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卷529 列傳三百十六 属国傳四 廓尔喀 浩罕附:布鲁特 哈萨克 安集延 玛尔噶朗 那木干 塔什干 巴达克山 博罗尔 阿富汗 坎巨提

Volume 529 Biographies 316: Tributary State Biographies 4: Gurkha, Kokand with: Burut, Kazakh, Andijan, Margilan, Namangan, Tashkent, Badakhshan, Bolor, Afghanistan, Kanjut

Chapter 529 of 清史稿 · Draft History of Qing
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Chapter 529
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1
西 西 西
Gurkha lay to the southwest of Ü-Tsang, bordering the petty principalities of Barbhu. Among the Barbhu states were three khans: Yangbu, Yeleng, and Gukumu; Later the Gurkha chief Bona-la-chi absorbed them all, along with twenty-three lesser districts. The kingdom stretched some two thousand li from east to west and roughly five hundred li from north to south. On the east it adjoined Sikkim, Jongmo, and Bhutan; on the west, Zomolang; to the south lay southern Kagar; to the north ran the border of Rear Tibet. When the throne passed to the young Rana Bahadur, his uncle Bahadur Sah took charge of government and held real power.
2
貿 退 調 退
In Qianlong 53 Gurkha traders in Tibet quarreled over newly minted silver coinage, came to blows with the Tibetans, and marched into the borderlands. The emperor sent Sichuan governor E Hui and General Cheng De to look into the matter and named Ba Zhong co-commissioner because he knew Tibetan conditions well. Ba Zhong patched up a hasty peace on the claim of submission, and the emperor ennobled the Gurkha ruler as a king. Gurkha privately pressed the Rear Tibet Panchen Lama for indemnity silver, which Ba Zhong never reported. When Rear Tibet could not pay, the Panchen quarreled with his younger brother, the Red Hat lama Shamarba, who then led Gurkha forces inside the border. In the fifty-sixth year Gurkha cited unpaid Tibetan levies and the Panchen's broken pledge, sent troops to besiege Nyalam, routed the Tibetans at the first alarm, pushed on to Dam, and drove the frontier garrisons back as well. In the eighth month Gurkha laid siege to Tashilhunpo. General Cheng De marched into Tibet to relieve the monastery, while the emperor again ordered Sichuan governor E Hui forward with the rear echelon; E Hui also called up two thousand Jinchuan and two thousand Yunnan troops. In the ninth month six or seven hundred Gurkhas attacked Dingri. Chen Mo and Pan Zhankui held the line with Tibetan troops, repulsed the assault, took forty-six heads, and drove the enemy back toward Gyirong. The emperor now began to plan a full-scale campaign.
3
西
In the tenth month he recalled Liangguang governor Fuk'anggan to court, briefed him on strategy, named him commander-in-chief, and sent him with Hailancha and the staff through Qinghai into Tibet at the head of the main force against Gurkha. In the twelfth month Cheng De encamped forty li beyond Nyalam, fought at Paijia Ridge, and won. The next year's first month brought the fall of Nyalam's eastern fort, and the chiefs Nima-baga-si, Taba, and others were slain. In the second month land mines blew open the northwest blockhouse, and Zhamada Arzeng Sah—nephew of the great chief Mumu Sah—was taken alive. With Nyalam secured, the army marched on Gyirong.
4
西 西滿
In the third month Fuk'anggan reached Rear Tibet, was promoted to grand general by edict, and took unified command of every column. The Gurkhas threw up stockades on the heights and fought from every strong point. In the fourth month Fuk'anggan and Hailancha pushed forward through Rongxia and Nyalam, resolving to clear Dram and Gyirong first. Dram was the worst ground of all—two mountains pinching a ridge between them. On the sixth of the fifth month, under cover of night rain, five columns moved out: Hailancha in the center, Zhesenbao down the eastern and western slopes on the stockade, and Mo'ergenbao around the enemy's rear. At dawn they stormed the two stone towers on Dram ridge, carried them, and killed or captured more than two hundred men. At Magar Xiaerjia three hundred Gurkha reinforcements from Gyirong held the heights. Hailancha's horse was shot from under him, but he rallied the men, pressed the attack, and wiped them out. Learning that the imperial columns were near, the Gyirong defenders threw up a great camp on the ridge, seized the passes, and linked three large blockhouses in a defensive triangle. Fuk'anggan assigned Bayantai, Bayanzhai, Saning'a, and Changchun the great riverside tower in the northwest; Sangjisita'er, Kesbao, Choubao, Baha, and Zhang Zhankui the rock tower in the northeast; Zhesenbao and Mo'ergenbao the ridge tower in the southeast; Mengxingbao and Chuo'erhun the lamasery at the foot of the hill; Aman'tai and E'erdengbao the main camp; Huling as reserve; and Hailancha with cavalry to take both flanks and cut off any fugitives. On the sixth of the sixth month Zhesenbao carried the ridge tower, Mengxingbao took the lamasery, and a combined assault then brought down the riverside and rock towers as well. Cannon on the heights pounded the position for a full day and night until the northeast corner gave way. Gyirong fell with more than six hundred enemy killed, two hundred taken, and seven rebel officers captured.
5
西 退 滿
While Fuk'anggan struck at Gyirong, he had already sent Cheng De and Daisenbao south from Nyalam with three thousand men to pin the enemy and hold the stockade at Musa Bridge. The enemy threw up three posts below Deqinding Mountain and palisades at lower Musa Bridge to block the advance, but Daisenbao stormed and destroyed them all. From Dram to the Gyirong frontier the border was wholly restored. Southwest of Gyirong the country rose in sheer peaks and ridges over roads almost impassably bad. Eighty li beyond Gyirong stood Resuo Bridge, where a great river poured in from the east; once across it, one was in Gurkha country. The enemy held Suolala Hill three or four li north of the river with one stone post, and two more posts on the south bank above the stream. The imperial columns broke the Suolala hill post and pressed the pursuit to Resuo Bridge. Fugitives were still on the bridge when the south-bank guards, seeing pursuers close in, cut the span away; every man on it plunged into the river and drowned. The troops fired across the river, but the stream was too wide for musket shot to carry, and they drew back. In secret he sent Aman'tai, Zhesenbao, Mo'ergenbao, and Wenguo'erhai with native levies east around Guanlü Mountain, swung upstream, felled timber, and lashed rafts to ford the river. While the enemy still faced the main force across the river, the flanking column struck without warning; resistance collapsed, the garrison fled, and both south-bank stone posts were destroyed.
6
宿 西西 退
On the seventeenth of the sixth month Fuk'anggan, Hailancha, and Huling crossed Resuo Bridge and entered the Miliding range, where layer on layer of peaks offered no track until Ushihada and Zhang Zhiyuan were sent to cut a path ahead. The next day they reached Wangga'er, where sheer mountains dropped to the great Marzang River pouring south along the slope. The column hugged the east bank along a path too narrow to camp on, and the men slept in the open under the cliffs—one hundred seventy li into enemy country without sighting a foe. Scouts soon reported that southwest of Wangga'er, at Xiebulukema, the enemy had raised a timber fort within stone walls, a river post a li west of the town, and a camp at Huanke thirty li east—the three positions covering one another. On the twentieth the troops felled timber at Wangdui to throw a bridge across, but musket fire from the heights stopped the work. Cannon pounded the town, yet the defenders patched every breach, and the river still could not be crossed. On the twenty-second Fuk'anggan and Hailancha took a mountain track over the three peaks of Bo'ergazangxing, seized Huanke, and found the enemy blocking the river line. At dusk a downpour fell. The troops feigned withdrawal and hid in the brush, then forded in the dead of night, wrecked five enemy posts, and killed more than three hundred. Striking straight for Xiebulukema, they joined Huling in a pincer; the enemy broke in panic, and the timber fort with its stone posts was taken together.
7
滿 穿
With Xiebulukema secure, Fuk'anggan split his columns and pushed forward. One route ran from Gado toward Dongjue along the main road; another crossed east from Gado over the mountains toward Ya'ersaila and Bo'erdongla as a flanking line. Hailancha led Sangjisita'er, Aman'tai, and Zhu'erhang'a on the flank march, while Fuk'anggan took the main road. Taifeiying'a was left to pin the enemy on the Zuomugulabazai ridge while he himself stole forward toward Gaduopu with E'erdengbao and the picked troops. At dawn on the sixth of the seventh month they forded the river, smashed the blockhouses, and in the advance destroyed eleven camps and five timber forts, executed the rebel officers Subida Naixin and Basaka'er, and took four hundred heads. Hailancha meanwhile carried the heights before Bo'erdongla, wrecked three timber forts and seven stone posts, pursued to Mala, brushed aside an ambush, and drove on. When the last resistance at Dongjue was cleared, the two columns joined again. At Yongya the enemy held Gallela ridge over roads so rough that boots wore through and men went barefoot on flinty stone, torn by thorns and bled white by leeches until both feet were swollen and raw. Rain and cloud dominated the country; only the morning hours brought brief sun, and by noon mist shut in the peaks in driving rain. The ridges were bitterly cold, and nights turned to ice and snow, so the army halted to recover. Meanwhile Cheng De's column took Zhaimu, crossed the iron-chain bridge, pushed on to Duoloka, broke the Longgang line, and overran Lidi camp.
8
西 滿 滿
In the eighth month Fuk'anggan split his force into three columns and moved past Yongya on Gallela. Gurkha country was all mountains, east and west ranges facing across a great river down the middle. Beyond Yongya the ridges ran north and south in rings—Gallela, Duibumu, Jia'ergula, Jimuji, and the rest—with the river cutting across every approach, so the troops had to ford and fight uphill. On the second they carried the stone post and closed on the timber fort atop Gallela. Bodyguards Mo'ergenbao and Tu'erdai and regimental commander Zhang Zhankui scaled the wall and were shot down, which only hardened the assault. Fire bombs set the tents ablaze; from morning to mid-afternoon two timber forts and two stone posts fell, more than three hundred of the enemy were killed, five of their officers slain, and countless more went over the cliffs. The pursuit ran several tens of li to Xiangbazong at Duibumu pass, where the enemy poured out to meet them. Yuan Guohuang and others were caught in the melee and left more than a hundred dead on the field. Fresh orders sent Zhu'erhang'a against Jimuji while Aman'tai and E'erdengbao crossed the river on Jia'ergula. The enemy held the heights behind palisades miles long. Aman'tai was shot and fell from the bridge in the struggle to take it, but E'erdengbao led the rush across, killed three rebel officers, and left more than a hundred dead. The main force pressed Jimuji as enemy reinforcements came up in three columns and fought with desperate fury. Fuk'anggan directed the fighting in person; Yinggui was killed in action. Taifeiying'a, Zhang Zhiyuan, and Delengtai hammered the line back and forth, brought down two red-coated rebel officers, and the enemy finally broke.
9
西
That engagement lasted two days and a night without pause: two major heights, four large timber forts, and eleven stone posts fell; thirteen rebel officers were killed; the army reached Palanggu, seven hundred li inside Gurkha country, with more than six hundred of the enemy dead—and the Gurkha ruler, shaken, sued for peace. Earlier, after Dongjue fell, the enemy chief had asked to surrender, but Fuk'anggan refused and demanded that Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah come to camp in person with the ringleaders and stolen goods. They did not comply. Now Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah sent senior envoys offering to return what had been taken from Tashilhunpo, surrender the treaty Tibet had imposed, and hand over the bones of the instigator Shamarba.
10
使 西 使 西 使使
Fuk'anggan, Hailancha, and Huling submitted a joint memorial: 'Your servants, acting on the court's plan and leading picked troops, have fought without pause since the advance from Chamu, cleared the frontier, taken Resuo Bridge, and driven deep into enemy country. At Xiebulu, Dongjue, Bo'erdongla, Gallela, Duibumu, Palanggu, and elsewhere the country is cliff and torrent. Our men climbed, forded, and took hidden routes to surprise the enemy; every blockhouse and timber fort has fallen; the rebels break and run wherever we strike. When the army reached Yongya they released the soldiers Wang Gang and others seized the year before and petitioned to surrender. They then sent officers such as Gabudang Puduerbangli to our camp, returned in full the Gabbu official Danjin Banzhu'er and the soldier Lu Xianlin seized the year before, confessed Shamarba's instigation, and begged forgiveness in abject terms. We rebuked them sharply, advanced again to Palanggu, and moved camp closer; their fear only deepened. They have already delivered Shamarba's family, disciples, and goods, together with the silver and property taken from Tashilhunpo, surrendered two private contracts, and dare not raise again the demand for silver from Tibet. They repeatedly beg Your Majesty to show grace beyond desert, pardon what is past, and spare the lives of all their people. On the eighth of the eighth month they dispatched four senior envoys—Diwudate Taba, Subabardimanlana Jia, Chabulazhayin Da Sah, and Ka'erdabalabadar—to carry the memorial to court, with twenty-nine categories of tribute: musicians, trained elephants, horses, peacocks, a palanquin from Kagar, pearls, coral, brocades, felts, ivory, rhinoceros horn, peacock feathers, arms, medicinals, and the rest. They also asked us to present their plea to the throne. We translated the memorial at once; its language was utterly submissive and earnest. Diwudate Taba and the others, we report, threw themselves on the ground, kowtowed for their lives, and wept as they pleaded. They knelt and said: 'Minister Rana Bahadur of Gurkha and his uncle Bahadur Sah were only petty frontier tribes who once accepted the civilizing sway of the empire. The Great Emperor heaped grace upon us, raised us to noble rank, and gave many gifts; that towering kindness we still carry on our heads.' Yet Rana Bahadur was young and ignorant, Bahadur Sah did not understand the laws of the Celestial Court, and Shamarba worked between them, urging Gurkha and the Tibetans to pick quarrels and make trouble. Rana Bahadur and the rest heedlessly listened, invaded Rear Tibet, and brought down the Great Emperor's armies from afar. Three or four thousand of our officers and men have been killed, seven or eight hundred li of our land overrun; the heavenly majesty has crushed us until Gurkha's heart fails and our courage is gone. Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah know their guilt admits no pardon, and their terror is all the greater. Though others incited the earlier raid on Tibet, the fault was truly our own; we dare not argue or blame anyone else. We can only beg you to plead with the Great Emperor for overflowing mercy and a single narrow path to life. If this is granted and we are spared destruction, all Gurkha land and people live only by the Great Emperor's gift; our gratitude for such vast mercy has no end! We dare not breathe a word of the old contract or any of its terms. Gurkha will remain forever a subject of the dynasty; at each five-year tribute cycle we will send a senior minister to behold the imperial face, and our sons and grandsons will keep every bond faithfully. We beg the commander to report all this faithfully to the throne'—and similar words.' We told them: 'Rana Bahadur and Bahadur Sah brought ruin on themselves by raiding Tibet. The imperial armies are here; by rights your tribe should be wiped out to the last mouth.' Yet Rana Bahadur and the rest now stand in awe of the Great Emperor's majesty, repent deeply, and have pleaded again and again to surrender in terms we cannot withhold from the throne; we will report the facts at once. The Great Emperor, like Heaven, cherishes life; you may yet be seen, forgiven, and shown mercy. If mercy is granted, your people must hereafter keep the laws of the dynasty and make no further trouble; only then can you continue to enjoy the Emperor's grace and hold your lands. You have now seen what the imperial armies can do; the slightest further resistance will be your own destruction, and remorse will come too late.' Their chiefs listened on their knees, shaking as they kowtowed; fear and gratitude were plain in face and voice. We reflect that Gurkha, trusting in its mountains and distance, picked quarrels and took up arms. Last year the Tibetan affair was patched up without a show of force, so they had nothing to fear; barely two years after professing submission they broke faith again. On this punitive expedition we followed the Emperor's stratagem; the men vied to lead the charge, stormed difficult ground and cracked every strongpoint, and wherever the columns went they fought and won until more than half the enemy were killed or taken. Gurkha had long been reckoned the fiercest of the western Tibetan peoples; faced now with irresistible imperial arms, the whole country was terrified and sent senior envoys again and again to sue for peace—language we judged wholly sincere. We recall the earlier imperial order telling us to judge the situation: if at the frontier the enemy repented and pleaded, we might lay down terms, grant their request, accept submission, and withdraw. We see how far the Emperor's foresight reached—righteous in punishing, gracious in pardoning, majesty and mercy spread abroad—and we are deeply awed. Gurkha has now submitted, sent senior envoys with the memorial, and beyond elephants, horses, and local goods asked to supply musicians for the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, join the roster of tributary ensembles, fix a five-year tribute cycle, and send envoys regularly. Their bearing shows a genuine turn toward civilization and no will to stir trouble again; Ü-Tsang as a whole may now rest secure.'
11
西 沿 使
The memorial was approved: surrender accepted, Fuk'anggan was told to manage the withdrawal, and west of Resuo Bridge—Xiebulu, Yongya, Dongjue, Duibumu, and Palanggu—were returned to Gurkha. East of Resuo Bridge, Jilong, Nyalam, and Zongga, though seized by Gurkha, were restored to Rear Tibet. Frontier cairns were set; anyone crossing without leave was to be put to death. Envoys bearing memorials or tribute had to give notice in advance and enter only with border approval. In the eighth month the Gurkha ruler sent Subedar Bahadur Bakhat Kawas and his confidant Mamidhar Kawas to camp with a hundred each of buffalo, pigs, and sheep, two hundred piculs of rice, a hundred baskets of fruit and confectionery, and a hundred baskets of wine for the troops. Fuk'anggan kept ten each of cattle and sheep and ten piculs of rice as acknowledgment of their goodwill and returned the rest. He also gave four bolts of brocade apiece; Gurkha was still more won over and accepted the new constraints. On the twenty-first the army marched home. On the third of the tenth month Fuk'anggan returned to Rear Tibet.
12
使使
In the first month of the fifty-eighth year Gurkha envoys led by Gaji Diwudate Taba arrived at court with tribute; the Emperor gave a banquet, had them join the Korean and Siamese envoys in the New Year ceremonies, and enfeoffed Rana Bahadur as king of Gurkha. Henceforth tribute came every five years, and Gurkha obeyed every command.
13
西西𢗝
Later, with Britain ruling India, Gurkha suffered repeated encroachment and was forced into the Sugauli Treaty, ceding western Kumaon and the Kali valley to the British. Pressed by Britain, Gurkha threw itself into government and fought to keep independence; Britain eyed it covetously but could not prevail. Even at the end of the Guangxu reign, it is said, they still sent tribute to China.
14
西 西西 西 西西西 西
Kokand lay on the ground of ancient Dayuan, also known as Aohan or Huohan: a Muslim country beyond the Pamirs. To the east it bordered Eastern Burut, to the south Western Burut, and to the west Bukhara. It comprised four cities, all on flat land. The first was Andijan, five hundred li southeast of Kashgar. They were shrewd traders who ranged through every city of Xinjiang north and south; the Western Regions so often named Andijan that the term came to mean the Kokand people themselves. Margilan lay a hundred and eighty li west of Andijan, Namangan another eighty li, and Kokand city another eighty li beyond that. All four cities hugged the Naryn River, except Namangan, which lay on the north bank. Mountain streams from north and south converged among the towns; the land was fertile and the population abundant. They were Muslims who spoke Parsi and were reckoned kin to the Buruts. Chiefs wore tall fur caps and brocade coats. Commoners wore white felt caps and russet clothing. Each city had its bek, but Erdeni of Kokand was paramount and all obeyed him.
15
西
In Qianlong 24, as General Zhao Hui pursued the brothers Khoja Jahan, he sent Attendant Dakhtana and others to win over the Buruts. At the frontier Erdeni received them in his capital, fed them daily, asked about China's power, and in awe submitted a memorial of allegiance. He wrote to the general styling him "the commander of utmost awe and courage like Dazhai Musit." He soon sent Tokhtomaham and other chiefs to tribute horses at court.
16
使
In the twenty-fifth year Attendant Sonom Ceren arrived with an imperial rescript; Erdeni and the beks met him outside the walls with full ceremony. That was the beginning of Kokand's tie to China. Kokand resembled the Muslim communities south of the Tianshan in custom but surpassed them in fighting spirit; there was a saying, "A hundred Muslim troops are worth less than one Andijani." When imperial forces first pressed Khoja Jahan, he sought refuge with Kokand and was ignored. The brothers were soon killed in Badakhshan; Burhanid's younger son Samsaq fled to Kokand, which prized him for his holy lineage. "Khojagi" means "saintly scion"; Muslims honor them, and followers flock wherever they go.
17
西 使 西
In Jiaqing 25, Samsaq's son Jahangir, backed by Kokand and the Buruts, raided the frontier. In Daoguang 6 he again enlisted Kokand, promising to divide the spoils of the western four cities and hand Kashgar to Kokand as payment. The Kokand ruler marched in person with ten thousand men, only to find Jahangir had scouted Kashgar, seen it undefended, and reneged. Enraged, he assaulted Kashgar himself, failed, and slipped away by night. Jahangir pursued and wooed the stragglers; two or three thousand who came over he kept as his guard. After the western four cities fell, Kokand soldiers looted every treasury and public and private store, stripping the Muslim households bare. Yang Fang chased Jahangir to the Alay Pass, ran into two thousand Kokand ambushers, and barely fought through a day and a night to safety.
18
使使
In the eighth year Jahangir was put to death; his family stayed in Kokand. Imperial Commissioner Nayancheng demanded they be handed over; Kokand refused. The court ordered the border markets closed to pressure them. Nayancheng also urged expelling Kokand traders inland and seizing their property. The traders in turn proclaimed Jahangir's brother Yusuf khojagi, rallied thousands of Buruts and Andijanis, besieged Kashgar and Yengisar, and raided Yarkand until Bichang and Hafeng'a beat them back. They looted Kashgar and Yengisar and fled across the frontier. In the eleventh year, learning that a large force was coming, Kokand mobilized on three lines from Yili, Ush, and Kashgar and threw up frontier walls. They sought Russian help as well, but Russia refused. Without allies, Kokand sent chiefs to Kashgar to petition Chang Ling and ask to reopen trade. Chang Ling returned two envoys, kept one, and told him to surrender the rebel chiefs and free prisoners. Kokand agreed to free captives but said extraditing chiefs had no precedent in the faith. They also demanded duty-free trade and restoration of seized goods.
19
使 西 西 使
Chang Ling wrote: "The best frontier policy is to awe; the next is to bind by favor. Kokand lies tangled with Bukhara, Darwas, Karatejin, and others; its seven dependencies, including Tashkent and Andijan, lack walls; in war they depend on horsemen who cannot fire muskets or cannon from the saddle. Volley fire would break their cavalry at once. Buruts and Kazakhs beyond the passes have long been bullied and beg to move in; Muslims within the passes hate their ruthless raids. To punish them in earnest, thirty or forty thousand picked men could march out while Yili and Ush announce a three-pronged advance and summon Bukhara and the rest to strike at once; their neighbors would rise without our reaching Kokand itself. Yet a campaign beyond the passes reverses the advantage of host and guest. From Kalangui post to Kokand is over sixteen hundred li, with Tielieke Ridge—the Kokand–Burut divide—in between. A river runs between cliffs so narrow that only one horse passes at a time; two days are needed to clear the defile. The road is treacherous; a distant expedition with tired troops holds no sure promise of victory. We propose to release one detained envoy and have Bek Kholdun write in persuasion—a policy of timely restraint. Outside the four main cities stand three lesser towns: Wasi to the southeast; Huozhan to the southwest; and Kelapu to the northwest. Tashkent, though a Right Kazakh dependency, was also tied to Kokand; with the four cities and three towns they made the "eight cities"—hence the seven dependencies cited above." The memorial was approved in full. Kokand rejoiced, sent envoys to swear on the Quran, and resumed trade and tribute.
20
使使 使 西 滿 滿 西 滿使 滿 滿 滿
Muhammad Ali of Kokand was then at the height of his power; at peace with China, he leaned on Russia in the north and trade with India in the south. He was able but dissolute and cruel. He seized subjects' daughters and took his father's concubine. Bukhara sent a reproving envoy; Muhammad Ali had his head shaved in rage. Bukhara marched on Kokand, killed Muhammad Ali and his father's concubine, and carried off forty cartloads of women in triumph. Ibrahim was left to hold the country, and an envoy announced the victory at a Chinese frontier post. That was in Daoguang 22. Ibrahim then oppressed the people; Kokand rose and enthroned Sir Ali. Bukhara sent twenty thousand men against them. A Kokandian named Musulman Quli told the Bukhara ruler, "They can be talked down! Let me go ahead." Bukhara agreed. At Kokand he instead urged a stubborn defense. Bukhara besieged the city forty days, failed, and withdrew. Musulman Quli then directed the government. Sir Ali died and his second son Khudayar took the throne. Musulman Quli married him to his daughter, kept him under strict guard, and barred visitors. During a Tashkent raid Musulman Quli took him to war; in the battle Khudayar deserted to the enemy. After Tashkent was subdued Musulman Quli seized him and brought him home. In the sixth month the partisan Shah killed Musulman Quli and over ten thousand of his followers. Khudayar fled to Bukhara and the people raised his brother Mullah. Two years on, the partisan Kipchak, nursing grievances, rebelled and killed Mullah. The people raised Khudayar's cousin Shamurat. While in exile Khudayar hired himself out as a laborer until Tashkent's aid restored him to the throne. When Alim Quli rose in revolt Khudayar fled once more, traded abroad, and again won the kingdom back through Bukhara.
21
西 西
Russian columns pushed south daily; unable to hold them off, Khudayar sued for peace. Khudayar's son Nasir al-Din was widely beloved; tribesmen plotted to crown him and killed the grasping officials, plunging the realm into turmoil until Khudayar fled to Russia. Nasir al-Din took the throne and led his faction against Russia on the ground that it was not a Muslim power.
22
In Guangxu 29 Russia extinguished the khanate and organized the Ferghana province.
23
西 西西
The Buruts fell into eastern and western divisions. Eastern Burut lay fourteen hundred li southwest of Ili around Lake Temurtu on the Tianshan, on ground that in antiquity had been the western marches of Wusun and the Saka. Five tribes made up the division, each ruled by an otok. The three best known were Sayak Otok and Sarbagash Otok; and Talas Otok. Chiefs wore felt caps like a monk's pilu, sharply pointed with the tail curled into a brim. They dressed in brocade with long-collared crossed coats, red silk belts, and red leather boots. Commoners went bare of fur on their caps and wore brown homespun.
24
西 使 使
Earlier the Zungars had harried Eastern Burut until the tribes moved west to Andijan. In Qianlong 20 the Zungar lands were pacified and they regained their former pastures. In the sixth month of Qianlong 23, as General Zhao Hui chased the Zungar holdout Kazakh Shala to the Eastern Burut frontier, he sent Attendants Ul'jin and Tol'untai to win them over at their Zhümohan pastures. Sayak and Sarbagash could not govern themselves and set up the elder Mamukhuri as their head. Past ninety, hugely built, he sat cross-legged with his belly on the ground and could not travel far. He sent envoys with a hundred head of livestock; the generals feasted them and staged a drill, and all marveled at the dynasty's horsemanship and begged to submit. At the same time the Huosochu and Qitai otoks were brought under control. In the seventh month Counsellor Fude sent Attendant Idamujab with further orders; Akbay of the Salu Otok brought five thousand households to allegiance and sent envoys to court with the rest. Tribute traveled through the Muslim borderlands to the capital.
25
西西 西
Western Burut bordered the eastern division three hundred li northwest of Kashgar. On the west lay Bukhara. Travelers crossed the Pamirs by the Aqsu pass to a country that had been Xiuxun and Juandu in antiquity. Fifteen tribes made up the west, of which four were chief: Idagna, Monkordor, Chilik, and Baszi otoks. Dress and custom matched the eastern Buruts.
26
Yet the Buruts were poor and warlike, careless of life and greedy for gain, and fond of plunder. After the Qianlong era frontier officers were mostly mediocrities whose misrule bred repeated unrest. In Jiaqing 19, in the Ziyauddin affair, Turdimamat was unjustly put to death; his son Azihuo fled beyond the frontier and stirred the tribes to vengeance. In the twenty-fifth year the rebel Jahangir mustered several hundred Buruts against the frontier; the chief Sulanchi came to warn the garrison but was driven off by the clerk Suishan. Sulanchi stormed out beyond the passes and threw in his lot with the rebels. In Daoguang 4 Jahangir repeatedly stirred the Buruts to raid the frontier. In the ninth month of the fifth year Detachment Commander Seyantu led two hundred men four hundred li beyond the passes on a surprise attack, found no foe, and slaughtered more than a hundred Burut women and children at pasture before returning. Chief Tileke, enraged, overtook the column in a valley with two thousand tribesmen and wiped it out, and the rebellion flared. That was the origin of the eighth-year campaign to reconquer the Muslim borderlands.
27
滿滿 西 西
By Tongzhi 3 the Burut rebel Tianlaman Sulaman had joined Kucha bandits such as Ma Long in revolt; Muslim rebels led by Jin Xiangyin seized the moment, and Xinjiang lay lost for more than a decade. In Guangxu 4 Imperial Commissioner Zuo Zongtang sent Liu Jintang to retake the southern eight cities; as Liu garrisoned Kashgar, Burut chiefs came to him wishing to return to Chinese allegiance. They reported fourteen tribes—evidently the old Western Burut. Eastern Burut on the Ili frontier still counted five tribes—Suletu, Chahar, Sayak, Bastes, and Sarbagash—but they had already gone under Russia. Early in the Guangxu reign, once Russia had swallowed Kokand, most of the western Buruts too were pressed into the Russian fold. Only the families still near Chinese border posts, murmuring of loyalty, helped hold the line—and they numbered barely a thousand households.
28
西 西西 西 西 西
The Kazakhs were divided into eastern, central, and western clans. Eastern Kazakh pastures lay northwest of old Zungaria, roughly a thousand li across and six hundred deep. Tarbagatai lay to the east, the Right Kazakh clan to the west, Ili to the south, and Russia to the north. The land had been Kangju in Han times. Kazakh Khan Ablai told Shunduna, "The three jüz of the Kazakhs are to us what the four Oirat were to the Zungars. The east is the Left Wing, the Orta Jüz, called the Greater Horde. The center is the Right Wing, the Uluq Jüz, or Middle Horde. The farthest west is the Chilik Jüz, the Lesser Horde. Ablai rules the Left Wing, Tobukui the Right, and Dursun leads the west."
29
使 使
When Zungaria was first pacified, envoys were sent to win the Kazakhs over and Ablai submitted. Amursana had just rebelled and fled to the Kazakhs, and Ablai gave him refuge. Imperial columns advanced and routed his force. Ablai was deeply remorseful and secretly planned to seize the traitor and win favor with the court. Before he could act, the traitor slipped back into Zungaria. In the twenty-second year Ablai brought thirty thousand men to help hunt the traitor, pleaded his case, and memorialized for submission. When Amursana later fled to Russia and died there, Ablai seized his follower Ebujeji Bahang and sent him in. Separate chiefs Khojibergen and Karabalet each brought thirty thousand households into allegiance. From the twenty-fourth year onward they sent repeated tribute missions and received court dress and banquets by precedent.
30
西 西 使
The Right Kazakh lay two thousand li west of the Left. It bordered the Left Wing on the east, Tashkent on the west, the Buruts and Andijan on the south, Russia on the north, and Ili to the southeast. It too had been the domain of Kangju's five lesser kings in Han times. Its khan was Abulambakit, or Ablis. Three batyrs stood at its head—Turibai, Huerga'erde, and Sasakbai—though Turibai in fact directed affairs. In Qianlong 22, once the Left Wing's Ablai had submitted, he asked the court to summon the Right Wing as well. Counsellor Fude was then hunting the traitor Kazakh Shila into the Right Wing while Turibai was fighting Tashkent; Fude settled that war and brought them to heel. Turibai then came to the camp, offered horses in submission, and memorialized for allegiance. From the twenty-third year on they sent repeated embassies and received banquets and gifts by precedent. All tribute went by way of Ili to the capital. Since the Sino-Russian boundary settlement, the Kazakhs have been split between the two empires.
31
西西 使
Andijan too lay on the ground of ancient Dayuan. It stood five hundred li northwest of Kashgar and three hundred eighty li east of Kokand. Tribute traveled through the Muslim borderlands to the capital. In Qianlong 24 General Zhao Hui called on them to help seize the rebel Khoja Jahan; the bek replied that the rebel had not entered his land and at once sent an envoy begging an audience at court. In the twenty-fifth year beks such as Tokhtomahammadi came to court with tribute and were feasted and rewarded by precedent.
32
西
Margilan stood a hundred and eighty li west of Andijan. Its bek Ilyas Khuribay brought his people into allegiance.
33
西
Namangan lay eighty li northwest of Margilan. In the northeast its pastures mingled with the Buruts, and beyond the river on the east lay Tashkent. It submitted to the court at the same time as Kokand.
34
西
Tashkent lay thirteen hundred li northwest of Kashgar. In Han times it had been Kangju and Dayuan; under the Tang it was the kingdom of Shi. It stood on open plain country with walled towns. Its people were Muslims. As among the Kazakhs, three khojas shared authority: Mordosamush, Shada, and Turzhan. It had once been a Zungar dependency. Mordosamush was a khoja the Kazakhs had set up. Turzhan expelled him and fought the Kazakhs.
35
西 西西
Badakhshan lay over a thousand li west of Yarkand on the southern face of the Pamirs. Travelers went a little south from west of Lake Yashilkul, crossed the Panj, and entered the country. It had walled towns, thriving tribes, and more than a hundred thousand households. The chief wore a small red felt cap with a brocade wrap, brocade felt dress, a white silk belt, and black leather boots. Commoners wore gourd-shaped caps edged in fur, yellow-brown dress, white silk belts, and black boots—some of yellow oxhide. Women went uncapped with hair in twin braids, dressed in purple felt, and otherwise matched the men. The country clung to rugged mountains on rich farmland; people built houses, farmed, and herded and hunted besides.
36
西
Bolor lay east of Badakhshan, with walled towns and thirty thousand-odd households ringed by mountains; on the northwest a river curled around the land. In the twenty-fourth year of Qianlong, Bolor submitted together with Badakhshan and sent attendant ministers led by Shah Beg to pay court at the capital. In the eleventh month of the twenty-seventh year, the Bolor beg Shah Husamad sent tribute of swords, axes, and other goods. In the twenty-ninth year he presented daggers as tribute. Bolor and Badakhshan were then at repeated odds; Shah Husamad appealed to Yarkand, and Commandant Xin Zhu ordered Badakhshan to keep the peace, return prisoners, and stand down. Thereupon Shah Husamad offered his prized dagger in tribute to express his gratitude. In the thirty-fourth year he again sent a matched pair of daggers with jade hilts.
37
The Bolor were a people apart: they built houses and lived in villages, kept no writing, and could not make themselves understood among the Muslim districts—only their caps and dress recalled Andijan. They had deep-set eyes, high noses, and heavy beards that ringed the mouth. Men far outnumbered women; four or five brothers commonly shared one wife, and fatherhood was apportioned in turn among them—men without brothers shared a wife with kin. Half the land was sand and brine, and the people lived in grinding want. Mulberries grew everywhere; the people dried the fruit in the sun and ate it as food. They drank goat's milk and brewed wine from fermented mare's milk. They called their chief the "Bi." Tax was levied in human lives: half of every child born was surrendered and sold as slaves in the Muslim cities, at steep prices of eighty or ninety gold pieces a head. Later Bolor too was absorbed into Afghanistan.
38
西西 西 西 西 西 西
Afghanistan—the name rendered in the text as Aiwuhan. The kingdom bordered Bukhara on the north, Baluchistan on the south, India on the east, and Persia on the west, stretching more than two thousand li from east to west. From Badakhshan one traveled southwest some seven hundred li through the Muslim districts of Ishkashim, Bain, and Charikar, crossed the Hindu Kush, and reached Kabul, the capital. The Hindu Kush was a spur of the Pamir range bending westward—the Iranian plateau of Western geography. Persia lay to the west of this highland and Afghanistan to the east. It was the ancient realm of Jibin (Kapiśa). The country fell into seven great divisions, headed by the Kabul division with seven subordinate districts; the Gundamak division with four subordinates; the Shikandar division; the Herat division with two subordinates; the Candahar division with three subordinates; the Jalal division; and the Kaffirstan division with seven subordinates. On the west it marched with Persia. Sandy wastes dotted the land; elsewhere the soil was rich. Its climate: The high country ran cold; the lowlands, hot. Its products included orchard fruit, cotton, sugarcane, tobacco, and the like. The people were sedentary farmers; there was no nomad pastoralism. They wove woolen cloth renowned across the Western Regions. Households numbered some five million, grouped in twenty-four tribes, each settled in its own district and governing itself. Whether a chief rose or fell rested with the king. By nature they were brave, plain, and honest, and easy to win to obedience.
39
使 西
The Pamirs were the broad upland pastures of the Pamir range where Muslim peoples grazed their herds. The Pamir country had eight divisions, each dotted with small Muslim communities. Under Qianlong most of the Pamir fell under Chinese suzerainty and was held in loose attachment so the bond never lapsed. Later the north and west drifted by degrees to Russia, the southern petty districts to Afghanistan, while the eastern and central routes remained under China. Pamir thus became territory partitioned among China, Russia, and Afghanistan. South of the Pamirs, beyond the Hindu Kush, lay India—so Russia pressed every lever there, and Britain in turn scrambled to counter it behind the scenes. Britain's contest over Afghanistan was, in truth, a contest over India.
40
西 西西 西 西 西 西 滿西 使 退 滿 退滿 滿滿 滿
At the outset the High Emperor had pacified the Muslim frontier, pursued the rebel chiefs to Lake Yashilkul, won three battles in succession, and brought the great campaign to its close. The High Emperor's own inscription was cut at the lake—the ground the Western Regions Gazetteer marks as beyond Kashgar's western marches. In those days Kashgar's westernmost pass, Ustun Artush, lay only eighty li out; the Epol pass to the southwest only a hundred and twenty. Under Daoguang the frontier was fixed: west to the Upalat pass, a hundred and twenty li; northwest to the Karangui pass, a hundred and fifty. When Xinjiang was recovered in the Guangxu era, Liu Jintang first established seven new passes beyond the old line. In the fifteenth year another post, Sum, was placed ten li north of Lake Yashilkul—sixteen hundred li from Kashgar, the most distant of all, manned only by Kyrgyz Muslims with no regular troops. When the British envoy first proposed partitioning the Pamirs, China refused flatly and would not hear of it. Russian troops then intruded into the Pamirs; China protested their armed crossing of the border, and the Russians apologized and withdrew. In the seventeenth year of Guangxu British troops entered Kanjut and drove out its chiefs—their eye was on the Pamirs. The Xinjiang governor-general ordered cavalry to patrol the frontier and encamp at Sum. In the spring of the eighteenth year the Russians protested that the Pamirs were jointly Chinese and Russian, the border unsurveyed, and that China ought not to keep troops there. The Zongli Yamen wired the frontier governor to pull back the troops but to retain the Sum picket. Russia again demanded that all the new passes be dismantled before any boundary survey. While the standoff continued, Britain secretly urged Afghan troops to strike Sum, seize the Kyrgyz Muslims, and carry them off; Russia marched in and fought the Afghans at Sum, while an eastern column ranged Lake Rangkul and Aktash and drew ever nearer the Kashgar frontier. The Zongli Yamen argued in memorial: "Unless the troops we posted first at Sum are withdrawn promptly, the Russo-Afghan clash will be opened by us and will prove hard to close. Afghanistan may seize ground, but in doing so it only draws in Russian forces; a clash of barbarians is no affair of ours. Yet their eastern wing is pressing swiftly on our border—a matter for real concern." Afghanistan had sent no tribute since Qianlong and had long been set outside the court's reckoning; now it surfaced once more in the record. In the twenty-first year the Pamir boundary settlement was at last concluded.
41
西 西 西西 西 西 西西 西 西
Kanjut—rendered in the text as Gandhar—lay some fifteen hundred li southwest of Yarkand. From Yarkand one traveled west into the Pamirs to Tashkurgan in Sarikol—the Puli subprefecture. Thence west over the Niran Tash pass, and southwest to Taghdumbash Pamir—one of the eight Pamirs. Southward lay the Wakhjir and Mintaka passes; the Hindu Kush rose to the west and Mustagh to the east. Beyond the passes the road followed the Hunza River south, then bent west along the stream to Hunza—the capital of Kanjut—built on the river's north bank. The Western Regions Waterways records: "Sarikol lies eight hundred li west of Yarkand, a gathering ground of outer tribes. Five days' march west of Sarikol lies Hestij; and three days southwest of that, Gandhar." —which is Kanjut under another name. In the twenty-sixth year of Qianlong its chief Haslou first submitted—the man whom Yarkand Commissioner Xin Zhu reported as "the Gandhar beg Haslou, who sent his son to present gold tribute."
42
西 西 使
The people all professed Muhammadan Islam. The territory ran twenty li east to west and six hundred li north to south. Two mountain walls rose vast and sheer, with a great river between—the choke point into the Southern March. Kanjut folk lived west of the river; east of the river lay Nagir's domain. Hunza town measured about three li around. North of the town rose Mount Wenggir; a stream called Chongdaiya flowed there. Twenty-five villages fell under its rule; the town held more than two thousand people and the hamlets some five thousand more, with a hundred and forty headmen great and small in town and countryside. The land yielded cattle, sheep, and horses; there was no woven cloth, and all dressed in wool. Grain and fruit of every kind were plentiful. When a neighbor crossed the border, the people became soldiers at once, and the stoutest men marched out of the pass to meet them. All were farmers; there were no grain levies or taxes—only the yearly share of the harvest taken by the chief. Each year they sent China one liang five qian of placer gold, assessed on the people: twelve jin of wheat from each farming household, one lamb from each herding household—no other levy or corvée. When tribute envoys arrived, the court granted two bolts of fine silk. Tribute continued without interruption through the Xuantong reign.
43
使
Under Daoguang the Kashmir king Ranjit Singh sent his general Bupsun across the border to seize Kanjut's Mayun pass; Chief Sazipal routed him and pursued, killing more than seven thousand men. Kashmir sent envoys to sue for peace and paid the Kanjut chief fifteen hundred foreign silver dollars a year, each dollar weighing two qian five fen; the Kanjut chief returned the courtesy with two horses and two hounds. The claim that Kanjut paid tribute to Kashmir is nonsense. In the fourth year of Tongzhi the Kashmir king sent Bilsa across the border again; King Aizanmu of Kanjut defeated him once more—by then Kashmir had invaded Kanjut four times.
44
滿 滿
In the Guangxu era Russian troops entered the Pamirs; Britain, hearing of it, marched on Nagir and ordered Kanjut to level roads and ready troops for the Pamir country. Nagir resisted the British first, and the Kanjut chief stood with them. In the seventeenth year the British defeated Nagir and marched straight on Hunza; Sa'id 'Ali Khan was beaten, slipped away with his household, and the British seized the country. Earlier Chief Sa had dealt secretly with Russia, sent a letter of submission, and sealed a bond for Russia to take the Pamirs; fortresses were raised at Kizil Jaylak, Aksu Murwab, and Sum, and a camp at Baozigun Baizi to hold the passes. Russia answered in writing with a reward of a thousand gold coins, six camel-loads of gold-thread felt and other goods, and six quick-firing guns. Sa'id Khan was treacherous and faithless, indifferent to his people, crafty and greedy; he baited Britain and Russia for bribes again and again and trafficked in his own tribe. His lieutenant Wazirsu held the army; the two abetted each other's crimes, and the tribe hated them both. He then led more than five hundred men toward Russia, but Wosiman, chief of Tadunbash, mustered his people and cut them off. Zhang Hongchou held him at Yarkand, where he tried more than once to break out and failed; he was later sent to the provincial capital and confined for seventeen years, then resettled at Kucha. His son Mizibaier and fifty-two dependents were registered at Rewaqchi in Yarkand—children of Sa'id Khan's secondary household; Followers who had been forced along were all sent home, and Sa'id Khan's brother Maimaiti Aizimu was appointed acting chief of Kanjut to quiet the people.
45
使 西 輿 使
Xue Fucheng, minister to Britain, France, Italy, and Belgium, arranged with the Foreign Office for joint installation of the Kanjut ruler. His memorial read in part: 'Beyond the Muslim frontier of China lie tribes long held in loose allegiance, but since Xianfeng and Tongzhi internal war has left no room for distant strategy. Russia has swallowed Kokand, the Buruts, the Kazakhs, and Bukhara by force, while Badakhshan, Roshan, Shighnan, Wakhan, and other small states have fallen under Afghanistan. Afghanistan is now under British sway; British power presses north from India in rivalry with Russia, and China's western marches grow more troubled every day. Kanjut lies near Kashgar, south of the Pamirs, a country some hundreds of li across with nearly ten thousand people. In recent years this alone among the Muslim tribes still sent tribute to China—the Qianzhute of the Xinjiang Gazetteer and the Kaqute of the imperial atlas and almanac, the same name under different spellings. The British governor-general of India paid Kanjut an annual subsidy in the name of defense, but in practice absorbed its internal affairs. Last summer and autumn Kanjut had already appealed to Kashgar for help after the British threw up a battery commanding their country. This year, in the first and second months, repeated telegrams from the Zongli Yamen reported a British invasion of Kanjut; the chief lost battle after battle and fled beyond the pass with his people to beg for help. I pressed the Foreign Office on how the fighting began and learned that British troops were cutting a road through Kanjut to the Hindu Kush to hold the pass, block Russia's advance south, and guard the gate to India. The chief took arms to stop them, was beaten, and the British occupied his capital at Gunza. I met Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Salisbury, who said Britain had no wish to destroy Kanjut or to stop its tribute to China. They said only that the Kanjut chief's crimes were many and he had insulted British officers, so an example had to be made. I consulted the Yamen by wire; the chief's reputation was already so bad that insisting on his restoration was hardly possible. The tribe was already a state owing allegiance to two powers. That differed somewhat from tribes solely under China; one could only negotiate on the Foreign Office's own terms. The Foreign Office spoke evasively: its early talk of preserving Kanjut shifted constantly, yet its determination to control the place was firm. Fortunately I saw their hidden motive: with Russian power rising they were eager to court China and avoid new enemies, and I was able to bargain on that basis. Britain now proposed the former chief's brother Maimaiti Aizimu as ruler and asked China to send an officer to install him jointly with a British commissioner; the Yamen had already wired the Xinjiang governor to choose a delegate. We agreed on ceremony: Chinese and British commissioners as one body, with Kashmir, a British dependency, ranked slightly below. The rite was first set for the twenty-third of the intercalary sixth month of the eighteenth year, then moved to the twenty-fifth of the seventh; if both sides cooperate, the matter can be closed.' Governor Tao Mo of Xinjiang sent Fukang magistrate Tian Dingming and commandant Zhang Hongchou to Kanjut with the British officer Rebsen to install Maimaiti Aizimu as chief. At the installation the Chinese commissioner stood on the right, the British next, the Kashmir delegate slightly lower on the left, and the new chief below them. Zhang Hongchou proclaimed the emperor's grace, gave brocade, ordered tribute continued as before, and told him to keep his people quiet and stop the raiding. The chief bowed and accepted every command.
46
使
Kanjut lies in a valley country of towering peaks; the roads are all but impassable. The great Karakorum glacier dominates the route; by November snow lies deep, and traffic goes by long-haired pack cattle. Mintaka Pass stands fourteen thousand four hundred feet high, its road strewn with boulders left by ancient ice. A li beyond the pass lies a glacier; beyond it the going eases. After several more gorges, where cliffs rise sheer with snow on their tops, one reaches Misga. The people are Tartar Muslims. They do not live in tents but in stone houses; each village is a fort of piled rock. They are fierce by nature and raiding is their way of life, but the chief sends them out and keeps most of the loot; their raids range far, sometimes as distant as Kucha. The Yar range fans downward; streams run between its spurs and the soil is comparatively fertile. Near Pasu lies another glacier, melting at eight thousand feet.
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