 阮元爲漕督，以漢易十五家發策，晏條對萬餘言，精奧爲當世冠。 道光元年舉人。 晏以顧炎武-{云}-梅賾偽古文雅密非賾所能爲，考之家語後序及釋文、正義，而斷爲王肅偽作。 蓋肅雅-{才}-博學，好作偽以難鄭君。 鄭君之學昌明於漢，肅爲古文孔傳以駕其上，後儒誤信之。 近世惠棟、王鳴盛頗疑肅作而未能暢其旨，特著論申辨之，撰尚書餘論二巻。 又以胡渭禹貢錐指能知偽古文，而不能信好古學，踵謬沿譌，自逞臆見。 後之學者，何所取正？ 既爲正誤以匡其失，复採獲古文，甄録舊説，砭俗訂譌，斷以己意。 期於發揮經文，無取泥古。 引用前人説，各-{系}-姓氏於下，輯禹貢集釋三巻。
Ding Yan, styled Zhetang, was a native of Shanyang in Jiangsu. When Ruan Yuan served as grain transport commissioner, he set an examination on the fifteen Han schools of the Changes; Yan's reply ran to more than ten thousand characters and was judged the most penetrating of his day. He received his provincial degree in 1821. Following Gu Yanwu's argument that Mei Ze's forged Ancient Text was too polished for Mei to have written, Yan examined the postface to the Kongzi Jiayu and the Shiwen and Zhengyi commentaries and concluded that Wang Su was the real author. Su was a man of elegant talent and vast learning who delighted in forging texts to challenge Zheng Xuan. Zheng Xuan's scholarship dominated the Han, so Su forged a Kong commentary in ancient script to rival it—and later scholars took the forgery for genuine. Hui Dong and Wang Mingsheng had already suspected Su but never fully proved the case; Yan wrote Supplementary Discussions on the Documents in two juan to settle the question. He also criticized Hu Wei's Awl-pointed Guide to the Yugong: though Hu recognized the forged Ancient Text, he never truly embraced antiquarian scholarship and instead repeated errors while pressing his own conjectures. What standard were later scholars to follow? He corrected Hu's mistakes, gathered recovered ancient-text passages, sifted earlier interpretations, cleared away vulgar errors, and judged the matter for himself. His aim was to illuminate the classic itself, not to worship the past uncritically. Whenever he cited a predecessor he named the author, and compiled Collected Exegesis on the Yugong in three juan.
85
生平篤好鄭學，於詩牋、禮注研討尤深。 以毛公之學，得聖賢之正傳，其所稱道，與週、秦諸子相出入。 康成申暢毛義，修敬作牋。 孔疎不能尋繹，誤謂破字改毛。 援引疎漏，多失鄭旨。 因博稽互考，證之故書雅記，義若合符，撰毛鄭詩釋四巻。 康成詩譜，宋歐陽氏補亡，今通-{志}-堂刊本譌脱踳駮。 爰據正義排比重編，撰鄭氏詩譜考正一巻。 以康成兼採三家詩，王應麟有三家詩考，附刊玉海之後，舛謬錯出，世無善本。 乃蒐採原書，校讎是正，撰詩考補註二巻，補遺一巻。
He devoted his life to Zheng Xuan's tradition and studied the Odes commentary and ritual annotations with particular depth. He believed the Mao school preserved the sages' true transmission and that its doctrines largely agreed with the pre-Qin masters. Zheng Xuan developed Mao's doctrines and wrote the Mao commentary. Kong Yingda failed to follow the argument and wrongly claimed that Zheng's phonetic glosses changed Mao's text. His citations were careless and often missed Zheng's meaning. Yan cross-checked the tradition against old books and elegant records until the evidence aligned, and wrote Exegesis of Mao and Zheng on the Odes in four juan. Zheng Xuan's Odes Genealogy was partly restored by Ouyang Xiu in the Song, but the Tongzhitang edition now in circulation is corrupt and inconsistent. Using the Zhengyi as his base he rearranged the text and wrote Correcting Master Zheng's Odes Genealogy in one juan. Because Zheng drew on all three Odes traditions, Wang Yinglin's Examination of the Three Schools of the Odes was appended to the Jade Sea—but the text is riddled with errors and no reliable edition survives. He recovered the original sources, collated them, and wrote Supplementary Commentary on the Odes Examination in two juan and Supplements in one.
86
鄭氏注禮至精，去古未遠，不爲憑虚臆説。 迄今可考見者，如儀禮喪服注，多依馬融師説。 士虞記中月而禫，註二十七月，依戴禮喪服變除。 周禮大司樂鼓《兆鼓》，注依許叔重説，與先鄭不同。 小胥縣鐘磬，註二八十六枚在一虡，依劉向五經要義。 小宗伯註五精帝，依劉向五經通義。 射人注稱今儒家，依賈侍中註。 考工記山以章，注作麞，依馬季長注。 禮記檀弓瓦不成味，注當作沫，依班固白虎通。 王-{制}-大綏小綏，注當作緌，依劉子政説苑。 玉藻元端朝日，鄭讀爲冕，依大戴禮朝事義。 祭法幽宗雩祭，鄭讀爲禜，依許氏説文。 鄭君信而好古，原本先儒，確有依據。 凡此釋義，補孔之遺闕，皆前人未發之秘。 疎通證明，若爟火。 撰三禮釋注共八巻，又輯鄭康成年譜，署其堂曰「六藝」，取康成六藝論，以深仰止之思。 然晏治經學不掊撃宋儒，嘗謂漢學、宋學之分，門戸之見也。 漢儒正其詁，詁正而義以顯； 宋儒析其理，理明而詁以精：二者不可偏廢。 其於易，述程子之傳，撰周易述傳二巻； 於孝經，集唐玄宗、宋司馬光、-{范}-祖禹之注，撰孝經述註一巻。
Zheng Xuan's ritual annotations are extraordinarily precise; writing when antiquity was still near, he never indulged in groundless speculation. Surviving examples, such as his mourning-garb notes in the Ceremonies, show that he often followed Ma Rong's teaching. On "sacrifice in the middle month for removal of mourning" in the Shiyu ji, his note of twenty-seven months follows the mourning schedule in the Dai li. On the Grand Director of Music's "beating the omen drum" in the Rites of Zhou, his note follows Xu Shen and differs from the earlier Zheng commentator. On the minor clerk's "suspending bells and stones," his note that two sets of eight—sixteen pieces—hang on one frame follows Liu Xiang's Essentials of the Five Classics. His note on the five essences and emperors in the minor director of ritual's chapter follows Liu Xiang's Comprehensive Meaning of the Five Classics. Where the archery master speaks of "the Confucians of today," he follows Jia Kui's commentary. On "the mountain by its pattern" in the Artificers' Record, his reading of "roe deer" follows Ma Rong. On "tiles not forming flavor" in the Tanggong, his reading of "foam" follows Ban Gu's White Tiger Treatise. On "great sash, small sash" in the Royal Regulations, his reading of "fringe" follows Liu Xiang's Garden of Sayings. On "dark robe facing the sun" in the Yuzao, his reading of "cap" follows the Dadai li on court ritual. On "dark ancestor and rain sacrifice" in the Jifa, his reading of "supplication sacrifice" follows Xu Shen's Shuowen. Zheng Xuan loved antiquity and grounded every reading in the earlier Ru—always on solid evidence. Each of these glosses fills gaps Kong Yingda left open—insights no earlier scholar had drawn out. His proofs are as clear and penetrating as torchlight. He wrote Exegesis of the Three Rites Commentaries in eight juan, compiled a chronological biography of Zheng Xuan, and named his study the Hall of the Six Arts in homage to Zheng's treatise on them. Yet Yan never used Han learning as a weapon against Song scholars; he called the Han–Song split a sectarian prejudice. Han scholars corrected glosses, and correct glosses brought meaning to light; Song scholars analyzed principle, and clear principle refined glosses—neither approach should be cast aside. On the Changes he expounded the Cheng brothers' tradition in Transmitting the Zhouyi, two juan; on the Classic of Filial Piety he assembled the commentaries of Tang Xuanzong, Sima Guang, and Fan Zuyu in Transmitting Commentary on the Xiaojing, one juan.
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尤熟於通-{鑑}-，故經世優裕。 嘗與人論鈔弊，謂輕錢行鈔，必有利而無害。 論禁洋菸，謂不禁則民日以弱，中國必疲，禁則利在所爭，外夷必畔。 且禁煙當以民命爲重，不當計利。 立法當以中國爲先，不當擾夷。 後悉如其言。 在籍時辦堤工，司賑務，修府城，浚市河，開通文渠中支，均有功於鄕-{里}-。
He knew the Comprehensive Mirror especially well and brought a statesman's breadth to public affairs. Discussing paper-money abuses, he argued that pairing light coin with banknotes would do more good than harm. On banning foreign tobacco he warned that without a ban the people would weaken and China exhaust itself, while a ban would concentrate profit in a struggle foreigners would surely join. A smoking ban, he added, should weigh people's lives above profit. Lawmaking should put China's interests first, not foreign convenience. Events later proved him right on every count. While living at home he oversaw dikes, famine relief, repairs to the prefectural city, dredging of the market river, and the opening of the middle branch of the Tongwen Canal—all to his district's lasting benefit.
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-{咸}-豐三年，粵匪蔓延大江南、北，督撫檄行府縣，練勇積穀爲守禦計。 淮安以晏主其事，旋以事爲人所劾，奉旨遣戌黑龍江，繳費免行。 十年，捻匪擾淮安北關，晏號召團練，分佈要隘，城以獲全。 十一年，以團練大臣晏端書-{薦}-，敘前守城績，由侍讀銜内閣中書加三品銜。
In 1853, as the Taiping rebellion spread through the Yangzi valley, provincial authorities ordered every prefecture and county to drill militia and stock grain for defense. Huai'an put Yan in charge, but he was soon impeached, ordered exiled to Heilongjiang, and ransomed himself from the sentence. In 1860, when Nian raiders threatened Huai'an's north gate, Yan rallied the militia to hold the key passes and saved the city. In 1861 the militia commissioner Yan Duanshu recommended him for his defense of the city, and he was promoted from Hanlin reader by brevet and Grand Secretariat secretary to the added third rank.
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晏少多疾病，迨長讀書養氣，日益強固。 治一書畢，方治他書，手校書籍極多，必徹終始。 光緒元年，卒，年八十有二。 所著書四十七種，凡一百三十六巻，其已刊者爲頤-{志}-齋叢書。
Sickly in youth, he strengthened himself through study and disciplined breathing until he grew robust in middle age. He finished one book before starting another and personally collated a vast library, always seeing each project through to the end. He died in 1875, at the age of eighty-two. He wrote forty-seven works in 136 juan; those published appeared as the Yizhi Studio Collectanea.
90
王筠，字貫山，安丘人。 道光元年舉人，後官山西鄕寧縣知縣。 鄕寧在萬山中，民樸事簡，訟至立判。 暇則抱一編不去手。 權徐溝，再權-{曲}-沃，地號繁劇，二縣皆治，然亦未嘗廢學。
Wang Yun, styled Guanshan, was a native of Anqiu. He received his provincial degree in 1821 and later served as magistrate of Xiangning in Shanxi. Xiangning lay deep in the mountains; the people were plain, affairs few, and lawsuits he disposed of at once. In his spare time he never put down his books. He also served as acting magistrate of Xugou and twice of Quwo—both notoriously demanding posts—yet governed each well and never set scholarship aside.
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筠少喜篆籀，及長，博渉經史，尤長於説文。 説文之學，世推桂、段兩家，嘗謂：「桂氏專臚古籍，取足達許説而止，不下己意。 惟是引據失於限斷，且泛及藻繢之詞。 段氏體大思精，所謂通例，又前人所未知。 惟是武斷支離，時或不免。」 又謂：「文字之奧，無過形、音、義三端。 古人之造字也，正名百物，以義爲本，而音從之，於是乎有形。 後人之識字也，由形以求其音，由音以考其義，而文字之説備。 六書以指事、象形爲首，而文字之樞機即在乎此。 其字之爲事，而作者即據事以審字，勿由字以生事。 其字之爲物，而作者即據物以察字，勿泥字以造物。 且勿假他事以成此事之意，勿假他物以爲此物之形，而後可與蒼頡、籀、斯相質於一堂也。 今説文之詞，足從口，木從屮，鳥、鹿足相似從匕，苟非後人所竄亂，則許君之意荒矣。」 乃標舉分別，疎通證明，著説文釋例二十巻。 釋例-{云}-者，即許書而釋其條例，猶杜元凱之於春秋也。 又以二徐書多渉草略，加以李燾亂其次第，致分別部居之脈絡不可推尋。 段玉裁既創爲通例，而體裁所拘，未能詳備。 乃採桂、段諸家之説，著説文句讀三十巻。 句讀-{云}-者，用張爾岐儀禮鄭注句讀之名，謂漢人經説率名章句，此書疎解許説，無章可言，故曰句讀也。
As a youth he loved seal script; as an adult he ranged widely through the classics and histories and excelled above all in the Shuowen. Shuowen scholarship was dominated by the Gui and Duan schools. He once remarked: "Gui Fu cites ancient texts until Xu Shen's point is clear and never presses his own view. Yet his citations often overreach, and he wanders into ornamental diction. Duan Yucai's work is vast and subtle; his general rules broke ground no earlier scholar had reached. Yet he too could be arbitrary and disjointed." He also held that "the mystery of writing lies in nothing beyond form, sound, and meaning. The ancients coined characters to name the myriad things: meaning came first, sound followed, and only then did form arise. Later readers work in reverse: from form to sound, from sound to meaning—and only then is the full account of writing complete. Among the Six Scripts, indicative and pictographic come first—and therein lies the key to the whole art of writing. When a character denotes an event, the writer must read the event back into the graph—not spin the event out of the graph. When a character names a thing, the writer must read the thing back into the graph—not sculpt the thing to fit the graph. Do not borrow another event to flesh out this event's sense, nor another object's shape for this object's form—only then may one sit in judgment with Cang Jie, Zhou, and Li Si. Phrases in today's Shuowen—feet from mouth, trees from sprout, bird and deer feet alike from dagger—if later hands had not tampered, Master Xu Shen's meaning would stand stripped bare." He then marked out categories, argued them through, and completed Exemplifying the Shuowen in twenty juan. "Exemplifying" means expounding the statutes of Xu Shen's text itself, as Du Yu did for the Spring and Autumn Annals. The two Xu recensions are often slipshod; Li Tao disordered their sequence besides, until the logic of radical arrangement could no longer be followed. Duan Yucai had pioneered general rules, but formal limits kept him from full coverage. He drew on Gui, Duan, and other schools and produced Shuowen Punctuation and Commentary in thirty juan. "Punctuation" borrows Zhang Erqi's term for Zheng Xuan's punctuated Yili: Han commentators usually titled work "chapters and clauses," but this book only unpacks Xu Shen—no chapters to name—so it is called punctuation.
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筠治説文之學垂三十年，其書獨闢門徑，折衷一是，不依傍於人。 論者以爲許氏之功臣，桂、段之勁敵。 又有説文-{系}-傳校録三十巻，文字蒙求四巻。 他著有毛詩重言一巻，附毛詩雙聲疊韻説一巻，夏小正正義四巻，弟子職正音一巻，正字略二巻，蛾術編、禹貢正字、讀儀禮鄭注句讀刊誤、四書説略。 -{咸}-豐四年，卒，年七十一
For nearly thirty years Yun worked the Shuowen; his books carved a path of their own, weighed all sides, and leaned on no one's authority. Critics called him champion of the Xu tradition and equal foe of Gui and Duan. He also left thirty juan of Collation Records for the Shuowen Genealogy and Commentary and four juan of Primary Lessons in Characters. He also wrote one juan on Repetition in the Mao Odes with one on Reduplication, four on Correct Meaning of the Xia Xiaozheng, one on Correct Pronunciation for the Disciple's Duty, two on Compendium of Correct Characters, and Éshu Compilation, Correct Characters in the Yugong, Corrections to Zheng's Yili Punctuation, and Abbreviated Notes on the Four Books. He died in 1854, aged seventy-one.
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曾釗，字敏修，南海人。 道光五年拔貢生，官合浦縣教諭，調欽州學正。 釗篤學好古，讀一書必校勘譌字脱文。 遇秘本或僱人影寫，或懷餅就鈔，積七八年，得數万巻。 自是研求經義，文字則考之説文、玉篇，訓詁則稽之方言、爾雅，雖奧晦難通，而因文得義，因義得音，類能以經解經，確有依據。 入都時，見武進劉逢祿，逢祿曰：「篤學若冕士，吾道東矣！」 冕士。 釗號也。
Zeng Zhao, styled Minxiu, was a native of Nanhai. A selected tribute student in 1825, he served as director of studies in Hepu and was later transferred as director of the Qinzhou school. Zhao studied with fierce devotion to antiquity; every book he read he collated for wrong characters and lacunae. When he found a rare text he hired copyists or went himself with provisions to transcribe it; in seven or eight years he gathered tens of thousands of juan. He then pressed into the classics' meaning—characters through the Shuowen and Yupian, glosses through the Fangyan and Erya. Even where the text was dark, he moved from graph to sense and sense to sound, explaining one classic by another with firm warrant. On reaching the capital he met Liu Fenglu of Wujin, who said: "With learning as devoted as Mianshi's, my Way has gone east!" Mianshi." That was Zhao's sobriquet.
94
儀徴阮元督粵，震澤任兆麟見釗所校字林，以告元，元驚異，延請課子。 後開學海堂，以古學造士，特命釗爲學長，獎勸後進。 嘗因元説日月爲易爲合朔之辨在朔易，更發明孟喜卦氣，引-{繫}-辭懸象莫大乎日月，死魄會於壬癸，日上月下，象未濟爲晦時。 元以爲足發古義，宜再暢言之，以明孟氏之學，因著周易虞氏義牋七巻。 他著有周禮注疎小牋四巻，又詩説二巻，又詩毛鄭異同辨一巻，毛詩經文定本小序一巻、考異一巻、音讀一巻，虞書命羲和章解一巻，論語述解一巻，讀書雜誌五巻，-{面}-城樓集十巻。
When Ruan Yuan of Yizheng governed Guangdong, Ren Zhaolin of Zhenze saw Zhao's collation of the Zilin, told Ruan, and Ruan—astonished—engaged him to instruct his sons. When the Xuehaitang opened to train men in ancient learning, Zhao was named chief instructor to guide the younger scholars. Building on Yuan's argument that sun and moon as change and new-moon conjunction lie in "change at new moon," he developed Meng Xi's hexagram qi, citing the Appended Remarks—"Of suspended images none is greater than sun and moon"—the dead soul meeting at ren and gui, sun above and moon below, the Wei Ji hexagram as the hour of darkness. Ruan judged this a genuine recovery of ancient doctrine and urged a fuller exposition of Meng Xi's school; Zhao therefore wrote seven juan of Commentary on Yu's Zhouyi Meaning. He also wrote four juan of Small Commentary on the Zhouli Zhu-Shu, two of Poems Explicated, one on Mao-Zheng Differences, one each on the Mao Classic Definitive Text (preface, variants, and readings), one on the Command to Xi and He, one of Exegetic Solutions to the Analects, five of Miscellaneous Reading Notes, and ten of the Miancheng Pavilion Collection.
95
釗好講經濟之學，二十一年，英人焚掠海疆，以祁還督兩粵，番禺舉人陸殿邦獻議，塡大石、獵德、瀝河道以阻火船。 舉以問釗，釗言：「易稱設險者，不恃天塹，不藉地利，在人相時設之而已。 入省河道三，獵德、瀝皆淺，由大石至大黃，水深數丈。 三四月夷船從此入，當先事防之，以固省城。 城固，然後由内達外。」 甚韙之，委釗相度堵塞形勢，釗以大石爲第一要區，糾南海、番禺二縣團勇三萬六千晝夜演練，防務遂密。 二十三年，謀修復虎門砲-{台}-，釗進砲-{台}-形勢議十條，已而廉洋賊起，以釗習知廉州情形，委釗與軍事。 海賊投首。 -{咸}-豐四年，卒於家。
Zhao cared deeply for practical statecraft. In 1841, when the English burned the coast, Qi Ken governed both Guangdongs; Lu Dianbang of Panyu proposed filling the Dashi, Liede, and Li channels to block the steamers. The plan was put to Zhao, who said: "The Changes teaches that defenses do not rest on natural barriers or terrain—they depend on men reading the moment and deploying them. Three waterways enter the province; Liede and Li are shallow, but from Dashi to Dahuang the channel runs several zhang deep. Foreign ships pass here in the third and fourth months; that passage must be held first if the provincial capital is to stand. Secure the city, then push defense outward from the center." Qi Ken strongly approved and sent Zhao to survey blocking positions. Zhao made Dashi the key sector, raised thirty-six thousand militia from Nanhai and Panyu for round-the-clock drill, and the defenses tightened. In 1843 they planned to restore the Humen forts. Zhao submitted ten articles on fort placement; when pirates rose in Lianzhou he was put in charge of operations, knowing that region well. The sea bandits surrendered. He died at home in 1854.
96
林伯桐，字桐君，番禺人。 嘉慶六年舉人。 生平好爲考據之學，宗主漢儒，而踐履則服膺朱子，無門戸之見。 事親孝，道光六年，試禮部歸，父已卒，悲慟不欲生。 居喪悉遵古禮，蔬食、不入内者三年。 自是不復上公車，一意奉母。 與兩弟友愛，教授生徒百餘人，-{咸}-敦内行，勉實學。 粵督阮元、鄧廷楨皆敬禮之。 元延爲學海堂學長，廷楨聘課其二子。 二十四年，以選授德慶州學正，閲三年卒於官，年七十。
Lin Botong, styled Tongjun, was a native of Panyu. He received his provincial degree in 1801. He devoted his life to evidential scholarship, upheld the Han commentators, and in conduct revered Zhu Xi—without party spirit. He was filial. In 1826, returning from the metropolitan examination, he learned his father had died and grieved until life itself seemed unbearable. In mourning he kept every ancient rite—plain food and not crossing the inner threshold for three years. He never sat for the metropolitan examination again, devoting himself wholly to his mother. He was close to his two younger brothers, taught more than a hundred pupils, and alike prized moral conduct and urged real learning. Governors Ruan Yuan and Deng Tingzhen both treated him with respect. Ruan kept him as chief instructor at the Xuehaitang; Deng hired him to teach his two sons. In 1844 he was appointed director of studies at Deqing; three years later he died in office, aged seventy.
97
伯桐於諸經無不通，尤深於毛詩。 謂傳牋不同者，大抵毛義爲長，孔疎多以王肅語爲毛意，又往往混鄭於毛。 爲毛詩學者，當分別觀之，庶幾不失家法。 因考鄭牋異義，爲毛詩通考三十巻，又著毛詩傳例二巻，又綴其碎義瑣辭，著毛詩識小三十巻，皆極精覈。 他著有易象釋例十二巻，易象雅訓十二巻，三禮注疎考異二十巻，冠昏喪祭儀考十二巻，左傳風俗二十巻，古音勸學三十巻，史學蠡測三十巻，供冀小言二巻，古諺牋十一巻，兩粵水經註四巻，粵風四巻，修本堂藁四巻，詩文集二十四巻。
Botong mastered every classic and was deepest in the Mao Odes. Where commentary and subcommentary diverged, he held Mao's sense was usually right; Kong Yingda often read Wang Su as Mao and blurred Zheng into Mao. Students of the Mao Odes must keep the strands apart or lose the school's method. He collated Zheng's variant readings, wrote thirty juan of Comprehensive Study of the Mao Odes and two of Principles of the Mao Commentary, and gathered minor points into thirty juan of Small Recognitions in the Mao Odes—all of razor precision. He also wrote twelve juan each of Exemplifying Images in the Yi and Elegance of the Yi Images, twenty on Textual Variants in the Three Rites Zhu-Shu, twelve on Capping, Marriage, Mourning, and Sacrifice, twenty on Zuozhuan Customs, thirty on Encouraging Ancient Sounds and thirty on Historical Probing, two of Minor Sayings from Gongji, eleven of Commentaries on Ancient Proverbs, four on the Water Classic Commentary for the Two Guangdongs, four of Guangdong Customs, four of Xiubentang Drafts, and twenty-four of collected prose and verse.
98
李黼平，字繡子，嘉應州人。 幼穎異。 年十四，精通樂譜。 及長，治漢學，工考證。 嘉慶十年進士，選翰林院庶吉士，散館改昭文縣知縣。 事一以寬和慈惠爲宗，不忍用鞭撲，獄隨至隨結。 公餘即手一編，民間因有「李十五書生」之目。 以虧挪落職-{繫}-獄，數年乃得歸。 會粵督阮元開學海堂，聘閲課藝，遂留授諸子經。 所著毛詩義二十四巻。 道光十二年，卒，年六十三。 他著有易刊誤二巻，文選異義二巻，讀杜韓筆記二巻。
Li Fuping, styled Xiuzi, was a native of Jiaying Prefecture. Even as a boy he was precocious. At fourteen he had mastered musical notation. As an adult he took up Han learning and excelled at evidential proof. He passed the jinshi in 1805, entered the Hanlin as bachelor, and after the palace examination became magistrate of Zhaowen. He governed by leniency and kindness, could not bear the lash, and disposed of lawsuits as they arrived. In office hours his hand never left a book; people called him "Scholar Li the Fifteenth." A shortfall in accounts cost him his post and prison; only after several years did he return south. When Ruan Yuan opened the Xuehaitang in Guangdong he was hired to grade essays and remained to teach the classics to Ruan's sons. He wrote twenty-four juan of Mao Odes Explicated. He died in 1832, aged sixty-three. He also left two juan of Corrections in the Yi, two of Variant Meanings in the Wenxuan, and two of Notes on Reading Du and Han.
99
柳興恩，原名興宗，字賓叔，丹徒人。 道光十二年舉人。 受業於儀徴阮元。 初治毛詩，以毛公師荀卿，荀卿師穀梁，穀梁春鞦韆古絶學，元刻皇淸經解，公羊、左氏倶有專家，而穀梁缺焉。 乃發憤沉思，成穀梁春秋大義述三十巻，以鄭六藝論-{云}-「穀梁子善於經」，遂專從善經入手，而善經則以屬辭比事爲據，事與辭則以春秋日月等名例定之。 其書凡例，謂聖經既以春秋定名，而無事猶必舉四時之首月。 後儒謂日月非經之大例，未爲通論。 穀梁日月之例，泥則難通，比則易見。 與其議傳而轉謂經誤，不若信經而並存傳説。 述日月例第一。 謂春秋治亂於已然，禮乃防亂於未然。 穀梁親受子夏，其中典禮猶與論語夏時周冕相表裡。 述禮例弟二。 謂穀梁之經與左氏、公羊異者以百數，漢書儒林傳-{云}-：「穀梁魯學，公羊乃齊學也。」 此或由齊、魯異讀，音轉而字亦分。 述異文弟三。 謂穀梁親受子夏，故傳中用孔子、孟子説，其他暗合者更多。 述古訓弟四。 謂自漢以來，穀梁師授鮮有專家，要不得擯諸師説之外。 述師説弟五。 謂漢儒師説之可見者，惟尹更始、劉向二家，然搜獲寥寥。 其説已亡，而名僅存者，自漢以後並治三傳者亦收録焉。 述經師弟六。 謂穀梁久屬孤經，茲於所見載籍之渉穀梁者，循次摘録，附以論斷，並著本經廢興源流。 述長編弟七。 番禺陳澧嘗爲穀梁牋及條例，未成，後見興恩書，歎其精博，遂出其説備採，不復作。
Liu Xingen, born Xingzong, styled Binshu, was a native of Dantu. He received his provincial degree in 1832. He studied under Ruan Yuan of Yizheng. He began with the Mao Odes: Mao served Xun Qing, Xun served Guliang—and Guliang Spring and Autumn was an ancient learning nearly lost. In Ruan's Huang Qing Jingjie the Gongyang and Zuoshi each had masters, but Guliang had none. He labored in bitter reflection and completed thirty juan of Comprehensive Meaning of Guliang Spring and Autumn. Zheng Xuan's Six Arts Treatise says, "Master Guliang excelled in the classics"; Xingen took that as his entry—excellence in classics means correlating wording with events, and events and wording are fixed by Spring and Autumn norms of sun, moon, and day. His general principles hold that once the sage classic took the name Spring and Autumn, even when nothing occurred it still named the first month of each season. Later scholars held sun and month were not major norms of the classic—a view that cannot stand. In Guliang's sun-and-month norms, cling to the letter and they jam; set them side by side and the pattern appears. Better trust the classic and keep the commentary than fault the classic to save the commentary. On the sun-and-moon norm, first. The Spring and Autumn judges disorder once it has happened; ritual forestalls disorder before it arises. Guliang studied under Zixia himself; its ritual norms still mirror the Analects on Xia seasons and Zhou caps. On ritual norms, second. The Guliang text diverges from Zuoshi and Gongyang in hundreds of places. The Hanshu Treatise on Confucianists says: "Guliang is Lu learning; Gongyang is Qi learning." That may reflect different readings in Qi and Lu—sound shifted and graphs parted. On variant texts, third. Guliang studied under Zixia, so the commentary cites Confucius and Mencius—and accords in spirit are yet more numerous. On ancient glosses, fourth. Since Han times Guliang masters have been rare; one must not cast teacher-talk aside. On master-teachings, fifth. Of Han master-teachings still visible, only Yin Gengshi and Liu Xiang remain—and what can be recovered is thin. Where doctrine is lost but names survive, scholars from Han onward who treated all three commentaries together are also included. On classic masters, sixth. Guliang long stood alone; here he excerpts every seen record that touches it, adds judgment, and traces the root classic's rise and fall. Comprehensive compilation, seventh. Chen Li of Panyu had begun a Guliang commentary and principles but left them unfinished; when he saw Xingen's book he marveled at its depth, offered his own notes for Xingen to use, and wrote no more.
100
他著有周易卦氣輔四巻，虞氏逸象考二巻，尚書篇目考二巻，毛詩注疎糾補三十巻，續王應麟詩地考二巻，群經異義四巻，劉向年譜二巻，儀禮釋宮考辨二巻，史記、漢書、南齊書校勘記，説文解字校勘記，宿壹齋詩文集。 光緒六年，卒，年八十有六。
He also wrote four juan of Supplement to Zhouyi Hexagram Qi, two of Investigation of Yu's Lost Images, two on Shangshu Chapter Titles, thirty of Corrections to Mao Zhu-Shu, two continuing Wang Yinglin's Geographical Study of the Odes, four of Variant Meanings across the Classics, two of Liu Xiang's Chronological Biography, two of Palace Investigation in the Yili, collation notes on the Shiji, Hanshu, and Nanshi Qishu and on the Shuowen Jiezi, and the collected verse and prose of Suyizhai. He died in 1880, aged eighty-six.
101
弟榮宗，字翼南。 著有説文引經考異十六巻。 同時爲穀梁之學者，有南海侯康、海州許桂林、嘉善鍾文烝、江都梅毓。 侯康自有傳。
His younger brother was Rongzong, styled Yinan. He wrote sixteen juan of Textual Variants in Shuowen Citations. Contemporaries in Guliang studies were Hou Kang of Nanhai, Xu Guilin of Haizhou, Zhong Wenyun of Jiashan, and Mei Yu of Jiangdu. Hou Kang has his own biography.
102
許桂林，字同叔，海州人。 嘉慶二十一年舉人。 少孤，孝於母及生母，無間言。 家貧，不以厚幣易遠遊，日以詁經爲事。 道光元年，丁内艱，以毀卒，年四十三。 桂林於諸經皆有發明，尤篤信穀梁之學，著春秋穀梁穀傳時日月書法釋例四巻。 其書有引公羊而互證者，有駮公羊而專主者。 陽湖孫星衍嘗以條理精密、論辨明允許之。 又著易確二十巻，大旨以乾爲主，謂全易皆乾所生，博觀約取，於易義實有發明，別有毛詩後牋八巻，春秋三傳地名考證六巻，漢世別本禮記長義四巻，大學中庸講義二巻，四書因論二巻。 嘗以其餘力治六書、九數，著許氏説音十二巻，以配説文。 又著説文後解十巻。 又以岐伯言「地，大氣舉之」。 氣外無殼，其氣將散； 氣外有殼，此殼何依？ 思得一説以補所未及。 蓋天實一氣，而其根在北，北極是也。 北極不當爲天樞，而當爲氣母。 因採集宣夜遺文，以西法通之，著宣西通三巻。 又以算家以簡爲貴，乃取欽定數理精蘊，撮其切於日用者，著算牖四巻。 生平所著書四十餘種，凡百數十巻。 甘泉羅士琳從之遊，後以西算名世。
Xu Guilin, styled Tongshu, was a native of Haizhou. He received his provincial degree in 1816. Orphaned young, he was equally filial to his mother and his birth mother, and no discord was ever heard between them. Though poor, he would not exchange a long journey for rich payment; every day his work was glossing the classics. In 1821 he mourned his mother and died of grief, aged forty-three. Guilin advanced every classic, but above all he held to the Guliang school and wrote four juan of Exemplifying the Guliang Tradition and Commentary on Its Calendar and Day-and-Month Formulas. Some passages cite the Gongyang tradition for mutual proof; others refute Gongyang to champion Guliang alone. Sun Xingyan of Yanghu once praised it for its tight structure and clear reasoning. He also wrote twenty juan of Solidifying the Changes, taking Qian as the root and arguing that the whole Changes springs from it—wide reading, tight selection, with real light on the Yi. He also left eight juan of Later Commentary on the Mao Odes, six of Geographical Verification of the Three Spring and Autumn Traditions, four of Long Exegesis on an Alternate Liji from Han times, two of Lectures on the Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean, and two of Four Books Causal Discussions. In his spare strength he also took up the Six Scripts and the Nine Numbers, writing twelve juan of Xu's Phonology as a companion to the Shuowen. He also wrote ten juan of Later Exegesis of the Shuowen. He also took up Qibo's saying: "The earth—the great qi lifts it." Without a shell outside the qi, the qi will scatter; with a shell outside the qi, what does that shell rest on? He sought a theory to fill what had been left unsaid. Heaven is truly one qi, and its root lies in the north—the North Pole. The North Pole should not be called the Celestial Pivot but the Mother of Qi. He gathered surviving Xuanye texts, bridged them with Western methods, and wrote three juan of Concord between Xuanye and the West. Since mathematicians prize brevity, he drew on the Imperial Digest of Mathematical Principles, excerpted what served daily life, and wrote four juan of the Abacus Window. In his lifetime he wrote more than forty works, altogether well over a hundred juan. Luo Shilin of Ganquan studied under him and later won fame in Western mathematics.
103
鍾文烝，字子勤，嘉善人。 道光二十六年舉人，候選知縣。 於學無所不通，而其全力尤在春秋。 因沉潛反覆三十餘年，成穀梁經傳補註二十四巻。 其書網羅衆家，折衷一是。 其未經人道者，自比於梅鷟之辨偽書、陳第之談古韻，略引其緒，以待後賢。 文烝兼究宋、元諸儒書，書中若釋禘祫、祖祢諡法以及心-{志}-不通、仁不勝道、以道受命等，皆能提要挈綱，實事求是。 又著論語序詳正一巻。 卒，年六十。
Zhong Wenyun, styled Ziqin, was a native of Jiashan. He received his provincial degree in 1846 and stood as a candidate district magistrate. There was no branch of learning he did not touch, yet his full strength lay in the Spring and Autumn. After more than thirty years of deep, repeated labor he completed twenty-four juan of Supplementary Commentary on the Guliang Classic and Tradition. That book gathers every school and reconciles them to one standard. Where no one had yet spoken, he likened himself to Mei Ao exposing forged books and Chen Di on ancient rhyme—sketching the thread and leaving the rest for later scholars. Wenyun also studied Song and Yuan masters; on di and xia, ancestral titles and posthumous names, on when the will does not penetrate, when benevolence cannot overcome the Way, and receiving the mandate through the Way, he could always seize the main thread and seek truth from facts. He also wrote one juan of Detailed Correction of the Lunyu Preface. He died, aged sixty.
104
梅毓，字延祖，江都人。 同治九年舉人，候選教諭。 著有穀梁正義長編一巻。
Mei Yu, styled Yanzu, was a native of Jiangdu. He received his provincial degree in 1870 and stood as a candidate director of studies. He wrote one juan of Comprehensive Compilation for the Correct Meaning of Guliang.
105
陳澧，字蘭甫，番禺人。 道光十二年舉人，河源縣訓導。 澧九歳能文，復問詩學於張維屛，問經學於侯康。 凡天文、地理、樂律、算術、篆隸無不研究。 中年讀諸經註疎、子、史及朱子書，日有課程。 初著聲律通考十巻，謂：「周禮六律、六同皆文之以五聲，禮記五聲、六律、十二管還相爲宮，今之俗樂有七聲而無十二律，有七調而無十二宮，有工尺字譜而不知宮、商、角、徴、羽。 懼古樂之遂絶，乃考古今聲律爲一書。」 又切韻考六巻、外篇三巻，謂：「孫叔然、陸法言之學存於廣韻，宜明其法，而不惑於沙門之説。」 又漢-{志}-水道圖説七巻，謂地理之學，當自水道始，知漢水道則可考漢郡縣。
Chen Li, styled Lanfu, was a native of Panyu. He received his provincial degree in 1832 and served as director of studies in Heyuan County. At nine Li could already write prose; he later studied poetry under Zhang Weiping and the classics under Hou Kang. Astronomy, geography, pitch pipes, mathematics, seal and clerical script—he studied them all. In midlife he read commentaries on the classics, masters, histories, and Zhu Xi's works on a daily schedule. He first wrote ten juan of Comprehensive Study of Pitch and Mode, saying: "The Zhouli's six pipes and six tong are all patterned with the five tones; the Liji's five tones, six pipes, and twelve tubes cycle as modes. Today's popular music has seven tones but no twelve pipes, seven modes but no twelve palaces, gongche notation but no knowledge of gong, shang, jue, zhi, and yu. Fearing ancient music would perish, he investigated ancient and modern pitch and mode in one book." He also wrote six juan of Investigation of the Qieyun with three supplemental juan, saying: "Sun Shuran and Lu Fayan's learning survives in the Guangyun; one should clarify their method and not be misled by Buddhist monks' theories." He also wrote seven fascicles of Waterway Maps to the Han Treatise, arguing that geography must begin with waterways; once Han waterways are known, Han commanderies and counties can be traced.
106
其於漢學、宋學能會其通，謂：「漢儒言義理，無異於宋儒，宋儒輕蔑漢儒者非也。 近儒尊漢儒而不講義理，亦非也。」 著漢儒通義七巻。 晩年尋求大義及經學源流正變得失所在而論讚之，外及九流諸子、兩漢以後學術，爲東塾讀書記二十一巻。
He could unite Han and Song learning, saying: "When Han scholars speak of principle, they differ not from Song scholars; Song scholars who despise Han scholars are wrong. Recent scholars who honor Han scholars but neglect principle are also wrong." He wrote seven juan of Comprehensive Meaning of Han Scholars. In his later years he sought great meaning and traced where classical learning rose, changed, gained, and failed, extending to the Nine Schools, post-Han scholarship, and more—twenty-one juan of Reading Notes from the Eastern Lodge.
107
其教人不自立説，嘗取顧炎武論學之語而申之，謂：「博學於文，當先習一藝。 韓詩外傳曰『好一則博』，多好則雜也，非博也。 讀經、史、子、集四部書，皆學也，而當以經爲主，尤當以行己有恥爲主。」 爲學海堂學長數十年。 至老，主講菊坡精-{舍}-，與諸生講論文藝，勉以篤行立品，成就甚衆。 光緒七年，粵督張樹聲、巡撫裕寬以南海朱次琦與澧皆耆年碩德，奏請褒異，給五品卿銜。 八年，卒，年七十三。
In teaching he did not set up his own doctrine; he took Gu Yanwu's words on learning and expanded them, saying: "To be broadly learned in culture, one should first master one art. The Outer Tradition of the Han Odes says, "Love one thing and you become broad"; love many and you become scattered—that is not breadth. Reading the classics, histories, masters, and belles lettres of the four divisions—all is learning—but the classics should lead, and above all having shame in one's conduct should lead." He was dean of the Xuehai Academy for decades. In old age he headed the Jupo Academy, discussing literature with students and urging steadfast conduct and moral character, and formed many disciples. In 1881, Governor Zhang Shusheng and Intendant Yu Kuan memorialized that Zhu Ciqi of Nanhai and Li were both aged pillars of virtue and secured special honors, granting them the fifth-rank honorary title. He died in 1882, aged seventy-three.
108
他著有説文聲表十七巻，水經註提綱四十巻，水經註西南諸水考三巻，三統術詳説三巻，弧三角平視法一巻，琴律譜一巻，申範一巻，摹印述一巻，東塾集六巻。
He also wrote seventeen juan of Shuowen Sound Tables, forty of Shuijing Zhu Outlines, three on southwestern waters in the Shuijing Zhu, three of Detailed Explanation of the Triple Concordance, one on plane methods in spherical trigonometry, one of Qin Pitch Standards, one of Extending the Model, one on Seal Impressions, and six juan of Eastern Lodge Collected Writings.
109
侯康，字君謨，亦番禺人。 道光十五年舉人。 少孤，事母孝。 家貧，欲買書，母稱貸得錢。 買十七史，讀之，巻帙皆敝，遂通史學。 及長，精研注疎，湛深經術，與同-{里}-陳灃交最久。 嘗謂：「漢-{志}-載春秋古經十二篇者左經也，經十一巻者公、穀經也。 今以三傳參校之，大要古經爲優。 穀梁出最先，其誤尚寡。 公羊出最晩，其誤滋甚。」 乃取其義意可尋者疎通證明之，著春秋古經説二巻。 又治穀梁以證三禮，以公羊雜出衆師，時多偏駮，排詆獨多。 著穀梁禮證，未完帙，僅成二巻。 又彷裴-{松}-之註三國-{志}-例注史，嘗曰：「注古史與近史異，注近史者，群書大備； 注古史者，遺籍罕存。 當日爲唾棄之餘，今日皆見聞之助，宜過而存之。」 因爲後漢書補注續一巻，三國-{志}-補註一巻，後漢稱續者，以有惠棟注； 三國-{志}-杭世駿注未完善，故不稱續也。 又補後漢、三國藝文-{志}-，各成經、史、子四巻，餘未成。 又考漢、魏、六朝禮儀，貫串三禮，著書數十篇，澧嘗嘆以爲精深浩博。 十七年，卒，年四十。
Hou Kang, styled Junmo, was also from Panyu. He received his provincial degree in 1835. Orphaned young, he was filial to his mother. The family was poor; when he wished to buy books, his mother borrowed the money. He bought the Seventeen Histories and read them until every volume was worn—thus he mastered historiography. As an adult he immersed himself in commentaries and classical learning and was closest for the longest time to his fellow townsman Chen Li. He once said: "The Han Treatise records that the twelve-fascicle ancient Spring and Autumn text is the Zuo classic, while the eleven-fascicle text is the Gong and Gu classics. Comparing the three traditions today, on the whole the ancient classic is superior. Guliang appeared earliest and its errors are still few. Gongyang appeared latest and its errors grew severe." He then clarified and proved whatever meaning could be traced and wrote two juan of Discourse on the Ancient Spring and Autumn Classic. He also used Guliang to verify the Three Rites; Gongyang mixed many masters and was often one-sided—he refuted it most of all. He wrote Rites Verified by Guliang but did not finish; only two juan were completed. Following Pei Song's method of annotating the Records of the Three Kingdoms, he said: "Annotating ancient history differs from annotating recent history, for in recent history the sources are largely complete; for ancient history lost writings rarely survive. What was once spurned as refuse is today aid to sight and hearing—one should pass it by and preserve it." He therefore wrote one fascicle continuing Supplementary Notes to the Book of Later Han and one fascicle of Supplementary Notes to the Records of the Three Kingdoms; the Later Han volume is termed a continuation because Hui Dong had already annotated it, Hang Shijun's annotation of the Records of the Three Kingdoms was unfinished, so Hou Kang did not call his own work a continuation. He also supplemented the bibliographic treatises for the Book of Later Han and the Records of the Three Kingdoms, each in four fascicles covering classics, histories, and masters; the remainder was left incomplete. He also investigated Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties ritual, threading the Three Rites, and wrote dozens of treatises—Li once sighed that they were deep and vast. He died in 1837, aged forty.
110
弟度，字子琴。 與康同榜舉人，以大挑知縣分發廣西，署河池州知州。 廣西賊起，度伐木爲柵，因山勢聯絡，堅固可守。 賊退，以病告歸，至家遂卒，年五十七。 度洽熟經傳，尤長禮學，時稱「二侯」。 嘉興錢儀吉嘗稱其研覈傳注，剖析異同，如辨懿伯、惠伯之爲父子，三老、五更之爲一人。 證明鄭義，皆有據依。 所著書爲夷寇所焚，其説經文，刻學海堂集中。
His younger brother was Du, styled Ziqin. He passed the provincial exam in the same year as Kang, was assigned as district magistrate to Guangxi by senior selection, and acted as prefect of Hechi. When bandits rose in Guangxi, Du felled timber for palisades, linking them along the mountain slopes into a defense that could be held. When the bandits withdrew he resigned on grounds of illness; he reached home and died, aged fifty-seven. Du was thoroughly versed in classics and traditions and excelled in ritual learning; the age called them "the two Hou." Qian Yiji of Jiaxing praised his grinding through traditions and commentaries and dissecting agreements and differences—such as showing Yibo and Huibo were father and son, and the Three Elders and Five Seniors were one office. In proving Zheng's meaning he always had evidence to rely on. His books were burned by foreign raiders; his exegetical essays were carved in the Xuehai Academy collection.
111
桂文燦，字子白，文燿之弟。 道光二十九年舉人。 同治二年正月，應詔陳言：曰嚴甄別以淸仕途，曰設幕職以重考成，曰分三途以勵科甲，曰裁孱弱以節糜費，曰鑄銀錢以資利用。 若津貼京員，製造輪船，海運滇銅，先後允行。 光緒九年，選湖北鄖縣知縣，善治獄，以積勞卒於任。 文燦守阮元遺言，謂：「周公尚文，-{範}-之以禮； 尼山論道，教之以孝。 苟博文而不能約禮，明辨而不能篤行，非聖人之學也。 鄭君、朱子皆大儒，其行同，其學亦同。」 因著朱子述鄭録二巻。 他著四書集注牋四巻，毛詩釋地六巻，周禮通釋六巻，經學博採録十二巻。
Gui Wencan, styled Zibai, was the younger brother of Wenyao. He received his provincial degree in 1849. In the first month of 1863 he answered the imperial call with memorials: strict screening to purify official paths; staff posts to weight performance review; three tracks to encourage examination graduates; cutting the feeble to save waste; casting silver coin for practical use. Subsidies for capital officials, building steamships, and shipping Yunnan copper by sea were approved in turn. In 1883 he was selected magistrate of Yun County in Hubei, judged cases well, and died in office from overwork. Wencan upheld Ruan Yuan's testament, saying: "The Duke of Zhou honored culture and disciplined it through ritual; Mount Ni discussed the Way and taught through filial piety. If one is broadly learned but cannot bind it with ritual, clear in judgment but cannot act steadfastly—that is not the sage's learning. Master Zheng and Master Zhu were both great scholars; their conduct was the same, and their learning was the same." Accordingly he wrote two juan of Zhu Xi Expounding Zheng. He also wrote four juan of Commentary on the Four Books Collected Notes, six of Mao Odes Geography, six of Comprehensive Exegesis of the Zhouli, and twelve of Broad Harvest of Classical Learning.
112
鄭珍，字子尹，遵義人。 道光五年拔貢生。 十七年舉人，以大挑二等選茘波縣訓導。 -{咸}-豐五年，叛苗犯茘波，知縣蔣嘉穀病，珍率兵拒戰，卒完其城。 苗退，告歸。 同治二年，大學士祁俊藻-{薦}-於朝，特旨以知縣分發江蘇補用，卒不出。 三年，卒，年五十九。
Zheng Zhen, styled Ziyin, was a native of Zunyi. He was selected as a tribute student in 1825. In 1837 he became a provincial graduate and by senior selection of the second rank was chosen director of studies in Libo County. In 1855 rebel Miao attacked Libo; the magistrate Jiang Jiahe fell ill, and Zhen led troops to resist until the city was preserved. When the Miao withdrew he requested leave to return home. In 1863 Grand Secretary Qi Junzao recommended him to the throne; a special edict assigned him as a Jiangsu magistrate awaiting appointment, but he never took up office. He died in 1864, aged fifty-nine.
113
珍初受知於歙縣程恩澤，乃益進求諸聲音文字之原，與古宮室冠服之-{制}-。 方是時，海内之士。 崇尚考據，珍師承其説，實事求是，不立異，不苟同。 復從莫與儔遊，益得與聞國朝六七鉅儒宗旨。 於經最深三禮，謂：「小學有三：曰形，曰聲，曰義。 形則三代文體之正，具在説文。 若歴代鐘鼎款識及汗簡、古文四聲韻所收奇字，既不盡可識，亦多偽造，不合六書，不可以爲常也。 聲則崑山顧氏音學五書，推證古音，信而有徴，昭若發蒙，誠百世不祧之祖。 義則凡字書、韻書、訓詁之書，浩如煙海，而欲通經訓，莫詳於段玉裁説文注，邵晉涵、郝懿行爾雅疎及王念孫廣雅疎證。 貫串博衍，超越前古，是皆小學全體大用。」
Zheng Zhen first won recognition from Cheng Enze of She County, then pursued the origins of phonology and writing and the institutions of ancient palaces, halls, caps, and garments. At that time, scholars within the seas. Honored evidential scholarship; Zhen inherited that teaching, sought truth from facts, set up no novelty, and agreed without compulsion. He again traveled in Mo Yuchou's circle and thereby came to hear the tenets of six or seven leading scholars of the Qing. Among the classics he went deepest in the Three Rites, saying: "Minor learning has three branches—form, sound, and meaning. Form is the orthodox script of the Three Dynasties, fully preserved in the Shuowen. Strange characters from bronze inscriptions through the ages, bamboo slips, and the Guwen sizhengyun are not all legible, and many are forgeries that violate the Six Scripts—they cannot be treated as the standard. Sound is Kunshan Gu Yanwu's Five Books on Phonology: their reconstruction of ancient phonology is trustworthy and well evidenced, luminous as waking from a dream—the true founder whom no later school can displace. Meaning spans dictionaries, rhyme books, and glossaries vast as smoke over the sea; yet to master classical exegesis, nothing surpasses Duan Yucai's commentary on the Shuowen, Shao Jinhan and Hao Yixing's Erya commentaries, and Wang Niansun's Guangya commentary. They thread the whole field and extend it broadly, surpassing all earlier ages—the full substance and great practical use of minor learning."
114
其讀禮經，恆苦乾、嘉以還積漸生弊，號宗髙密，又多出新義，未見有勝，説愈繁而事愈蕪。 故言三禮，墨守司農，不敢苟有出入。 至於諸經，率依古注爲多。 又以餘力旁通子史，類能提要鉤玄。 儀禮十七篇皆有發明，半未脱稿，所成儀禮私牋，僅有士昏、公食、大夫喪服、士喪四篇，凡八巻； 而喪服一篇，反覆尋繹，用力尤深。 又以周禮考工記輪輿，鄭注精微，自賈疎以來，不得正解，説者日益支蔓，成輪輿私牋三巻。 尤長説文之學，所著説文逸字二巻、附録一巻，説文新附考六巻，皆見稱於時。 他著有鳧氏圖説、深衣考、汗簡牋正、説隸等書。 又有巣經巣經説、詩鈔、文鈔，明鹿忠節公無欲齋詩注。
In reading the Rites he constantly lamented that since the Qian-Jia period abuses had piled up: scholars claimed the Gaomi school yet kept inventing new readings, none clearly superior—exposition grew ever more elaborate while the subject grew ever more confused. On the Three Rites he therefore held fast to Zheng Xuan and dared not depart from him lightly. In the other classics he mostly followed the old commentaries. In his spare strength he also ranged through the Masters and histories, generally able to seize the essentials and probe the subtle. All seventeen chapters of the Yili held his discoveries, though half never left draft. His private commentary on the Yili survives in only four sections—Shi Hun, Gong Shi, Daifu Sangfu, and Shi Sang—eight juan in all; yet the Sangfu chapter, pondered again and again, received his deepest effort. He also took the Kaogong ji passage on wheels and chariots in the Zhouli: Zheng Xuan's commentary is subtle, yet since Jia Gongyan's subcommentary no one has found the right reading, and expositors grew ever more diffuse—so he completed three juan of Private Commentary on Wheels and Chariots. He excelled especially in Shuowen studies; his two juan of Omitted Characters in the Shuowen, one juan of appendix, and six juan of Examination of New Additions to the Shuowen were all praised in his day. He also wrote Illustrations of the Fu Clan, Inquiry into the Shenyi, Corrections to the Han Jian, and Discussion of Clerical Script, among other works. He also left Chao Jing, Discussion of the Chao Jing, Poetry Transcripts, and Prose Transcripts, plus a commentary on Master Lu Zhongjie's Wuyu Zhai poems.
115
鄒漢勳，字叔績，新化人。 父文蘇，歳貢生，以古學教授鄕-{里}-，闢學-{舍}-曰古經堂，與諸生肄士禮其中。 其考據典物，力尊漢學，而談心性則宗朱子。 漢勳通左氏義，佐伯兄漢紀撰左氏地圖説，又佐仲兄漢潢撰群經百物譜。 年十八九，撰六國春秋，於天文推歩、方輿沿革、六書九數，靡不研究。 同縣鄧顯鶴深異之，與修寶慶府-{志}-。 又至黔中修貴陽、大定、興義、安順諸郡-{志}-。 -{咸}-豐元年，舉於鄕。 訪魏源於髙郵，同撰堯典釋天一巻。
Zou Hanxun, styled Shuji, was a native of Xinhua. His father Wensu was an annual tribute student who taught ancient learning in the countryside, founded a study hall called the Hall of Ancient Classics, and drilled students in the Yili there. In evidential study of ritual objects he strongly upheld Han learning, yet in discussing mind and nature he followed Zhu Xi. Hanxun mastered Zuoshi exegesis, helped his eldest brother Hanji write a geographical commentary on the Zuozhuan, and helped his second brother Hanhuang compile a catalogue of the hundred things in the classics. At eighteen or nineteen he wrote the Spring and Autumn of the Six States; astronomical calculation, geographical change, the Six Scripts, and the Nine Numbers—nothing escaped his study. Deng Xianhe of the same county greatly admired him and joined him in compiling the gazetteer of Baqing Prefecture. He also went to Qianzhong to compile the gazetteers of Guiyang, Dadin, Xingyi, and Anshun. In 1851 he passed the provincial examination. He visited Wei Yuan at Gaoyou and together they wrote one juan of Explicating Heaven in the Yaodian.
116
會粵賊陷江寧，漢勳以援、堵、守三策上書曾國籓，謂不援江西、堵廣西，湖南亦不能守。 國籓用其言，命偕江忠淑率楚勇千人援南昌，圍解，敘勞以知縣用。 既，從江忠源於廬州，守大西門，賊爲隧道三攻之，城坍數丈，賊將登陴，漢勳撃卻之。 堅守三十七日，地雷復發，城陷。 漢勳坐城樓上，命酒自酌，持劍大呼殺賊。 賊至，與格鬥，手刃數人，力竭死之，年四十九，贈道銜。
When the rebels from Guangdong took Jiangning, Hanxun submitted three policies—relief, blocking, and defense—to Zeng Guofan, arguing that without relieving Jiangxi and blocking Guangxi, Hunan too could not be held. Guofan adopted his advice and ordered him with Jiang Zhongshu to lead a thousand Hunan braves to relieve Nanchang; when the siege was lifted, his merit was recorded for appointment as district magistrate. Thereafter he followed Jiang Zhongyuan at Luzhou and defended the Great West Gate; the rebels tunneled and attacked three times, the wall collapsed for several zhang, and as they were about to scale the parapet Hanxun drove them back. He held firm for thirty-seven days; the mines erupted again and the city fell. Hanxun sat on the gate tower, ordered wine and drank alone, and with sword in hand shouted to kill the rebels. When the rebels came he fought hand to hand, personally cut down several, and died when his strength gave out, aged forty-nine; he was posthumously granted the daotong rank.
117
所著讀書偶識三十六巻，自言破前人之訓故，必求唐以前之訓故方敢用； 違牋傳之事證，必求漢以前之事證方敢從。 以漢人去古未遠，諸經註皆有師承，故推闡漢學，不遺餘力。 尤深音均之學，初著廣韻表十巻，晩爲五均論，説尤精粹，時以江、戴目之。 生平於易、詩、禮、春秋、論語、説文、水經皆有撰述，凡二十餘種，合二百餘巻。 同治二年，土匪焚其居，熸焉。 今存者讀書偶識僅八巻，五均論二巻，顓頊歴考二巻，斅藝齋文三巻、詩一巻，紅崖石刻釋文一巻，南髙平物産記二巻。
His thirty-six juan of Casual Notes on Reading declare that in overturning earlier exegesis he would use only exegesis from before the Tang; and in departing from commentary and tradition on factual proof, he would follow only proof from before the Han. Because Han scholars were not far removed from antiquity and every classic commentary had a lineage, he promoted Han learning with all his strength. He went especially deep in phonology; he first wrote ten juan of Tables of the Guangyun and later the Five Categories Treatise, whose exposition was especially refined—his contemporaries ranked him with Jiang Yong and Dai Zhen. In his lifetime he wrote on the Changes, Odes, Rites, Spring and Autumn, Analects, Shuowen, and Water Classic—more than twenty works in all, totaling more than two hundred juan. In 1863 bandits burned his home and it was consumed to ashes. What survives is only eight juan of Casual Notes on Reading, two of the Five Categories Treatise, two of Chronological Study of Zhuanxu, three juan of prose and one of poetry from the Jiaoyi Studio, one of Exegesis of the Hongya Cliff Inscriptions, and two of the Record of Products of Southern Gaoping.
118
王崧，字樂山，浪穹人。 嘉慶四年進士，授山西武鄕縣知縣。 崧學問淹通，儀徴阮元總督雲、貴，延崧主修通-{志}-，著有説緯六巻。
Wang Song, styled Leshan, was a native of Langqiong. He became a jinshi in 1799 and was appointed magistrate of Wuxiang County in Shanxi. Song's learning was broad and penetrating; when Ruan Yuan of Yizheng governed Yunnan and Guizhou he invited Song to direct the provincial gazetteer and wrote six juan of Explicating the Weft Texts.
119
劉寶楠，字楚楨，寶應人。 父履恂，字迪九，乾隆五十一年舉人，國子監典簿，著有秋槎札記。
Liu Baonan, styled Chuzhen, was a native of Baoying. His father Lüxun, styled Dijiu, became a provincial graduate in 1786, served as director of studies in the Imperial Academy, and wrote Autumn Raft Miscellany.
120
寶楠生五歳而孤，母氏喬教育以成。 始寶楠從父-{台}-拱漢學精深，寶楠請業於-{台}-拱，以學行聞鄕-{里}-。 爲諸生時，與儀徴劉文淇齊名，人稱揚州二劉。 道光二十年成進士，授直隸文安縣知縣。 文安地稱窪下，堤堰不修，遇伏，秋水盛漲，輒爲民害。 寶楠週履堤防，詢知疾苦，爰檢舊冊，依例督旗屯及民同修，而旗屯恆怙勢相觀望，寶楠執法不阿，功遂濟。 再補元氏，會歳旱，縣西北境蝗，袤延二十餘-{里}-。 寶楠禱東郊-{蠟}-祠，蝗爭投阬井，或抱禾死，歳則大熟。 -{咸}-豐元年，調三河，値東省兵過境。 故事，兵車皆出裡下。 寶楠謂兵多差重，非民所堪，雇車應差，給以民-{價}-，民得不擾。
Baonan was orphaned at five; his mother of the Qiao clan raised and educated him to maturity. Baonan first studied under his father's elder Taigong, a master of profound Han learning; he sought instruction from Taigong and won a reputation in his home district for scholarship and conduct. As a student he was famed equal to Liu Wenqi of Yizheng; people called them the Two Lius of Yangzhou. In 1840 he became a jinshi and was appointed magistrate of Wen'an County in Zhili. Wen'an lay in low ground; dikes and dams were unrepaired, and when the Dog Days came autumn floods swelled and repeatedly harmed the people. Baonan toured the dikes and inquired into the people's hardships, then checked old registers and by precedent supervised banner estates and commoners in joint repairs; the banner estates always relied on their privilege and held back, but Baonan enforced the law without favor and the work was completed. Reassigned to Yuanshi, he met a drought year; locusts in the county's northwest stretched more than twenty li. Baonan prayed at the eastern suburb wax shrine; locusts hurled themselves into pits and wells, some dying clutching the grain stalks, and the year brought a great harvest. In 1851 he was transferred to Sanhe, when troops from the eastern provinces passed through. By precedent military carts were all supplied by the villages. Baonan said the troops were numerous and the corvée too heavy for the people to bear; he hired carts to meet the levy and paid market rates, so the people were not disturbed.
121
寶楠在官十六年，衣冠樸素如諸生時。 勤於聽訟，官文安日，審結積案千四百餘事，鷄初鳴，坐堂皇，兩造具備，當時研鞫。 事無鉅細，均如其意結案，悖者照例治罪。 凡渉親故族屬訟者，諭以睦姻，概令解釋。 訟獄既簡，吏多去籍歸耕，遠近翕然，著循良稱。 -{咸}-豐五年，卒，年六十五。
Baonan served sixteen years in office, his dress as plain as when he was a student. Diligent in hearing cases, as magistrate of Wen'an he disposed of more than fourteen hundred backlog cases; at cockcrow he sat in court with both parties present and judged on the spot. Matters great or small were all settled as he saw fit; the obstinate were punished by precedent. In all suits involving kin and clan he admonished them to live in harmony and generally ordered them dismissed. When litigation was simplified, clerks mostly left the registers and returned to farming; near and far were united, and he won renown as a humane magistrate. He died in 1855, aged sixty-five.
122
寶楠於經，初治毛氏詩、鄭氏禮，後與劉文淇及江都梅植之、涇包愼言、丹徒柳興恩、句容陳立約各治一經。 寶楠發策得論語，病皇、邢疎蕪陋，乃蒐輯漢儒舊説，益以宋人長義，及近世諸家，仿焦循孟子正義例，先爲長編，次乃薈萃而折衷之，著論語正義二十四巻。 因官事繁，未卒業，命子恭冕續成之。 他著有釋穀四巻，於豆、麥、麻三種多補正程氏九穀考之説。 漢石例六巻，於碑誌體例考證詳博。 寶應圖經六巻，勝朝殉揚録三巻，文安堤工録六巻。
In the classics Baonan first studied Mao's Odes and Zheng's Rites, then with Liu Wenqi and Mei Zhizhi of Jiangdu, Bao Shenyan of Jing, Liu Xingen of Dantu, and Chen Li of Jurong agreed that each would master one classic. Baonan drew the Analects by lot, found the Huang and Xing commentaries crude, gathered old Han explanations, added Song insights and recent schools, followed Jiao Xun's model for the Mencius Correct Meanings—first a full compilation, then synthesis—and wrote twenty-four juan of Correct Meanings of the Analects. Because official duties were heavy he did not finish; he ordered his son Gongmian to complete it. He also wrote four juan of Explaining Grains, which for beans, wheat, and hemp largely corrected Cheng's Examination of the Nine Grains. His six juan of Han Stone Precedents offer detailed and broad verification of stele and epitaph form. He also left six juan of the Baoying Gazetteer, three of Record of Martyrs of the Victorious Dynasty at Yang, and six of Wen'an Dike Works.
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恭冕，字叔俛。 光緒五年舉人。 守家學，通經訓，入安徽學政朱蘭幕，爲校李貽德春秋賈服注輯述，移補百數十事。 後主講湖北經心書院，敦品飭行，崇尚樸學。 幼習毛詩，晩年治公羊春秋，發明「新周」之義，闢何劭公之謬説，同時通儒皆韙之。 卒，年六十。 著有論語正義補，何休論語注訓述，廣經室文鈔。
Gongmian, styled Shufan. He became a provincial graduate in 1879. He kept the family learning and mastered classic glosses; entering the secretariat of Zhu Lan, Anhui education intendant, he collated Li Yide's Collected Jia and Fu Notes on the Spring and Autumn and added or corrected several hundred items. Later he lectured at the Jingxin Academy in Hubei, strict in character and conduct, honoring plain learning. In youth he studied Mao's Odes; in later years he worked on the Gongyang Spring and Autumn, expounding the doctrine of the "New Zhou" and refuting He Xiu's errors—all leading scholars of the time approved. He died, aged sixty. He wrote Supplements to the Correct Meanings of the Analects, Exegesis of He Xiu's Analects Commentary, and Prose Transcripts from the Broad Classics Studio.
124
龍啓瑞，字翰臣，臨桂人。 道光二十一年一甲一名進士，授翰林院修撰。 二十四年，充廣東鄕試副考官。 二十七年，大考翰詹二等七名，以侍講升用。 七月，簡湖北學政，著經籍舉要一書，以示學者。 又以學政之職有三要：一曰防弊，二曰勵實學，三曰正人心風俗。 三十年，丁父憂回籍。 -{咸}-豐元年六月，廣西巡撫鄒鳴鶴奏辦廣西團練，以啓瑞總其事。 二年七月，省城圍解，以守城出力，以侍講學士升用。 六年四月，授通政司副使。 十一月，簡江西學政。 七年三月，遷江西布政使。 八年九月，卒於官。
Long Qirui, styled Hanchen, was a native of Lingui. In 1841 he placed first of the first rank among jinshi and was appointed Hanlin compiler. In 1844 he served as associate examiner of the Guangdong provincial examination. In 1847, in the great examination of Hanlin and Imperial Diarists he placed seventh in the second class and was promoted to expositor. In the seventh month he was selected education intendant of Hubei and wrote Essentials of the Classics to guide scholars. He also held that the education intendant's office has three essentials: guard against abuse, encourage solid learning, and rectify hearts and customs. In 1850 he mourned his father and returned home. In June 1851 Guangxi governor Zou Minghe memorialized to organize Guangxi militia training and put Qirui in overall charge. In July 1852 the siege of the provincial capital was lifted; for his effort in defense he was promoted to bachelor of the Hanlin Academy. In April 1856 he was appointed vice commissioner of the Transmission Office. In the eleventh month he was selected education intendant of Jiangxi. In March 1857 he was transferred to Jiangxi administration commissioner. In September 1858 he died in office.
125
啓瑞切劘經義，尤講求音韻之學，貫穿於顧、江、段、王、孔、張、劉、江諸家之書，而著古韻通説二十巻。 以爲論古韻者，自顧氏以前失之疎，自段氏以後過於密，江氏酌中，亦未爲盡善。 陽湖張氏分二十一部，言：「凡言古韻者，分之不嫌密，合之不嫌廣。 惟分之密，其合之也脈絡分明，不至因一字而疑各韻可通，亦不至因各韻而疑一字之不可通。」 啓瑞服膺是言，故其集古韻也，意主於嚴，而其爲通説也，則較之顧氏而尚覺其寬。 不拘成説，不執私見，參之古書，以求其是而已。 其論本音、論通韻、論轉音，皆確有據依，而以論通説總之，故以名其全書焉。 他著有爾雅經註集證三巻，經德堂集十二巻。
Qirui cut deep into classic meaning and especially pursued phonology, threading through the works of Gu, Jiang, Duan, Wang, Kong, Zhang, Liu, and Jiang, and wrote twenty juan of Comprehensive Discourse on Ancient Rhymes. He held that in discussing ancient rhymes, work before Gu Yanwu was too loose, work after Duan Yucai too tight, and Jiang Yong's middle course was not yet perfect. Zhang of Yanghu divided rhymes into twenty-one parts, saying: "In all discussion of ancient rhymes, in dividing one need not fear being too fine, in combining one need not fear being too broad. Only when the divisions are fine does combination keep clear threads, so that one does not doubt from a single character that every rhyme may interchange, nor from whole rhyme groups doubt that a single character cannot interchange." Qirui took this saying to heart; therefore in gathering ancient rhymes his intent was strictness, yet in his comprehensive discourse he still found it broader than Gu Yanwu's school. He was not bound by settled doctrine, did not cling to private views, but consulted ancient books to seek what is right—that alone. His discussions of original sounds, connected rhymes, and shifted sounds all have solid grounds; he summed them in the comprehensive discourse, and therefore named the whole book thus. He also wrote three juan of Collected Verification of Erya Classic Commentary and twelve of the Jingde Hall Collection.
126
苗夔，字仙簏，肅寧人。 幼即嗜六書形聲之學，讀許氏説文，若有夙悟。 已，又得顧炎武音學五書，慕之彌篤。 曰：「吾守此終身矣！」 舉道光十一年優貢生，髙郵王念孫父子禮先於夔，由是譽望日隆。 夔以爲許叔重遺書多有爲後人妄刪或附益者，乃訂正説文八百餘字，爲説文聲訂二巻。 顧氏音學所立古音表十部，宏綱已具，然猶病其太密，而戈、麻既雜西音，不應別立一部。 於是並耕、淸、靑、蒸、登於東、冬，並戈、麻於支、齊，定以七部，隱括群經之韻。 字以聲從，韻以部分，爲説文聲讀表七巻。 詩自毛傳、鄭牋而後，主義理者多，主聲均者少，雖有陸元朗詩經音義，亦不能專主古音，然古音時有未盡改者。 夔治毛詩，尤精於諧聲之學，嘗以齊、魯、韓三家證毛，而又以許洨長之聲讀參錯其間，採太平戚氏之漢學諧聲、詩經正讀，無錫安氏之均徴，爲毛詩均訂十巻。 -{咸}-豐丁巳五月，卒，年七十有五。
Miao Kui, styled Xianlu, was a native of Sunning. From childhood he loved the study of form and sound in the Six Scripts; reading Xu Shen's Shuowen, he seemed to understand it by innate gift. Later he also obtained Gu Yanwu's Five Books on Phonology and admired them all the more ardently. He said: "I shall keep to this all my life!" He was nominated in 1831 as a senior tribute student; Wang Niansun and his son of Gaoyou honored Kui above themselves, and from this his reputation rose day by day. Kui held that much of Xu Shen's transmitted text had been rashly cut or padded by later hands; he corrected more than eight hundred Shuowen entries and wrote two juan of Shuowen Sound Corrections. Gu Yanwu's ten-part ancient rhyme table already laid out the great framework, yet Kui still found it too fine-grained; ge and ma, having already absorbed Western sounds, should not stand as a separate part. He therefore merged geng, qing, qing, zheng, and deng with the dong and winter groups, merged ge and ma with zhi and qi, fixed seven parts, and thereby embraced the rhymes of the classics. Characters follow sound; rhymes follow parts—he wrote seven juan of Shuowen Sound-Reading Tables. After the Mao commentary and Zheng Xuan's notes on the Odes, most scholars pursued moral principle and few pursued sound and rhythm; though Lu Yuanlang's Shijing yinyi existed, it could not uphold ancient phonology exclusively, yet ancient readings were not always fully displaced. Kui specialized in the Mao Odes and was especially expert in harmonizing-sound study; he used the Qi, Lu, and Han schools to verify Mao, interwove Xu Yaozhang's sound-readings, and drew on the Taiping Qi family's Han Learning Harmonizing Sounds and Correct Reading of the Shijing and the Wuxi An family's Rhyme Evidence to write ten juan of Mao Odes Rhyme Corrections. In May 1857 he died, aged seventy-five.
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龐大-{堃}-，字子方，常熟人。 嘉慶二十四年舉人，究心音韻之學，嘗謂顧、江、戴、段、孔、王諸家分部互有出入者，以入聲配隸無準耳。 入聲有正紐、反紐，今韻多從正紐，古韻多從反紐，陽奇陰偶，兩兩相配，一從陸氏法言所定爲正紐，一從顧、江、戴、王所定爲反紐。 其轉音之法有五：一正轉，同部者是也，一遞轉，同音者是也； 一旁轉，相比及相生者是也； 一雙聲，同母者是也。 又謂欲明古音，必先究唐韻，乃可定其分合，爲唐韻輯略五巻、備考一巻，形聲輯略一巻、備考一巻，古音輯略二巻、備考一巻，等韻輯略三巻。 他著有易例輯略五巻。
Pang Dakun, styled Zifang, was a native of Changshu. A provincial graduate of 1819, he devoted himself to rhyme and sound studies and held that where the schools of Gu, Jiang, Dai, Duan, Kong, and Wang differed in their divisions, the trouble was only that matching entering tones to the Liyun had no fixed standard. Entering tones have principal and medial fanqie initials: modern rhyme books mostly follow the principal, ancient rhymes mostly the medial; yang odd and yin even, paired two by two—one following Lu Fayan's principal initials, one following Gu, Jiang, Dai, and Wang's medial initials. His methods of sound shift were five: first, direct shift—within the same part; second, successive shift—within the same sound; third, lateral shift—rhymes that compare and mutually generate; fourth, double initial—those sharing the same initial. He also held that to master ancient phonology one must first investigate the Tang rhymes before division and merger can be fixed; he wrote five juan of Tang Rhymes Compendium with one supplementary volume, one juan of Phonetic Compendium with one supplementary, two of Ancient Sound Compendium with one supplementary, and three of Dengyun Compendium. He also wrote five juan of Yi Examples Compendium.
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陳立，字卓人，句容人。 道光二十一年進士，二十四年，補應殿試。 選翰林院庶吉士。 散館改刑部主事，升郎中，授雲南-{曲}-靖府知府。 請訓時，文宗有「爲人淸愼」之褒，時以道梗不克之任。 少客揚州，師江都梅植之，受詩、古文辭； 師江都凌曙、儀徴劉文淇，受公羊春秋、許氏説文、鄭氏禮，而於公羊致力尤深。
Chen Li, styled Zhuoren, was a native of Jurong. He passed the metropolitan examination in 1841 and took the palace examination in 1844. He was selected a Hanlin bachelor. On leaving the Hanlin academy he became a principal clerk in the Ministry of Punishments, rose to director, and was appointed prefect of Qujing in Yunnan. When he sought imperial audience, Wenzong praised him as "clear and cautious in conduct," but war-blocked roads kept him from taking up the post. In youth he sojourned in Yangzhou and studied under Mei Zhizhi of Jiangdu, learning the Odes and ancient prose; he studied under Ling Shu of Jiangdu and Liu Wenqi of Yizheng, learning the Gongyang Spring and Autumn, Xu Shen's Shuowen, and Zheng Xuan's Rites, yet devoted himself deepest to Gongyang.
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文淇嘗謂漢儒之學，經唐人作疎，其義益晦。 徐彦之疎公羊，空言無當。 近人如-{曲}-阜孔氏、武進劉氏，謹守何氏之説，詳義例而略典禮、訓詁。 立乃博稽載籍，凡唐以前公羊古義及國朝諸儒説公羊者，左右採獲，擇精語詳。 草創三十年，長編甫具。 南歸後，乃整齊排比，融會貫通，成公羊義疎七十六巻。
Wenqi once said that Han learning grew all the more obscure once Tang scholars wrote subcommentaries upon it. Xu Yan's Gongyang subcommentary was empty talk without substance. Recent scholars such as the Kong clan of Qufu and the Liu clan of Wujin strictly followed He Xiu, detailed on principles and examples but slight on ritual canon and philology. Li then combed the records broadly: every pre-Tang Gongyang gloss and every Qing scholar on Gongyang he gathered on every side, choosing the finest and setting it forth in detail. For thirty years he drafted; the long compilation was only just complete. After returning south he arranged, compared, and synthesized his materials into seventy-six juan of Gongyang Meaning and Subcommentary.
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初治公羊也，因及漢儒説經師法，謂莫備於白虎通。 先爲疎證，以條舉舊聞、暢隱扶微爲主，而不事辨駁，成白虎通疎證十二巻。 幼受爾雅，因取唐人五經正義中所引犍爲-{舍}-人、樊光、劉歆、李巡、孫炎五家悉甄録之。 謂郭注中精言妙諦，大率胎此。 附以郭音義及顧、沈、施、謝諸家切釋，成爾雅舊註二巻。
When he first took up Gongyang he extended to Han scholars' methods of explaining the classics and held that nothing surpassed the Baihutong. First he wrote subcommentary and verification focused on listing received learning and bringing hidden and subtle points to light, without engaging in polemic, and completed twelve juan of Baihutong Subcommentary and Verification. In youth he studied the Erya; he therefore extracted from the Tang Five Classics Corrected Meaning every citation of the five masters Jianwei Sheren, Fan Guang, Liu Xin, Li Xun, and Sun Yan and fully recorded them. He held that the finest insights in Guo Pu's commentary mostly took their origin here. He appended Guo Pu's phonology and glosses and the fanqie explanations of Gu, Shen, Shi, Xie, and other schools to produce two juan of Old Erya Commentary.
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又以古韻之學敝蝕已久，而聲音之原，起於文字，説文諧聲，即韻母也。 因推廣歸安姚氏説文聲-{系}-之例，刺取許書中諧聲之文，部分而綴敘之。 以像形、指事、會意爲母，以諧聲爲子，其子之所諧，又即各綴於子下。 其分部則兼取顧、江、戴、孔、王、段、劉、許諸家，精研而審核之，訂爲二十部，成説文諧聲孳生述三巻。 其文淵雅典碩，大抵考訂服-{制}-典禮及聲音訓詁爲多，成句溪雜著六巻，卒，年六十一。
He also held that ancient rhyme study had long been corroded, yet sound originates in writing: Shuowen phonetic series are the rhyme mothers themselves. He therefore extended the Gui'an Yao family's precedent of Shuowen phonetic series, extracting every phonetic passage in Xu's book, assigning parts, and arranging them in sequence. He treated pictographs, indicatives, and ideogram compounds as mothers and phonetic compounds as sons, appending under each son whatever further characters shared its phonetic. For his divisions he drew jointly on Gu, Jiang, Dai, Kong, Wang, Duan, Liu, Xu, and other schools, refined and verified them, fixed twenty parts, and wrote three juan of Shuowen Phonetic Derivation. His prose was deep, elegant, and ample; he mostly examined dress regulations, ritual canon, sound, and glosses, wrote six juan of Juxi Miscellany, and died aged sixty-one.
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陳奐，字碩甫，長洲人。 諸生。 -{咸}-豐元年，舉孝廉方正。 奐始從呉江沅治古學，金壇段玉裁寓呉，與沅祖聲善。 嘗曰：「我作六書音韻表，惟江氏祖孫知之，餘尟有知者。」 奐盡一晝夜探其梗概。 沅嘗假玉裁經韻樓集，奐竊視之，加硃墨。 後玉裁見之，稱其學識出孔、賈上，由是奐受學玉裁。 髙郵王念孫暨子引之、棲霞郝懿行、績溪胡培翬、涇胡承珙、臨海金鶚，-{咸}-與締交。
Chen Huan, styled Shuofu, was a native of Changzhou. A licentiate. In 1851 he was recommended as Filial and Incorrupt and Upright. Huan first studied ancient learning under Wu Jiang Yuan; Duan Yucai of Jintan was living in Suzhou and was on good terms with Yuan Zusheng. Duan once said: "Of my Six Scripts Phonology and Rhyme Tables, only the Jiang grandfather and grandson understand them; almost no one else does." Huan spent a whole day and night mastering its main outlines. Yuan once borrowed Yucai's Jingyunlou Collection; Huan secretly read it and marked it in red and black. When Yucai later saw the annotations, he declared Huan's learning above Kong Yingda and Jia Kui; from then on Huan studied under Yucai. Wang Niansun of Gaoyou and his son Yinzhi, Hao Yixing of Qixia, Hu Peihui of Jixi, Hu Chenggong of Jing, and Jin E of Linhai all formed close ties with him.
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奐嘗言大毛公詁訓傳言簡意賅，遂殫精竭慮，專攻毛傳。 以毛傳一切禮數名物，自漢以來無人稱引，韜晦不彰，乃博徴古書，發明其義。 大抵用西漢以前舊説，而與東漢人説詩者不苟同。 又以毛氏之學，源出荀子，而善承毛氏者，惟鄭仲師、許叔重兩家，故於周禮注、説文解字多所取説，著詩毛氏傳疎三十巻。 又以疎中稱引，博廣難明，更舉條例，立表示圖，爲毛詩説一巻。 準以古音，依四始爲毛詩音四巻。 仿爾雅例，編毛傳爲義類十九篇一巻。 以鄭多本三家詩，與毛異，爲鄭氏牋考徴一巻。 又有詩語助義三十巻，公羊逸禮考徴一巻，師友淵源記一巻，禘郊或問、宋本集韻校勘記，各若-{干}-巻。
Huan once said that Elder Mao's expository transmission is brief in words yet comprehensive in meaning; he therefore poured out his mind and devoted himself wholly to the Mao commentary. Because every ritual detail and named object in the Mao commentary had gone uncited since Han times, lying hidden in obscurity, he combed ancient books broadly to bring out their meaning. He mostly followed pre-Western Han explanations and did not casually agree with Eastern Han Odes scholars. He also held that Mao's school issued from Xunzi and that only Zheng Xuan and Xu Shen truly carried it forward; he therefore drew heavily on the Zhouli commentary and the Shuowen and wrote thirty juan of Subcommentary to the Mao Clan Transmission of the Odes. Because the subcommentary's citations were vast and hard to follow, he further set forth principles and cases, drew tables and diagrams, and wrote one juan of Mao Odes Explanations. Guided by ancient phonology and the four beginnings, he wrote four juan of Mao Odes Phonology. Following the Erya precedent, he arranged the Mao commentary into nineteen topical chapters in one juan. Because Zheng Xuan often followed the three schools of the Odes rather than Mao, he wrote one juan of Investigation of Zheng's Notes. He also wrote thirty juan of Odes Phrase Auxiliary Meanings, one of Gongyang Lost Rites Investigation, one of Masters and Friends Origins Record, and several juan each of Questions on Di and Suburban Rites and Collation Notes on the Song Jiyun.
134
其論尚書大傳與毛傳同條共貫，論春秋之學，從公羊以知例，治穀梁以明禮。 穀梁文句極簡，必得治禮數十年而後可明其要義。 論釋名與毛傳、説文多不合，然可以討漢、宋説經家之源流。 其論丁度集韻-{云}-：「集韻總字，具見類篇，先以類篇校集韻，再參之釋文、説文、玉篇、廣韻、博雅，則校讎之功過半矣。」 又-{云}-：「陸氏釋文宋本，當於集韻求之。 今尚書釋文，經開寶中陳諤等刪改之本，集韻則未經刪改者也。」 於子書中尤好管子，嘗令其弟子元和丁士涵爲管子案四巻。
He held that the Shangshu dazhuan and the Mao commentary share one thread; in Spring and Autumn study, follow Gongyang to learn principles and study Guliang to master ritual. Guliang's text is extremely terse; only after decades of ritual study can its essentials be grasped. He noted that the Shiming often disagrees with the Mao commentary and the Shuowen, yet it can trace the currents of Han and Song exegetes. On Ding Du's Jiyun he wrote: "The Jiyun's full character tally appears in the Leipian; collate the Jiyun against the Leipian first, then consult the Shiwen, Shuowen, Yupian, Guangyun, and Boya, and more than half the collation is done." He also wrote: "The Song edition of Lu Deming's Shiwen should be recovered through the Jiyun. Today's Shangshu Shiwen is the text cut and altered by Chen E and others in the Kaibao era; the Jiyun was never so altered." Among masters' books he especially loved the Guanzi and once had his disciple Ding Shihan of Yuanhe compile four juan of Guanzi Cases.
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家居授徒，從遊者數十人。 同郡管慶祺、丁士涵、馬釗、費鍔，德淸戴望，其尤著也。 同治二年，卒，年七十有八。
He taught at home; several dozen students studied with him. Among them Guan Qingqi, Ding Shihan, Ma Zhao, and Fei E of his own commandery and Dai Wang of Deqing were especially renowned. In 1863 he died, aged seventy-eight.
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金鶚，字誠齋，臨海人。 優貢生。 博聞強識，邃精三禮之學。 受知於山陽汪廷珍，與析難辨論，成禮説二巻。 嘉慶二十四年，卒於京邸。 所著求古録一書，取宮室、衣服、郊祀、井田之類，貫串漢、唐諸儒之説，條考而詳辨之。 鶚又嘗輯論語鄕黨注，釐正舊説，頗得意解。 卒後稿全佚，陳奐求得之，釐爲求古録禮説十五巻，鄕黨正義一巻。
Jin E, styled Chengzhai, was a native of Linhai. A senior tribute student. Broadly learned and keenly retentive, he was profoundly expert in the Three Rites. He won recognition from Wang Tingzhen of Shanyang; debating hard points together, they produced two juan of Rites Discourse. In 1819 he died in his Beijing lodging. His Seeking Antiquity treats palace chambers, dress, suburban sacrifice, well-field, and the like, threading Han and Tang scholars' doctrines together and examining each point in detail. Jin also compiled notes on the Analects' Xiangdang chapter, corrected received explanations, and reached many satisfying interpretations. After his death his drafts were wholly lost; Chen Huan recovered them and arranged fifteen juan of Seeking Antiquity Rites Discourse and one of Xiangdang Correct Meaning.
137
黃式三，字薇香，定海人。 歳貢生。 事親孝，嘗赴鄕試，母裘暴疾卒於家，馳歸慟絶。 父老且病，臥床笫數年，衣食靧洗，必躬親之。 比歿，持喪以禮，誓不再應鄕試。 於學不立門戸，博綜群經，治易治春秋，而尤長三禮。 論禘郊宗廟，謹守鄭學。 論封域、井田、兵賦、學校、明堂、宗法諸-{制}-，有大疑義，必釐正之。 有復禮説、崇禮説、約禮説。 嘗著論語後案二十巻，自爲之序。 他著有書啓幪四巻，詩叢説一巻，詩序説通二巻，詩傳牋考二巻，春秋釋二巻，周季編略九巻，儆居集經説四巻，史説四巻。 同治元年，卒，年七十四。 子以周，從子以恭，倶能傳其學。
Huang Shisan, styled Weixiang, was a native of Dinghai. A tribute student. Filial toward his parents, he once went to the provincial examination; his mother Qiu suddenly fell ill and died at home, and he galloped home in grief until he collapsed. His father was old and ill and lay bedridden for years; for food, clothing, washing, and bathing he always attended personally. When his father died, he observed mourning properly and vowed never again to sit for the provincial examination. In scholarship he set up no school of his own but mastered the classics broadly, studied the Changes and Spring and Autumn, and was especially accomplished in the Three Rites. On di, suburban, and ancestral temple rites he strictly followed Zheng Xuan. On territory, well-field, military levy, schools, Bright Hall, clan regulations, and other institutions, wherever a major doubt arose he corrected it. He wrote Restoring Rites Discourse, Honoring Rites Discourse, and Abbreviated Rites Discourse. He wrote twenty juan of Analects Later Cases and composed its preface himself. He also wrote four juan of Book Opening Enlightenment, one of Odes Cluster Discourse, two of Preface Discourse Comprehensive, two of Commentary Investigation, two of Spring and Autumn Explanation, nine of Zhou Season Compendium, four of Jingju Collection Classic Discourse, and four of Historical Discourse. In 1862 he died, aged seventy-four. His son Huang Yizhou and his nephew Yigong both carried on his learning.
138
以周，本名元同，後改今名，以元同爲字。 同治九年優貢。 旋舉於鄕，大挑以教職用，補分水縣訓導。 以學臣奏加中書銜，以教授升用，旋選處州府教授，而年已七十，遂不就。 以周篤守家學，以爲三代下之經學，漢鄭君、宋朱子爲最。 而漢學、宋學之流弊，乖離聖經，尚不合於鄭、朱，何論孔、孟？ 有淸講學之風，倡自顧亭林。 顧氏嘗-{云}-：「經學即是理學。」 乃體顧氏之訓，上追孔、孟之遺言，於易、詩、春秋皆有著述，而三禮尤爲宗主。 所著禮書通故百巻，列五十目，古先王禮-{制}-備焉。 又以孟子學孔子，由博反約，而未嘗親炙孔聖。 其間有子思子，綜七十子之前聞，承孔聖以啓孟子，乃著子思子輯解七巻。 而舉子思所述夫子之教，必始於詩、書，而終於禮、樂，及所明仁義爲利之説，謂其傳授之大恉，是深信博文約禮之經學，爲行義之正軌，而求孟子學孔聖之師承，以子思爲樞軸。 暮年多疾，因曰：「加我數年，子思子輯解成，斯無憾！」 既，書成而疾瘥，更號哉生。 江蘇學政黃體芳建南菁講-{舍}-於江陰，延之主講。 以周教以博文約禮、實事求是，道髙而不立門戸。 宗源瀚建辨-{志}-精-{舍}-於寧波，請以周定其名義規-{制}-，而專課經學，著録弟子千餘人。 卒，年七十有二。
Yizhou, born Yuantong, later adopted his present name and took Yuantong as his style. In 1870 he graduated as a senior tribute student. He soon passed the provincial examination; in the great selection he was assigned to teaching office and appointed instructor of Fenshui county. On the education commissioner's memorial he received the zhongshu rank and promotion from instructor; he was soon selected professor of Chuzhou prefecture, but was already seventy and declined the post. Yizhou devoutly upheld his family's learning and held that in classical learning after the Three Dynasties, Zheng Xuan of Han and Zhu Xi of Song stood supreme. Yet the abuses of Han Learning and Song Learning depart from the sage classics and fail even Zheng and Zhu—how much less Confucius and Mencius? The Qing revival of lecturing on the classics began with Gu Yanwu. Gu once wrote: "Classical learning is Neo-Confucian principle learning." He took Gu's teaching as his model, traced Confucius and Mencius' surviving words upward, wrote on the Changes, Odes, and Spring and Autumn, and especially made the Three Rites his chief authority. His Comprehensive Investigation of Rites in one hundred juan lists fifty topics and sets forth the ritual institutions of the ancient kings in full. He also held that Mencius studied under Confucius, returning from breadth to simplicity, yet never sat at Confucius' feet. Between them stood Master Zisi, who synthesized what the seventy disciples had heard, carried Confucius' teaching forward to open the way for Mencius, and therefore wrote seven juan of Collected Explanations of Master Zisi. In adducing what Zisi recorded of the Master's teaching, he held that it must open with the Odes and Documents and close with Rites and Music; in explicating the view that benevolence and righteousness are profit, he took the great purport of transmission to be firm trust in classical learning that is broad in study yet restrained in ritual—the right path of conduct—and he sought Mencius's succession from Confucius with Zisi as the hinge. In old age he was often ill and said: "Grant me a few more years; when my Collected Explanations of Master Zisi is finished, I shall die content!" When the book was done his illness lifted, and he adopted the style Zaisheng. Huang Tifang, education commissioner of Jiangsu, established the Nanjing Lecture Hall at Jiangyin and engaged him as chief lecturer. Huang Yizhou taught broad study and ritual restraint, and seeking truth from facts; his teaching was profound, yet he founded no partisan school. Zong Yuanhan founded the Bianzhi Academy in Ningbo and asked Yizhou to define its name, purpose, and regulations; instruction was devoted wholly to the classics, and more than a thousand students were enrolled. He died at seventy-two.
139
以恭，字質庭。 光緒元年舉人。 著有尚書啓幪疎二十八巻，讀詩管見十二巻。
Yigong, styled Zhiting. In 1875 he became a provincial graduate. He wrote twenty-eight juan of Book Opening Commentary and twelve juan of Reading the Odes: Tentative Views.
140
兪樾，字廕甫，德淸人。 道光三十年進士，改庶吉士。 -{咸}-豐二年，散館授編修。 五年，簡放河南學政，奏請以鄭公孫僑從祀文廟，聖兄孟皮配享崇德祠，並邀兪允。 七年，以-{御}-史曹登庸劾試題割裂罷職。 樾歸後，僑居蘇州，主講蘇州紫陽、上海求-{志}-各書院，而主杭州詁經精-{舍}-三十餘年，最久。 課士一依阮元成法，遊其門者，若戴望、黃以周、朱一新、施補華、王詒壽、馮一梅、呉慶坻、呉承-{志}-、袁昶等，-{咸}-有聲於時。 東南遭赭寇之亂，典籍蕩然，樾總辦浙江書局，建議江、浙、揚、鄂四書局分刻二十四史，又於浙局精刻子書二十二種，海内稱爲善本。
Yu Yue, styled Yinfu, was a native of Deqing. In 1850 he passed the metropolitan examination and entered the Hanlin Academy as a bachelor. In 1852, after leaving the academy, he was appointed Hanlin compiler. In 1855 he was selected as Henan education commissioner; he memorialized that Gongsun Qiao of Zheng be enshrined in the Confucian temple and that Confucius's elder brother Meng Pi be granted associated sacrifice in the Chongde Shrine—both petitions were approved. In 1857, after censor Cao Dengyong impeached him for splitting examination topics, he was removed from office. After his return Yue settled in Suzhou and taught at the Ziyang Academy in Suzhou and the Qiuzhi Academy in Shanghai, but he lectured longest—over thirty years—at Hangzhou's Guxing Academy. He taught students entirely by Ruan Yuan's methods. Disciples such as Dai Wang, Huang Yizhou, Zhu Yixin, Shi Buhua, Wang Yishou, Feng Yimei, Wu Qingdi, Wu Chengzhi, and Yuan Chang all became famous in their time. After the Taiping rebellion ravaged the southeast and libraries were destroyed, Yue headed the Zhejiang Publishing Bureau, urged the Jiang, Zhe, Yang, and E bureaus to divide printing of the Twenty-Four Histories, and at Zhejiang finely printed twenty-two philosophical texts—hailed empire-wide as authoritative editions.
141
生平專意著述，先後著書，巻帙繁富，而群經平議、諸子平議、古書疑義舉例三書，尤能確守家法，有功經籍。 其治經以髙郵王念孫、引之父子爲宗。 謂治經之道，大要在正句讀，審字義，通古文假借，三者之中，通假借爲尤要。 王氏父子所著經義述聞，用漢儒「讀爲」、「讀曰」之例者居半，發明故訓，是正文字，至爲精審。 因著群經平議，以附述聞之後。 其諸子平議，則仿王氏讀書雜誌而作，校誤文，明古義，所得視群經爲多。 又取九經、諸子舉例八十有八，毎一條各舉數事以見例，使讀者習知其例，有所據依，爲讀古書之一助。
He devoted his life to authorship; his collected works filled many juan, but Equal Discussions of the Classics, Equal Discussions of the Masters, and Examples of Doubtful Points in Ancient Books above all preserved sound scholarly method and advanced classical studies. In classical studies he took Wang Niansun and his son Wang Yinzhi of Gaoyou as his authorities. He held that to study the classics one must above all fix punctuation, weigh word meanings, and master ancient phonetic loan; of the three, loan usage matters most. The Wangs' Extension of Meanings in the Classics relies on Han "read as" and "read saying" formulas for half its arguments; in clarifying traditional glosses and correcting characters their work is exceptionally rigorous. Accordingly he composed Equal Discussions of the Classics as a sequel to the Extension. His Equal Discussions of the Masters, following the Wangs' Reading Journal, corrects corrupt passages and explains ancient usage, with even richer results than his work on the classics. He also collected eighty-eight examples from the Nine Classics and the Masters, each illustrating its rule with several instances so readers could master the method and read ancient texts with confidence.
142
樾於諸經皆有纂述，而易學爲深，所著易貫，專發明聖人觀像-{繫}-辭之義。 玩易五篇，則自出新意，不拘泥先儒之説。 復作艮宦易説，卦氣値日考、續考，邵易補原，易窮通變化論，互體方位説，皆足證一家之學。 晩年所著茶香室經説，義多精確。 古文不拘宗派，淵然有經籍之光。 所作詩，温和典雅，近白居易。 工篆、隸。 同時如大學士曾國籓、李鴻章，尚書彭玉麟、徐樹銘、潘祖廕，-{咸}-傾心納交。 日本文士有來執業門下者。
Yu Yue wrote on every classic, but was deepest in the Changes; his Comprehensive Treatise on the Changes expounds the sage's doctrine of observing images and the appended judgments. In his five essays Playing with the Changes he advances original views and refuses to be bound by prior Confucian commentaries. He also produced Gen Chamber Discourse on the Changes, first and sequel investigations of hexagram qi and duty days, Shao's Changes Supplemented to the Original, Discourse on Exhaustion, Penetration, and Change, and Discourse on Mutual Images and Positions—works that together constitute a distinctive school. The Classic Discourses of the Tea Fragrance Studio, written in his later years, are largely exact in interpretation. His archaizing prose belongs to no faction, yet carries the gravitas of canonical learning. His poetry is gentle, dignified, and lucid, in the manner of Bai Juyi. He excelled at seal and clerical calligraphy. Leading statesmen of the day—Grand Secretaries Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang, and Ministers Peng Yulin, Xu Shuming, and Pan Zuyin—were all eager to befriend him. Japanese scholars came to study at his gate as well.
143
樾湛深經學，律己尤嚴，篤天性，尚廉直，布衣蔬食，海内翕然稱-{曲}-園先生。 光緒二十八年，以鄕舉重逢，詔復原官，重赴鹿鳴筵宴。 三十二年，卒，年八十有六。 著有群經平議三十五巻，諸子平議三十五巻及第一樓叢書，-{曲}-園雜纂，兪樓雜纂，賓萌集，春在堂雜文、詩編、詞録、隨筆，右-{台}-仙館筆記，茶香室叢鈔、經説，其餘雜著，稱春在堂全書。
Profound in the classics and severe with himself, Yu Yue was true to his nature, valued integrity, and lived plainly; scholars everywhere honored him as Master Quyuan. In 1902, on the provincial graduates' reunion, an edict restored his former rank and he again attended the deer-ming banquet. In 1906 he died, aged eighty-six. He left thirty-five juan each of Equal Discussions of the Classics and Equal Discussions of the Masters, plus the First Tower Collectanea, Quyuan Miscellany, Yulou Miscellany, Guest Sprouts Collection, Spring-in-Hall essays, poetry, lyrics, and notes, Youtai Immortal Studio records, Tea Fragrance Studio collectanea and classic discourses, and other works collected as the Complete Works of the Spring-in-Hall Studio.
144
同時以耆年篤學主講席者，則有南匯張文虎。 文虎，字嘯山。 諸生。 嘗讀元和惠氏、歙江氏、休寧戴氏、嘉定錢氏諸家書，慨然嘆爲學自有本，則取漢、唐、宋注疎、經説，由形聲以通其字，由訓詁以會其義，由度數名物以辨其-{制}-作，由語言事蹟以窺古聖賢精義，旁及子史，莫不考其源流同異。 精天算，尤長校勘。 同治五年，兩江書局開，文虎爲校史記三注，成札記五巻，最稱精善。 卒，年七十有一。 著有舒藝室遺書。
A contemporary of like advanced years and solid learning who headed an academy chair was Zhang Wenhu of Nanhui. Zhang Wenhu, styled Xiaoshan. He was a licentiate. Having read the Hu family of Yuanhe, the Jiang family of She, the Dai family of Xiuning, the Qian family of Jiading, and others, he concluded that sound learning must be rooted; he then worked through Han, Tang, and Song commentaries and exegetical writings, using form and sound for characters, glosses for meaning, measures and nomenclature for institutions, and language and historical deeds for the sages' subtle doctrines, extending the same scrutiny to masters and histories. He was skilled in astronomy and calendrical calculation and especially excelled at textual collation. In 1866, when the Liangjiang Publishing Bureau was established, Zhang Wenhu collated the three Shiji commentaries and produced five juan of collation notes, regarded as the best of their kind. He died at seventy-one. He left the Posthumous Writings of the Shuyi Studio.
145
王闓運，字壬秋，湘潭人。 -{咸}-豐三年舉人。 幼好學，質魯，日誦不能及百言。 發憤自責，勉強而行之。 昕所習者，不成誦不食； 夕所誦者，不得解不寢。 於是年十有五明訓詁，二十而通章句，二十四而言禮。 考三代之-{制}-度，詳品物之所用。 二十八而達春秋微言，張公羊，申何學，遂通諸經。 潛心著述，尤肆力於文。 溯莊、列，探賈、董，其駢儷則揖顏、庾，詩歌則抗阮、左。 記事之體，一取裁於龍門。
Wang Kaiyun, styled Renqiu, was a native of Xiangtan. In 1853 he became a provincial graduate. He loved learning from boyhood, but was slow-witted: each day he could memorize fewer than a hundred words. He rebuked himself and drove on by sheer effort. In the morning he would not eat until he had recited the day's lesson flawlessly; in the evening he would not sleep until he had understood it. By fifteen he had mastered exegesis; by twenty, chapter and sentence; by twenty-four he could lecture on ritual. He investigated Three Dynasties institutions and examined the uses of ritual objects in detail. At twenty-eight he grasped the Spring and Autumn's subtle meanings, championed Gongyang, and upheld He Xiu's tradition, and so mastered the entire canon. He devoted himself to authorship and above all to literary craft. In thought he reached back to Zhuangzi and Liezi and forward to Jia Yi and Dong Zhongshu; in parallel prose he honored Yan Zhitui and Yu Xin, in poetry he stood with Ruan Ji and Zuo Si. For historical narrative he took Sima Qian's Grand Scribe's Records as his only standard.
146
闓運刻苦勵學，寒暑無間。 經、史、百家，靡不誦習。 牋、注、抄、校，日有定課。 遇有心得，隨筆記述。 闡明奧義，中多前賢未發之覆。 嘗曰：「治經：於易，必先知「易」字有數義，不當虚衍卦名； 於書，必先斷句讀； 於詩，必先知男女贈答之辭不足以頒學官、傳後世。 一洗三陋，乃可言禮。 禮明，然後治春秋。」 又曰：「説經以識字爲貴，而非識説文解字之字爲貴。」 又曰：「文不取裁於古則亡法，文而畢摹乎古則亡意。」 又嘗慨然自歎曰：「我非文人，乃學人也！」
Wang Kaiyun studied with relentless discipline in winter and summer alike. He recited and studied the classics, histories, and all major schools without exception. Commentary, annotation, transcription, and collation were his fixed daily tasks. Whenever insight came he set it down at once. In expounding abstruse doctrine he often anticipated what earlier scholars had not yet uncovered. He once said: "To study the Changes, one must first know that the word yi carries several senses and must not spin empty theories from hexagram names alone; for the Documents one must first establish correct punctuation; for the Odes one must first know that the language of romantic exchange is not fit for the state academy or for transmission to posterity. Only after clearing away these three vulgar habits can one speak of ritual. When ritual is understood, only then may one take up the Spring and Autumn." He also said: "In expounding the classics, what matters is recognizing characters in context—not merely the entries of the Shuowen jiezi." He also said: "Writing that takes no measure from antiquity loses craft; writing that wholly imitates antiquity loses meaning." He also exclaimed once: "I am no mere man of letters—I am a scholar!"
147
學成出遊。 初館山東巡撫崇恩。 入都。 就尚書肅順聘。 肅順奉之若師保。 軍事多諮而後行。 左宗棠之獄。 闓運實解之。 已而參曾國籓幕。 胡林翼、彭玉麟等皆加敬禮。 闓運自負奇-{才}-，所如多不合。 乃退息無復用世之-{志}-。 唯出所學以教後進。 四川總督丁寶楨聘主尊經書院，待以賓師之禮，成材甚衆。 歸爲長沙思賢講-{舍}-、衡州船山書院山長。 江西巡撫夏★J9延爲髙等學堂總教。 光緒三十四年，湖南巡撫岑春蓂上其學行，特授檢討。 鄕試重逢，加侍讀。 闓運晩睹世變，與人無忤，以唯阿自容。 入民國，嘗一領史館，遂歸。 丙辰年，卒，年八十有五。
When his training was complete he set out to serve patrons. He first entered the household of Shandong governor Chong'en. He then went to the capital. He accepted an engagement from Minister Sushun. Sushun treated him like a teacher and guardian. On military matters he consulted Kaiyun before acting. This was the case of Zuo Zongtang. Wang Kaiyun was the one who actually secured his release. He later entered Zeng Guofan's secretariat. Hu Linyi, Peng Yulin, and others all treated him with special honor. Confident in his unusual gifts, he found little agreement wherever he went. He withdrew and abandoned further ambition for office. He devoted himself solely to teaching the next generation. Sichuan governor Ding Baozhen appointed him head of the Zunjing Academy and honored him as guest and teacher; his students were numerous and accomplished. On returning to Hunan he headed Changsha's Sixian Lecture Hall and Hengzhou's Chuanshan Academy. The Jiangxi governor Xia ★J9 Yan appointed him chief instructor of the Higher Academy. In 1908 Hunan governor Cen Chunfen memorialized his scholarship and character, and he was specially granted the rank of Hanlin compiler. At the provincial graduates' reunion he received the additional title of reader. In old age, as the world changed around him, Wang Kaiyun kept peace with all and survived by tactful accommodation. After the Republic was founded he briefly headed the History Bureau, then retired home. In 1916 he died, aged eighty-five.
148
所著書以經學爲多，其已刊者有周易説十一巻，尚書義三十巻，尚書大傳七巻，詩經補牋二十巻，禮記牋四十六巻，春秋公羊傳牋十一巻，穀梁傳牋十巻，周官牋六巻，論語註二巻，爾雅集解十六巻，又墨子、莊子、鶡冠子義解十一巻，湘軍-{志}-十六巻，湘綺樓詩文集及日記等。 子女並能通經，傳其家學。 次子代豐，早世，著有公羊例表。
Most of his published work is philological: Discourse on the Zhou Changes (11 juan), Meanings of the Documents (30), Great Tradition of the Documents (7), Supplementary Commentary to the Book of Odes (20), Commentary to the Record of Rites (46), Gongyang and Guliang commentaries, Commentary to the Offices of Zhou, Commentary to the Analects, Collected Explanations of the Erya, exegesis of Mozi, Zhuangzi, and Heguanzi, Records of the Xiang Army (16), and the Xiangqi Studio collections of poetry, prose, and diaries. His children all mastered the classics and carried on the family tradition. His second son Daifeng died young; he left Tables of Gongyang Cases.
149
王先謙，字益吾，長沙人。 進士，選庶吉士，授編修。 ，大考二等，擢中允，充日講起居注官。 歴上疎言言路防弊，請籌東三省防務，並劾雲南巡撫徐之銘。 六年，晉國子監祭酒。 八年，丁憂歸，服闋，仍故官。 疎請三海停工。 出爲江蘇學政。 十四年，以太監李蓮英招搖，疎請懲戒。 略言：「宦寺之患，自古爲昭，本朝法-{制}-森嚴，從無太監攬權害事。 皇太后垂簾聽政，一禀前謨，毫不寬假，此天下臣民所共知共見者。 乃有總管太監李蓮英，秉性-{姦}-回，肆無忌憚。 其平日穢聲劣跡，不敢形諸奏牘。 惟思太監等給使宮禁，得以日近天顏； 或因奔走微長，偶邀宸顧，度亦事理所有。 何獨該太監誇張恩遇，大肆招搖，致太監篦小李之名，傾動中外，驚駭物聽，此即其不安本分之明證。 易曰『履霜堅冰』，漸也。 皇太后、皇上於-{制}-治保邦之道，靡不勤求夙夜，遇事防維。 今宵小橫行，已有端兆。 若不嚴加懲辦，無以振綱紀而肅群情。」 疎上不報。
Wang Xianqian, styled Yiwu, was a native of Changsha. He became a jinshi, entered the Hanlin as a bachelor, and was appointed compiler. , in the palace examination he placed in the second class, was promoted to household vice-director, and appointed daily lecturer and recorder of the ruler's conduct. He repeatedly memorialized on guarding against abuses of the remonstrance channels, planning defenses for the three eastern provinces, and impeaching Yunnan governor Xu Zhiming. In the sixth year of his reign he was promoted to libationer of the Imperial Academy. In the eighth year he went home to observe mourning; when mourning ended he returned to his former post. He memorialized requesting a halt to construction on the Three Seas. He was appointed education commissioner of Jiangsu. In the fourteenth year, citing the eunuch Li Lianying's corrupt solicitation, he memorialized asking that he be disciplined. He wrote in summary: "The mischief of palace eunuchs has been clear since antiquity; the laws of our dynasty are severe, and never before has a eunuch seized power to the nation's harm. The Empress Dowager reigns from behind the curtain, adhering wholly to established policy without the least indulgence—a fact every subject in the realm knows and sees. Yet there is the chief eunuch Li Lianying—treacherous by nature and utterly unrestrained. His habitual scandals and disgraceful acts I dare not detail in a memorial. I only consider that eunuchs serve within the palace and may daily approach the Son of Heaven; or that through some small talent in service they may occasionally win imperial favor—which is also within reason. Why alone does this eunuch boast of imperial favor and solicit on a grand scale, until the nickname 'Eunuch Comb-and-Li' convulses court and country and shocks all who hear—plain proof that he oversteps his station. The Changes says, 'Frost underfoot means solid ice ahead'—calamity comes by degrees. The Empress Dowager and the Emperor pursue governance and the preservation of the realm with unceasing diligence, forestalling trouble at every turn. Petty men already run rampant—the first signs have appeared. Unless he is severely punished, discipline cannot be restored nor public sentiment steadied." The memorial went unanswered.
150
先謙歴典雲南、江西、浙江鄕試，搜羅人-{才}-，不遺餘力。 既蒞江蘇，先奏設書局，仿阮元皇淸經解例，刊刻續經解一千四百三十巻。 南菁書院創於黃體芳，先謙廣籌經費，毎邑拔取-{才}-士入院，而督教之，誘掖獎勸，成就人材甚多。 開缺還家，歴主思賢講-{舍}-，-{岳}-麓、城南兩書院，其培植人-{才}-，與前無異。 三十三年，總督陳夔龍、巡撫岑春蓂奏以所著書進呈，賞内閣學士銜。 宣統二年，長沙饑民《門共》圍撫署，衞兵開槍撃斃數人，民情愈憤，匪徒乘之放火燒署。 省城紳士電請易巡撫，以先謙名首列，先謙不知也。 總督瑞澂奏參，部議降五級。 同鄕京官胡祖廕等以冤抑呈遞都察院，亦不報。 國變後，改名遯，遷居鄕間，越六年卒。 著有尚書孔傳參正三十六巻，三家詩集義疎二十八巻，漢書補註一百巻，荀子集解二十巻，日本源流考二十二巻，外國通-{鑑}-三十巻，虚受堂詩文集三十六巻等。
Xianqian successively supervised the provincial examinations in Yunnan, Jiangxi, and Zhejiang, recruiting talent with tireless energy. On reaching Jiangsu he first memorialized to establish a publishing bureau; following Ruan Yuan's Explanations of the Classics under the Qing, he printed the Continued Explanations of the Classics in 1,430 juan. The Nanjing Academy had been founded by Huang Tifang; Xianqian raised substantial funds, had each district send its best students, supervised their instruction, and guided and encouraged them—producing many accomplished scholars. When his term ended he returned home and headed the Sixian Lecture Hall and the Yuelu and Chengnan academies, cultivating talent no less devotedly than before. In 1907 governors Chen Kuilong and Cen Chunfen memorialized presenting his writings to the throne, and he was granted the rank of Grand Secretariat academician. In 1910 hungry crowds in Changsha rose in disorder and besieged the provincial yamen; guards opened fire and killed several people, popular anger mounted, and ruffians seized the moment to burn the yamen. Provincial gentry telegraphed demanding a new governor, with Xianqian's name at the head of the list—of which Xianqian knew nothing. Governor-general Ruicheng impeached him; the ministry ordered a demotion of five ranks. Fellow Hunanese officials at court, including Hu Zuyin, petitioned the Censorate that the penalty was unjust; again there was no response. After the fall of the dynasty he took the name Dun, retired to the countryside, and died six years later. He wrote Corrections to Kong Anguo's Tradition of the Documents (36 juan), Collected Explanations of the Three Schools' Odes (28), Supplementary Commentary to the Han History (100), Collected Explanations of Xunzi (20), Inquiry into the Origins of Japan (22), Comprehensive Mirror of Foreign States (30), and the Xushoutang collected poetry and prose (36), among others.
151
孫詒讓，字仲容，瑞安人。 父衣言，自有傳。 詒讓，同治六年舉人，官刑部主事。 初讀漢學師承記及皇淸經解，漸窺通儒治經、史、小學家法。 謂古子、群經，有三代文字之通假，有秦、漢篆隸之變遷，有魏、晉正草之混淆，有六朝、唐人俗書之流失，有宋、元、明校讎之羼改。 匡違捃佚，必有誼據，先成札迻十二巻。
Sun Yirang, styled Zhongrong, was a native of Ruian. His father Sun Yiyan has a separate biography. Yirang became a provincial graduate in 1867 and served as a clerk in the Ministry of Punishments. He began with the Record of Han Learning Succession and the Explanations of the Classics under the Qing, gradually mastering the methods of the comprehensive scholars in classics, history, and philology. He held that ancient texts and the classics had Three Dynasties loan characters, Qin-Han changes from seal to clerical script, Wei-Jin confusion of regular and cursive forms, Six Dynasties and Tang corruption through vulgar script, and Song-Yuan-Ming adulteration through collation. Correcting errors and recovering lost passages required solid evidence; he first completed twelve juan of Philological Notes.
152
又著周禮正義八十六巻，以爲：「有淸經術昌明，於諸經均有新疎，周禮以周公致太平之書，而秦、漢以來諸儒不能融會貫通。 蓋通經皆實事、實字，天地、山川之大，城郭、宮室、衣服-{制}-度之精，酒漿、醯醢之細，鄭注簡奧，賈疎疎略。 讀者難於深究，而通之於治，尤多謬盭。 劉歆、蘇綽之於新、週，王安石之於宋，膠柱鍥舟，一潰不振，遂爲此經詬病。 詒讓乃以爾雅、説文正其訓詁，以禮經、大小戴記證其-{制}-度。 研覃廿載，藁草屢易，遂博採漢、唐以來迄乾、嘉諸經儒舊説，參互繹證，以發鄭注之淵奧，裨賈疎之遺闕。 其於古-{制}-，疎通證明，較之舊疎，實爲淹貫。 而注有違牾，輒爲匡糾。 凡所發正數十百事，匪敢壞『疎不破注』家法，於康成不-{曲}-從杜、鄭之意，實亦無誖。 而以國家之富強，從政教入，則無論新舊學均可折衷於是書。」 識者韙之。
He also wrote Correct Meaning of the Rites of Zhou in eighty-six juan, arguing: "Under the Qing, classical learning flourished and new commentaries appeared for every classic; the Rites of Zhou is the book by which the Duke of Zhou brought peace to the age, yet since Qin and Han scholars have failed to master it as a whole. Mastering the classics means mastering concrete facts and concrete terms—heaven and earth, mountains and rivers, the refinements of fortifications, palaces, dress, and ritual institutions, even the minutiae of ale and sauces; Zheng Xuan's commentary is terse and abstruse, Jia Gongyan's subcommentary thin and brief. Readers struggle to penetrate it deeply, and those who apply it to governance err all the more. Liu Xin and Su Chuo under the Xin and Northern Zhou, Wang Anshi in Song—rigid as a peg in a hole, stubborn as the man who marked his boat—once their reforms collapsed they could not recover, and the classic itself was blamed. Yirang used the Erya and Shuowen to establish correct glosses and the ritual classics plus the Elder and Younger Dai Records to verify institutions. After twenty years of study and many revisions of his draft, he broadly gathered the views of classicists from Han and Tang through the Qianlong and Jiaqing reigns, cross-examining them to unfold the depths of Zheng Xuan's commentary and fill the gaps in Jia Gongyan's subcommentary. On ancient institutions his exegesis is lucid and well evidenced—far more comprehensive than earlier subcommentaries. Where the received commentary was inconsistent, he corrected it. In all he emended several dozen points without violating the rule that subcommentary must not overturn commentary; though he did not twist Kangcheng's meaning to suit the Du–Zheng harmonizing tradition, neither was he heterodox. As for national wealth and strength pursued through government and education, whether one follows new or old learning, both may find a middle path in this book." Learned readers concurred.
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光緒癸卯，以經濟特科徴，不應。 宣統元年，禮-{制}-館徴，亦不就。 未幾卒，年六十二。 所著又有墨子閒詁十五巻，目録、附録二巻，後語二巻。 精深閎博，一時推爲絶詣。 古籀拾遺三巻，逸周書斠補四巻，九旗古義述一巻。
In 1903 he was summoned by the special statecraft examination and declined. In 1909 the Ritual Regulations Bureau summoned him; he again declined. He soon died, aged sixty-two. He also wrote Casual Exegesis of Mozi (15 juan), with catalogue and appendix (2 juan) and afterwords (2 juan). Profound and encyclopedic, it was for a time hailed as without peer. He also wrote Recovering Lost Ancient and Seal Script (3 juan), Collation and Supplement to the Lost Book of Zhou (4), and Exposition of the Ancient Meaning of the Nine Banners (1).
154
鄭杲，字東甫，遷安人。 父鳴岡，爲即墨令，卒於官。 貧不能歸，因家焉。 杲事母孝。 光緒五年，舉山東鄕試第一，明年成進士，授刑部主事。 肆力於學，以讀經爲正課，旁及朝章國故，矻矻終日，視仕進泊如也。 嘗謂：「治經在信古傳，經者淵海，傳其航也。 漢代諸儒，主乎此者不能通乎彼； 唐、宋而降，能觀其通矣，乃舉古説而悉排之，惟斷以己意。 若是者，皆非善治經者也。」 杲以母憂歸，主講濼源書院。 服闋，遷員外。 時朝政維新，兩宮已積疑釁，杲獨惓惓言天子當竭誠以盡孝道。 具疎草，莫敢爲言者。 二十六年夏，熒惑入南-{斗}-，复上書請修省，不報。 未幾，卒。
Zheng Gao, styled Dongfu, was a native of Qian'an. His father Minggang served as magistrate of Jimo and died in office. Too poor to return home, the family settled in Jimo. Gao was devoted to his mother. In 1879 he ranked first in the Shandong provincial examination; the next year he became a jinshi and was appointed a clerk in the Ministry of Punishments. He devoted himself to scholarship, making the classics his chief study while also mastering court regulations and statecraft; he labored from dawn to dusk and cared nothing for promotion. He once said: "To master the classics one must trust the ancient transmissions; the classics are a deep sea, and the commentarial tradition is the vessel that crosses it. Han scholars who upheld one school could not grasp another; from Tang and Song onward, though able to see the whole, they rejected every ancient explanation and judged solely by their own opinion. Neither approach, he held, is true mastery of the classics." He returned home to mourn his mother and became chief lecturer at the Luoyuan Academy. When mourning ended he was promoted to vice-director. As the court pursued reform and estrangement grew between the two palaces, Gao alone urged earnestly that the emperor must devote himself wholly to filial piety. He drafted a memorial, but none dared submit it. In the summer of 1900 Mars entered the Southern Dipper; he again memorialized calling for moral self-examination, and again received no answer. He soon died.
155
杲之學深於春秋，其言曰：「左氏明魯史舊章，二傳則孔、孟推廣新意，口授傳指。 公羊明魯道者也，穀梁明王道者也，左氏則備載當時行用之道。 當時行用之道，霸道也。 所以必明魯道者，爲人子孫，道在法其祖也。 穀梁則損益四代之趣-{咸}-在焉。 惟聖人蹶起在帝位者，乃能用之也。」 其爲説兼綜三傳，而尤致嚴於事天、事君、事親之辨。 謂：「春秋首致謹於元年正月，正月者，正即位也。 正月謹始也，必能爲父之子，然後能爲天之子矣。 春秋之有三正，由其有天、君、父之三命也。 春者天也，王者君也，正月者父也，將以備責三正，而單舉正月，何也？ 事天、事君，皆以事親爲始也。」 凡杲所論著如此。
Gao's scholarship centered on the Spring and Autumn Annals. He said: "Zuo Qiuming expounds the old statutes of Lu's chronicle; the Gongyang and Guliang traditions transmit new meanings developed by Confucius and Mencius, handed down orally. Gongyang expounds the Way of Lu; Guliang expounds the kingly Way; Zuo records in full the Way then in practice. The Way then in practice was the hegemonic Way. Lu's Way must be clarified because, as descendants, we emulate our ancestors. Guliang contains the principles of adapting ritual across the four dynasties. Only a sage who suddenly ascends the throne can put it into practice." His doctrine synthesized the three traditions, yet he was especially rigorous in distinguishing service to Heaven, the ruler, and one's father. He said: "The Spring and Autumn opens with scrupulous attention to the first month of the inaugural year; the first month signifies the rectification of enthronement. Scrupulousness in the first month is scrupulousness at the beginning: only one who can be a son to his father can be a son to Heaven. The Annals' three rectifications arise from the three mandates of Heaven, the ruler, and the father. Spring stands for Heaven, the king for the ruler, the first month for the father; intending to hold all three accountable, why name only the first month? Service to Heaven and to the ruler both begin with service to one's father." Such was the tenor of Gao's writings.
156
與杲同時者，有宋書升，字晉之，濰縣人。 光緒十八年進士，改庶吉士。 -{里}-居十年，殫心經術。 易、書、詩均有撰述，尤精推歩之學。
A contemporary of Gao was Song Shusheng, styled Jinzhi, of Weixian. He became a jinshi in 1892 and entered the Hanlin as a bachelor. He lived in retirement for ten years, devoting himself wholly to the classics. He wrote on the Changes, Documents, and Odes, and was especially accomplished in calendrical astronomy.
157
法偉堂，字小山，膠州人。 光緒十五年進士，官靑州府教授，精研音韻之學，考訂陸德明經典釋文，多前人所未發。
Fa Weitang, styled Xiaoshan, was a native of Jiaozhou. A jinshi in 1889, he served as instructor of Qingzhou prefecture; he mastered phonology and collated Lu Deming's Glosses on the Classics, elucidating many points earlier scholars had missed.