Volume 4: Book of Wei 4 - Annals of the three young emperors

齊王諱芳，字蘭卿。明帝無子，養王及秦王詢；宮省事祕，莫有知其所由來者。〈《魏氏春秋》曰：或云任城王楷子。〉青龍三年，立為齊王。景初三年正月丁亥朔，帝甚病，乃立為皇太子。是日，即皇帝位，大赦。尊皇后曰皇太后。大將軍曹爽、太尉司馬宣王輔政。詔曰：「朕以眇身，繼承鴻業，煢煢在疚，靡所控告。大將軍、太尉奉受末命，夾輔朕躬，司徒、司空、冢宰、元輔總率百僚，以寧社稷，其與羣卿大夫勉勗乃心，稱朕意焉。諸所興作宮室之役，皆以遺詔罷之。官奴婢六十已上，免為良人。」二月，西域重譯獻火浣布，詔大將軍、太尉臨試以示百寮。〈《異物志》曰：斯調國有火州，在南海中。其上有野火，春夏自生，秋冬自死。有木生於其中而不消也，枝皮更活，秋冬火死則皆枯瘁。其俗常冬采其皮以為布，色小青黑；若塵垢洿之，便投火中，則更鮮明也。傅子曰：漢桓帝時，大將軍梁兾以火浣布為單衣，常大會賔客，兾陽爭酒，失杯而汙之，偽怒，解衣曰：「燒之。」布得火，煒燁赫然，如燒凡布，垢盡火滅，粲然潔白，若用灰水焉。《搜神記》曰：崑崙之墟有炎火之山，山上有鳥獸草木，皆生於炎火之中，故有火浣布，非此山草木之皮枲，則其鳥獸之毛也。漢世西域舊獻此布，中間乆絕；至魏初，時人疑其無有。文帝以為火性酷烈，無含生之氣，著之典論，明其不然之事，絕智者之聽。及明帝立，詔三公曰：「先帝昔著典論，不朽之格言，其刊石于廟門之外及太學，與石經並，以永示來世。」至是西域使至而獻火浣布焉，於是刊滅此論，而天下笑之。臣松之昔從征西至洛陽，歷觀舊物，見典論石在太學者尚存，而廟門外無之，問諸長老，云晉初受禪，即用魏廟，移此石於太學，非兩處立也。竊謂此言為不然。又東方朔《神異經》曰：南荒之外有火山，長三十里，廣五十里，其中皆生不燼之木，晝夜火燒，得暴風不猛，猛雨不滅。火中有鼠，重百斤，毛長二尺餘，細如絲，可以作布。常居火中，色洞赤，時時出外而色白，以水逐而沃之即死，續其毛，織以為布。〉

The Prince of Qi was Cao Fang; his courtesy name was Lanqing, and his personal name is omitted here as taboo. Because Emperor Ming had no sons of his own, he took the future Prince of Qi and Prince of Qin Xun into the palace as his heirs. What went on inside the palace was kept so close that no one outside could say where those boys had really come from. 〈The Wei Annals of Spring and Autumn record a rumor that he was actually a son of Cao Kai, Prince of Rencheng.〉 In 235, during the Qinglong era, he was enfeoffed as Prince of Qi. On New Year's Day of 239, the first of Jingchu, the emperor lay deathly ill and at once named him crown prince. That same day he ascended the throne and ordered a general amnesty throughout the realm. The reigning empress was elevated to the title of empress dowager. Grand General Cao Shuang and Grand Commandant Sima Yi (posthumously King Xuan of Jin) were appointed regents. An edict ran: "I take up this vast legacy in a frail body, utterly alone in mourning, with nowhere to turn for guidance. The Grand General and Grand Commandant have taken up my father's deathbed commission to stand at my side; the heads of the ministries and the senior ministers are to marshal the bureaucracy and steady the state—everyone with rank must bend his utmost effort to what I intend. Every palace building project still in progress was halted in accordance with the late emperor's final orders. Government-owned slaves who had reached sixty years of age were manumitted as free commoners." In the second month envoys from the Western Regions, speaking through interpreters, offered fireproof cloth; the court told Cao Shuang and Sima Yi to examine it before the assembled ministers. 〈The Treatise on Strange Products states that in the kingdom of Sidiao there lies a "land of fire" somewhere in the southern ocean. Wild flames burn there through spring and summer as if by nature, then die away of themselves when autumn and winter come. Trees grow in the midst of the blaze yet are not consumed; their bark sprouts again while the fire lasts, and only when the flames go out in the cold months do the groves stand black and dead. The people habitually strip the bark in winter and weave it into cloth of a dull blue-black hue; if the fabric is stained, you throw it into the fire and it comes out brighter than before. Fu Xuan records that under Emperor Huan the general Liang Ji once wore a robe of fireproof cloth to a banquet, staged a drunken squabble, splashed wine on the sleeve, pretended fury, stripped it off, and cried, "Burn it!" The cloth flared up like common linen in a furnace, yet when the flames died the stain was gone and the weave gleamed white as if it had been scrubbed with ashes and water. The In Search of the Spirits places a volcano on Kunlun whose birds, beasts, and vegetation all live inside the flames—hence fireproof cloth, whether woven from tree fiber there or from the pelts of those creatures. Western envoys had sent such cloth to the Han court long ago, but the tribute trail had been broken for generations; by the opening years of Wei many literati had begun to doubt the stuff was real. Emperor Wen had argued in his Dian lun that fire is too violent to sustain life and that tales of fireproof cloth must be false, hoping to silence clever skeptics. After Emperor Ming came to the throne he ordered the three senior ministers to engrave his father's Dian lun on stone at the ancestral temple and the academy, beside the classics, as a permanent lesson to posterity." When Western envoys actually delivered the cloth, the embarrassing paragraph had to be ground off the stele, and the empire had a quiet laugh at the expense of the imperial essayists. Pei Songzhi: On a campaign that brought me to Luoyang I found the Dian lun inscription still standing at the academy but not at the temple gate; old men explained that when the Jin took the mandate they simply reused the Wei shrines and carried the stele to the academy, so it had never stood in two places at once. I do not believe that story holds water. Dongfang Shuo's Divine Marvels also describes a volcano south of civilization, thirty by fifty li, where incombustible trees burn night and day yet are never fanned into a blast nor drowned by the heaviest rain. Fire rats as large as a man live in the crater; their two-foot fur is fine as silk and can be woven. They glow crimson in the flames but turn pale when they venture out; splash them with water and they die, yet their pelts can still be carded and woven into cloth.〉

丁丑詔曰：「太尉體道正直，盡忠三世，南擒孟達，西破蜀虜，東滅公孫淵，功蓋海內。昔周成建保傅之官，近漢顯宗崇寵鄧禹，所以優隆儁乂，必有尊也。其以太尉為太傅，持節統兵都督諸軍事如故。」三月，以征東將軍滿寵為太尉。夏六月，以遼東東沓縣吏民渡海居齊郡界，以故縱城為新沓縣以居徙民。秋七月，上始親臨朝，聽公卿奏事。八月，大赦。冬十月，以鎮南將軍黃權為車騎將軍。

On dingchou the court proclaimed: "The Grand Commandant has embodied integrity across three reigns, taken Meng Da in the south, shattered Shu armies in the west, and wiped out Gongsun Yuan in the east—his achievements span the realm. King Cheng of Zhou created guardian-tutor posts for his heir; Emperor Ming of Later Han heaped honors on Deng Yu—great servants of the state deserve a rank that matches their stature. Therefore Sima Yi is appointed Grand Tutor while retaining his staff of authority and overall command of the armies." In the third month Man Chong, general of the eastern front, was promoted to Grand Commandant. In the sixth month the court resettled the population of eastern Liaodong's Ta county, who had fled by sea into Qi, by refounding their settlement as New Ta on the site of the old Zong fortress. That autumn the young emperor presided in person over court for the first time, hearing memorials from the high ministers. In the eighth month he proclaimed a general amnesty. In the tenth month Huang Quan was transferred from southern command to the post of General of Chariots and Cavalry.

十二月，詔曰：「烈祖明皇帝以正月棄背天下，臣子永惟忌日之哀，其復用夏正；雖違先帝通三統之義，斯亦禮制所由變改也。又夏正於數為得天正，其以建寅之月為正始元年正月，以建丑月為後十二月。」

In the twelfth month an edict declared: "Our Brilliant Ancestor, Emperor Ming, died in the first month; as his servants we will always mourn that anniversary—let the calendar return to the Xia reckoning; even if that departs from the late emperor's doctrine of cycling the Three Beginnings, ritual itself sometimes requires such a change. The Xia calendar's opening month is the true celestial new year; henceforth the month beginning with yin shall count as the first month of Zhengshi 1, and the preceding chou month shall be reckoned as a trailing twelfth month."

自去冬十二月至此月不雨。丙寅，詔令獄官亟平冤枉，理出輕微；羣公卿士讜言嘉謀，各悉乃心。夏四月，車騎將軍黃權薨。秋七月，詔曰：「易稱損上益下，節以制度，不傷財，不害民。方今百姓不足而御府多作金銀雜物，將奚以為？今出黃金銀物百五十種，千八百餘斤，銷冶以供軍用。」八月，車駕巡省洛陽界秋稼，賜高年力田各有差。

No rain had fallen since the previous winter's twelfth month. On bingyin the emperor commanded judges to redress false charges at once and free minor offenders; he called on the high ministers to speak frankly and lay every honest plan before the throne. Huang Quan, General of Chariots and Cavalry, died in the fourth month. In autumn, the seventh month, an edict said: "The Changes speaks of diminishing what is above to enrich what is below, moderating by institutions, not injuring wealth, not harming the people. The people still lack necessities while the palace workshops pile up gold and silver gewgaws—what use are such things? Now issue gold and silver objects of one hundred fifty kinds, more than eighteen hundred jin, smelt them to supply military use." That closed the edict. In the eighth month the emperor rode out to review the harvest around Luoyang and handed out graded rewards to old villagers and hardworking cultivators.

二年春二月，帝初通《論語》，使太常以太牢祭孔子於辟雍，以顏淵配。

In the second month of the second year of Zhengshi the young emperor completed his first study of the Analects and sent the Minister of Ceremonies to offer a bull at the circular moat temple to Confucius, with Yan Hui as secondary honoree.

夏五月，吳將朱然等圍襄陽之樊城，太傅司馬宣王率衆拒之。〈干寶《晉紀》曰：吳將全琮寇芍陂，朱然、孫倫五萬人圍樊城，諸葛瑾、步隲寇柤中；琮已破走而樊圍急。宣王曰：「柤中民夷十萬，隔在水南，流離無主，樊城被攻，歷月不解，此危事也，請自討之。」議者咸言：「賊遠圍樊城不可拔，挫於堅城之下，有自破之勢，宜長策以御之。」宣王曰：「軍志有之：將能而御之，此為縻軍；不能而任之，此為覆軍。今疆埸騷動，民心疑惑，是社稷之大憂也。」六月，督諸軍南征，車駕送津陽城門外。宣王以南方暑溼，不宜持乆，使輕騎挑之，然不敢動。於是乃令諸軍休息洗沐，簡精銳，募先登，申號令，示必攻之勢。然等聞之，乃夜遁。追至三州口，大殺獲。〉六月辛丑，退。己卯，以征東將軍王陵為車騎將軍。冬十二月，南安郡地震。

In the fifth month Wu troops under Zhu Ran laid siege to Fancheng near Xiangyang, and Grand Tutor Sima Yi took the field with a large army to oppose them. 〈Gan Bao's Jin Annals adds that while Quan Cong was striking Shao Lake, Zhu Ran and Sun Lun threw fifty thousand men around Fancheng and Zhuge Jin with Bu Zhi pushed into the Zuozhong salient; Quan's column had already been driven off, but the ring around Fancheng was tightening by the hour. Sima Yi argued: "A hundred thousand farmers and tribesmen are stranded south of the Han with no one to shield them, while Fancheng has been hammered for months—that is the true crisis, and I ask leave to deal with it myself." Court opinion ran the other way: "The enemy is far from home and stalled before a stubborn wall; left alone they will unravel—keep them at arm's length with a patient strategy." Sima Yi answered: "The old manuals say that hobbling a capable commander is called tying the army's hands; handing command to a fool and calling it trust is how armies are ruined. The front is already in turmoil and rumor is spreading among the towns—that is what truly endangers the altars." In the sixth month he took overall command of the southern armies, and the young emperor himself rode out to the Jinyang Gate to see him off. Knowing the southern heat would not sustain a long siege, Sima Yi sent mounted skirmishers to taunt the Wu lines, yet Zhu Ran refused to stir from his entrenchments. He then stood his men down for rest and baths, culled the best fighters, promised rewards to the first over the wall, and staged a full-dress show of imminent assault. When word of that buildup reached Zhu Ran, he slipped away under cover of darkness. Wei pursuers ran them down at Sanchou Ford and took a heavy toll in dead and prisoners.〉 On xinchou in the sixth month the imperial forces withdrew. On jimao Wang Ling, who held the eastern command, was promoted to General of Chariots and Cavalry. That winter an earthquake struck Nan'an commandery.

三年春正月，東平王徽薨。三月，太尉滿寵薨。秋七月甲申，南安郡地震。乙酉，以領軍將軍蔣濟為太尉。冬十二月，魏郡地震。

In the first month of the third year of Zhengshi Cao Hui, Prince of Dongping, died. Grand Commandant Man Chong died in the third month. On jiashen in the seventh month another earthquake shook Nan'an commandery. On yiyou Jiang Ji, who commanded the capital guards, was appointed Grand Commandant. That winter Wei commandery was hit by an earthquake.

四年春正月，帝加元服，賜羣臣各有差。夏四月乙卯，立皇后甄氏，大赦。五月朔，日有蝕之，旣。秋七月，詔祀故大司馬曹真、曹休、征南大將軍夏侯尚、太常桓階、司空陳羣、太傅鍾繇、車騎將軍張郃、左將軍徐晃、前將軍張遼、右將軍樂進、太尉華歆、司徒王朗、驃騎將軍曹洪、征西將軍夏侯淵、後將軍朱靈、文聘、執金吾臧霸、破虜將軍李典、立義將軍龐德、武猛校尉典韋於太祖廟庭。冬十二月，倭國女王俾彌呼遣使奉獻。

In the first month of the fourth year the emperor underwent the capping ceremony and distributed graded gifts to the court. On yimao in the fourth month he took Lady Zhen as empress and proclaimed a general amnesty. The new moon of the fifth month brought a total eclipse of the sun. In the seventh month the court ordered joint sacrifices at Cao Cao's shrine for twenty-one late worthies—among them Cao Zhen, Cao Xiu, Xiahou Shang, Huan Jie, Chen Qun, Zhong Yao, Zhang He, Xu Huang, Zhang Liao, Yue Jin, Hua Xin, Wang Lang, Cao Hong, Xiahou Yuan, Zhu Ling, Wen Pin, Zang Ba, Li Dian, Pang De, and Dian Wei—honoring the founding ministers already debated for inclusion. In the twelfth month Queen Himiko of Wa dispatched envoys bearing tribute.

六年春二月丁卯，南安郡地震。丙子，以驃騎將軍趙儼為司空；夏六月，儼薨。八月丁卯，以太常高柔為司空。癸巳，以左光祿大夫劉放為驃騎將軍，右光祿大夫孫資為衞將軍。冬十一月，祫祭太祖廟，始祀前所論佐命臣二十一人。十二月辛亥，詔故司徒王朗所作易傳，令學者得以課試。乙亥，詔曰：「明日大會羣臣，其令太傅乘輿上殿。」

On dingmao in the second month of the sixth year Nan'an commandery shook again. On bingzi Zhao Yan, General of Agile Cavalry, was named Minister of Works; Zhao Yan died in the sixth month. On dingmao in the eighth month Gao Rou, Minister of Ceremonies, succeeded Zhao Yan as Minister of Works. On guisi Liu Fang rose from Left Grand Household Grandee to General of Agile Cavalry and Sun Zi from Right Grand Household Grandee to General of the Guard. In the eleventh month the court held the great he sacrifice in Cao Cao's temple and for the first time included the twenty-one founding ministers whose tablets had been debated earlier. On xinhai in the twelfth month he ruled that candidates in the classics examinations might answer from Wang Lang's commentary on the Changes. On yihai an edict announced: "At tomorrow's court gathering the Grand Tutor shall be allowed to ascend the dais in his palanquin."

七年春二月，幽州刺史毌丘儉討高句驪，夏五月，討濊貊，皆破之。韓那奚等數十國各率種落降。秋八月戊申，詔曰：「屬到巿觀見所斥賣官奴婢，年皆七十，或𤸇疾殘病，所謂天民之窮者也。且官以其力竭而復鬻之，進退無謂，其悉遣為良民。若有不能自存者，郡縣振給之。」〈臣松之案：帝初即位，有詔「官奴婢六十以上免為良人」。旣有此詔，則宜遂為永制。七八年間，而復貨年七十者，且七十奴婢及𤸇疾殘病，並非可售之物，而鬻之於巿，此皆事之難解。〉

In the second month of the seventh year Guanqiu Jian, Inspector of Youzhou, struck Goguryeo; in the fifth month he campaigned against the Huimo tribes—both enemies were crushed. Dozens of Korean polities, including Han and Naxi, brought their clans to surrender. On wushen in the eighth month he issued an edict: "When I visited the market I found palace slaves offered for sale, every one past seventy or crippled by chronic disease—the poorest of Heaven's subjects. To auction them off once their labor is spent is pointless cruelty; release the lot of them as free persons. Where any still cannot feed themselves, local magistrates are to grant relief." 〈Your subject Pei Songzhi submits: When the emperor first ascended, there was an edict "official male and female slaves aged sixty and above are freed to be commoners." That ought to have settled the matter as permanent law. Yet seven or eight years later the market again listed septuagenarians, and feeble, sickly servants are hardly merchantable goods—such contradictions are hard to fathom.〉

己酉，詔曰：「吾乃當以十九日親祠，而昨出已見治道，得雨當復更治，徒棄功夫。每念百姓力少役多，夙夜存心。道路但當期於通利，聞乃檛捶老小，務崇脩飾，疲困流離，以至哀歎，吾豈安乘此而行，致馨德於宗廟邪？自今已後，明申勑之。」冬十二月，講《禮記》通，使太常以太牢祀孔子於辟雍，以顏淵配。〈習鑿齒《漢晉春秋》曰：是年，吳將朱然入柤中，斬獲數千；柤中民吏萬餘家渡沔。司馬宣王謂曹爽曰：「若便令還，必復致寇，宜權留之。」爽曰：「今不脩守沔南，留民沔北，非長策也。」宣王曰：「不然。凡物置之安地則安，危地則危，故兵書曰，成敗形也，安危勢也，形勢御衆之要，不可不審。設令賊二萬人斷沔水，三萬人與沔南諸軍相持，萬人陸鈔柤中，君將何以救之？」爽不聽，卒令還。然後襲殺之。袁淮言於爽曰：「吳楚之民脆弱寡能，英才大賢不出其土，比技量力，不足與中國相抗，然自上世以來常為中國患者，蓋以江漢為池，舟楫為用，利則陸鈔，不利則入水，攻之道遠，中國之長技無所用之也。孫權自十數年以來，大畋江北，繕治甲兵，精其守禦，數出盜竊，敢遠其水，陸次平土，此中國所願聞也。夫用兵者，貴以飽待飢，以逸擊勞，師不欲乆，行不欲遠，守少則固，力專則彊。當今宜捐淮、漢已南，退却避之。若賊能入居中央，來侵邊境，則隨其所短，中國之長技得用矣。若不敢來，則邊境得安，無鈔盜之憂矣。使我國富兵彊，政脩民一，陵其國不足為遠矣。今襄陽孤在漢南，賊循漢而上，則斷而不通，一戰而勝，則不攻而自服，故置之無益於國，亡之不足為辱。自江夏已東，淮南諸郡，三后已來，其所亡幾何，以近賊疆界易鈔掠之故哉！若徙之淮北，遠絕其間，則民人安樂，何鳴吠之驚乎？」遂不徙。〉

On jiyou he explained: "I mean to sacrifice in person on the nineteenth, yet yesterday's ride showed the avenue already torn up for resurfacing; if rain falls the work must be redone from scratch—a sheer waste of labor. The people have little strength and too many levies; I brood on that day and night. A processional route need only be serviceable; to hear that crews are beating old men and boys in pursuit of glittering ornament, driving the people to exhaustion and tears—could I ride in comfort on such a road and still pretend my offerings please the ancestors? Henceforth issue strict orders to that effect." That winter, having completed his lectures on the Record of Rites, he again sent the Minister of Ceremonies to sacrifice a bull to Confucius at the Biyong with Yan Hui as secondary recipient. 〈Xi Zuochi's Han–Jin Annals for the same year records Zhu Ran's raid into Zuozhong with several thousand killed or taken; Over ten thousand families from the Zuozhong salient fled across the Han. Sima Yi urged Cao Shuang: "March them straight home and the enemy will strike the column; hold them where they are for now." Cao Shuang answered: "We are not rebuilding the south bank while we strand folk on the north—that is no strategy for the long haul." Sima Yi said: "You mistake the case. Everything holds or crumbles according to ground—which is why the manuals insist that form and momentum govern armies, and a commander cannot afford to misread either. What if Wu commits twenty thousand to seal the crossing, thirty thousand to tie down our southern bank, and ten thousand to scour Zuozhong by land—what then is your relief plan?" Cao Shuang brushed the warning aside and ordered the evacuation. Wu troops then ambushed the column and cut it to pieces. Yuan Huai told Cao Shuang: "Southerners look weak and breed few great commanders, so in a straight contest of power they should lose; still they have haunted the north for ages, for the rivers are their rampart and their fleets their cavalry—they forage on foot when it pays and vanish onto the water when it does not, so our long reach seldom finds purchase. These past decades Sun Quan has staged great drives north of the Yangzi, refitted arms, tightened river defenses, and pushed raiders ever farther onto level ground—exactly the opening the heartland prays for. Sound doctrine is to meet a starving foe when we are fed and a weary foe when we are fresh; campaigns must stay short and marches close; lean posts that stand as one endure, united force strikes hardest. The wise course now is to abandon the belt south of the Huai and Han and draw the line farther north. If Wu garrisons that interior and comes at us overland, northern arms at last meet an enemy they can hit. If they stay on the river, the marches stay quiet and the border sleeps without dread of looters. Give us wealth, hardened troops, honest rule, and a united people, and swallowing Wu becomes a matter of timing, not distance. Xiangyang is an exposed salient: a fleet upstream cuts it off, one lost field battle breaks morale without a storming party—holding it adds no strength, abandoning it brings no dishonor. East of Jiangxia the Huainan prefectures have bled ground ever since the late empresses—how much of that is simply because they lie under Wu's shadow? Resettle those districts north of the Huai to open a deep cordon, and farmers will sleep without flinching at every distant alarm?" Cao Shuang refused the proposal.〉

八年春二月朔，日有蝕之。夏五月，分河東之汾北十縣為平陽郡。

At new moon in the second month of the eighth year of Zhengshi the sun was eclipsed. The fifth month saw ten Fen-north counties carved from Hedong into the new Pingyang commandery.

秋七月，尚書何晏奏曰：「善為國者必先治其身，治其身者慎其所習。所習正則其身正，其身正則不令而行；所習不正則其身不正，其身不正則雖令不從。是故為人君者，所與游必擇正人，所觀覽必察正象，放鄭聲而弗聽，遠佞人而弗近，然後邪心不生而正道可弘也。季末闇主不知損益，斥遠君子，引近小人，忠良疏遠，便辟褻狎，亂生近暱，譬之社鼠；考其昏明，所積以然，故聖賢諄諄以為至慮。舜戒禹曰『鄰哉鄰哉』，言慎所近也，周公戒成王曰『其朋其朋』，言慎所與也。書云：『一人有慶，兆民賴之。』可自今以後，御幸式乾殿及游豫後園，皆大臣侍從，因從容戲宴，兼省文書，詢謀政事，講論經義，為萬世法。」冬十二月，散騎常侍諫議大夫孔晏乂奏曰：「禮，天子之宮，有斲礱之制，無朱丹之飾，宜循禮復古。今天下已平，君臣之分明，陛下但當不懈于位，平公正之心，審賞罰以使之。可絕後園習騎乘馬，出必御輦乘車，天下之福，臣子之願也。」晏乂咸因闕以進規諫。

In the seventh month Minister He Yan submitted: "He who would govern the realm must first govern himself; self-rule begins with watching every habit the throne adopts. Upright habit shapes an upright ruler, and an upright ruler needs no nagging edicts to sway the world. Corrupt habit warps the sovereign, and a warped sovereign cannot command obedience though the ink never dries. So the Son of Heaven should walk only with gentlemen, study only worthy exemplars, silence the decadent music of Zheng, and spurn toadies—then vice never takes root and the true Way can flourish. Late reigns bring dim sovereigns who banish the wise, welcome knaves, starve integrity, and coddle buffoons in the inner chambers—trouble always starts beside the cushion, like rats gnawing the state altar. Trace how their judgment dimmed and you find it piled up by degrees—which is why the sages nagged posterity about this above all else. Shun warned Yu to watch his neighbors; the Duke of Zhou warned King Cheng to watch his companions—both pleading that a ruler's intimates make or break the age. The Classic of Documents says: "When the sovereign is blessed, the myriad households lean on him." Let every future visit to the Shiqian Hall or stroll through the rear pleasure ground be escorted by senior ministers, so that over wine you may still scan memorials, debate state business, lecture on the canon, and hand down a model for all time." In winter, the twelfth month, Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and Grand Counselor Kong Yanyi memorialized: "By ritual the Son of Heaven's palace should follow the plain-hewn style, not cinnabar ornament; Your Majesty should return to ancient precedent. With the empire settled and hierarchy plain, the throne has only to stay diligent, judge rewards and penalties with a level gaze, and steer the bureaucracy by justice. Give up mounted drills behind the palace walls; whenever you leave the compound, take the covered palanquin or the state carriage—that is the blessing the world prays for and every subject desires." He Yan and Kong Yanyi each used whatever opening at court they could find to press these admonitions.

九年春二月，衞將軍中書令孫資，癸巳，驃騎將軍中書監劉放，三月甲午，司徒衞臻，各遜位，以侯就第，位特進。四月，以司空高柔為司徒；光祿大夫徐邈為司空，固辭不受。秋九月，以車騎將軍王淩為司空。冬十月，大風發屋折樹。

In the second month, on guisi, Sun Zi as Guard General and Palace Secretary and Liu Fang as General of Agile Cavalry and Palace Director stepped down; in the third month, on jiawu, Minister Wei Zhen followed—all three retiring to their fiefs as full marquises with the rank Exceptionally Advanced. The fourth month saw Gao Rou promoted from Minister of Works to Minister of Education; Xu Miao was offered the Ministry of Works but repeatedly refused the seal. In the ninth month Wang Ling exchanged his chariot command for the Ministry of Works. A violent gale in the tenth month ripped roofs away and broke great trees.

夏四月乙丑，改年。丙子，太尉蔣濟薨。冬十二月辛卯，以司空王淩為太尉。庚子，以司隷校尉孫禮為司空。

On yichou in the fourth month the court adopted a new era name. Grand Commandant Jiang Ji died on bingzi. On xinmao in the twelfth month Wang Ling left the Ministry of Works for the Grand Commandancy. On gengzi Sun Li rose from Metropolitan Commandant to Minister of Works.

二年夏五月，以征西將軍郭淮為車騎將軍。冬十月，以特進孫資為驃騎將軍。十一月，司空孫禮薨。十二月甲辰，東海王霖薨。乙未，征南將軍王昶渡江，掩攻吳，破之。

The fifth month of the second Jiaping year named Guo Huai General of Chariots and Cavalry. In the tenth month retired minister Sun Zi returned to active duty as General of Agile Cavalry. Sun Li died in the eleventh month while holding the Ministry of Works. On jiachen in the twelfth month Cao Lin, Prince of the Eastern Sea, died. On yiwei Wang Chang, commanding the southern front, crossed the great river in a sudden raid and broke a Wu force.

四年春正月癸卯，以撫軍大將軍司馬景王為大將軍。二月，立皇后張氏，大赦。夏五月，魚二，見于武庫屋上。〈《漢晉春秋》曰：初，孫權築東興隄以遏巢湖。後征淮南，壞不復脩。是歲諸葛恪帥軍更於隄左右結山，挾築兩城，使全端、留略守之，引軍而還。諸葛誕言於司馬景王曰：「致人而不至於人者，此之謂也。今因其內侵，使文舒逼江陵，仲恭向武昌，以羈吳之上流，然後簡精卒攻兩城，比救至，可大獲也。」景王從之。〉冬十一月，詔征南大將軍王昶、征東將軍胡遵、鎮南將軍毌丘儉等征吳。十二月，吳大將軍諸葛恪拒戰，大破衆軍於東關。不利而還。〈《漢晉春秋》曰：毌丘儉、王昶聞東軍敗，各燒屯走。朝議欲貶黜諸將，景王曰：「我不聽公休，以至於此。此我過也，諸將何罪？」悉原之。時司馬文王為監軍，統諸軍，唯削文王爵而已。是歲，雍州刺史陳泰求勑并州并力討胡，景王從之。未集，而鴈門、新興二郡以為將遠役，遂驚反。景王又謝朝士曰：「此我過也，非玄伯之責！」於是魏人愧恱，人思其報。習鑿齒曰：司馬大將軍引二敗以為己過，過消而業隆，可謂智矣。夫民忘其敗，而下思其報，雖欲不康，其可得邪？若乃諱敗推過，歸咎萬物，常執其功而隱其喪，上下離心，賢愚解體，是楚再敗而晉再克也，謬之甚矣！君人者，苟統斯理而以御國，則朝無秕政，身靡留愆，行失而名揚，兵挫而戰勝，雖百敗可也，況於再乎！〉

On guimao in the first month of the fourth year Sima Shi advanced from Pacification General of the Army to Grand General. The second month saw Lady Zhang invested as empress and a general amnesty proclaimed. Two fish were sighted atop the Luoyang armory roof in the fifth month. 〈The Han–Jin Annals records that Sun Quan first threw up the Eastern Rise embankment to pen Chao Lake. Later Wei offensives into Huainan shattered the work and it was never rebuilt. That year Zhuge Ke marched in, piled earthworks on either side of the breach, threw up twin citadels under Quan Duan and Liu Lue, and marched the field army home. Zhuge Dan told Sima Shi: "Here is the textbook case of luring the foe onto ground of your choosing rather than chasing his gambit. Let them overreach: put Wang Chang on Jiangling and Guanqiu Jian on Wuchang to choke the upper river, then throw picked assault troops at the pair of new forts—you can reap a major victory before their fleet returns." Sima Shi accepted the plan.〉 The eleventh month brought orders for Wang Chang, Hu Zun, Guanqiu Jian, and other front commanders to open a coordinated offensive against Wu. In the twelfth month Wu's Grand General Zhuge Ke intercepted the expedition and shattered the allied hosts at Dongguan. The northern armies broke off and retreated in disorder. 〈The Han–Jin Annals adds that Guanqiu Jian and Wang Chang, hearing of the rout on the eastern front, torched their camps and ran. The court clamored to cashier the commanders, but Sima Shi said: "I rejected Zhuge Dan's counsel and brought this disaster on us. The blame rests with me—why punish the army?" He pardoned every officer involved. Sima Zhao alone, as army supervisor over the whole operation, suffered a reduction in fief rank. The same year Chen Tai, Inspector of Yongzhou, asked the throne to yoke Bingzhou into a joint strike on the steppe peoples, and Sima Shi agreed. Before the columns could muster, Yanmen and Xinxing, fearing a levy for a far campaign, rose in alarm. Sima Shi then told the assembly: "The fault is mine, not Chen Tai's!" The courtiers of Wei blushed at his candor and longed to repay such grace. Xi Zuochi remarks that Sima Shi claimed two routs as personal failures—blame dissolved while prestige soared, which is the mark of a wise leader. When the realm forgets shame because the ruler owns it, and ministers burn to repay him, prosperity follows whether he seeks it or not. To hush defeat, heap blame on subordinates, trumpet every success, and bury every loss is to split worthy from fool and court from camp—the way Chu fell twice to Jin, only more absurdly wrong. A sovereign who steers by that maxim keeps policy clean, conscience clear, reputation bright after missteps, and victory within reach after rout—even a hundred defeats need not break him, let alone two.〉

五年夏四月，大赦。五月，吳太傅諸葛恪圍合肥新城，詔太尉司馬孚拒之。〈《漢晉春秋》曰：是時姜維亦出圍狄道。司馬景王問虞松曰：「今東西有事，二方皆急，而諸將意沮，若之何？」松曰：「昔周亞夫堅壁昌邑而吳楚自敗，事有似弱而彊，或似彊而弱，不可不察也。今恪悉其銳衆，足以肆暴，而坐守新城，欲以致一戰耳。若攻城不拔，請戰不得，師老衆疲，勢將自走，諸將之不徑進，乃公之利也。姜維有重兵而縣軍應恪，投食我麥，非深根之寇也。且謂我并力於東，西方必虛，是以徑進。今若使關中諸軍倍道急赴，出其不意，殆將走矣。」景王曰：「善！」乃使郭淮、陳泰悉關中之衆，解狄道之圍；勑毌丘儉等案兵自守，以新城委吳。姜維聞淮進兵，軍食少，乃退屯隴西界。〉秋七月，恪退還。〈是時，張特守新城。《魏略》曰：特字子產，涿郡人。先時領牙門，給事鎮東諸葛誕，誕不以為能也，欲遣還護軍。會毌丘儉代誕，遂使特屯守合肥新城。及諸葛恪圍城，特與將軍樂方等三軍衆合有三千人，吏兵疾病及戰死者過半，而恪起土山急攻，城將陷，不可護。特乃謂吳人曰：「今我無心復戰也。然魏法，被攻過百日而救不至者，雖降，家不坐也。自受敵以來，已九十餘日矣。此城中本有四千餘人，而戰死者已過半，城雖陷，尚有半人不欲降，我當還為相語之，條名別善惡，明日早送名，且持我印綬去以為信。」乃投其印綬以與之。吳人聽其辭而不取印綬。不攻。頃之，特還，乃夜徹諸屋材柵，補其缺為二重。明日，謂吳人曰：「我但有鬬死耳！」吳人大怒，進攻之，不能拔，遂引去。朝廷嘉之，加雜號將軍，封列侯，又遷安豐太守。〉

The fifth month of the fifth year brought a general amnesty. Wu Grand Tutor Zhuge Ke invested Hefei's new fortress that fifth month, and the court sent Grand Commandant Sima Fu to hold him off. 〈The Han–Jin Annals notes that Jiang Wei simultaneously opened a siege of Didao on the western front. Sima Shi asked Yu Song: "We face emergencies on two fronts while commanders lose heart—what course do you advise?" Yu Song answered: "Zhou Yafu once lay doggo inside Changyi until the Wu–Chu host fell apart of its own weight—strength and weakness trade masks and must be read with care. Zhuge Ke has packed every elite regiment he owns into a siege of a minor fort—he wants one hammer blow, not a long war. If the walls hold and he cannot provoke a clash, his host will stalemate itself into retreat—your generals' caution is a hidden asset. Jiang Wei may have numbers, but he has strung his army out to shadow Zhuge Ke and is eating our border grain—no entrenched horde. He gambles that we have stripped the west to feed the east—hence his bold push. Order the Guanzhong legions to double-time west and take him by surprise—he will almost certainly bolt." Sima Shi said: "Well said!" He then told Guo Huai and Chen Tai to sweep every Guanzhong unit toward Didao and break the ring; while Guanqiu Jian and the eastern commanders simply stood fast and left the Hefei siege to the enemy. Jiang Wei, learning that Guo Huai was marching and his own supplies thin, broke off and camped along the Longxi frontier.〉 Zhuge Ke lifted the siege and sailed home in the seventh month. 〈Zhang Te was the officer holding the new fortress. The Wei Summary names him Zhang Te, courtesy Zichan, from Zhuo commandery. He had served as a camp-gate captain under Zhuge Dan, who thought little of him and meant to return him to the army staff pool. When Guanqiu Jian succeeded Zhuge Dan, he posted Zhang Te to hold Hefei's new citadel. Under Zhuge Ke's siege Zhang Te, Yue Fang, and allied units mustered barely three thousand effectives after sickness and casualties had halved the roster, while Wu raised siege mounds and hammered the walls until collapse seemed moments away. Te then told the Wu men: "Now we have no heart to fight further. Yet Wei statute absolves the families of any garrison that yields after a hundred days without reinforcements. We have counted more than ninety days under your blows. We began with four thousand defenders and have lost over half; the rampart may crumble, yet half the survivors still refuse terms—I will go back inside, poll each man by name, and at dawn deliver the list along with my official seal as pledge." He tossed his bronze seal and purple ribbon over the parapet. The Wu officers heard him out yet let the regalia lie where they fell. They held their assault for the promised interval. Zhang Te went back inside and, under cover of darkness, tore down houses for timber and stakes, plugged the gaps, and doubled the wall line. The next day he told the Wu men: "I have only the choice to fight to the death!" The southerners stormed the walls in fury, failed to break through, and finally broke camp. The throne rewarded him with a general's banner, a full marquisate, and promotion to Anfeng—thus closes the tale of Zhang Te.〉

八月，詔曰：「故中郎西平郭脩，砥節厲行，秉心不回。乃者蜀將姜維寇鈔脩郡，為所執略。往歲偽大將軍費禕驅率羣衆，陰圖闚𨵦，道經漢壽，請會衆賔，脩於廣坐之中手刃擊禕，勇過聶政，功逾介子，可謂殺身成仁，釋生取義者矣。夫追加襃寵，所以表揚忠義；祚及後胤，所以獎勸將來。其追封脩為長樂鄉侯，食邑千戶，謚曰威侯；子襲爵，加拜奉車都尉；賜銀千鉼，絹千匹，以光寵存亡，永垂來世焉。」〈《魏氏春秋》曰：脩字孝先，素有業行，著名西州。姜維劫之，脩不為屈。劉禪以為左將軍，脩欲刺禪而不得親近，每因慶賀，且拜且前，為禪左右所遏，事輙不克，故殺禕焉。臣松之以為古之舍生取義者，必有理存焉，或感恩懷德，投命無悔，或利害有機，奮發以應會，詔所稱聶政、介子是也。事非斯類，則陷乎妄作矣。魏之與蜀，雖為敵國，非有趙襄滅智之仇，燕丹危亡之急；且劉禪凡下之主，費禕中才之相，二人存亡，固無關於興喪。郭脩在魏，西州之男子耳，始獲於蜀，旣不能抗節不辱，於魏又無食祿之責，不為時主所使，而無故規規然糜身於非所，義無所加，功無所立，可謂「折柳樊圃」，其狂也且，此之謂也。〉

In the eighth month an edict said: "The late Palace Gentleman of Xiping, Guo Xiu, polished his integrity and hardened his conduct; he held his heart unswerving. Shu's Jiang Wei had swept through his district and taken him prisoner. The edict recalled how Fei Yi had feasted his officers at Hanshou while plotting against Wei, and how Guo Xiu had stabbed him in open court—courage likened to Nie Zheng, fidelity to Fu Jie, the very pattern of martyrdom for a cause. Posthumous titles exist to lift up men who die for principle; and hereditary rewards teach the next generation what the state admires. The court therefore enfeoffed him posthumously as Marquis Wei of Changle township at one thousand households; his son would inherit the rank and receive appointment as Bearer of the Gilded Bit; and a thousand ingots of silver with a thousand bolts of silk would seal the deed for posterity." 〈The Wei Annals of Spring and Autumn add that Guo Xiu, style Xiaoxian, was a respected gentleman of Liangzhou. Even under Jiang Wei's captivity he refused to bend. Liu Shan made him a general of the left, hoping to co-opt him; Guo Xiu tried repeatedly to reach the sovereign at court feasts but guards always barred the way, so he struck down Fei Yi instead. Pei Songzhi observes that true martyrs act from clear motives—gratitude, debt, or a calculated opening—like the assassins the edict names. Acts that lack such logic are mere recklessness, not martyrdom. Wei and Shu were rivals, not blood enemies on the order of Zhao against Zhi Bo or the Crown Prince Dan's last stand; besides, Liu Shan was a weak ruler and Fei Yi a competent but not irreplaceable minister—neither man's fate decided the fate of empires. Guo Xiu had been an ordinary western officer; captured by Shu he failed to die rather than serve the foe, owed Wei no stipendary duty, and was not acting on imperial orders—his murder of Fei Yi was pointless bravado, what may be called "breaking willows to fence a garden"; this was madness.〉

自帝即位至于是歲，郡國縣道多所置省，俄或還復，不可勝紀。

From the sovereign's accession to the present year, county and circuit boundaries had been redrawn, revoked, and restored so often that no annalist could track them all.

六年春二月己丑，鎮東將軍毌丘儉上言：「昔諸葛恪圍合肥新城，城中遣士劉整出圍傳消息，為賊所得，考問所傳，語整曰：『諸葛公欲活汝，汝可具服。』整罵曰：『死狗，此何言也！我當必死為魏國鬼，不苟求活，逐汝去也。欲殺我者，便速殺之。』終無他辭。又遣士鄭像出城傳消息，或以語恪，恪遣馬騎尋圍跡索，得像還。四五人靮頭靣縛，將繞城表，勑語像，使大呼，言『大軍已還洛，不如早降。』像不從其言，更大呼城中曰：『大軍近在圍外，壯士努力！』賊以刀築其口，使不得言，像遂大呼，令城中聞知。整、像為兵，能守義執節，子弟宜有差異。」詔曰：「夫顯爵所以襃元功，重賞所以寵烈士。整、像召募通使，越蹈重圍，冒突白刃，輕身守信，不幸見獲，抗節彌厲，揚六軍之大勢，安城守之懼心，臨難不顧，畢志傳命。昔解楊執楚，有隕無貳，齊路中大夫以死成命，方之整、像，所不能加。今追賜整、像爵關中侯，各除士名，使子襲爵，如部曲將死事科。」

In the sixth year, spring, second month, jichou, General Who Guards the South Guanqiu Jian submitted: "Formerly when Zhuge Ke besieged Hefei's new town, the city sent out the soldier Liu Zheng to carry word through the lines; the bandits seized him and interrogated him on what message he bore, telling Zheng: 'Lord Zhuge wishes to spare you alive—confess fully. Liu Zheng spat back: 'Curse you, curs—what rot is that? I mean to die a ghost loyal to Wei, not crawl after your pack for a few more breaths. If you mean to kill me, get it over with. He never offered another word. Later courier Zheng Xiang slipped out; Zhuge Ke's riders ran him down and dragged him back. Wu bound him, hooded him with four or five other captives, and marched them around the walls ordering him to cry that the relief army had gone home to Luoyang. Zheng Xiang defied the script and roared that Wei reinforcements still ringed the city and the defenders must hold fast. They rammed a knife guard into his mouth to silence him, yet he kept yelling until the garrison heard. Zheng and Liu, though pressed into enemy service, were able to keep faith and hold to principle; their sons should receive differentiated rewards." The throne replied: "Noble titles honor the greatest service; rich gifts cherish the blood shed for the state. The two runners had volunteered, pierced the cordon, braved steel, and, though captured, still heartened the defenders and advertised Wei's might. They stood comparison with Xie Yang, who chose death over betraying Jin to Chu, and with Qi's highway minister who died to keep his word. The court therefore posthumously enfeoffed both as marquises of Guannei, freed their names from the draft lists, and let their sons inherit under the statute for officers killed in service."

高貴鄉公

The Duke of Gaogui Township (section heading).

高貴鄉公諱髦，字彥士，文帝孫，東海定王霖子也。正始五年，封歘縣高貴鄉公。少好學，夙成。齊王廢，公卿議迎立公。十月己丑，公至于玄武館，羣臣奏請舍前殿，公以先帝舊處，避止西廂；羣臣又請以法駕迎，公不聽。庚寅，公入于洛陽，羣臣迎拜西掖門南，公下輿將荅拜，儐者請曰：「儀不拜。」公曰：「吾人臣也。」遂荅拜。至止車門下輿。左右曰：「舊乘輿入。」公曰：「吾被皇太后徵，未知所為！」遂步至太極東堂，見于太后。其日即皇帝位於太極前殿，百寮陪位者欣欣焉。〈《魏氏春秋》曰：公神明爽儁，德音宣朗。罷朝，景王私曰：「上何如主也？」鍾會對曰：「才同陳思，武類太祖。」景王曰：「若如卿言，社稷之福也。」〉詔曰：「昔三祖神武聖德，應天受祚。齊王嗣位，肆行非度，顛覆厥德。皇太后深惟社稷之重，延納宰輔之謀，用替厥位，集大命于余一人。以眇眇之身，託于王公之上，夙夜祗畏，懼不能嗣守祖宗之大訓，恢中興之弘業，戰戰兢兢，如臨于谷。今羣公卿士股肱之輔，四方征鎮宣力之佐，皆積德累功，忠勤帝室；庶憑先祖先父有德之臣，左右小子，用保乂皇家，俾朕蒙闇，垂拱而治。蓋聞人君之道，德厚侔天地，潤澤施四海，先之以慈愛，示之以好惡，然後教化行於上，兆民聽於下。朕雖不德，昧於大道，思與宇內共臻茲路。書不云乎：『安民則惠，黎民懷之。』」大赦，改元。減乘輿服御後宮用度，及罷尚方御府百工技巧靡麗無益之物。

Cao Mao, courtesy Yanshi, was Emperor Wen's grandson and the son of Cao Lin, Prince of the Eastern Sea. In 244 he received the title of Duke of Gaogui Township in She county. Even as a boy he loved books and showed precocious judgment. After Cao Fang's deposition the high ministers agreed to raise Cao Mao to the throne. On jichou in the tenth month he reached the Xuanwu Lodge; courtiers begged him to occupy the main palace hall, but he refused out of respect for his late uncle's memory and took rooms in the west wing; when they pressed to receive him with the full imperial train, he refused that too. At the Xiye Gate he started to return the court's bows until protocol officers reminded him that the heir apparent does not bow to subjects." Cao Mao answered: "I am still only a subject." He insisted on bowing in return. At the carriage-stop gate he dismounted as any officer would. Attendants urged the old rule: emperors rode from there inward." He replied: "The empress dowager summoned me; I do not know whether I come as heir or as prisoner!" He walked on foot to the east hall of the Great Ultimate Hall to meet the empress dowager. That day he ascended the throne before the Great Ultimate, and the bureaucracy received him with visible joy. 〈The Wei Annals of Spring and Autumn describes him as keen-eyed, eloquent, and commanding in presence. After their first audience Sima Shi murmured: "What manner of emperor have we raised?" Zhong Hui answered: "He has Cao Zhi's brilliance and Cao Cao's bearing." Sima Shi said: "Then the dynasty is luckier than we knew."〉 An edict said: "Of old the Three Ancestors, divinely martial and sagely virtuous, received the mandate in answer to Heaven. Cao Fang had squandered the virtue entrusted to him. The empress dowager, weighing the state above all, listened to the regents and set the great mandate on my slight shoulders. He spoke of his fear—set above the peers of the realm—of failing the founders' charge and the work of renewal. He praised the ministers and frontier commanders whose loyalty had brought him to the throne; and asked the old families of Wei to steady him so that he might rule with folded hands while they ordered the realm. He cited the classical doctrine that the ruler's kindness must soak the realm before law can bite. Though he lacked sage virtue, he vowed to seek that path with the whole empire. He quoted the Documents: settle the people with kindness and they will cleave to the throne." He proclaimed amnesty and a new era name. Court workshops, harem budgets, and frivolous palace luxuries were cut back at once.

正元元年冬十月壬辰，遣侍中持節分適四方，觀風俗，勞士民，察冤枉失職者。癸巳，假大將軍司馬景王黃鉞，入朝不趨，奏事不名，劒履上殿。戊戌，黃龍見于鄴井中。甲辰，命有司論廢立定策之功，封爵、增邑、進位、班賜各有差。

In winter, on renchen, he sent commissioners to the provinces to inspect customs, comfort the people, and hear judicial grievances. On guisi Sima Shi received the yellow axe and the full set of privileges at court. On wuxu Ye reported a yellow dragon in a village well. On jiachen he rewarded every official who had helped depose Cao Fang and enthrone him.

甲子，吳大將孫峻等衆號十萬至壽春，諸葛誕拒擊破之，斬吳左將軍留贊，獻捷于京都。三月，立皇后卞氏，大赦。夏四月甲寅，封后父卞隆為列侯。甲戌，以征南大將軍王昶為驃騎將軍。秋七月，以征東大將軍胡遵為衞將軍，鎮東大將軍諸葛誕為征東大將軍。

On jiazi Sun Jun's eastern Wu host reached Shouchun; Zhuge Dan shattered them, took Liu Zan's head, and sent the trophy to Luoyang. In the third month he took Lady Bian as empress and ordered amnesty. On jiayin he enfeoffed his father-in-law Bian Long. On jiaxu Wang Chang traded his southern command for General of Agile Cavalry. In the seventh month Hu Zun became General of the Guard and Zhuge Dan took the eastern expeditionary command.

八月辛亥，蜀大將軍姜維寇狄道，雍州刺史王經與戰洮西，經大敗，還保狄道城。辛未，以長水校尉鄧艾行安西將軍，與征西將軍陳泰并力拒維。戊辰，復遣太尉司馬孚為後繼。九月庚子，講尚書業終，賜執經親授者司空鄭冲、侍中鄭小同等各有差。甲辰，姜維退還。冬十月，詔曰：「朕以寡德，不能式遏寇虐，乃令蜀賊陸梁邊陲。洮西之戰，至取負敗，將士死亡，計以千數，或沒命戰場，冤魂不反，或牽掣虜手，流離異域，吾深痛愍，為之悼心。其令所在郡典農及安撫夷二護軍各部大吏慰卹其門戶，無差賦役一年；其力戰死事者，皆如舊科，勿有所漏。」

On xinhai Jiang Wei struck Didao; Wang Jing met him west of the Tao, lost disastrously, and fled behind the walls. On xinwei Deng Ai, as acting Pacification General of the West, joined Chen Tai to stem the invasion. On wuchen Sima Fu marched as second wave. On gengzi, finishing his study of the Documents, he rewarded his tutors Zheng Chong, Zheng Xiaotong, and the rest. On jiachen Jiang Wei broke off and retreated. In winter, the tenth month, an edict said: "I, with scant virtue, have been unable to check raiding bandits, and so allowed Shu brigands to strut along the frontier. He mourned the thousands dead or captured west of the Tao. He ordered local overseers to comfort their families and remit taxes and labor for one year; and promised full pensions to every household that had lost men in the fighting."

十一月甲午，以隴右四郡及金城連年受敵，或亡叛投賊，其親戚留在本土者不安，皆特赦之。癸丑，詔曰：「往者洮西之戰，將吏士民或臨陣戰亡，或沉溺洮水，骸骨不収，棄於原野，吾常痛之。其告征西、安西將軍，各令部人於戰處及水次鈎求屍喪，収斂藏埋，以慰存亡。」

On jiawu he amnestied Longyou and Jincheng, where years of war had left kin of defectors in terror. On guichou an edict said: "In the former battle west of the Tao, generals, clerks, soldiers, and people either died fighting on the line or drowned in the Tao; their bones were not gathered but lay abandoned in the wilds—I have always ached for them. Western commanders were to drag the rivers and fields for remains and give them decent burial."

夏四月庚戌，賜大將軍司馬文王衮冕之服，赤舄副焉。

On gengxu he bestowed on Sima Zhao the full regalia of a crowned prince.

丙辰，帝幸太學，問諸儒曰：「聖人幽贊神明，仰觀俯察，始作八卦，後聖重之為六十四，立爻以極數，凡斯大義，罔有不備，而夏有連山，殷有歸藏，周曰周易，易之書，其故何也？」易博士淳于俊對曰：「包羲因燧皇之圖而制八卦，神農演之為六十四，黃帝、堯、舜通其變，三代隨時，質文各繇其事。故易者，變易也，名曰連山，似山出內雲氣，連天地也；歸藏者，萬事莫不歸藏於其中也。」帝又曰：「若使包羲因燧皇而作易，孔子何以不云燧人氏沒包羲氏作乎？」俊不能荅。帝又問曰：「孔子作彖、象，鄭玄作注，雖聖賢不同，其所釋經義一也。今彖、象不與經文相連，而注連之，何也？」俊對曰；「鄭玄合彖、象於經者，欲使學者尋省易了也。」帝曰：「若鄭玄合之，於學誠便，則孔子曷為不合以了學者乎？」俊對曰：「孔子恐其與文王相亂，是以不合，此聖人以不合為謙。」帝曰：「若聖人以不合為謙，則鄭玄何獨不謙邪？」俊對曰：「古義弘深，聖問奧遠，非臣所能詳盡。」帝又問曰：「繫辭云『黃帝、堯、舜垂衣裳而天下治』，此包羲、神農之世為無衣裳。但聖人化天下，何殊異爾邪？」俊對曰：「三皇之時，人寡而禽獸衆，故取其羽皮而天下用足，及至黃帝，人衆而禽獸寡，是以作為衣裳以濟時變也。」帝又問：「乾為天，而復為金，為玉，為老馬，與細物並邪？」俊對曰：「聖人取象，或遠或近，近取諸物，遠則天地。」

On bingchen the emperor visited the Imperial Academy and asked the scholars: "The sages secretly aided the spirits, looked up and looked down, and first made the eight trigrams; later sages doubled them to sixty-four and set lines to exhaust the numbers—by such great principles nothing was left unprepared—yet Xia had Lianshan, Shang had Guizang, Zhou called its book Zhou yi; what is the reason for the changes in the name of the Changes book?" Doctor of the Changes Chunyu Jun replied: "Baoxi took Suiren's diagrams and formed the eight trigrams; Shennong extended them to sixty-four; the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun penetrated their transformations; the three dynasties followed the times, plain or refined, each according to its affair. The Xia text was called Lianshan because its images stacked like mountain-born clouds; the Shang text Guizang means that the myriad phenomena all return and are stored within it." The emperor also said: "If Baoxi made the Changes on the basis of Suiren, why did Confucius not say that after Suiren perished Baoxi arose?" Chunyu Jun had no reply. The emperor further asked: "Confucius composed the Tuan and Xiang commentaries, and Zheng Xuan wrote annotations; though sage and worthy differ, their explication of the classic's meaning is one. Now the Tuan and Xiang are not joined to the classic text, yet the commentary joins them—why is that?" Chunyu Jun began: "Zheng Xuan joined the Tuan and Xiang to the classic because he wished students to search and review it easily." The emperor said: "If Zheng's merger truly eases study, why did Confucius not merge them to ease students?" Jun replied: "Confucius feared they would be confused with King Wen's work, therefore he did not join them—this is the sage's modesty in not joining." The emperor said: "If the sage showed modesty by not joining, why was Zheng Xuan alone not modest?" Jun replied: "The ancient meaning is vast and deep, and the sage's question is profound and far-reaching—not something your subject can set forth exhaustively." The emperor again asked: "The Appended Texts says 'The Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun let their robes fall and all under Heaven was well ordered'—does this mean that in the age of Baoxi and Shennong there were no robes? Yet when sages transform the realm, how could they differ so utterly?" Jun replied: "In the time of the Three August Ones people were few and birds and beasts many, so they took feathers and hides and the realm had enough; by the time of the Yellow Emperor people were many and birds and beasts few, therefore they fashioned garments to meet the change of the times." The emperor again asked: "Qian stands for Heaven, yet it also stands for metal, for jade, for an old horse—is it lumped together with petty things?" Jun replied: "When the sage takes images, sometimes they are far, sometimes near; near he takes from things, far he takes from Heaven and earth."

講易畢，復命講尚書。帝問曰：「鄭玄云『稽古同天，言堯同於天也』。王肅云『堯順考古道而行之』。二義不同，何者為是？」博士庾峻對曰：「先儒所執，各有乖異，臣不足以定之。然洪範稱『三人占，從二人之言』。賈、馬及肅皆以為『順考古道』。以洪範言之，肅義為長。」帝曰：「仲尼言『唯天為大，唯堯則之』。堯之大美，在乎則天，順考古道，非其至也。今發篇開義以明聖德，而舍其大，更稱其細，豈作者之意邪？」峻對曰：「臣奉遵師說，未喻大義，至於折中，裁之聖思。」次及四嶽舉鯀，帝又問曰：「夫大人者，與天地合其德，與日月合其明，思無不周，明無不照，今王肅云『堯意不能明鯀，是以試用』。如此，聖人之明有所未盡邪？」峻對曰：「雖聖人之弘，猶有所未盡，故禹曰『知人則哲，惟帝難之』，然卒能改授聖賢，緝熈庶績，亦所以成聖也。」帝曰：「夫有始有卒，其唯聖人。若不能始，何以為聖？其言『惟帝難之』，然卒能改授，蓋謂知人，聖人所難，非不盡之言也。經云：『知人則哲，能官人。』若堯疑鯀，試之九年，官人失叙，何得謂之聖哲？」峻對曰：「臣竊觀經傳，聖人行事不能無失，是以堯失之四凶，周公失之二叔，仲尼失之宰予。」帝曰：「堯之任鯀，九載無成，汨陳五行，民用昏墊。至於仲尼失之宰予，言行之間，輕重不同也。至於周公、管、蔡之事，亦尚書所載，皆博士所當通也。」峻對曰：「此皆先賢所疑，非臣寡見所能究論。」次及「有鰥在下曰虞舜」，帝問曰：「當堯之時，洪水為害，四凶在朝，宜速登賢聖濟斯民之時也。舜年在旣立，聖德光明，而乆不進用，何也？」峻對曰：「堯咨嗟求賢，欲遜己位，嶽曰『否德忝帝位』。堯復使嶽揚舉仄陋，然後薦舜。薦舜之本，實由於堯，此蓋聖人欲盡衆心也。」帝曰：「堯旣聞舜而不登用，又時忠臣亦不進達，乃使獄揚仄陋而後薦舉，非急於用聖恤民之謂也。」峻對曰：「非臣愚見所能逮及。」

When the Changes seminar ended, the session turned to the Documents. He quoted Zheng Xuan on the phrase "examining antiquity. He contrasted Wang Su's gloss, which made Yao a student of the past. Which reading did the throne favor?" Doctor Yu Jun replied: "What earlier scholars have maintained diverges in many ways; your subject is not equal to settling it. He cited the Hong fan rule of majority judgment among diviners. Jia, Ma, and Wang Su had all read the phrase Wang Su's way. Judging by the Hong fan, Wang Su's meaning has the longer claim." The emperor said: "Confucius said 'Only Heaven is great; only Yao modeled it. Yao's greatness was cosmological, not antiquarian. Now to open the chapter to clarify sage virtue, yet to set aside the great and praise the small—is that the author's intent?" Jun replied: "Your subject obeys his teacher's explanation and has not grasped the great meaning; as for striking the balance, let the sage's judgment decide." Next came the passage on the Four Peaks recommending Gun; the emperor again asked: "A great man merges his virtue with Heaven and earth, his brightness with sun and moon—his thought is all-pervading, his illumination shadowless; now Wang Su says 'Yao's mind could not fathom Gun, therefore he tried him in office. If so, did the sage's perspicacity still leave something unseen?" Jun replied: "Even the sage's vastness still leaves something not exhausted—hence Yu said 'To know men is wise, yet for the sovereign it is hard'; yet in the end he could change course and entrust the worthy, and bring peace to the myriad tasks—this too is what completes sagehood." The emperor said: "To have a beginning and an end—only the sage. A ruler who misjudges at the start is no sage. The hard part is personnel, not omniscience, he argued. He quoted the next line of the same passage. If Yao doubted Gun yet tried him nine years, so that appointments fell into disorder—how can we call that wisdom?" Jun replied: "Your subject has privately examined the classics and commentaries: even the sage's conduct cannot be without fault—hence Yao erred with the Four Fiends, the Duke of Zhou erred with his two uncles, and Confucius erred with Zai Yu." The emperor said: "Yao's employment of Gun brought no achievement in nine years and threw the Five Phases into confusion, so the people sank in flood. He distinguished moral slips from catastrophic misrule. As for the Duke of Zhou and the Guan-Cai affair, that too is recorded in the Documents—matters every doctor of learning should master." Jun replied: "These are doubts long voiced by former worthies—not something your subject's shallow view can exhaustively debate." He turned to Shun's slow promotion amid crisis. Shun had already reached the years of full manhood, his sage virtue bright—why was he long left without appointment?" Jun replied: "Yao sighed and sought worthies, wishing to yield his throne; the peaks said 'My virtue is unworthy—I would shame the imperial seat. Only after a second search did they nominate Shun. The root of recommending Shun lay in Yao himself—this is how the sage exhausted every heart in the realm." The emperor said: "If Yao had already heard of Shun yet did not promote him, and at the same time loyal ministers also did not advance—only after ordering the peaks to raise men from obscurity did he recommend—is that what is meant by urgently employing a sage and pitying the people?" Jun replied: "This is not something your subject's foolish view can reach."

於是復命講《禮記》。帝問曰：「『太上立德，其次務施報』。為治何由而教化各異；皆脩何政而能致於立德，施而不報乎？」博士馬照對曰：「太上立德，謂三皇五帝之世以德化民，其次報施，謂三王之世以禮為治也。」帝曰：「二者致化薄厚不同，將主有優劣邪？時使之然乎？」照對曰：「誠由時有樸文，故化有薄厚也。」〈帝集載帝自敘始生禎祥曰：「昔帝王之生，或有禎祥，蓋所以彰顯神異也。惟予小子，支胤末流，謬為靈祇之所相祐也，豈敢自比於前喆，聊記錄以示後世焉。其辭曰：惟正始三年九月辛未朔，二十五日乙未直成，予生。于時也，天氣清明，日月暉光，爰有黃氣，烟熅於堂，照曜室宅，其色煌煌。相而論之曰：未者為土，魏之行也；厥日直成，應嘉名也；烟熅之氣，神之精也；無災無害，蒙神靈也。齊王不弔，顛覆厥度，羣公受予，紹繼皇祚。以眇眇之身，質性頑固，未能涉道，而遵大路，臨深履冰，涕泗憂懼。古人有云，懼則不亡。伊予小子，曷敢怠荒？庶不忝辱，永奉烝甞。」傅暢晉諸公贊曰：帝常與中護軍司馬望、侍中王沈、散騎常侍裴秀、黃門侍郎鍾會等講宴於東堂，并屬文論。名秀為儒林丈人，沈為文籍先生，望、會亦各有名號。帝性急，請召欲速。秀等在內職，到得及時，以望在外，特給追鋒車，虎賁卒五人，每有集會，望輒奔馳而至。〉

The court then opened the Record of Rites. He quoted the opening of the "Three immortal deeds" passage. He asked why ages differed if all sought good rule. what policies must be cultivated to reach establishing virtue, or giving without expecting return?" Doctor Ma Zhao replied: "The highest establishment of virtue refers to the age of the Three August Ones and Five Emperors, when the people were transformed by virtue; the next level of reciprocation refers to the age of the Three Kings, when ritual governed." The emperor said: "The two produce transformation thick or thin—does that mean the rulers themselves were superior or inferior? Or did the times make it so?" Zhao replied: "It truly comes from the times having plainness or refinement, hence transformation has thickness or thinness." 〈The Collected Writings of the Emperor records the emperor's own account of auspices at his birth: "Of old the birth of emperors and kings sometimes had auspicious signs—thereby to display spirit wonder. He disclaimed pride while recording the prodigy. He fixed the date: xinwei 1, day 25 yiwei, cycle position cheng. Yellow mist filled the hall in brilliant light. Diviners read wei as earth, Wei's chosen element; the day cheng matched an auspicious designation; the mist was spiritual essence; and the child suffered no harm under divine shelter. He alluded to Cao Fang's misrule and his own succession. He confessed dull nature and terror at the charge. He quoted the proverb that fear preserves life. He vowed never to grow careless. May I avoid disgrace and forever serve the ancestral sacrifices." Fu Chang notes Cao Mao's salons with Sima Wang, Wang Chen, Pei Xiu, and Zhong Hui. The emperor gave each court wit a playful honorific title. Cao Mao hated to wait for his scholars. Sima Wang alone received a racing carriage and escort so he could keep those appointments.〉

五月，鄴及上洛並言甘露降。夏六月丙午，改元為甘露。乙丑，青龍見元城縣界井中。秋七月己卯，衞將軍胡遵薨。

Fifth month: Ye and Shangluo reported sweet dew. On bingwu in the sixth month the era name became Ganlu. On yichou a green dragon was seen in a Yuan county well. Hu Zun died on jimao in the seventh month.

癸未，安西將軍鄧艾大破蜀大將姜維於上邽，詔曰：「兵未極武，醜虜摧破，斬首獲生，動以萬計，自頃戰克，無如此者。今遣使者犒賜將士，大會臨饗，飲宴終日，稱朕意焉。」

On guiwei General Who Pacifies the West Deng Ai crushed Shu's Grand General Jiang Wei at Shanggui; an edict said: "Our arms have not yet exhausted force, yet the ugly bandits are broken—heads taken and captives seized, counted by tens of thousands; of recent victories none matches this. Now I send envoys to feast and reward officers and men, holding a great assembly and imperial banquet so they drink all day—thus accord with my mind."

八月庚午，命大將軍司馬文王加號大都督，奏事不名，假黃鉞。癸酉，以太尉司馬孚為太傅。九月，以司徒高柔為太尉。冬十月，以司空鄭沖為司徒，尚書左僕射盧毓為司空。

On gengwu Sima Zhao received grand-commander rank and full court privileges. On guiyou Sima Fu became Grand Tutor. Gao Rou moved from Minister of Education to Grand Commandant. Zheng Chong and Lu Yu advanced to the top civil posts.

二年春二月，青龍見溫縣井中。三月，司空盧毓薨。

Second month: another green-dragon well omen at Wen. Lu Yu died in the third month.

夏四月癸卯，詔曰：「玄菟郡高顯縣吏民反叛，長鄭熙為賊所殺。民王簡負擔熙喪，晨夜星行，遠致本州，忠節可嘉。其特拜簡為忠義都尉，以旌殊行。」

In summer, fourth month, guimao, an edict said: "In Xuantu commandery of Liaodong, Gaoxian county, clerks and people rebelled, and the district chief Zheng Xi was killed by the bandits. Wang Jian had carried the magistrate's body home through enemy country. Let Jian be specially appointed Colonel of Loyal Righteousness to mark extraordinary conduct."

甲子，以征東大將軍諸葛誕為司空。

On jiazi Zhuge Dan was summoned to the Ministry of Works.

五月辛未，帝幸辟雍，會命羣臣賦詩。侍中和逌、尚書陳騫等作詩稽留，有司奏免官，詔曰：「吾以暗昧，愛好文雅，廣延詩賦，以知得失，而乃爾紛紜，良用反仄。其原逌等。主者宜勑自今以後，羣臣皆當玩習古義，脩明經典，稱朕意焉。」

On xinwei he held a poetry contest at the round moat academy. Attendant-in-Ordinary He Kai, Minister Chen Qian, and others tarried over their poems; the relevant office memorialized to dismiss them from office; an edict said: "I, in my dimness, love letters and refinement, and widely gather poetry and rhapsody to learn gain and loss—yet you have stirred such wrangling, which truly makes me uneasy. He pardoned He Kai's group. Those in charge should hereafter instruct that from this day forward all ministers must study ancient meanings and clarify the classics—thus accord with my intent."

乙亥，諸葛誕不就徵，發兵反，殺揚州刺史樂綝。丙子，赦淮南將吏士民為誕所詿誤者。丁丑，詔曰：「諸葛誕造為凶亂，盪覆揚州。昔黥布逆叛，漢祖親戎，隗嚻違戾，光武西伐，及烈祖明皇帝躬征吳、蜀，皆所以奮揚赫斯，震耀威武也。今宜皇太后與朕暫共臨戎，速定醜虜，時寧東夏。」己卯，詔曰：「諸葛誕造構逆亂，迫脅忠義，平寇將軍臨渭亭侯龐會、騎督偏將軍路蕃，各將左右，斬門突出，忠壯勇烈，所宜嘉異。其進會爵鄉侯，蕃封亭侯。」

On yihai Zhuge Dan rebelled and murdered Yue Chen. On bingzi he offered amnesty to Dan's dupes. On dingchou an edict said: "Zhuge Dan has wrought violent rebellion and overturned Yangzhou. He cited Gaozu, Guangwu, and Cao Rui's personal campaigns. Now it is fitting that the empress dowager and I for a time take the field together, swiftly to settle the ugly bandits and bring timely peace to eastern Xia." On jimao an edict said: "Zhuge Dan has fabricated treason, coercing the loyal and righteous; Pacification General and Marquis of Linwei Village Pang Hui and Cavalry Supervisor and Lieutenant-General Lu Fan each led their followers, cut through the gates, and burst out—loyal, stalwart, and fierce, conduct worthy of special praise. Pang Hui was raised to township marquis and Lu Fan to pavilion marquis."

六月乙巳，詔：「吳使持節都督夏口諸軍事鎮軍將軍沙羡侯孫壹，賊之枝屬，位為上將，畏天知命，深鑒禍福，翻然舉衆，遠歸大國，雖微子去殷，樂毅遁燕，無以加之。其以壹為侍中車騎將軍、假節、交州牧、吳侯，開府辟召儀同三司，依古侯伯八命之禮，衮冕赤舄，事從豐厚。」〈臣松之以為壹畏逼歸命，事無可嘉，格以古義，欲蓋而名彰者也。當時之宜，未得遠遵式典，固應量才受賞，足以疇其來情而已。至乃光錫八命，禮同台鼎，不亦過乎！於招攜致遠，又無取焉。何者？若使彼之將守，與時無嫌，終不恱於殊寵，坐生叛心，以叛而愧，辱孰甚焉？如其憂危將及，非奔不免，則必逃死苟存，無希榮利矣，然則高位厚祿何為者哉？魏初有孟達、黃權，在晉有孫秀、孫楷；達、權爵賞比壹為輕，秀、楷禮秩優異尤甚。及至吳平，而降黜數等，不承權輿，豈不緣在始失中乎？〉

On yisi an edict: "Wu Commissioner Bearing Staff, Area Commander of military affairs at Xiakou, General Who Guards the Army, Marquis of Shaxi Sun Yi, a branch of the bandit house, holding rank as a top general, in awe of Heaven and knowing fate, deeply discerning blessing and curse, has suddenly raised his host and come far to submit to the great state—even Weizi's leaving Yin or Yue Yi's fleeing Yan could not surpass this. Let Yi be made Palace Attendant, General of Chariots and Cavalry, Bearer of Staff, Governor of Jiaozhou, Marquis of Wu, with independent recruitment and ceremony equal to the Three Dukes, according to the ancient eight-mandate rites for marquises and earls, with nine-tasselled robe and crimson shoes—let the treatment be generous in every way." 〈Pei Songzhi calls the reward excessive for a frightened deserter. A modest enfeoffment would have sufficed. Eight mandates and three-duke ritual was absurd. It did not even serve recruitment policy well. Why not? Over-rewarding loyal generals might tempt them to revolt and then disgrace them. Deserters seeking life do not need three-duke pay. He listed earlier defectors as cautionary parallels. Meng Da and Huang Quan had been ennobled more modestly than Sun Yi, whereas Sun Xiu and Sun Kai under Jin received still grander treatment. After Wu fell those men were stripped of several ranks, never matching the original ladder of favor—Pei Songzhi suggests the court's opening error made the later correction inevitable.〉

甲子，詔曰：「今車駕駐項，大將軍恭行天罰，前臨淮浦。昔相國大司馬征討，皆與尚書俱行，今宜如舊。」乃令散騎常侍裴秀、給事黃門侍郎鍾會咸與大將軍俱行。秋八月，詔曰：「昔燕刺王謀反，韓誼等諫而死，漢朝顯登其子。諸葛誕創造凶亂，主簿宣隆、部曲督秦絜秉節守義，臨事固爭，為誕所殺，所謂無比干之親而受其戮者。其以隆、絜子為騎都尉，加以贈賜，光示遠近，以殊忠義。」

On jiazi an edict said: "Now the imperial carriage halts at Xiang; the Grand General reverently executes Heaven's punishment and has advanced to the Huai shore. Of old the Chancellor and Grand Marshal on punitive expeditions always marched together with the Masters of Writing; now it should be as before." Pei Xiu and Zhong Hui were attached to Sima Zhao's headquarters. In autumn, the eighth month, an edict said: "Of old the Prince of Yan plotted rebellion; Han Yi and others remonstrated and died, yet Han raised their sons to office. Xuan Long and Qin Jie had argued with Zhuge Dan and died for it, like latter-day Bi Gans without blood tie. Let Long's and Jie's sons be made Commandants of Cavalry, add posthumous gifts, and broadcast the deed far and near to mark extraordinary loyalty."

九月，大赦。冬十二月，吳大將全端、全懌等率衆降。

A general amnesty followed in the ninth month. Quan Duan and Quan Yi brought Wu troops over in the twelfth month.

三年春二月，大將軍司馬文王陷壽春城，斬諸葛誕。三月，詔曰：「古者克敵，收其屍以為京觀，所以懲昏逆而章武功也。漢孝武元鼎中，改桐鄉為聞喜，新鄉為獲嘉，以著南越之亡。大將軍親總六戎，營據丘頭，內夷羣凶，外殄寇虜，功濟兆民，聲振四海。克敵之地，宜有令名，其改丘頭為武丘，明以武平亂，後世不忘，亦京觀二邑之義也。」

In the second month of the third Ganlu year Sima Zhao stormed Shouchun and executed Zhuge Dan. In the third month an edict said: "Of old when enemies were overcome, their corpses were gathered into a burial mound called a jingguan, thereby to punish folly and rebellion and display martial achievement. Han Wudi had renamed counties to commemorate the fall of Southern Yue. Sima Zhao's camp at Qiutou had crushed the rebellion and the foreign allies. The place where the enemy was overcome ought to bear an auspicious name—let Qiutou be changed to Wuqiu, making clear that arms pacified the disorder so later ages will not forget—this too carries the sense of the two-town jingguan."

夏五月，命大將軍司馬文王為相國，封晉公，食邑八郡，加之九錫，文王前後九讓乃止。

Sima Zhao was offered the Jin dukedom, eight commanderies, and the nine insignia—after nine refusals he accepted.

六月丙子，詔曰：「昔南陽郡山賊擾攘，欲劫質故太守東里衮，功曹應余獨身捍衮，遂免於難。余顛沛殞斃，殺身濟君。其下司徒，署余孫倫吏，使蒙伏節之報。」〈《楚國先賢傳》曰：余字子正，天姿方毅，志尚仁義，建安二十三年為郡功曹。是時吳、蜀不賔，疆埸多虞。宛將侯音扇動山民，保城以叛。余與太守東里衮當擾攘之際、迸竄得出。音即遣騎追逐，去城十里相及，賊便射衮，飛矢交流。余前以身當箭，被七創，因謂追賊曰：「侯音狂狡，造為凶逆，大軍尋至，誅夷在近。謂卿曹本是善人，素無惡心，當思反善，何為受其指揮？我以身代君，已被重創，若身死君全，隕沒無恨。」因仰天號哭泣涕，血淚俱下。賊見其義烈，釋衮不害。賊去之後，余亦命絕。征南將軍曹仁討平音，表余行狀，并脩祭醊。太祖聞之，嗟嘆良乆，下荊州復表門閭，賜穀千斛。衮後為于禁司馬，見《魏略·游說傳》。〉

On bingzi in the sixth month an edict said: "Of old in Nanyang commandery mountain bandits rioted and wished to seize the former Administrator Dongli Gun as hostage; only the merit officer Ying Yu alone shielded Gun with his body, so that Gun escaped harm. Ying Yu took seven wounds and died saving Dongli Gun. Let this be transmitted down to the Minister of Education to appoint Yu's grandson Lun as a clerk, so that he may receive the recompense due one who died holding the tally." 〈The Chu xianxian zhuan supplies Ying Yu's biography. Wu and Shu were still at war with Wei. Hou Yin of Wan incited the hills and seized the city. Ying Yu fled the siege with Dongli Gun. Hou Yin's riders caught them short of safety and riddled the party with arrows. Yu stepped forward to take the arrows on his body, receiving seven wounds, and thereupon said to the pursuing bandits: "Hou Yin is mad and crafty, working this treason; the great host will soon arrive and your extermination is near. He appealed to the riders as misled peasants. I substitute my body for the lord; I have already suffered grave wounds—if I die yet the lord is safe, I perish without regret." He wept blood before the enemy. They let Dongli Gun go, moved by Ying Yu's courage. Ying Yu died once the magistrate was clear. Cao Ren reported Ying Yu's deed and sacrificed in his honor. Cao Cao honored Ying Yu's family with a gate inscription and grain. Dongli Gun later served Yu Jin—see the Wei lue.〉

辛卯，大論淮南之功，封爵行賞各有差。

On xinmao every officer of the Huainan victory received graded rewards.

秋八月甲戌，以驃騎將軍王昶為司空。丙寅，詔曰：「夫養老興教，三代所以樹風化垂不朽也，必有三老、五更以崇至敬，乞言納誨，著在惇史，然後六合承流，下觀而化。宜妙簡德行，以充其選。關內侯王祥，履仁秉義，雅志淳固。關內侯鄭小同，溫恭孝友，帥禮不忒。其以祥為三老，小同為五更。」車駕親率羣司，躬行古禮焉。〈《漢晉春秋》曰：帝乞言於祥，祥對曰：「昔者明王禮樂旣備，加之以忠誠，忠誠之發，形于言行。夫大人者，行動乎天地；天且弗違，況於人乎？」祥事別見呂虔傳。小同，鄭玄孫也。玄別傳曰：「玄有子，為孔融吏，舉孝廉。融之被圍，往赴，為賊所害。有遺腹子，以丁卯日生；而玄以丁卯歲生，故名曰小同。」魏名臣奏載太尉華歆表曰：「臣聞勵俗宣化，莫先於表善，班祿敘爵，莫美於顯能，是以楚人思子文之治，復命其胤，漢室嘉江公之德，用顯其世。伏見故漢大司農北海鄭玄，當時之學，名冠華夏，為世儒宗。文皇帝旌錄先賢，拜玄適孫小同以為郎中，長假在家。小同年踰三十，少有令質，學綜六經，行著鄉邑。海、岱之人莫不嘉其自然，美其氣量。迹其所履，有質直不渝之性，然而恪恭靜默，色養其親，不治可見之美，不競人間之名，斯誠清時所宜式敘，前後明詔所斟酌而求也。臣老病委頓，無益視聽，謹具以聞。」《魏氏春秋》曰：小同詣司馬文王，文王有密疏，未之屏也。如廁還，謂之曰：「卿見吾疏乎？」對曰：「否。」文王猶疑而鴆之，卒。鄭玄注文王世子曰「三老、五更各一人，皆年老更事致仕者也」。注樂記曰「皆老人更知三德五事者也」。蔡邕明堂論云：「更」應作「叟」。叟，長老之稱，字與「更」相似，書者遂誤以為「更」。「嫂」字「女」傍「叟」，今亦以為「更」，以此驗知應為「叟」也。臣松之以為邕謂「更」為「叟」，誠為有似，而諸儒莫之從，未知孰是。〉

Wang Chang became Minister of Works on jiaxu in the eighth month. On bingyin an edict said: "To nourish the aged and raise education is how the Three Dynasties planted custom and left imperishable example; there must be elders of three and five ranks to honor utmost respect, to beg words and receive instruction, recorded in honest history—then the six directions receive the current and inferiors observe and transform. The throne called for worthy nominees. Wang Xiang of Guannei was praised for moral weight. Zheng Xiaotong was praised as a model of kinship virtue. Let Wang Xiang be made Sanlao and Zheng Xiaotong Wugeng." Cao Mao then rode out to perform the village-elder ceremony in person. 〈The Han–Jin Annals states: The emperor begged words of Xiang; Xiang replied: "Of old the enlightened kings, ritual and music already complete, added loyalty and sincerity—when loyalty and sincerity well forth, they take shape in words and deeds. The true great man moves in harmony with Heaven and earth; what Heaven does not gainsay, men cannot resist." Wang Xiang's career appears under Lü Qian. Zheng Xiaotong was Zheng Xuan's grandson. Zheng Xuan's separate biography states: "Xuan had a son who served as clerk to Kong Rong and was recommended Filial and Incorrupt. He died trying to relieve Kong Rong's siege. A posthumous child was born on dingmao; and because Xuan was born in a dingmao year, he named him Xiaotong." The memorials of Wei worthies record Grand Commandant Hua Xin's memorial: "Your subject has heard that to encourage custom and spread transformation nothing comes before displaying the good, and in ordering stipends and ranks nothing is finer than showing ability—hence the people of Chu longed for Ziwen's governance and restored his line, and the Han court prized Duke Jiang's virtue and displayed his house. He praised Zheng Xuan as the foremost scholar of the Han. Cao Pi had already named Xiaotong gentleman cadet. Zheng Xiaotong was over thirty, learned, and locally esteemed. Shandong admired his character. Hua Xin described him as the ideal scholar-bureaucrat for appointment. Your subject is old, sick, and worn out, of no benefit to Your sight or hearing, yet respectfully submits this fully for notice." The Wei shi chunqiu tells how Sima Zhao tested Zheng Xiaotong. When he returned from the privy he asked him: "Did you see my memorial?" He replied: "No." Sima Zhao poisoned him anyway. Zheng Xuan's commentary on the "King Wen as heir" chapter says: "The Elder of Three and Elder of Five are each one person, both old men who have seen much and retired from office." His commentary on the Record of Music says: "Both are old men who understand the three virtues and five affairs." Cai Yong's discourse on the Bright Hall says: "Geng" should read "Sou." "Sou" is a title for elders; the character resembled "geng", so scribes mistook it. The character for sister-in-law has the woman radical beside "sou"; today it is also written with "geng"—from this one verifies it should be "sou." Your subject Pei Songzhi considers that Yong's reading "geng" as "sou" is plausible, yet the scholars have not followed him—I do not know which is correct.〉

是歲，青龍、黃龍仍見頓丘、冠軍、陽夏縣界井中。

Dragon omens multiplied in Henan wells that year.

五年春正月朔，日有蝕之。夏四月，詔有司率遵前命，復進大將軍司馬文王位為相國，封晉公，加九錫。

A solar eclipse marked the new year of the fifth Ganlu cycle. The court renewed the offer of chancellorship, Jin dukedom, and nine insignia to Sima Zhao.

庚寅，太傅孚、大將軍文王、太尉柔、司徒沖稽首言：「伏見中令，故高貴鄉公悖逆不道，自陷大禍，依漢昌邑王罪廢故事，以民禮葬。臣等備位，不能匡救禍亂，式遏姦逆，奉令震悚，肝心悼慄。春秋之義，王者無外，而書『襄王出居于鄭』，不能事母，故絕之於位也。今高貴鄉公肆行不軌，幾危社稷，自取傾覆，人神所絕，葬以民禮，誠當舊典。然臣等伏惟殿下仁慈過隆，雖存大義，猶垂哀矜，臣等之心實有不忍，以為可加恩以王禮葬之。」太后從之。〈《漢晉春秋》曰：丁卯，葬高貴鄉公于洛陽西北三十里瀍澗之濵。下車數乘，不設旌旐，百姓相聚而觀之，曰：「是前日所殺天子也。」或掩靣而泣，悲不自勝。臣松之以為若但下車數乘，不設旌旐，何以為王禮葬乎？斯蓋惡之過言，所謂不如是之甚者。〉

On gengyin Grand Tutor Fu, Grand General Wen, Grand Commandant Rou, and Minister of Education Chong bowed their heads and said: "We humbly saw the inner command that the former Duke of Gaogui Township violated the Way in rebellion and brought great calamity on himself; following the Han precedent for deposing the Prince of Changyi, he is to be buried with commoner rites. They confessed failure to protect the sovereign. They cited King Xiang's expulsion as parallel. They argued Cao Mao had forfeited royal funeral rites. Yet we humbly think that Your Highness's benevolence is exceedingly great; though the great principle is preserved, you still extend pity. Our hearts truly cannot bear it, and we think grace may be added by burying him with the rites of a king." She agreed. 〈The Han–Jin Annals places the grave northwest of Luoyang. A few carriages followed the bier, no banners or streamers were set out; the hundred surnames gathered to watch, saying: "That is the Son of Heaven killed the other day." Onlookers wept openly. Pei doubts the burial truly matched princely rank. He treats the crowd scene as hostile rumor worse than fact.〉

使使持節行中護軍中壘將軍司馬炎北迎常道鄉公璜嗣明帝後。辛卯，羣公奏太后曰：「殿下聖德光隆，寧濟六合，而猶稱令，與藩國同。請自今殿下令書，皆稱詔制，如先代故事。」

Sima Yan was sent to fetch Cao Huan as the new heir. On xinmao the host of dukes memorialized the empress dowager: "Your Highness's sagely virtue shines and brings peace to the six directions, yet you still style your commands as 'order', the same as a feudal kingdom. We ask that from now on all commands from the palace be styled edicts and systems, following the precedents of former ages."

癸卯，大將車固讓相國、晉公、九錫之寵。太后詔曰：「夫有功不隱，周易大義，成人之美，古賢所尚，今聽所執，出表示外，以章公之謙光焉。」

Sima Zhao again refused the Jin package on guimao. The empress dowager issued an edict: "That merit should not be hidden is the great meaning of the Changes; to complete another's good is what ancient worthies prized—now I heed what you hold firm and publish your memorial outside to display the duke's modest radiance."

戊申，大將軍文王上言：「高貴鄉公率將從駕人兵，拔刃鳴金鼓向臣所止；懼兵刃相接，即勑將士不得有所傷害，違令以軍法從事。騎督成倅弟太子舍人濟，橫入兵陣傷公，遂至隕命；輙收濟行軍法。臣聞人臣之節，有死無二，事上之義，不敢逃難。前者變故卒至，禍同發機，誠欲委身守死，唯命所裁。然惟本謀乃欲上危皇太后，傾覆宗廟。臣忝當大任，義在安國，懼雖身死，罪責彌重。欲遵伊、周之權，以安社稷之難，即駱驛申勑，不得迫近輦輿，而濟遽入陣間，以致大變。哀怛痛恨，五內摧裂，不知何地可以隕墜？科律大逆無道，父母妻子同產皆斬。濟凶戾悖逆，干國亂紀，罪不容誅。輒勑侍御史收濟家屬，付廷尉，結正其罪。」〈《魏氏春秋》曰：成濟兄弟不即伏罪，袒而升屋，醜言悖慢；自下射之，乃殪。〉太后詔曰：「夫五刑之罪，莫大於不孝。夫人有子不孝，尚告治之，此兒豈復成人主邪？吾婦人不達大義，以謂濟不得便為大逆也。然大將軍志意懇切，發言惻愴，故聽如所奏。當班下遠近，使知本末也。」〈《世語》曰：初，青龍中，石苞鬻鐵於長安，得見司馬宣王，宣王知焉。後擢為尚書郎，歷青州刺史、鎮東將軍。甘露中入朝，當還，辭高貴鄉公，留中盡日。文王遣人要令過。文王問苞：「何淹留也？」苞曰：「非常人也。」明日發至滎陽，數日而難作。〉

On wushen Grand General Wen memorialized: "The Duke of Gaogui led followers and palace guards, drew blades and beat drums toward the place where your subject halted; He claimed to have forbidden bloodshed. He blamed Cheng Ji for killing the emperor. Cheng Ji was arrested for summary execution. He invoked the ethic of unquestioning service. He said he had been ready to die loyally. He accused Cao Mao of threatening the dynastic shrines. He pleaded duty to preserve Wei. He said Cheng Ji had disobeyed orders not to close with the imperial carriage. He feigned paroxysms of grief. The code demanded the extermination of Cheng Ji's kin. Cheng Ji deserved the full penalty. Your subject has ordered the attendant censor to seize Ji's family and dependents, hand them to the commandant of justice, and fix sentence according to law." 〈The Wei shi chunqiu adds that Cheng Ji's kin resisted arrest on the rooftop. Archers from below cut them down on the roof.〉 The empress dowager issued an edict: "Of the five punishments none is greater than unfilial conduct. She asked how a parricide could remain sovereign. She feigned naivete about Cheng Ji's guilt. She yielded to Sima Zhao's plea for the death sentence. Let it be promulgated far and near so all know the beginning and end." 〈The Shiyu traces Shi Bao's rise from iron merchant to Sima Yi's protégé. Shi Bao rose through secretariat and frontier commands. He spent a full day closeted with Cao Mao before leaving the capital. Sima Zhao ordered him to report in. Prince Wen asked Bao: "Why the long delay?" Bao said: "He is no ordinary man." He reached Xingyang; days later Cao Mao died.〉

六月癸丑，詔曰：「古者人君之為名字，難犯而易諱。今常道鄉公諱字甚難避，其朝臣博議改易，列奏。」

On guichou in the sixth month an edict said: "Of old the lord of men's style names were hard to violate and easy to taboo. Now the taboo and courtesy names of the Duke of Changdao Township are very hard to avoid—let court ministers deliberate broadly on changes and memorialize in columns."

陳留王

The King of Chenliu (section heading).

陳留王諱奐，字景明，武帝孫，燕王宇子也。甘露三年，封安次縣常道鄉公。高貴鄉公卒，公卿議迎立公。六月甲寅，入于洛陽，見皇太后，是日即皇帝位於太極前殿，大赦，改年，賜民爵及穀帛各有差。

Cao Huan, courtesy Jingming, was Cao Yu's son and a grandson of Cao Cao by posthumous title Emperor Wu. In 258 he received the ducal title at Changdao in Anci. After Cao Mao's death the ministers chose Cao Huan. On jiayin he reached Luoyang, met the dowager, ascended the throne, amnestied the realm, and changed the era name.

十一月，燕王上表賀冬至，稱臣。詔曰：「古之王者，或有所不臣，王將宜依此義。表不稱臣乎！又當為報。夫後大宗者，降其私親，況所繼者重邪！若便同之臣妾，亦情所未安。其皆依禮典處，當務盡其宜。」有司奏，以為「禮莫崇於尊祖，制莫大於正典。陛下稽德期運，撫臨萬國，紹大宗之重，隆三祖之基。伏惟燕王體尊戚屬，正位藩服，躬秉虔肅，率蹈恭德以先萬國；其於正典，闡濟大順，所不得制。聖朝誠宜崇以非常之制，奉以不臣之禮。臣等平議以為燕王章表，可聽如舊式。中詔所施，或存好問，準之義類，則『燕覿之敬』也，可少順聖敬，加崇儀稱，示不敢斥，宜曰『皇帝敬問大王侍御』。至於制書，國之正典，朝廷所以辨章公制，宣昭軌儀於天下者也，宜循法，故曰『制詔燕王』。凡詔命、制書、奏事、上書諸稱燕王者，可皆上平。其非宗廟助祭之事，皆不得稱王名，奏事、上書、文書及吏民皆不得觸王諱，以彰殊禮，加于羣后。上遵王典尊祖之制，俯順聖敬烝烝之心，二者不愆，禮實宜之，可普告施行。」

Cao Yu's winter solstice memorial used subject language. An edict said: "Of old kings sometimes did not treat certain persons as subjects—the prince should follow that meaning. The edict insisted the prince omit "subject" from memorials. Replies would follow the same etiquette. Imperial adoption reduces private family ties. Treating the prince like a mere official would wound feeling. Let all follow ritual canons and settle each case as is fitting." The relevant office memorialized, holding that "nothing in ritual honors more than reverencing the ancestor, and nothing in institutions is greater than correcting the canon. They praised Cao Huan's mandate and Wei genealogy. Cao Yu as imperial uncle deserved ceremonial elevation. Ritual could not bind him like ordinary nobles. They proposed the "non-subject" protocol for the prince. His memorials could keep the old wording. Imperial notes to the prince would use elevated indirect phrasing. Formal edicts would still use the standard imperial voice. The prince's name would be written with raised characters. His taboo would be observed like an emperor's outside the temple. Above we follow the kingly canon of honoring the ancestor; below we comply with the sage's earnest filial heart—if neither errs, ritual is truly appropriate—let this be proclaimed and practiced everywhere."

十二月甲申，黃龍見華陰縣井中。甲午，以司隷校尉王祥為司空。

Huayin reported a yellow dragon in a well. Wang Xiang became Minister of Works on jiawu.

三年春二月，青龍見於軹縣井中。夏四月，遼東郡言肅慎國遣使重譯入貢，獻其國弓三十張，長三尺五寸，楛矢長一尺八寸，石砮三百枚，皮骨鐵雜鎧二十領，貂皮四百枚。冬十月，蜀大將姜維寇洮陽，鎮西將軍鄧艾拒之，破維於侯和，維遁走。是歲，詔祀故軍祭酒郭嘉於太祖廟庭。

A green dragon omen at Zhi in the second month. Sushen envoys from the deep northeast brought arms and furs. Deng Ai drove Jiang Wei from a raid on Taoyang. Guo Jia joined the temple honors.

四年春二月，復命大將軍進位爵賜一如前詔，又固辭乃止。

Sima Zhao again refused promotion in spring of year 4.

夏五月，詔曰：「蜀，蕞爾小國，土狹民寡，而姜維虐用其衆，曾無廢志；往歲破敗之後，猶復耕種沓中，刻剥衆羌，勞役無已，民不堪命。夫兼弱攻昧，武之善經，致人而不至於人，兵家之上略。蜀所恃賴，唯維而已，因其遠離巢窟，用力為易。今使征西將軍鄧艾督帥諸軍，趣甘松、沓中以羅取維，雍州刺史諸葛緒督諸軍趣武都、高樓，首尾踧討。若禽維，便當東西並進，掃滅巴蜀也。」又命鎮西將軍鍾會由駱谷伐蜀。

In summer, the fifth month, an edict said: "Shu, a tiny state of narrow land and few people, yet Jiang Wei cruelly uses his host and never abandons his designs; Shu was bleeding the Qiang and farmers for frontier farms. The edict cited classical doctrine of opportune attack. Wei would strike while Jiang Wei was deep in the field. Deng Ai and Zhuge Xu would pinch Jiang Wei between two columns. If Jiang Wei is captured, then east and west should advance together and sweep away Ba and Shu." Zhong Hui would drive the Luo Valley route.

秋九月，太尉高柔薨。冬十月甲寅，復命大將軍進位爵賜一如前詔。癸卯，立皇后卞氏，十一月，大赦。

Gao Rou died in the ninth month. Another promotion offer to Sima Zhao on jiayin. Empress Bian was invested; November brought amnesty.

自鄧艾、鍾會率衆伐蜀，所至輙克。是月，蜀主劉禪詣艾降，巴蜀皆平。十二月庚戌，以司徒鄭沖為太保。壬子，分益州為梁州。癸丑，特赦益州士民，復除租賦之半。

The double invasion met no serious check. Liu Shan surrendered to Deng Ai the same month. Zheng Chong became Grand Guardian on gengxu. Yi province was partitioned to create Liang. Shu subjects received tax relief.

五年乙卯，以征西將軍鄧艾為太尉，鎮西將軍鍾會為司徒。皇太后崩。

Deng Ai and Zhong Hui received the top civil-military posts. The empress dowager died.

〈《漢晉春秋》曰：晉公旣進爵為王，太尉王祥、司徒何曾、司空荀顗並詣王。顗曰：「相王尊重，何侯與一朝之臣皆已盡敬，今日便當相率而拜，無所疑也。」祥曰：「相國位勢，誠為尊貴，然要是魏之宰相，吾等魏之三公；公、王相去，一階而已，班列大同，安有天子三公可輙拜人者！損魏朝之望，虧晉王之德，君子愛人以禮，吾不為也。」及入，顗遂拜，而祥獨長揖。王謂祥曰：「今日然後知君見顧之重！」〉丁亥，封劉禪為安樂公。夏五月庚申，相國晉王奏復五等爵。甲戌，改年。癸未，追命舞陽宣文侯為晉宣王，舞陽忠武侯為晉景王。六月，鎮西將軍衞瓘上雍州兵於成都縣獲璧玉印各一，印文似「成信」字，依周成王歸禾之義，宣示百官，藏于相國府。〈孫盛曰：昔公孫述自以起成都，號曰成。二玉之文，殆述所作也。〉

〈When Sima Zhao became king, the three dukes paid a call. Yi said: "The minister-king is august in dignity; Lord He and the ministers of a single court have already done full obeisance—today we should likewise bow in ranks without doubt." Xiang said: "The chancellor's position and power are indeed exalted, yet in the end he is Wei chancellor and we are Wei's Three Dukes; He argued rank parity forbade kowtow. It would harm Wei's court prestige and injure the Jin king's virtue; the gentleman loves others by ritual—I will not do it." Xun Yi kowtowed; Wang Xiang bowed only. The king said to Xiang: "Only today do I know how much you esteem me!"〉 Liu Shan received the comfortable dukedom of Anle. Sima Zhao asked to revive the Zhou-style five noble ranks. The era name changed on jiaxu. Sima Yi and Sima Shi received posthumous kingships. In the sixth month General Who Guards the West Wei Guan presented Yongzhou troops who had captured one jade disk and one jade seal at Chengdu county; the seal text resembled the characters for "cheng xin"; following the meaning of King Cheng of Zhou's returning grain spike, it was displayed to the hundred offices and stored in the chancellor's palace. 〈Sun Sheng thought the jades were Gongsu Shu's old regalia. The artifacts likely dated to Shu's first usurper.〉

初，自平蜀之後，吳寇屯逼永安，遣荊、豫諸軍掎角赴救。七月，賊皆遁退。八月庚寅，命中撫軍司馬炎副貳相國事，以同魯公拜後之義。

Wei sent relief toward Yongan when Wu pressed Shu borders. Wu broke off in the seventh month. Sima Yan was named deputy to the chancellor-king.

癸巳，詔曰：「前逆臣鍾會構造反亂，聚集征行將士，劫以兵威，始吐姦謀，發言桀逆，逼脅衆人，皆使下議，倉卒之際，莫不驚懾。相國左司馬夏侯和、騎士曹屬朱撫時使在成都，中領軍司馬賈輔、郎中羊琇各參會軍事；和、琇、撫皆抗節不撓，拒會凶言，臨危不顧，詞指正烈。輔語散將王起，說『會姦逆凶暴，欲盡殺將士』，又云『相國已率三十萬衆西行討會』，欲以稱張形勢，感激衆心。起出，以輔言宣語諸軍，遂使將士益懷奮勵。宜加顯寵，以彰忠義。其進和、輔爵為鄉侯，琇、撫爵關內侯。起宣傳輔言，告令將士，所宜賞異。其以起為部曲將。」

On guisi an edict said: "The former rebel minister Zhong Hui fabricated revolt, gathered campaign generals and soldiers, coerced them with arms, first uttered treasonous design, spoke words of Jie-like rebellion, forced the multitude to deliberate below—in the sudden crisis none were not terrified. Xiahou He, Zhu Fu, Jia Fu, and Yang Xiu were all caught in Zhong Hui's Chengdu headquarters. Xiahou He, Yang Xiu, and Zhu Fu defied Zhong Hui to his face. Jia Fu told Wang Qi that Zhong Hui meant to massacre the army and that Sima Zhao was already marching west with three hundred thousand. Wang Qi repeated Jia Fu's story up and down the camps and steeled the troops. The edict called for rewards. Xiahou He and Jia Fu to village rank; Yang Xiu and Zhu Fu to Guannei. Wang Qi merited distinction for broadcasting the rumor. Let Qi be made company commander of a commandery cohort."

癸卯，以衞將軍司馬望為驃騎將軍。九月戊午，以中撫軍司馬炎為撫軍大將軍。

Sima Wang became General of Agile Cavalry. Sima Yan was promoted to Grand General Who Pacifies the Army.

辛未，詔曰：「吳賊政刑暴虐，賦斂無極。孫休遣使鄧句，勑交阯太守鎖送其民，發以為兵。吳將呂興因民心憤怒，又承王師平定巴蜀，即糾合豪傑，誅除句等，驅逐太守長吏，撫和吏民，以待國命。九真、日南郡聞興去逆即順，亦齊心響應，與興恊同。興移書日南州郡，開示大計，兵臨合浦，告以禍福；遣都尉唐譜等詣進乘縣，因南中都督護軍霍弋上表自陳。又交阯將吏各上表，言『興創造事業，大小承命。郡有山寇，入連諸郡，懼其計異，各有攜貳。權時之宜，以興為督交阯諸軍事、上大將軍、定安縣侯，乞賜褒獎，以慰邊荒』。乃心欵誠，形於辭旨。昔儀父朝魯，春秋所美；竇融歸漢，待以殊禮。今國威遠震，撫懷六合，方包舉殊裔，混一四表。興首向王化，舉衆稽服，萬里馳義，請吏帥職，宜加寵遇，崇其爵位。旣使興等懷忠感恱，遠人聞之，必皆競勸。其以興為使持節、都督交州諸軍事、南中大將軍，封定安縣侯，得以便宜從事，先行後上。」策命未至，興為下人所殺。

On xinwei an edict said: "Wu bandits' government and punishments are cruel and tyrannical, their levies without limit. Wu was dragooning the far south. Lü Xing killed Deng Gou and offered Jiaozhi to Wei. Neighboring commanderies joined the uprising against Wu. Lü Xing's manifesto reached Hepu. Envoys reached Huo Yi with petitions for recognition. Southern officers begged Wei to confirm Lü Xing. They cited internal bandits as reason for unified command. They asked Wei to ennoble Lü Xing as southern commander. The memorials breathed genuine allegiance. The edict compared Lü Xing to the Zhu viscount who won praise in the Spring and Autumn for courting Lu; and to Dou Rong, whom the Eastern Han received with honors. Wei now claimed authority to reunify the known world. Lü Xing had offered three commanderies and deserved patent rewards. Generosity would encourage other southern defectors. Let Xing be made Bearer of Staff, Area Commander of military affairs in Jiao province, Grand General of the Southern Center, enfeoffed as Marquis of Ding'an county, empowered to act as expedient circumstances require, acting first and reporting afterward." Subordinates murdered Lü Xing before the edict reached him.

冬十月丁亥，詔曰：「昔聖帝明王，靜亂濟世，保大定功，文武殊塗，勳烈同歸。是故或舞干戚以訓不庭，或陳師旅以威暴慢。至於愛民全國，康惠庶類，必先脩文教，示之軌儀，不得已然後用兵，此盛德之所同也。往者季漢分崩，九土顛覆，劉備、孫權乘間作禍。三祖綏寧中夏，日不暇給，遂使遺寇僭逆歷世。幸賴宗廟威靈，宰輔忠武，爰發四方，拓定庸、蜀，役不浹時，一征而克。自頃江表衰弊，政刑荒闇，巴、漢平定，孤危無援，交、荊、揚、越靡然向風。今交阯偽將呂興已帥三郡，萬里歸命；武陵邑侯相嚴等糾合五縣，請為臣妾；豫章廬陵山民舉衆叛吳，以助北將軍為號。又孫休病死，主帥改易，國內乖違，人各有心。偽將施績，賊之名臣，懷疑自猜，深見忌惡。衆叛親離，莫有固志，自古及今，未有亡徵若此之甚。若六軍震曜，南臨江、漢，吳會之域必扶老攜幼以迎王師，必然之理也。然興動大衆，猶有勞費，宜告喻威德，開示仁信，使知順附和同之利。相國參軍事徐紹、水曹掾孫彧，昔在壽春，並見虜獲。紹本偽南陵督，才質開壯；彧，孫權支屬，忠良見事。其遣紹南還，以彧為副，宣揚國命，告喻吳人，諸所示語，皆以事實，若其覺悟，不損征伐之計，蓋廟勝長筭，自古之道也。其以紹兼散騎常侍，加奉車都尉，封都亭侯；彧兼給事黃門侍郎，賜爵關內侯。紹等所賜妾及男女家人在此者，悉聽自隨，以明國恩，不必使還，以開廣大信。」

On dinghai in winter, the tenth month, an edict said: "Of old sage emperors and enlightened kings stilled disorder and succored the age, preserved the great and settled achievement—though civil and military took different paths, their meritorious blaze had one end. Sages used ritual dance or armies as the moment required. Virtuous rulers taught before they struck. The edict recalled the tripartite division after Han fell. Wei's first three reigns could not finish the southern rebels. Shu's fall in one quick campaign proved Heaven's favor. Wu was rotting within while its neighbors looked north. Lü Xing's three commanderies had pledged allegiance; Wuling's Yan united five counties to submit; Yuzhang and Luling hill folk rose under a northern-ally banner. Sun Xiu's death and court turmoil fractured Wu. Shi Ji, a Wu pillar, stood isolated by faction. The edict painted Wu as ripe for conquest. Wei expected Wu civilians to greet the invasion with joy. Diplomacy should precede the spear. Two Wu captives would carry the message south. Xu Shao had been a Wu frontier officer of ability; Sun Yu was a Sun kinsman known for loyalty. Truthful propaganda might spare a war. Xu Shao received attendant rank and a village marquisate; Sun Yu received the Yellow Gate post and Guannei marquis. As for concubines granted to Shao and the like and male and female family members here, all are permitted to follow of their own accord, thereby to clarify state grace; they need not be made to return, so as to open wide good faith."

丙午，命撫軍大將軍新昌鄉侯炎為晉世子。是歲，罷屯田官以均政役，諸典農皆為太守，都尉皆為令長；勸募蜀人能內移者，給廩二年，復除二十歲。安彌、福祿縣各言嘉禾生。

On bingwu Sima Yan was named heir to the Jin dukedom. The court folded military farms into civil administration. Shu migrants were offered grain and long tax holidays. Two counties reported multi-eared grain omens.

二年春二月甲辰，朐䏰縣獲靈龜以獻，歸之于相國府。庚戌，以虎賁張脩昔於成都馳馬至諸營言鍾會反逆，以至沒身，賜脩弟倚爵關內侯。夏四月，南深澤縣言甘露降。吳遣使紀陟、弘璆請和。

A tortoise omen from Quzhi went to Sima Zhao's residence. Zhang Xiu's martyrdom in the mutiny won his brother a marquisate. Sweet dew fell at Nanshenze. Wu dispatched peace envoys.

【評】

Section marker: Appraisal.

評曰：古者以天下為公，唯賢是與。後代世位，立子以適；若適嗣不繼，則宜取旁親明德，若漢之文、宣者，斯不易之常準也。明帝旣不能然，情繫私愛，撫養嬰孩，傳以大器，託付不專，必參枝族，終於曹爽誅夷，齊王替位。高貴公才慧夙成，好問尚辭，蓋亦文帝之風流也；然輕躁忿肆，自蹈大禍。陳留王恭己南面，宰輔統政，仰遵前式，揖讓而禪，遂饗封大國，作賔于晉，比之山陽，班寵有加焉。

Chen Shou opens the appraisal with abdication ideal. Hereditary monarchy replaced merit selection; collateral succession like Wen and Xuan was the proper fallback. Chen Shou blames Cao Rui's choice of the adopted heir for Wei's fall to regents. Cao Mao resembled Cao Pi in intellect; but his temper destroyed him. Chen Shou judges Cao Huan the luckiest of the puppet emperors, abdicating cleanly to Jin with rich survival honors.

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The Book of Jin (Jinshu, 晉書) contains a detailed biography of Chen Shou, who authored the Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo Zhi, 三國志). He was said to love books from a young age, becoming a clerk in the imperial library of Shu-Han. His early career was mired in controversy. When the eunuch Huang Hao dominated the Shu-Han court, Chen Shou refused to ingratiate himself with him, and was repeatedly demoted and censured. Later, when Chen Shou's father died, he himself fell ill, and he violated ritual by having a servant girl prepare his medicine. Others found out about this, and Chen Shou was disgraced. His reputation would not recover for several years, even outliving the Shu-Han dynasty, which was invaded and toppled by Wei dynasty forces.

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