1
廓爾喀,在衛藏西南,與巴勒布各部相鄰。 巴勒布三汗:曰陽布,曰葉楞,曰廓庫木; 後皆為廓爾喀酋博納喇赤併吞,及小部二十三。 其國境東西二千里,南北約五百里。 東與哲孟雄、宗木、布魯克巴接壤,西與作木朗接壤,南距南甲噶爾,北連後藏邊境。 傳至孫拉特納巴都爾,年幼嗣位,其叔巴都爾薩野用事,操國大權。
Gurkha lay to the southwest of Ü-Tsang, bordering the petty principalities of Barbhu. Among the Barbhu states were three khans: Yangbu, Yeleng, and Gukumu; Later the Gurkha chief Bona-la-chi absorbed them all, along with twenty-three lesser districts. The kingdom stretched some two thousand li from east to west and roughly five hundred li from north to south. On the east it adjoined Sikkim, Jongmo, and Bhutan; on the west, Zomolang; to the south lay southern Kagar; to the north ran the border of Rear Tibet. When the throne passed to the young Rana Bahadur, his uncle Bahadur Sah took charge of government and held real power.
2
乾隆五十三年,廓爾喀人至藏貿易,以爭新鑄銀錢,與唐古忒開釁構兵,進侵藏界。 帝命四川總督鄂輝、將軍成德往查,以巴忠熟悉藏情,令為會辦。 巴忠遷就議和,稱內附,帝錫封廓爾喀王爵。 廓爾喀私責後藏班禪喇嘛賠償銀兩,巴忠不以聞,既而後藏不能償,班禪復與弟紅帽喇嘛沙瑪爾巴不協,沙瑪爾巴因導廓爾喀內侵。 五十六年,廓爾喀遂以唐古忒兵欠款、班禪負約為辭,遣兵圍聶拉木,唐古忒兵聞風潰,進至達木,番兵亦敗退。 八月,廓爾喀圍劄什倫布,將軍成德赴藏援剿,帝復命四川總督鄂輝督後隊赴援,鄂輝復調金川兵二千、雲南兵二千助討。 九月,廓爾喀六七百人攻宗喀,陳謨、潘占魁等率唐古忒兵固守,擊卻之,斬首四十六,賊退濟嚨。 帝始議大舉往征。
In Qianlong 53 Gurkha traders in Tibet quarreled over newly minted silver coinage, came to blows with the Tibetans, and marched into the borderlands. The emperor sent Sichuan governor E Hui and General Cheng De to look into the matter and named Ba Zhong co-commissioner because he knew Tibetan conditions well. Ba Zhong patched up a hasty peace on the claim of submission, and the emperor ennobled the Gurkha ruler as a king. Gurkha privately pressed the Rear Tibet Panchen Lama for indemnity silver, which Ba Zhong never reported. When Rear Tibet could not pay, the Panchen quarreled with his younger brother, the Red Hat lama Shamarba, who then led Gurkha forces inside the border. In the fifty-sixth year Gurkha cited unpaid Tibetan levies and the Panchen's broken pledge, sent troops to besiege Nyalam, routed the Tibetans at the first alarm, pushed on to Dam, and drove the frontier garrisons back as well. In the eighth month Gurkha laid siege to Tashilhunpo. General Cheng De marched into Tibet to relieve the monastery, while the emperor again ordered Sichuan governor E Hui forward with the rear echelon; E Hui also called up two thousand Jinchuan and two thousand Yunnan troops. In the ninth month six or seven hundred Gurkhas attacked Dingri. Chen Mo and Pan Zhankui held the line with Tibetan troops, repulsed the assault, took forty-six heads, and drove the enemy back toward Gyirong. The emperor now began to plan a full-scale campaign.
3
十月,召兩廣總督福康安入京,授以方略,命為將軍,督參贊海蘭察等由青海赴藏,總領大軍討廓爾喀。 十二月,成德次聶拉木四十里,戰拍甲嶺,敗之。 明年正月,攻克聶拉木東官寨,斬其酋呢瑪叭噶嘶及踏巴等。 二月,以地雷破西北碉寨,獲咱瑪達阿爾曾薩野,巨酋瑪木薩野之侄也。 聶拉木既平,進軍濟嚨。
In the tenth month he recalled Liangguang governor Fuk'anggan to court, briefed him on strategy, named him commander-in-chief, and sent him with Hailancha and the staff through Qinghai into Tibet at the head of the main force against Gurkha. In the twelfth month Cheng De encamped forty li beyond Nyalam, fought at Paijia Ridge, and won. The next year's first month brought the fall of Nyalam's eastern fort, and the chiefs Nima-baga-si, Taba, and others were slain. In the second month land mines blew open the northwest blockhouse, and Zhamada Arzeng Sah—nephew of the great chief Mumu Sah—was taken alive. With Nyalam secured, the army marched on Gyirong.
4
三月,福康安抵後藏,詔晉為大將軍,各軍咸受節度。 廓爾喀築寨據險死守。 四月,福康安偕海蘭察由絨轄、聶拉木進,決議先剿擦木、濟嚨。 擦木地最險,兩山夾峙,中亙山梁。 五月六日,乘夜雨,分五隊,海蘭察等居中,哲森保等由東西山趨賊寨,墨爾根保等繞出賊背。 黎明,攻擦木山梁兩石碉,克之,擒斬二百餘人。 進至瑪噶爾轄爾甲,濟嚨援賊三百據山力拒,海蘭察趨進,馬中槍,揮軍奮擊,盡殲之。 濟嚨賊聞官軍將至,建大寨山岡外,扼險築三大碉相犄角。 福康安檄巴彥泰、巴彥寨、薩寧阿、長春攻西北臨河大碉,桑吉斯塔爾、克色保、籌保、巴哈、張占魁攻東北石上大碉,哲森保、墨爾根保攻東南山梁上大碉,蒙興保、綽爾渾等攻山下喇嘛寺,阿滿泰、額爾登保等攻大寨,以惠齡為策應之軍,海蘭察率騎兵張兩翼截擊逸賊。 六月初六日,哲森保等攻克山梁大碉,蒙興保等克喇嘛寺,復會攻臨河及石上兩大碉,皆克之。 設砲石上,戰一晝夜,破其東北隅,遂拔濟嚨,斬級六百餘,擒二百,獲賊目七。
In the third month Fuk'anggan reached Rear Tibet, was promoted to grand general by edict, and took unified command of every column. The Gurkhas threw up stockades on the heights and fought from every strong point. In the fourth month Fuk'anggan and Hailancha pushed forward through Rongxia and Nyalam, resolving to clear Dram and Gyirong first. Dram was the worst ground of all—two mountains pinching a ridge between them. On the sixth of the fifth month, under cover of night rain, five columns moved out: Hailancha in the center, Zhesenbao down the eastern and western slopes on the stockade, and Mo'ergenbao around the enemy's rear. At dawn they stormed the two stone towers on Dram ridge, carried them, and killed or captured more than two hundred men. At Magar Xiaerjia three hundred Gurkha reinforcements from Gyirong held the heights. Hailancha's horse was shot from under him, but he rallied the men, pressed the attack, and wiped them out. Learning that the imperial columns were near, the Gyirong defenders threw up a great camp on the ridge, seized the passes, and linked three large blockhouses in a defensive triangle. Fuk'anggan assigned Bayantai, Bayanzhai, Saning'a, and Changchun the great riverside tower in the northwest; Sangjisita'er, Kesbao, Choubao, Baha, and Zhang Zhankui the rock tower in the northeast; Zhesenbao and Mo'ergenbao the ridge tower in the southeast; Mengxingbao and Chuo'erhun the lamasery at the foot of the hill; Aman'tai and E'erdengbao the main camp; Huling as reserve; and Hailancha with cavalry to take both flanks and cut off any fugitives. On the sixth of the sixth month Zhesenbao carried the ridge tower, Mengxingbao took the lamasery, and a combined assault then brought down the riverside and rock towers as well. Cannon on the heights pounded the position for a full day and night until the northeast corner gave way. Gyirong fell with more than six hundred enemy killed, two hundred taken, and seven rebel officers captured.
5
當福康安之攻濟嚨也,先遣成德、岱森保率兵三千出聶拉木南行,牽綴賊勢,壁上木薩橋。 賊築三卡於德親鼎山下,建木柵於下木薩橋,以拒官軍,岱森保悉攻破之。 於是自擦木至濟嚨邊界盡復。 濟嚨西南皆高山峻嶺,路險惡。 距濟嚨八十里有熱索橋,其大河自東來注,渡橋即廓爾喀界也。 賊屯北岸三四里外索喇拉山,設石卡一,南岸臨河,設石卡二。 官軍進破索喇拉山卡,追至熱索橋。 逸賊甫上橋,南岸守橋賊見追兵至,倉卒撤橋,逸賊皆落河死。 官軍隔河施槍,河闊不能及,乃退還。 密遣阿滿泰、哲森保、墨爾根保、翁果爾海等率土兵東出瓘綠大山,繞至上游,伐木編筏以濟。 時賊與官軍隔河相持,不虞間道軍驟至,倉皇抵抗,不能敵,潰而奔,遂夷二石卡。
While Fuk'anggan struck at Gyirong, he had already sent Cheng De and Daisenbao south from Nyalam with three thousand men to pin the enemy and hold the stockade at Musa Bridge. The enemy threw up three posts below Deqinding Mountain and palisades at lower Musa Bridge to block the advance, but Daisenbao stormed and destroyed them all. From Dram to the Gyirong frontier the border was wholly restored. Southwest of Gyirong the country rose in sheer peaks and ridges over roads almost impassably bad. Eighty li beyond Gyirong stood Resuo Bridge, where a great river poured in from the east; once across it, one was in Gurkha country. The enemy held Suolala Hill three or four li north of the river with one stone post, and two more posts on the south bank above the stream. The imperial columns broke the Suolala hill post and pressed the pursuit to Resuo Bridge. Fugitives were still on the bridge when the south-bank guards, seeing pursuers close in, cut the span away; every man on it plunged into the river and drowned. The troops fired across the river, but the stream was too wide for musket shot to carry, and they drew back. In secret he sent Aman'tai, Zhesenbao, Mo'ergenbao, and Wenguo'erhai with native levies east around Guanlü Mountain, swung upstream, felled timber, and lashed rafts to ford the river. While the enemy still faced the main force across the river, the flanking column struck without warning; resistance collapsed, the garrison fled, and both south-bank stone posts were destroyed.
6
六月十七日,福康安、海蘭察、惠齡等渡熱索橋,進密里頂大山,山重疊無路徑,乃令烏什哈達、張芝元開路以進。 明日,抵旺噶爾,山勢險峻,瑪爾臧大河傍山南注。 我軍循河東,路逼仄,不能駐足,士卒皆露宿岩下,深入賊境百七十里,不見一賊。 尋偵知旺噶爾西南協布魯克瑪賊樹木城,外環石壁,城西里許夾河築卡,城東三十里環克堆築寨,以相犄角。 二十日,官軍由旺堆伐樹建橋,城賊居高施彈,橋不能成,我軍以砲轟其城,賊隨缺隨補,終不得渡。 二十二日,福康安、海蘭察由間道越伯爾噶臧興三大山,攻克堆,賊阻河以拒。 日暮大雨,我兵佯退伏叢林中,夜深偷渡,毀賊壘五,斬級三百餘,徑趨協布魯克瑪,與惠齡等前後夾擊,賊驚潰,木城石卡俱下。
On the seventeenth of the sixth month Fuk'anggan, Hailancha, and Huling crossed Resuo Bridge and entered the Miliding range, where layer on layer of peaks offered no track until Ushihada and Zhang Zhiyuan were sent to cut a path ahead. The next day they reached Wangga'er, where sheer mountains dropped to the great Marzang River pouring south along the slope. The column hugged the east bank along a path too narrow to camp on, and the men slept in the open under the cliffs—one hundred seventy li into enemy country without sighting a foe. Scouts soon reported that southwest of Wangga'er, at Xiebulukema, the enemy had raised a timber fort within stone walls, a river post a li west of the town, and a camp at Huanke thirty li east—the three positions covering one another. On the twentieth the troops felled timber at Wangdui to throw a bridge across, but musket fire from the heights stopped the work. Cannon pounded the town, yet the defenders patched every breach, and the river still could not be crossed. On the twenty-second Fuk'anggan and Hailancha took a mountain track over the three peaks of Bo'ergazangxing, seized Huanke, and found the enemy blocking the river line. At dusk a downpour fell. The troops feigned withdrawal and hid in the brush, then forded in the dead of night, wrecked five enemy posts, and killed more than three hundred. Striking straight for Xiebulukema, they joined Huling in a pincer; the enemy broke in panic, and the timber fort with its stone posts was taken together.
7
協布魯克瑪既克,福康安分道而前。 一由噶多趨東覺為正道,一由噶多東越山趨雅爾賽拉、博爾東拉為間道。 海蘭察督桑吉斯塔爾、阿滿泰、珠爾杭阿等出間道,福康安出正道。 命台斐英阿等與賊相持於作木古拉巴載山梁,躬率額爾登保等潛趨噶多普。 七月初六日晨,渡河破其碉卡,進毀寨十一、木城五,殛賊目蘇必達柰新及巴撒喀爾,斬徑四百。 海蘭察亦破賊博爾東拉前山,毀木城三、石卡七,追至瑪拉,遇伏,擊破之。 東覺餘賊俱盡,兩軍復合。 進至雍鴉,賊據噶勒拉山梁,道路崎嶇,士卒履皆穿,跣足行石子上,多刺傷,又為螞蝗齧,兩足腫爛。 其地多陰雨,惟辰巳二時稍見日,屆午則雲霧四合,大雨如注,山顛氣寒凜,夜則成冰雪,於是頓兵休息。 當是時,成德軍亦克劄木,過鐵索橋,進至多洛卡,破賊隴岡,覆利底寨。
With Xiebulukema secure, Fuk'anggan split his columns and pushed forward. One route ran from Gado toward Dongjue along the main road; another crossed east from Gado over the mountains toward Ya'ersaila and Bo'erdongla as a flanking line. Hailancha led Sangjisita'er, Aman'tai, and Zhu'erhang'a on the flank march, while Fuk'anggan took the main road. Taifeiying'a was left to pin the enemy on the Zuomugulabazai ridge while he himself stole forward toward Gaduopu with E'erdengbao and the picked troops. At dawn on the sixth of the seventh month they forded the river, smashed the blockhouses, and in the advance destroyed eleven camps and five timber forts, executed the rebel officers Subida Naixin and Basaka'er, and took four hundred heads. Hailancha meanwhile carried the heights before Bo'erdongla, wrecked three timber forts and seven stone posts, pursued to Mala, brushed aside an ambush, and drove on. When the last resistance at Dongjue was cleared, the two columns joined again. At Yongya the enemy held Gallela ridge over roads so rough that boots wore through and men went barefoot on flinty stone, torn by thorns and bled white by leeches until both feet were swollen and raw. Rain and cloud dominated the country; only the morning hours brought brief sun, and by noon mist shut in the peaks in driving rain. The ridges were bitterly cold, and nights turned to ice and snow, so the army halted to recover. Meanwhile Cheng De's column took Zhaimu, crossed the iron-chain bridge, pushed on to Duoloka, broke the Longgang line, and overran Lidi camp.
8
八月,福康安分軍為三,過雍鴉趨噶勒拉。 廓爾喀境皆山,東西對峙,中貫大河。 自過雍鴉,山勢皆南北向,噶勒拉、堆補木、甲爾古拉、集木集諸大山層層環抱,橫河阻之,我軍須渡河仰攻。 初二日,破石卡,逼噶勒拉山顛木城。 侍衛墨爾根保、圖爾岱,參將張占魁攀堞以登,中槍而殞,士益奮,拋火彈入焚其帳房,自辰至未,克木城石卡各二,殲賊三百餘,斃其目五,落崖死者無算。 乘勝追數十里,抵堆補木山口之象巴宗,賊蜂擁出拒,袁國璜等陷入陣,斃賊百餘。 復檄珠爾杭阿等攻集木集,阿滿泰、額爾登保等渡河撲甲爾古拉。 賊扼險列木柵長數里阻官軍,阿滿泰與賊爭橋,中槍落水,額爾登保等奮呼而進,遂渡河,斬賊目三,斃賊百餘。 大軍競進集木集,賊眾分三道來援,殊死鬥。 福康安躬督戰,英貴殞於陣。 台斐英阿、張芝元、德楞泰往來奮擊,射死紅衣賊目二,賊始敗走。
In the eighth month Fuk'anggan split his force into three columns and moved past Yongya on Gallela. Gurkha country was all mountains, east and west ranges facing across a great river down the middle. Beyond Yongya the ridges ran north and south in rings—Gallela, Duibumu, Jia'ergula, Jimuji, and the rest—with the river cutting across every approach, so the troops had to ford and fight uphill. On the second they carried the stone post and closed on the timber fort atop Gallela. Bodyguards Mo'ergenbao and Tu'erdai and regimental commander Zhang Zhankui scaled the wall and were shot down, which only hardened the assault. Fire bombs set the tents ablaze; from morning to mid-afternoon two timber forts and two stone posts fell, more than three hundred of the enemy were killed, five of their officers slain, and countless more went over the cliffs. The pursuit ran several tens of li to Xiangbazong at Duibumu pass, where the enemy poured out to meet them. Yuan Guohuang and others were caught in the melee and left more than a hundred dead on the field. Fresh orders sent Zhu'erhang'a against Jimuji while Aman'tai and E'erdengbao crossed the river on Jia'ergula. The enemy held the heights behind palisades miles long. Aman'tai was shot and fell from the bridge in the struggle to take it, but E'erdengbao led the rush across, killed three rebel officers, and left more than a hundred dead. The main force pressed Jimuji as enemy reinforcements came up in three columns and fought with desperate fury. Fuk'anggan directed the fighting in person; Yinggui was killed in action. Taifeiying'a, Zhang Zhiyuan, and Delengtai hammered the line back and forth, brought down two red-coated rebel officers, and the enemy finally broke.
9
是役也,連戰兩日一夜,克大山二、大木城四、石卡十一,斬賊目十三,進抵帕朗古,深入賊境七百餘里,斃六百餘人,廓爾喀酋震懼乞降。 初,福康安破東覺,賊酋乞降,福康安不許,檄令拉特納巴都爾、巴都爾薩野躬親至軍,並獻禍首及所掠財物,賊不應。 至是拉特納巴都爾、巴都爾薩野遣大頭人稟請交送劄什倫布什物,繳出西藏所立條約,並獻禍首沙瑪爾巴之骨。
That engagement lasted two days and a night without pause: two major heights, four large timber forts, and eleven stone posts fell; thirteen rebel officers were killed; the army reached Palanggu, seven hundred li inside Gurkha country, with more than six hundred of the enemy dead—and the Gurkha ruler, shaken, sued for peace. Earlier, after Dongjue fell, the enemy chief had asked to surrender, but Fuk'anggan refused and demanded that Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah come to camp in person with the ringleaders and stolen goods. They did not comply. Now Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah sent senior envoys offering to return what had been taken from Tashilhunpo, surrender the treaty Tibet had imposed, and hand over the bones of the instigator Shamarba.
10
福康安、海蘭察、惠齡合疏入告曰:「竊臣等秉承廟算,統率勁兵,自察木進剿以來,連戰克捷,邊界肅清,遂奪熱索橋,深入賊境。 協布魯、東覺、博爾東拉、噶勒拉、堆補木、帕朗古諸處皆系峭壁懸崖,大河急溜,我兵繞山涉水,間道出奇,賊匪碉卡木城悉行攻克,所向無前,賊匪敗衄奔逃。 大兵進至雍鴉,送出上年被里兵丁王剛諸人,具稟乞降。 旋遣賊目噶布黨普都爾幫哩等迎赴軍前,悉將上年被里之噶布倫丹津班珠爾及兵丁盧獻麟等全行送出,稟陳沙瑪爾巴唆使情形,悔罪哀祈。 臣等嚴加駁飭,復進兵至帕朗古,移營進逼,賊匪益加震恐。 即將沙瑪爾巴眷屬、徒弟、什物等項,及搶掠劄什倫布銀兩物件,皆已遵檄呈交,並繳出私立合同二張,不敢復提西藏給銀之事。 再三懇求聖主,逾格施恩,赦其已往,以全闔部番民之命。 茲於八月初八日,遣辦事大頭目噶箕第烏達特塔巴、蘇巴巴爾底曼喇納甲、察布拉咱音達薩野、喀爾達爾巴拉巴達爾四名,恭齎表文進京,並虔備樂工、馴象、番馬、孔雀、甲噶爾所制番轎、珠佩、珊瑚串、金銀絲緞、金花緞、氈呢、象牙、犀角、孔雀尾、槍刀、藥材共二十九種,隨表呈進。 另稟懇臣代奏,當即譯閱表文,詞意極為恭順懇至。 並據第烏達特塔巴等伏地哀懇,叩頭乞命,至於泣下。 跪稱:『廓爾喀部長拉特納巴都爾、部長之叔巴都爾薩野,本系邊外小番,曾歸王化,渥受大皇帝天恩,特加封爵,錫賚多珍,高厚恩慈,至今頂感。 乃拉特納巴都爾年幼無知,巴都爾薩野罔識天朝法度,因沙瑪爾巴從中簸弄,唆使廓爾喀與唐古忒藉端滋事。 拉特納巴都爾等輕聽其言,侵犯後藏,仰煩大皇帝天兵遠討,誅戮頭目人眾三四千人,攻據地方七八百里,天威震疊,廓爾喀膽落心驚。 拉特納巴都爾及巴都爾薩野自知罪在不赦,惶懼尤甚。 從前侵犯藏界之事,雖系被人煽惑,而孽實自作,萬不敢絲毫置辯,諉咎於人。 惟有仰懇轉奏大皇帝大沛恩施,開一線之路。 如蒙允准,免其誅滅,廓爾喀闔部地土、人民皆出大皇帝所賜,銜感宏施,曷其有極! 前立合同混行開寫各條,萬不敢復提一字。 廓爾喀永為天朝屬下,每屆五年朝貢之期,即差辦事噶箕一名,仰覲天顏,子子孫孫,恪遵約束。 懇求大將軍據情轉奏』等語。 臣等隨諭:『拉特納巴都爾、巴都爾薩野自速誅鋤,侵擾藏地,天兵至此,本應滅爾部落,噍類無遺。 今拉特納巴都爾等敬凜大皇帝天威,萬分悔懼,屢懇投降,情詞恭順,本大將軍不敢壅於上聞,當即據實具奏。 大皇帝如天好生,或可仰蒙鑒察,宥罪施恩。 倘荷聖慈允准,從此爾部落惟當遵奉天朝法度,不得復滋事端,方可永受大皇帝天恩,保守境土。 此次天兵威力,爾已深知,若稍抗違,即是自取滅亡,後悔無及。』 其頭目跪聆之下,戰慄叩頭,感懼之誠,形於辭色。 臣等伏思廓爾喀恃其險遠,構釁稱兵。 上年藏事,遷就議和,兵威未加,罔所祇懼,是以投誠甫及兩年,復行反覆。 此次興師問罪,仰承聖主指授機宜,士卒爭先用命,越險摧堅,兵到之處,屢戰屢勝,大半殲擒。 廓爾喀在西番各部素稱強悍,今見天朝兵力精強,所向無敵,全部震讋,屢遣大頭人來營乞降,察看情辭,實出誠悃。 伏查前承明旨,諭令臣等『酌量情形,倘軍臨賊境,賊匪心懷慴伏,悔罪乞哀,或可申明約束,俯允所請,納款班師』。 仰見我皇上廟算精詳,幾先指示,義正仁育,威德覃敷,臣等實深欽服。 今廓爾喀業已悔罪投誠,遣大頭人恭進表文,請於象馬方物之外,虔備樂工,使隸於太常,附各國樂舞之末,並懇定立貢期,遣使五年朝貢一次。 詳察賊情,實屬傾心向化,不敢再滋事端,衛藏全境似可永底敉寧,相安無事矣。」
Fuk'anggan, Hailancha, and Huling submitted a joint memorial: 'Your servants, acting on the court's plan and leading picked troops, have fought without pause since the advance from Chamu, cleared the frontier, taken Resuo Bridge, and driven deep into enemy country. At Xiebulu, Dongjue, Bo'erdongla, Gallela, Duibumu, Palanggu, and elsewhere the country is cliff and torrent. Our men climbed, forded, and took hidden routes to surprise the enemy; every blockhouse and timber fort has fallen; the rebels break and run wherever we strike. When the army reached Yongya they released the soldiers Wang Gang and others seized the year before and petitioned to surrender. They then sent officers such as Gabudang Puduerbangli to our camp, returned in full the Gabbu official Danjin Banzhu'er and the soldier Lu Xianlin seized the year before, confessed Shamarba's instigation, and begged forgiveness in abject terms. We rebuked them sharply, advanced again to Palanggu, and moved camp closer; their fear only deepened. They have already delivered Shamarba's family, disciples, and goods, together with the silver and property taken from Tashilhunpo, surrendered two private contracts, and dare not raise again the demand for silver from Tibet. They repeatedly beg Your Majesty to show grace beyond desert, pardon what is past, and spare the lives of all their people. On the eighth of the eighth month they dispatched four senior envoys—Diwudate Taba, Subabardimanlana Jia, Chabulazhayin Da Sah, and Ka'erdabalabadar—to carry the memorial to court, with twenty-nine categories of tribute: musicians, trained elephants, horses, peacocks, a palanquin from Kagar, pearls, coral, brocades, felts, ivory, rhinoceros horn, peacock feathers, arms, medicinals, and the rest. They also asked us to present their plea to the throne. We translated the memorial at once; its language was utterly submissive and earnest. Diwudate Taba and the others, we report, threw themselves on the ground, kowtowed for their lives, and wept as they pleaded. They knelt and said: 'Minister Rana Bahadur of Gurkha and his uncle Bahadur Sah were only petty frontier tribes who once accepted the civilizing sway of the empire. The Great Emperor heaped grace upon us, raised us to noble rank, and gave many gifts; that towering kindness we still carry on our heads.' Yet Rana Bahadur was young and ignorant, Bahadur Sah did not understand the laws of the Celestial Court, and Shamarba worked between them, urging Gurkha and the Tibetans to pick quarrels and make trouble. Rana Bahadur and the rest heedlessly listened, invaded Rear Tibet, and brought down the Great Emperor's armies from afar. Three or four thousand of our officers and men have been killed, seven or eight hundred li of our land overrun; the heavenly majesty has crushed us until Gurkha's heart fails and our courage is gone. Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah know their guilt admits no pardon, and their terror is all the greater. Though others incited the earlier raid on Tibet, the fault was truly our own; we dare not argue or blame anyone else. We can only beg you to plead with the Great Emperor for overflowing mercy and a single narrow path to life. If this is granted and we are spared destruction, all Gurkha land and people live only by the Great Emperor's gift; our gratitude for such vast mercy has no end! We dare not breathe a word of the old contract or any of its terms. Gurkha will remain forever a subject of the dynasty; at each five-year tribute cycle we will send a senior minister to behold the imperial face, and our sons and grandsons will keep every bond faithfully. We beg the commander to report all this faithfully to the throne'—and similar words.' We told them: 'Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah brought ruin on themselves by raiding Tibet. The imperial armies are here; by rights your tribe should be wiped out to the last mouth.' Yet Rana Bahadur and the rest now stand in awe of the Great Emperor's majesty, repent deeply, and have pleaded again and again to surrender in terms we cannot withhold from the throne; we will report the facts at once. The Great Emperor, like Heaven, cherishes life; you may yet be seen, forgiven, and shown mercy. If mercy is granted, your people must hereafter keep the laws of the dynasty and make no further trouble; only then can you continue to enjoy the Emperor's grace and hold your lands. You have now seen what the imperial armies can do; the slightest further resistance will be your own destruction, and remorse will come too late.' Their chiefs listened on their knees, shaking as they kowtowed; fear and gratitude were plain in face and voice. We reflect that Gurkha, trusting in its mountains and distance, picked quarrels and took up arms. Last year the Tibetan affair was patched up without a show of force, so they had nothing to fear; barely two years after professing submission they broke faith again. On this punitive expedition we followed the Emperor's stratagem; the men vied to lead the charge, stormed difficult ground and cracked every strongpoint, and wherever the columns went they fought and won until more than half the enemy were killed or taken. Gurkha had long been reckoned the fiercest of the western Tibetan peoples; faced now with irresistible imperial arms, the whole country was terrified and sent senior envoys again and again to sue for peace—language we judged wholly sincere. We recall the earlier imperial order telling us to judge the situation: if at the frontier the enemy repented and pleaded, we might lay down terms, grant their request, accept submission, and withdraw. We see how far the Emperor's foresight reached—righteous in punishing, gracious in pardoning, majesty and mercy spread abroad—and we are deeply awed. Gurkha has now submitted, sent senior envoys with the memorial, and beyond elephants, horses, and local goods asked to supply musicians for the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, join the roster of tributary ensembles, fix a five-year tribute cycle, and send envoys regularly. Their bearing shows a genuine turn toward civilization and no will to stir trouble again; Ü-Tsang as a whole may now rest secure.'
11
疏入,帝允受降,諭福康安等籌善後撤兵,仍以所獲熱索橋以西協布魯、雍鴉、東覺、堆補木、帕朗古各地還廓爾喀; 熱索橋以內濟嚨、聶拉木、宗喀前屬藏地,為廓爾喀所據者,仍歸後藏。 沿邊設立鄂博,如有偷越,即行正法。 遇有遣使表貢,先行稟明,邊吏允許,始准進口。 八月,廓爾喀酋遣蘇必達巴依喇巴忻喀瓦斯並親信瑪泌達拉喀瓦斯至營,呈水牛、豬、羊各百頭、米二百石、果品糖食百筐、酒百簍犒師。 福康安諭留牛羊各十頭、米十石,以答其誠敬之意,餘皆發還。 復賞錦緞各四疋,廓爾喀益感服,受約束。 二十一日,班師。 十月初三日,福康安還後藏。
The memorial was approved: surrender accepted, Fuk'anggan was told to manage the withdrawal, and west of Resuo Bridge—Xiebulu, Yongya, Dongjue, Duibumu, and Palanggu—were returned to Gurkha. East of Resuo Bridge, Jilong, Nyalam, and Zongga, though seized by Gurkha, were restored to Rear Tibet. Frontier cairns were set; anyone crossing without leave was to be put to death. Envoys bearing memorials or tribute had to give notice in advance and enter only with border approval. In the eighth month the Gurkha ruler sent Subedar Bahadur Bakhat Kawas and his confidant Mamidhar Kawas to camp with a hundred each of buffalo, pigs, and sheep, two hundred piculs of rice, a hundred baskets of fruit and confectionery, and a hundred baskets of wine for the troops. Fuk'anggan kept ten each of cattle and sheep and ten piculs of rice as acknowledgment of their goodwill and returned the rest. He also gave four bolts of brocade apiece; Gurkha was still more won over and accepted the new constraints. On the twenty-first the army marched home. On the third of the tenth month Fuk'anggan returned to Rear Tibet.
12
五十八年正月,廓爾喀貢使噶箕第烏達特塔巴等齎貢物至京師,帝賜宴,命與朝鮮、暹羅各使同預朝賀,封拉特納巴都爾為廓爾喀王。 自是五年一貢,聽命惟謹。
In the first month of the fifty-eighth year Gurkha envoys led by Gaji Diwudate Taba arrived at court with tribute; the Emperor gave a banquet, had them join the Korean and Siamese envoys in the New Year ceremonies, and enfeoffed Rana Bahadur as king of Gurkha. Henceforth tribute came every five years, and Gurkha obeyed every command.
13
其後英吉利據印度,時時被侵略,迫訂西古利條約,廓爾喀始將西界克美𢗝山地及開利川河流域割於英。 廓爾喀既為英逼,勤修國政,力保自主之權,英雖覬覦之,無如何也。 光緒末,猶入貢中國云。
Later, with Britain ruling India, Gurkha suffered repeated encroachment and was forced into the Sugauli Treaty, ceding western Kumaon and the Kali valley to the British. Pressed by Britain, Gurkha threw itself into government and fought to keep independence; Britain eyed it covetously but could not prevail. Even at the end of the Guangxu reign, it is said, they still sent tribute to China.
14
浩罕,古大宛國地,一名敖罕,又曰霍罕,蔥嶺以西回國也。 東與東布魯特接,南與西布魯特接,西與布哈爾國接。 有四城,俱當平陸。 一曰安集延,東南至喀什噶爾五百里。 其人長於心計,好賈,遠遊新疆南北各城,處處有之,故西域盛稱安集延,遂為浩罕種人之名。 從安集延西百有八十里為瑪爾噶朗城,又西八十里為那木干城,又西八十里為浩罕城。 四城皆濱近納林河,惟那木干在河北。 南北山泉支流會合,襟帶諸城之間,土膏沃饒,人民殷庶。 其人奉回教,習帕爾西語,亦布魯特種也。 其頭目冠高頂皮帽,衣錦衣。 民人戴白氈帽,黃褐。 諸城皆有伯克,而浩罕城伯克額爾德尼為之長,眾聽命焉。
Kokand lay on the ground of ancient Dayuan, also known as Aohan or Huohan: a Muslim country beyond the Pamirs. To the east it bordered Eastern Burut, to the south Western Burut, and to the west Bukhara. It comprised four cities, all on flat land. The first was Andijan, five hundred li southeast of Kashgar. They were shrewd traders who ranged through every city of Xinjiang north and south; the Western Regions so often named Andijan that the term came to mean the Kokand people themselves. Margilan lay a hundred and eighty li west of Andijan, Namangan another eighty li, and Kokand city another eighty li beyond that. All four cities hugged the Naryn River, except Namangan, which lay on the north bank. Mountain streams from north and south converged among the towns; the land was fertile and the population abundant. They were Muslims who spoke Parsi and were reckoned kin to the Buruts. Chiefs wore tall fur caps and brocade coats. Commoners wore white felt caps and russet clothing. Each city had its bek, but Erdeni of Kokand was paramount and all obeyed him.
15
乾隆二十四年,將軍兆惠追捕霍集占兄弟,遣侍衛達克塔納等撫布魯特諸部。 至其境,額爾德尼迎之入城,日饋羊酒瓜果,詢中國疆域形勢,畏慕,奉表請內附。 並上將軍書,稱為「至威至勇如達賚劄木西特之將軍」。 旋遣頭目托克托瑪哈穆等貢馬京師。
In Qianlong 24, as General Zhao Hui pursued the brothers Khoja Jahan, he sent Attendant Dakhtana and others to win over the Buruts. At the frontier Erdeni received them in his capital, fed them daily, asked about China's power, and in awe submitted a memorial of allegiance. He wrote to the general styling him "the commander of utmost awe and courage like Dazhai Musit." He soon sent Tokhtomaham and other chiefs to tribute horses at court.
16
二十五年,遣侍衛索諾穆策淩齎敕往諭,額爾德尼率諸伯克郊迎成禮。 是為浩罕屬中國之始。 浩罕風俗與天山南路諸回部略同,而鷙勇過之,有「百回兵不如一安集延」之語。 初,大軍追霍集占急,霍集占遣使欲投浩罕,不報。 尋,霍集占兄弟為巴達克山所殲,波羅尼都次子薩木薩克逃入浩罕,浩罕藉其和卓木之名,居為奇貨。 和卓木譯言「聖裔」也,回教徒尊之,所至景從。
In the twenty-fifth year Attendant Sonom Ceren arrived with an imperial rescript; Erdeni and the beks met him outside the walls with full ceremony. That was the beginning of Kokand's tie to China. Kokand resembled the Muslim communities south of the Tianshan in custom but surpassed them in fighting spirit; there was a saying, "A hundred Muslim troops are worth less than one Andijani." When imperial forces first pressed Khoja Jahan, he sought refuge with Kokand and was ignored. The brothers were soon killed in Badakhshan; Burhanid's younger son Samsaq fled to Kokand, which prized him for his holy lineage. "Khojagi" means "saintly scion"; Muslims honor them, and followers flock wherever they go.
17
嘉慶二十五年,薩木薩克次子張格爾,由浩罕糾布魯特寇邊。 道光六年,張格爾復求助浩罕入寇,約破西四城,子女玉帛共之,且割喀什噶爾酬其勞。 浩罕酋自將萬人至,則張格爾已探喀城無援,背前約。 浩酋怒,自督所部攻喀城,不下,率兵宵遁。 張格爾使人追誘其眾,歸投者二三千人,張格爾置為親兵。 及西四城破,浩罕兵盡得府庫官私之財,並搜括回戶殆遍。 楊芳追張格爾至阿賴嶺,遇浩罕伏兵二千,軍幾殆,鏖戰一晝夜始出險。
In Jiaqing 25, Samsaq's son Jahangir, backed by Kokand and the Buruts, raided the frontier. In Daoguang 6 he again enlisted Kokand, promising to divide the spoils of the western four cities and hand Kashgar to Kokand as payment. The Kokand ruler marched in person with ten thousand men, only to find Jahangir had scouted Kashgar, seen it undefended, and reneged. Enraged, he assaulted Kashgar himself, failed, and slipped away by night. Jahangir pursued and wooed the stragglers; two or three thousand who came over he kept as his guard. After the western four cities fell, Kokand soldiers looted every treasury and public and private store, stripping the Muslim households bare. Yang Fang chased Jahangir to the Alay Pass, ran into two thousand Kokand ambushers, and barely fought through a day and a night to safety.
18
八年,張格爾既伏誅,其妻子留浩罕。 欽差那彥成檄令縛獻,不從。 詔命絕其互市困之。 那彥成並奏驅留商內地之夷,且沒入其貲產。 諸夷商憤怒,乃奉張格爾之兄玉素普為和卓木,糾結布魯特、安集延數千入寇,圍喀什噶爾、英吉沙爾,犯葉爾羌,璧昌、哈豐阿等拒而破之。 賊悉掠喀、英二城,遁出邊。 十一年,浩罕聞大軍且至,由伊犁、烏什、喀城三路出師,築邊牆拒守。 又乞俄援,俄弗許。 浩罕念無外援,遂遣頭目至喀城謁欽差長齡呈訴,並請通商。 長齡遣還二使,留其一使,令縛獻賊目,釋回被虜兵民。 浩罕報言,被虜兵民可釋還,惟縛獻夷目事,回經所無。 且通商求免稅,並給還鈔沒貲產。
In the eighth year Jahangir was put to death; his family stayed in Kokand. Imperial Commissioner Nayancheng demanded they be handed over; Kokand refused. The court ordered the border markets closed to pressure them. Nayancheng also urged expelling Kokand traders inland and seizing their property. The traders in turn proclaimed Jahangir's brother Yusuf khojagi, rallied thousands of Buruts and Andijanis, besieged Kashgar and Yengisar, and raided Yarkand until Bichang and Hafeng'a beat them back. They looted Kashgar and Yengisar and fled across the frontier. In the eleventh year, learning that a large force was coming, Kokand mobilized on three lines from Yili, Ush, and Kashgar and threw up frontier walls. They sought Russian help as well, but Russia refused. Without allies, Kokand sent chiefs to Kashgar to petition Chang Ling and ask to reopen trade. Chang Ling returned two envoys, kept one, and told him to surrender the rebel chiefs and free prisoners. Kokand agreed to free captives but said extraditing chiefs had no precedent in the faith. They also demanded duty-free trade and restoration of seized goods.
19
長齡疏言:「安邊之策,振威為上,羈縻次之。 浩罕與布哈爾、達爾瓦斯、喀拉提錦諸部落犬牙相錯,所屬塔什干、安集延等七處均無城池,其臨戰皆恃騎賊,然在馬上不能施槍砲。 倘以鳥槍連環擊之,則騎賊必先奔。 其卡外布魯特、哈薩克向受其欺淩、爭求內徙,而卡內回眾亦恨其虜掠無人理。 果欲聲罪致討,但選精銳三四萬人整軍而出,並於伊犁、烏什邊境聲稱三路並進,先期檄諭布哈爾等部同時進攻,則不待直搗巢穴,而其附近諸仇部已乘釁並起,可一舉而平之矣。 惟是大軍出塞,主客殊形。 自喀浪圭卡倫至浩罕千六百餘里,中有鐵列克嶺,為浩罕、布魯特界山。 兩山夾河,僅容單騎,兩日方能出山。 此路奇險,勞師遠涉,勝負未可盡知。 今擬遣還前所留來使一人,令伯克霍爾敦寄信開導,為相機羈縻之計。 蓋浩罕四城外有三小城:曰窩什,在東南; 曰霍占,在西南; 曰柯拉普,在西北。 塔什干別為一部,屬右哈薩克,亦附浩罕,稱浩罕八城,故云所屬七處也。」 奏入,詔一切皆如所請。 浩罕大喜過望,遣使來抱經盟誓,通商納貢焉。
Chang Ling wrote: "The best frontier policy is to awe; the next is to bind by favor. Kokand lies tangled with Bukhara, Darwas, Karatejin, and others; its seven dependencies, including Tashkent and Andijan, lack walls; in war they depend on horsemen who cannot fire muskets or cannon from the saddle. Volley fire would break their cavalry at once. Buruts and Kazakhs beyond the passes have long been bullied and beg to move in; Muslims within the passes hate their ruthless raids. To punish them in earnest, thirty or forty thousand picked men could march out while Yili and Ush announce a three-pronged advance and summon Bukhara and the rest to strike at once; their neighbors would rise without our reaching Kokand itself. Yet a campaign beyond the passes reverses the advantage of host and guest. From Kalangui post to Kokand is over sixteen hundred li, with Tielieke Ridge—the Kokand–Burut divide—in between. A river runs between cliffs so narrow that only one horse passes at a time; two days are needed to clear the defile. The road is treacherous; a distant expedition with tired troops holds no sure promise of victory. We propose to release one detained envoy and have Bek Kholdun write in persuasion—a policy of timely restraint. Outside the four main cities stand three lesser towns: Wasi to the southeast; Huozhan to the southwest; and Kelapu to the northwest. Tashkent, though a Right Kazakh dependency, was also tied to Kokand; with the four cities and three towns they made the "eight cities"—hence the seven dependencies cited above." The memorial was approved in full. Kokand rejoiced, sent envoys to swear on the Quran, and resumed trade and tribute.
20
是時,浩罕酋謨哈馬阿里勢頗張,既與中國和,北結俄羅斯,南通印度。 其人有才略,而性淫暴。 徵民女,納父妾。 布哈爾酋遣使責之,謨哈馬阿里怒,髡其使。 布哈爾遂率眾攻浩罕,擒斬謨哈馬阿里及其父妾,並俘獲姬妾四十車,凱旋。 以伊布拉興留守,遣使至中國卡倫告捷。 時道光二十二年也。 會伊布拉興虐浩罕民,浩罕叛,立西爾阿里。 布哈爾遣兵二萬來伐。 有謨蘇滿沽者,浩罕人,謂布酋曰:「此可說而下也! 請先行。」 布酋許之。 至浩罕,乃力勸拒守。 布哈爾兵至,攻四十日,不克,解圍去。 於是謨蘇滿沽預國政。 西爾阿里死,次子古德亞嗣立。 謨蘇滿沽妻以女,防之甚嚴,不使接賓客。 會塔什干人犯境,謨蘇滿沽挾以出征,兵交而古德亞逃入敵軍。 後塔什干平,謨蘇滿沽獲之,復載回國。 六月,党人沙特殺謨蘇滿沽及其党萬餘人。 古德亞走布哈爾,眾立古德亞之弟馬拉。 又二年,黨人基布查怨望,謀逆,殺馬拉。 立古德亞從弟沙漠拉。 古德亞之在外也,為人傭工,以塔什干之力得復國。 後阿林沽作亂,又出奔,商於外,復以布哈爾之力復國。
Muhammad Ali of Kokand was then at the height of his power; at peace with China, he leaned on Russia in the north and trade with India in the south. He was able but dissolute and cruel. He seized subjects' daughters and took his father's concubine. Bukhara sent a reproving envoy; Muhammad Ali had his head shaved in rage. Bukhara marched on Kokand, killed Muhammad Ali and his father's concubine, and carried off forty cartloads of women in triumph. Ibrahim was left to hold the country, and an envoy announced the victory at a Chinese frontier post. That was in Daoguang 22. Ibrahim then oppressed the people; Kokand rose and enthroned Sir Ali. Bukhara sent twenty thousand men against them. A Kokandian named Musulman Quli told the Bukhara ruler, "They can be talked down! Let me go ahead." Bukhara agreed. At Kokand he instead urged a stubborn defense. Bukhara besieged the city forty days, failed, and withdrew. Musulman Quli then directed the government. Sir Ali died and his second son Khudayar took the throne. Musulman Quli married him to his daughter, kept him under strict guard, and barred visitors. During a Tashkent raid Musulman Quli took him to war; in the battle Khudayar deserted to the enemy. After Tashkent was subdued Musulman Quli seized him and brought him home. In the sixth month the partisan Shah killed Musulman Quli and over ten thousand of his followers. Khudayar fled to Bukhara and the people raised his brother Mullah. Two years on, the partisan Kipchak, nursing grievances, rebelled and killed Mullah. The people raised Khudayar's cousin Shamurat. While in exile Khudayar hired himself out as a laborer until Tashkent's aid restored him to the throne. When Alim Quli rose in revolt Khudayar fled once more, traded abroad, and again won the kingdom back through Bukhara.
21
時俄兵日南,古德亞不能禦敵,請和。 古德亞有子曰那西亞丁,頗得民心,種人謀立之,誅其貪吝者,於是國內亂,古德亞奔俄。 那西亞丁立,率黨人叛俄,以俄非回教國也。
Russian columns pushed south daily; unable to hold them off, Khudayar sued for peace. Khudayar's son Nasir al-Din was widely beloved; tribesmen plotted to crown him and killed the grasping officials, plunging the realm into turmoil until Khudayar fled to Russia. Nasir al-Din took the throne and led his faction against Russia on the ground that it was not a Muslim power.
22
光緒二十九年,俄人滅其國,置費爾干省。
In Guangxu 29 Russia extinguished the khanate and organized the Ferghana province.
23
布魯特分東、西二部。 東布魯特在伊犁西南一千四百里,天山特莫爾圖淖爾左右,古為烏孫西鄙塞種地。 其部有五,每部各一鄂拓克。 最著者三:曰薩雅克鄂拓克,曰薩拉巴噶什鄂拓克; 曰塔拉斯鄂拓克。 其酋長戴氈帽,似僧家毗盧,頂甚銳,卷末為簷。 衣錦衣,長領曲袷,紅絲絛,紅革鞮。 民人冠無皮飾,衣褐。
The Buruts fell into eastern and western divisions. Eastern Burut lay fourteen hundred li southwest of Ili around Lake Temurtu on the Tianshan, on ground that in antiquity had been the western marches of Wusun and the Saka. Five tribes made up the division, each ruled by an otok. The three best known were Sayak Otok and Sarbagash Otok; and Talas Otok. Chiefs wore felt caps like a monk's pilu, sharply pointed with the tail curled into a brim. They dressed in brocade with long-collared crossed coats, red silk belts, and red leather boots. Commoners went bare of fur on their caps and wore brown homespun.
24
先是,東布魯特為準噶爾侵偪,西遷安集延。 乾隆二十年,準部平,得復故地。 二十三年六月,將軍兆惠等追捕準部餘党哈薩克沙喇至東布魯特界,遣侍衛烏爾金、托倫泰往撫,抵其遊牧珠穆翰地。 薩雅克、薩拉巴噶什兩鄂拓克不自主,別推一年長者瑪木克呼里主之。 年九十餘,體碩,趺坐腹垂至地,不能遠行。 遣使獻牛羊百頭,將軍等宴而示之講武,鹹詫服天朝騎射之利,乞內附。 於時兼撫定霍索楚、啟台兩鄂拓克。 七月,參贊大臣富德復遣侍衛伊達木劄布往諭,薩婁鄂拓克阿克拜亦率眾五千戶來歸,同遣使入朝。 其貢道由回部以達京師。
Earlier the Zungars had harried Eastern Burut until the tribes moved west to Andijan. In Qianlong 20 the Zungar lands were pacified and they regained their former pastures. In the sixth month of Qianlong 23, as General Zhao Hui chased the Zungar holdout Kazakh Shala to the Eastern Burut frontier, he sent Attendants Ul'jin and Tol'untai to win them over at their Zhümohan pastures. Sayak and Sarbagash could not govern themselves and set up the elder Mamukhuri as their head. Past ninety, hugely built, he sat cross-legged with his belly on the ground and could not travel far. He sent envoys with a hundred head of livestock; the generals feasted them and staged a drill, and all marveled at the dynasty's horsemanship and begged to submit. At the same time the Huosochu and Qitai otoks were brought under control. In the seventh month Counsellor Fude sent Attendant Idamujab with further orders; Akbay of the Salu Otok brought five thousand households to allegiance and sent envoys to court with the rest. Tribute traveled through the Muslim borderlands to the capital.
25
西布魯特與東布魯特相接,在回疆喀什噶爾城西北三百里。 西接布哈爾國。 道由鄂什山口逾蔥嶺至其地,蓋古之休循、捐毒也。 凡十有五部,最著者四:曰額德格納鄂拓克,曰蒙科爾多爾鄂拓克,曰齊裏克鄂拓克,曰巴斯子鄂拓克。 衣冠風俗皆同東部。
Western Burut bordered the eastern division three hundred li northwest of Kashgar. On the west lay Bukhara. Travelers crossed the Pamirs by the Aqsu pass to a country that had been Xiuxun and Juandu in antiquity. Fifteen tribes made up the west, of which four were chief: Idagna, Monkordor, Chilik, and Baszi otoks. Dress and custom matched the eastern Buruts.
26
然布魯特人貧而悍,輕生重利,喜虜掠。 乾隆以後,邊吏率庸材,撫馭失宜,往往生變。 嘉慶十九年,孜牙憞之案,枉誅圖爾第邁莫特,其子阿仔霍逃塞外,憤煽種類圖報復。 二十五年,叛回張格爾糾布魯特數百寇邊,有頭目蘇蘭奇入報,為章京綏善叱逐。 蘇蘭奇憤走出塞,遂從賊。 道光四年,張格爾屢糾布魯特擾邊。 五年九月,領隊大臣色彥圖以兵二百,出塞四百里掩之,不遇,則縱殺遊牧之布魯特妻子百餘而還。 其酋汰列克恨甚,率所部二千人追覆官兵於山谷,賊遂猖獗。 於是有八年重定回疆之役。
Yet the Buruts were poor and warlike, careless of life and greedy for gain, and fond of plunder. After the Qianlong era frontier officers were mostly mediocrities whose misrule bred repeated unrest. In Jiaqing 19, in the Ziyauddin affair, Turdimamat was unjustly put to death; his son Azihuo fled beyond the frontier and stirred the tribes to vengeance. In the twenty-fifth year the rebel Jahangir mustered several hundred Buruts against the frontier; the chief Sulanchi came to warn the garrison but was driven off by the clerk Suishan. Sulanchi stormed out beyond the passes and threw in his lot with the rebels. In Daoguang 4 Jahangir repeatedly stirred the Buruts to raid the frontier. In the ninth month of the fifth year Detachment Commander Seyantu led two hundred men four hundred li beyond the passes on a surprise attack, found no foe, and slaughtered more than a hundred Burut women and children at pasture before returning. Chief Tileke, enraged, overtook the column in a valley with two thousand tribesmen and wiped it out, and the rebellion flared. That was the origin of the eighth-year campaign to reconquer the Muslim borderlands.
27
迨同治三年,布魯特叛酋田拉滿蘇拉滿與庫車土匪馬隆等句結為亂,逆回金相印等乘之,新疆淪陷十有餘年。 光緒四年,欽差大臣左宗棠遣劉錦棠收復南八城,駐軍喀什噶爾,有布魯特頭目來謁錦棠,原仍歸中國。 自言部落十四,蓋即向之西布魯特也。 而東布魯特接伊犁邊者,又有五部:曰蘇勒圖,曰察哈爾,曰薩雅克,曰巴斯特斯,曰薩爾巴噶什,已投附俄羅斯矣。 光緒初,俄人併吞浩罕後,西部亦大半為俄所脅收。 其附近中國卡倫,喁喁內鄉,代為守邊,可紀者僅千餘家而已。
By Tongzhi 3 the Burut rebel Tianlaman Sulaman had joined Kucha bandits such as Ma Long in revolt; Muslim rebels led by Jin Xiangyin seized the moment, and Xinjiang lay lost for more than a decade. In Guangxu 4 Imperial Commissioner Zuo Zongtang sent Liu Jintang to retake the southern eight cities; as Liu garrisoned Kashgar, Burut chiefs came to him wishing to return to Chinese allegiance. They reported fourteen tribes—evidently the old Western Burut. Eastern Burut on the Ili frontier still counted five tribes—Suletu, Chahar, Sayak, Bastes, and Sarbagash—but they had already gone under Russia. Early in the Guangxu reign, once Russia had swallowed Kokand, most of the western Buruts too were pressed into the Russian fold. Only the families still near Chinese border posts, murmuring of loyalty, helped hold the line—and they numbered barely a thousand households.
28
哈薩克部有三:曰東部,曰中部,曰西部。 東哈薩克在舊準噶爾部之西北,東西千里,南北六百里。 東界塔爾巴哈台,西界右哈薩克部,南界伊犁,北界俄羅斯。 漢康居國地也。 哈薩克汗阿布賚之告順德納曰:「我哈薩克之有三玉茲,如準噶爾之有四衛拉特也。 東部者,左部也,曰鄂圖玉茲,謂之伊克准。 中部者,右部也,曰烏拉克玉茲,謂之多木達都准。 西部最遠,曰奇齊克玉茲,謂之巴罕准。 左部之汗曰阿布賚,右部之汗曰脫卜柯依,西部之頭人曰都爾遜。」
The Kazakhs were divided into eastern, central, and western clans. Eastern Kazakh pastures lay northwest of old Zungaria, roughly a thousand li across and six hundred deep. Tarbagatai lay to the east, the Right Kazakh clan to the west, Ili to the south, and Russia to the north. The land had been Kangju in Han times. Kazakh Khan Ablai told Shunduna, "The three jüz of the Kazakhs are to us what the four Oirat were to the Zungars. The east is the Left Wing, the Orta Jüz, called the Greater Horde. The center is the Right Wing, the Uluq Jüz, or Middle Horde. The farthest west is the Chilik Jüz, the Lesser Horde. Ablai rules the Left Wing, Tobukui the Right, and Dursun leads the west."
29
初,阿布賚乘準噶爾平,遣使往諭,阿布賚投誠。 適阿睦爾撒納叛走哈薩克,阿布賚納之。 我兵進,敗其眾。 阿布賚大悔,密計擒阿逆以求臣於我。 會阿逆遁歸準噶爾。 二十二年,阿布賚以其兵三萬助攻阿逆,陳情謝罪,奉表請內附。 後阿睦爾撒納奔俄而死,阿布賚乃擒其黨額布濟齊巴罕以獻。 其別部和集博爾根及喀拉巴勒特並率其屬三萬戶來附。 二十四年以後,屢遣使朝貢,並賜冠服,宴賚如例。
When Zungaria was first pacified, envoys were sent to win the Kazakhs over and Ablai submitted. Amursana had just rebelled and fled to the Kazakhs, and Ablai gave him refuge. Imperial columns advanced and routed his force. Ablai was deeply remorseful and secretly planned to seize the traitor and win favor with the court. Before he could act, the traitor slipped back into Zungaria. In the twenty-second year Ablai brought thirty thousand men to help hunt the traitor, pleaded his case, and memorialized for submission. When Amursana later fled to Russia and died there, Ablai seized his follower Ebujeji Bahang and sent him in. Separate chiefs Khojibergen and Karabalet each brought thirty thousand households into allegiance. From the twenty-fourth year onward they sent repeated tribute missions and received court dress and banquets by precedent.
30
右哈薩克在左哈薩克之西二千里。 東界左部,西界塔什干,南界布魯特、安集延諸部,北界俄羅斯,東南界伊犁。 亦漢康居五小王地也。 其汗曰阿布勒班畢特,即阿比裏斯。 其巴圖爾有三:曰吐里拜,曰輝格爾德,曰薩薩克拜,而吐里拜實專國政。 乾隆二十二年,左部阿布賚既臣服,請招右部。 會參贊大臣富德方以兵索逆賊哈薩克錫拉至右部,時吐裏拜方與塔什干交兵,為平之,乃下。 於是吐里拜詣軍門,納款奉馬,進表請歸附。 二十三年以後,屢遣使入朝,恩賜宴賚如例。 其貢道均由伊犁以達京師。 今則自中、俄定界後,哈薩克已分屬兩國矣。
The Right Kazakh lay two thousand li west of the Left. It bordered the Left Wing on the east, Tashkent on the west, the Buruts and Andijan on the south, Russia on the north, and Ili to the southeast. It too had been the domain of Kangju's five lesser kings in Han times. Its khan was Abulambakit, or Ablis. Three batyrs stood at its head—Turibai, Huerga'erde, and Sasakbai—though Turibai in fact directed affairs. In Qianlong 22, once the Left Wing's Ablai had submitted, he asked the court to summon the Right Wing as well. Counsellor Fude was then hunting the traitor Kazakh Shila into the Right Wing while Turibai was fighting Tashkent; Fude settled that war and brought them to heel. Turibai then came to the camp, offered horses in submission, and memorialized for allegiance. From the twenty-third year on they sent repeated embassies and received banquets and gifts by precedent. All tribute went by way of Ili to the capital. Since the Sino-Russian boundary settlement, the Kazakhs have been split between the two empires.
31
安集延,亦大宛國地。 喀什噶爾西北五百里,西至浩罕三百八十里。 其貢道由回部以達京師。 乾隆二十四年,將軍兆惠檄諭協擒逆回霍集占,其伯克以逆回未至彼境,即專使籥請入覲。 二十五年,伯克托克托瑪哈墨第等來朝貢,賜宴賞賚如例。
Andijan too lay on the ground of ancient Dayuan. It stood five hundred li northwest of Kashgar and three hundred eighty li east of Kokand. Tribute traveled through the Muslim borderlands to the capital. In Qianlong 24 General Zhao Hui called on them to help seize the rebel Khoja Jahan; the bek replied that the rebel had not entered his land and at once sent an envoy begging an audience at court. In the twenty-fifth year beks such as Tokhtomahammadi came to court with tribute and were feasted and rewarded by precedent.
32
瑪爾噶朗,在安集延西百八十里。 ,伯克伊拉斯呼里拜率屬投誠。
Margilan stood a hundred and eighty li west of Andijan. Its bek Ilyas Khuribay brought his people into allegiance.
33
那木干,在瑪爾噶朗西北八十里。 其地東北與布魯特雜處,東境逾河即為塔什干地。 ,與浩罕同時輸誠內附。
Namangan lay eighty li northwest of Margilan. In the northeast its pastures mingled with the Buruts, and beyond the river on the east lay Tashkent. It submitted to the court at the same time as Kokand.
34
塔什干,在喀什噶爾西北一千三百里。 漢為康居、大宛地,唐之石國也。 居平原,有城郭。 人民奉回教。 與哈薩克同以三和卓分轄其眾:曰莫爾多薩木什,曰沙達,曰吐爾占。 舊為準噶爾羈屬。 莫爾多薩木什者,哈薩克所置和卓也。 吐爾占逐之,與哈薩克構兵。
Tashkent lay thirteen hundred li northwest of Kashgar. In Han times it had been Kangju and Dayuan; under the Tang it was the kingdom of Shi. It stood on open plain country with walled towns. Its people were Muslims. As among the Kazakhs, three khojas shared authority: Mordosamush, Shada, and Turzhan. It had once been a Zungar dependency. Mordosamush was a khoja the Kazakhs had set up. Turzhan expelled him and fought the Kazakhs.
35
巴達克山,在葉爾羌西千餘里,居蔥嶺右偏。 由伊西洱庫爾西稍南行,渡噴赤河至其國。 有城郭,部落繁盛,戶十萬餘。 其酋戴紅氈小帽,束以錦帕,衣錦氈衣,腰系白絲絛,黑革鞮。 其民人帽頂制似葫蘆,邊飾以皮,衣黃褐,束白絲絛,黑革鞮,亦有用黃牛皮者。 婦人不冠,被髮雙垂,衣紫氈,餘與男子同。 其國負山險,田地腴美,築室以居,耕而兼牧獵。
Badakhshan lay over a thousand li west of Yarkand on the southern face of the Pamirs. Travelers went a little south from west of Lake Yashilkul, crossed the Panj, and entered the country. It had walled towns, thriving tribes, and more than a hundred thousand households. The chief wore a small red felt cap with a brocade wrap, brocade felt dress, a white silk belt, and black leather boots. Commoners wore gourd-shaped caps edged in fur, yellow-brown dress, white silk belts, and black boots—some of yellow oxhide. Women went uncapped with hair in twin braids, dressed in purple felt, and otherwise matched the men. The country clung to rugged mountains on rich farmland; people built houses, farmed, and herded and hunted besides.
36
博羅爾,在巴達克山東,有城郭,戶三萬餘,四面皆山,西北則河水環之。 乾隆二十四年,既與巴達克山同內附,遣其陪臣沙伯克等朝京師。 二十七年十一月,博羅爾伯克沙呼沙默特貢劍斧諸物。 二十九年,貢匕首。 是時博羅爾與巴達克山屢構釁,沙呼沙默特乞援於葉爾羌,都統新柱遣諭巴達克山遵約束,還俘罷兵。 至是,沙呼沙默特以所寶匕首進貢謝恩。 三十四年,又進玉欛雙匕首。
Bolor lay east of Badakhshan, with walled towns and thirty thousand-odd households ringed by mountains; on the northwest a river curled around the land. In the twenty-fourth year of Qianlong, Bolor submitted together with Badakhshan and sent attendant ministers led by Shah Beg to pay court at the capital. In the eleventh month of the twenty-seventh year, the Bolor beg Shah Husamad sent tribute of swords, axes, and other goods. In the twenty-ninth year he presented daggers as tribute. Bolor and Badakhshan were then at repeated odds; Shah Husamad appealed to Yarkand, and Commandant Xin Zhu ordered Badakhshan to keep the peace, return prisoners, and stand down. Thereupon Shah Husamad offered his prized dagger in tribute to express his gratitude. In the thirty-fourth year he again sent a matched pair of daggers with jade hilts.
37
博羅爾人別一種,築室而居,有村落,無文字,與諸回部言語不通,惟衣帽則與安集延相類。 人皆深目高鼻,濃髭繞喙。 男多女少,恆兄弟四五人共一妻,生子女次第分認,無兄弟者與戚裏共之。 土半沙鹵,故其人苦貧。 地多桑,取葚曝乾為糧。 飲山羊乳,以馬湩為酒。 稱其酋曰「比」。 以人口為賦稅,生子女納其半,賣於各回城為奴婢,值頗昂,每口值八九十金。 後亦為阿富汗所併。
The Bolor were a people apart: they built houses and lived in villages, kept no writing, and could not make themselves understood among the Muslim districts—only their caps and dress recalled Andijan. They had deep-set eyes, high noses, and heavy beards that ringed the mouth. Men far outnumbered women; four or five brothers commonly shared one wife, and fatherhood was apportioned in turn among them—men without brothers shared a wife with kin. Half the land was sand and brine, and the people lived in grinding want. Mulberries grew everywhere; the people dried the fruit in the sun and ate it as food. They drank goat's milk and brewed wine from fermented mare's milk. They called their chief the "Bi." Tax was levied in human lives: half of every child born was surrendered and sold as slaves in the Muslim cities, at steep prices of eighty or ninety gold pieces a head. Later Bolor too was absorbed into Afghanistan.
38
阿富汗,即愛烏罕。 其國北界布哈爾,南界俾路支,東界印度,西界波斯,東西二千餘里。 由巴達克山西南行約七百里,曆依色克米什、班因、察里克爾諸回部,越因都庫什山至喀布爾,其國都也。 因都庫什山者,蔥嶺山脈右旋之支,迤邐而西,名伊蘭高原。 其地波斯處其西,而阿富汗處其東。 本罽賓故國。 分七大部:首曰喀布爾部,內屬部七; 曰岡大害部,內屬部四; 曰射士當部; 曰愛拉部,內屬部二; 曰歐潑部,內屬部三; 曰愛乍爾部; 曰加非利士當部,內屬部七。 西與波斯接壤。 有沙磧,餘皆沃壤。 其氣候。 高地多寒,近低地則熱。 物產,果木、棉花、甘蔗、煙草之屬。 人皆土著,業農,無遊牧。 工織毛布,著名西域。 戶口約五百餘萬,分二十四族,每族聚居一地,皆自治。 其長之升降,則聽命於王焉。 其人勇猛樸誠出天性,易撫循。
Afghanistan—the name rendered in the text as Aiwuhan. The kingdom bordered Bukhara on the north, Baluchistan on the south, India on the east, and Persia on the west, stretching more than two thousand li from east to west. From Badakhshan one traveled southwest some seven hundred li through the Muslim districts of Ishkashim, Bain, and Charikar, crossed the Hindu Kush, and reached Kabul, the capital. The Hindu Kush was a spur of the Pamir range bending westward—the Iranian plateau of Western geography. Persia lay to the west of this highland and Afghanistan to the east. It was the ancient realm of Jibin (Kapiśa). The country fell into seven great divisions, headed by the Kabul division with seven subordinate districts; the Gundamak division with four subordinates; the Shikandar division; the Herat division with two subordinates; the Candahar division with three subordinates; the Jalal division; and the Kaffirstan division with seven subordinates. On the west it marched with Persia. Sandy wastes dotted the land; elsewhere the soil was rich. Its climate: The high country ran cold; the lowlands, hot. Its products included orchard fruit, cotton, sugarcane, tobacco, and the like. The people were sedentary farmers; there was no nomad pastoralism. They wove woolen cloth renowned across the Western Regions. Households numbered some five million, grouped in twenty-four tribes, each settled in its own district and governing itself. Whether a chief rose or fell rested with the king. By nature they were brave, plain, and honest, and easy to win to obedience.
39
帕米爾者,蔥嶺山中寬平之地,供回族遊牧者也。 帕地有八,其中皆小回部錯居。 乾隆中,大部隸屬中國,羈縻之使弗絕。 厥後迤北、迤西稍稍歸俄,迤南小部附於阿富汗,東路、中路則服屬於中國。 於是帕米爾遂為中、俄、阿富汗三國平分之地。 出帕米爾,南逾因都庫什山,即達印度,故俄人盡力經營之,而英人亦遂急起而隱為之備。 英之為阿爭,即不啻為印度爭也。
The Pamirs were the broad upland pastures of the Pamir range where Muslim peoples grazed their herds. The Pamir country had eight divisions, each dotted with small Muslim communities. Under Qianlong most of the Pamir fell under Chinese suzerainty and was held in loose attachment so the bond never lapsed. Later the north and west drifted by degrees to Russia, the southern petty districts to Afghanistan, while the eastern and central routes remained under China. Pamir thus became territory partitioned among China, Russia, and Afghanistan. South of the Pamirs, beyond the Hindu Kush, lay India—so Russia pressed every lever there, and Britain in turn scrambled to counter it behind the scenes. Britain's contest over Afghanistan was, in truth, a contest over India.
40
初,,高宗平定回疆,窮追賊首至伊西洱庫爾,三戰三捷,遂蕆大功。 高宗御製碑文勒銘淖爾,西域圖志所指為喀什噶爾西境外地者也。 當日喀城邊卡西境之玉斯屯阿喇圖什卡,僅八十里; 西南之鄂坡勒卡,僅一百二十里。 道光間,欽定邊卡西至烏帕喇特卡,一百二十里; 西北至喀浪圭卡,一百五十里。 迨光緒間,克復新疆,劉錦棠始增設七卡於舊界之外。 十五年,又設蘇滿一卡於伊西洱庫爾淖爾北十里,是卡距喀城千六百里,最為窎遠,僅以布魯特回人守之,未駐兵也。 英使之初議分帕也,我國嚴拒之,未允其請。 既而俄兵闌入帕地,我國責其稱兵越界,俄人即引咎退歸。 光緒十七年,英兵入坎巨提,逐其頭目,其意在覷覦帕地也。 新疆巡撫檄馬隊巡曆邊境,屯於蘇滿。 十八年春,俄人來言帕地為中、俄兩屬,未經勘界,中國不應駐兵。 總理衙門遂電疆撫退兵,而仍留蘇滿卡倫。 俄復請盡撤新設諸卡,然後勘界。 正相持間,而英人陰嗾阿兵突至蘇滿,脅擄布回而去,俄遂進兵與阿人戰於蘇滿,其東隊則遊弋於郎庫里湖、阿克塔什,漸近喀邊。 總理衙門疏言:「我國先駐蘇滿之兵不早撤回,則俄、阿戰事將自我啟之,轉難收束。 阿雖占地而適致俄兵,蠻觸相爭,原可不必過問。 但其東駸駸逼近邊境,頗為可慮耳。」 蓋阿富汗自乾隆後朝貢不通,久置之度外矣,至是復一見焉。 二十一年,帕米爾界議始定。
At the outset the High Emperor had pacified the Muslim frontier, pursued the rebel chiefs to Lake Yashilkul, won three battles in succession, and brought the great campaign to its close. The High Emperor's own inscription was cut at the lake—the ground the Western Regions Gazetteer marks as beyond Kashgar's western marches. In those days Kashgar's westernmost pass, Ustun Artush, lay only eighty li out; the Epol pass to the southwest only a hundred and twenty. Under Daoguang the frontier was fixed: west to the Upalat pass, a hundred and twenty li; northwest to the Karangui pass, a hundred and fifty. When Xinjiang was recovered in the Guangxu era, Liu Jintang first established seven new passes beyond the old line. In the fifteenth year another post, Sum, was placed ten li north of Lake Yashilkul—sixteen hundred li from Kashgar, the most distant of all, manned only by Kyrgyz Muslims with no regular troops. When the British envoy first proposed partitioning the Pamirs, China refused flatly and would not hear of it. Russian troops then intruded into the Pamirs; China protested their armed crossing of the border, and the Russians apologized and withdrew. In the seventeenth year of Guangxu British troops entered Kanjut and drove out its chiefs—their eye was on the Pamirs. The Xinjiang governor-general ordered cavalry to patrol the frontier and encamp at Sum. In the spring of the eighteenth year the Russians protested that the Pamirs were jointly Chinese and Russian, the border unsurveyed, and that China ought not to keep troops there. The Zongli Yamen wired the frontier governor to pull back the troops but to retain the Sum picket. Russia again demanded that all the new passes be dismantled before any boundary survey. While the standoff continued, Britain secretly urged Afghan troops to strike Sum, seize the Kyrgyz Muslims, and carry them off; Russia marched in and fought the Afghans at Sum, while an eastern column ranged Lake Rangkul and Aktash and drew ever nearer the Kashgar frontier. The Zongli Yamen argued in memorial: "Unless the troops we posted first at Sum are withdrawn promptly, the Russo-Afghan clash will be opened by us and will prove hard to close. Afghanistan may seize ground, but in doing so it only draws in Russian forces; a clash of barbarians is no affair of ours. Yet their eastern wing is pressing swiftly on our border—a matter for real concern." Afghanistan had sent no tribute since Qianlong and had long been set outside the court's reckoning; now it surfaced once more in the record. In the twenty-first year the Pamir boundary settlement was at last concluded.
41
坎巨提,即乾竺特,在葉爾羌西南約一千五百里。 自葉爾羌西行入蔥嶺,至塞勒庫勒之塔什庫爾幹,即蒲犁廳也。 由是西行,逾尼若塔什山口,又西南至塔克敦巴什帕米爾,為八帕之一。 由是南逾瓦呼羅特、明塔戛兩山口,西為因都庫什山,東為穆斯塔格山。 出山口順棍雜河南行,又順河折西抵棍雜,即坎巨提都城,城瀕棍雜河北岸。 西域水道記言:「塞勒庫勒在葉爾羌之西八百里,為外蕃總會之區。 自塞勒庫勒西五日程,曰黑斯圖濟; 又西南三日程,曰乾竺特。」 即坎巨提,譯文異耳。 乾隆二十六年,其酋有黑斯婁者,始內附,即葉爾羌辦事大臣新柱奏稱「乾竺特伯克黑斯婁遣子貢金」者也。
Kanjut—rendered in the text as Gandhar—lay some fifteen hundred li southwest of Yarkand. From Yarkand one traveled west into the Pamirs to Tashkurgan in Sarikol—the Puli subprefecture. Thence west over the Niran Tash pass, and southwest to Taghdumbash Pamir—one of the eight Pamirs. Southward lay the Wakhjir and Mintaka passes; the Hindu Kush rose to the west and Mustagh to the east. Beyond the passes the road followed the Hunza River south, then bent west along the stream to Hunza—the capital of Kanjut—built on the river's north bank. The Western Regions Waterways records: "Sarikol lies eight hundred li west of Yarkand, a gathering ground of outer tribes. Five days' march west of Sarikol lies Hestij; and three days southwest of that, Gandhar." —which is Kanjut under another name. In the twenty-sixth year of Qianlong its chief Haslou first submitted—the man whom Yarkand Commissioner Xin Zhu reported as "the Gandhar beg Haslou, who sent his son to present gold tribute."
42
其人皆奉瑪罕默德回教。 其部落東西寬二十里,南北長六百里。 兩山夾立,廣大峻削,中有大河,為入南疆要隘。 坎部民住河西,河東則哪格爾所屬也。 棍雜城大約三里。 城北有大山曰溫吉爾,河曰崇帶雅。 所轄村莊二十五,城中居民二千餘,其在各莊者約五千餘人,城鄉大小頭目一百四十。 土產牛、羊、馬匹,無布帛,盡衣毛褐。 五穀諸果俱備。 敵國有犯境者,民即為兵,選精壯者出關禦之。 人皆業農,不納糧,不徵稅,惟歲與其酋耕斂而已。 每歲貢中國砂金一兩五錢,派之民,農戶收麥十二斤,畜牧家則戶收羊羔一,以集此款,無他徭也。 貢使至,朝廷賞大緞兩端。 其貢至宣統間不絕。
The people all professed Muhammadan Islam. The territory ran twenty li east to west and six hundred li north to south. Two mountain walls rose vast and sheer, with a great river between—the choke point into the Southern March. Kanjut folk lived west of the river; east of the river lay Nagir's domain. Hunza town measured about three li around. North of the town rose Mount Wenggir; a stream called Chongdaiya flowed there. Twenty-five villages fell under its rule; the town held more than two thousand people and the hamlets some five thousand more, with a hundred and forty headmen great and small in town and countryside. The land yielded cattle, sheep, and horses; there was no woven cloth, and all dressed in wool. Grain and fruit of every kind were plentiful. When a neighbor crossed the border, the people became soldiers at once, and the stoutest men marched out of the pass to meet them. All were farmers; there were no grain levies or taxes—only the yearly share of the harvest taken by the chief. Each year they sent China one liang five qian of placer gold, assessed on the people: twelve jin of wheat from each farming household, one lamb from each herding household—no other levy or corvée. When tribute envoys arrived, the court granted two bolts of fine silk. Tribute continued without interruption through the Xuantong reign.
43
道光間,喀什米爾國王熱吉苦羅普散令其將布甫山率兵犯境,奪坎屬麻雲卡,坎酋夏孜牌爾敗之,追斬七千餘名。 喀什米爾遣使構和,年與坎酋洋銀一千五百元,元重二錢五分; 坎酋以馬二匹、細狗二隻報之。 人謂入貢喀什米爾者,妄也。 同治四年,喀什米爾國王令就貝爾薩再犯境,坎王艾贊木復戰敗之,蓋至是喀什米爾已四犯坎屬矣。
Under Daoguang the Kashmir king Ranjit Singh sent his general Bupsun across the border to seize Kanjut's Mayun pass; Chief Sazipal routed him and pursued, killing more than seven thousand men. Kashmir sent envoys to sue for peace and paid the Kanjut chief fifteen hundred foreign silver dollars a year, each dollar weighing two qian five fen; the Kanjut chief returned the courtesy with two horses and two hounds. The claim that Kanjut paid tribute to Kashmir is nonsense. In the fourth year of Tongzhi the Kashmir king sent Bilsa across the border again; King Aizanmu of Kanjut defeated him once more—by then Kashmir had invaded Kanjut four times.
44
光緒間,俄兵入帕米爾,英人聞之,率兵至哪格爾,並檄坎巨提修平道路,備兵進帕地。 哪格爾首抗英,坎酋助之。 十七年,英人敗哪格爾,直抵坎城,賽必德哎裏罕戰敗,攜眷屬潛遁,英人遂據其地。 先是賽酋私與俄通,上降書,押結約俄奪占帕米爾,修築堡壘於黑孜吉牙克、阿克素睦爾瓦、蘇滿三處,並建營於包子滾拜子,以扼要沖。 俄人復書,報以金幣千元、金絲呢布諸貨六馱、快砲六杆。 賽酋悖逆無信,不恤部眾,且狡而好利,屢挑釁英、俄以求賄,視其部為市販。 其副目歪孜爾素執兵權,同惡相濟,部民皆深忌之。 至是,率其眾五百餘人將奔俄,塔墩巴什頭目窩思滿集眾邀之。 張鴻疇拘諸色勒庫爾,屢謀突城出,不得,後解省羈禁十有七年,嗣復安置庫車,其子米則拜爾及家屬男女五十二人,均編住莎車熱瓦奇莊,賽酋之外產也; 脅從之眾悉送還部,並諭飭賽酋之弟買賣提哎孜木代理坎巨提頭目,以安民心。
In the Guangxu era Russian troops entered the Pamirs; Britain, hearing of it, marched on Nagir and ordered Kanjut to level roads and ready troops for the Pamir country. Nagir resisted the British first, and the Kanjut chief stood with them. In the seventeenth year the British defeated Nagir and marched straight on Hunza; Sa'id 'Ali Khan was beaten, slipped away with his household, and the British seized the country. Earlier Chief Sa had dealt secretly with Russia, sent a letter of submission, and sealed a bond for Russia to take the Pamirs; fortresses were raised at Kizil Jaylak, Aksu Murwab, and Sum, and a camp at Baozigun Baizi to hold the passes. Russia answered in writing with a reward of a thousand gold coins, six camel-loads of gold-thread felt and other goods, and six quick-firing guns. Sa'id Khan was treacherous and faithless, indifferent to his people, crafty and greedy; he baited Britain and Russia for bribes again and again and trafficked in his own tribe. His lieutenant Wazirsu held the army; the two abetted each other's crimes, and the tribe hated them both. He then led more than five hundred men toward Russia, but Wosiman, chief of Tadunbash, mustered his people and cut them off. Zhang Hongchou held him at Yarkand, where he tried more than once to break out and failed; he was later sent to the provincial capital and confined for seventeen years, then resettled at Kucha. His son Mizibaier and fifty-two dependents were registered at Rewaqchi in Yarkand—children of Sa'id Khan's secondary household; Followers who had been forced along were all sent home, and Sa'id Khan's brother Maimaiti Aizimu was appointed acting chief of Kanjut to quiet the people.
45
出使英法義比大臣薛福成與英外部商定派員會立坎酋,其疏略云:「中國回疆之外,向有羈縻各回部,惟自咸豐、同治以來,中國內寇不靖,未遑遠略。 俄國既以兵力吞併浩罕、布魯特、哈薩克、布哈爾諸回部,而巴達克山、魯善、什克南、瓦罕諸小部,則皆服屬於阿富汗。 邇來阿富汗為英屬國,英之大勢駸駸由印度北鄉,有與俄國爭雄之意,而中國西邊之外,遂日以多事。 坎巨提一部近喀什噶爾,南界在蔥嶺以南,厥地縱橫數百里,戶口約近萬人。 近年屬回之入貢中國者祗此一部,蓋即新疆識略之乾竺特、一統輿圖及時憲書之喀楚特,同音而異譯也。 英之印度總督歲貼坎巨提經費,以助彼整理防務為名,實隱收其內政之權。 去年夏秋間,坎巨提已有赴喀什噶爾告急之舉,則以英人築一砲台俯臨坎境也。 本年正二月間,疊承總署電信,以英兵侵坎巨提,其頭目連戰不勝,率其眾逃詣卡外求援。 臣以起釁情節詰英外部,詢知英兵修築一路直貫坎境,北抵興都哥士大山,意在扼此隘口,以杜俄眾南侵而保印度門戶。 其頭目興師攔阻,為英兵擊敗,踞其所居之棍雜城。 臣與英相兼外部尚書沙力斯伯里晤商,據稱並無滅坎之意,亦無阻坎入貢中國之意。 祗以坎酋罪惡甚多,輕慢英官,不得不示以懲儆也。 臣與總署電商,因坎酋聲名素劣,勢難必使復位。 其部既系兩屬之國。 與專屬中國者又稍不同,祗可酌就外部之辭與之理論。 外部語言閃鑠,其初次存坎之說既甚遊移,而必欲據坎之心則甚堅韌。 幸而窺彼隱情,頗以俄焰方張,亟思聯絡中國,不欲斂怨樹敵,臣得就此設法磋磨。 英廷近稱選得舊酋之弟買賣提哎孜木,可為坎巨提頭目,擬請中國派員會同英員行封立之禮,已由總署電告新疆巡撫選派妥員前往。 臣與外部商訂儀節,華員、英員共為一班,喀什米爾系英屬國,位次應稍居後。 行禮之期,初訂在十八年閏六月二十三日,現展至七月二十五日,屆時彼此和衷妥辦,即可蕆事。」 新疆巡撫陶模即委阜康縣知縣田鼎銘、都司張鴻疇前赴坎部,會同英員熱布生,更立買賣提哎孜木為坎巨提頭目。 封立儀節,華員居右,英員次之,英屬喀什米爾委員居左稍下,新酋又次之。 張鴻疇宣佈皇上德意,賞給大緞,諭令貢金照舊呈進,鎮撫部民,毋任剽掠。 其酋悉俯首聽命雲。
Xue Fucheng, minister to Britain, France, Italy, and Belgium, arranged with the Foreign Office for joint installation of the Kanjut ruler. His memorial read in part: 'Beyond the Muslim frontier of China lie tribes long held in loose allegiance, but since Xianfeng and Tongzhi internal war has left no room for distant strategy. Russia has swallowed Kokand, the Buruts, the Kazakhs, and Bukhara by force, while Badakhshan, Roshan, Shighnan, Wakhan, and other small states have fallen under Afghanistan. Afghanistan is now under British sway; British power presses north from India in rivalry with Russia, and China's western marches grow more troubled every day. Kanjut lies near Kashgar, south of the Pamirs, a country some hundreds of li across with nearly ten thousand people. In recent years this alone among the Muslim tribes still sent tribute to China—the Qianzhute of the Xinjiang Gazetteer and the Kaqute of the imperial atlas and almanac, the same name under different spellings. The British governor-general of India paid Kanjut an annual subsidy in the name of defense, but in practice absorbed its internal affairs. Last summer and autumn Kanjut had already appealed to Kashgar for help after the British threw up a battery commanding their country. This year, in the first and second months, repeated telegrams from the Zongli Yamen reported a British invasion of Kanjut; the chief lost battle after battle and fled beyond the pass with his people to beg for help. I pressed the Foreign Office on how the fighting began and learned that British troops were cutting a road through Kanjut to the Hindu Kush to hold the pass, block Russia's advance south, and guard the gate to India. The chief took arms to stop them, was beaten, and the British occupied his capital at Gunza. I met Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Salisbury, who said Britain had no wish to destroy Kanjut or to stop its tribute to China. They said only that the Kanjut chief's crimes were many and he had insulted British officers, so an example had to be made. I consulted the Yamen by wire; the chief's reputation was already so bad that insisting on his restoration was hardly possible. The tribe was already a state owing allegiance to two powers. That differed somewhat from tribes solely under China; one could only negotiate on the Foreign Office's own terms. The Foreign Office spoke evasively: its early talk of preserving Kanjut shifted constantly, yet its determination to control the place was firm. Fortunately I saw their hidden motive: with Russian power rising they were eager to court China and avoid new enemies, and I was able to bargain on that basis. Britain now proposed the former chief's brother Maimaiti Aizimu as ruler and asked China to send an officer to install him jointly with a British commissioner; the Yamen had already wired the Xinjiang governor to choose a delegate. We agreed on ceremony: Chinese and British commissioners as one body, with Kashmir, a British dependency, ranked slightly below. The rite was first set for the twenty-third of the intercalary sixth month of the eighteenth year, then moved to the twenty-fifth of the seventh; if both sides cooperate, the matter can be closed.' Governor Tao Mo of Xinjiang sent Fukang magistrate Tian Dingming and commandant Zhang Hongchou to Kanjut with the British officer Rebsen to install Maimaiti Aizimu as chief. At the installation the Chinese commissioner stood on the right, the British next, the Kashmir delegate slightly lower on the left, and the new chief below them. Zhang Hongchou proclaimed the emperor's grace, gave brocade, ordered tribute continued as before, and told him to keep his people quiet and stop the raiding. The chief bowed and accepted every command.
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坎部國於山谷中,崇峰疊巘,道路險絕。 中有喀喇闊魯穆大冰山,時至十一月,積雪甚厚,以長毛牛負囊橐而行。 明塔戛山口高萬四千四百尺,路有巨石,蓋古時流冰所經地也。 出山口里許,有一流冰,過此即易行。 再逾數澗,兩崖壁立,頂有積雪,至米斯戛。 居人皆韃爾靼回教。 不幕,有室廬,村各為堡,壘石為之。 性強悍,以寇鈔為俗,然皆酋所使,所劫貨物大半歸酋,四出剽掠,或遠至庫車。 雅爾山脈下垂如箑,水流其間,土較腴美。 近帕蘇又一流冰,其融處高八千尺。
Kanjut lies in a valley country of towering peaks; the roads are all but impassable. The great Karakorum glacier dominates the route; by November snow lies deep, and traffic goes by long-haired pack cattle. Mintaka Pass stands fourteen thousand four hundred feet high, its road strewn with boulders left by ancient ice. A li beyond the pass lies a glacier; beyond it the going eases. After several more gorges, where cliffs rise sheer with snow on their tops, one reaches Misga. The people are Tartar Muslims. They do not live in tents but in stone houses; each village is a fort of piled rock. They are fierce by nature and raiding is their way of life, but the chief sends them out and keeps most of the loot; their raids range far, sometimes as distant as Kucha. The Yar range fans downward; streams run between its spurs and the soil is comparatively fertile. Near Pasu lies another glacier, melting at eight thousand feet.