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魏武帝诸子丰愍王曹昂相殇王曹铄邓哀王曹冲彭城王曹据燕王曹宇沛穆王曹林中山恭王曹衮济阳怀王曹玹陈留恭王曹峻范阳闵王曹矩赵王曹干临邑殇公子曹上楚王曹彪刚殇公子曹勤谷城殇公子曹乘郿戴公子曹整灵殇公子曹京樊安公曹均广宗殇公子曹棘东平灵王曹徽乐陵王曹茂魏文帝诸子赞哀王曹协北海悼王曹蕤东武阳怀王曹鉴东海定王曹霖元城哀王曹礼邯郸怀王曹邕清河悼王曹贡广平哀王曹俨
The sons of Emperor Wu of Wei: Cao Ang, posthumously Prince Min of Feng; Cao Shuo, posthumously Prince Shang of Xiang; Cao Chong, posthumously Prince Ai of Deng; Cao Ju, Prince of Pengcheng; Cao Yu, Prince of Yan; Cao Lin, posthumously Prince Mu of Pei; Cao Gun, posthumously Prince Gong of Zhongshan; Cao Xuan, posthumously Prince Huai of Jiyang; Cao Jun, posthumously Prince Gong of Chenliu; the other Cao Ju, posthumously Prince Min of Fanyang; Cao Gan, Prince of Zhao; Cao Shang, posthumously Prince Shang of Linyi; Cao Biao, Prince of Chu; Cao Qin, posthumously Prince Shang of Gang; Cao Cheng, posthumously Prince Shang of Gucheng; Cao Zheng, posthumously Prince Dai of Mei; Cao Jing, posthumously Prince Shang of Ling; Cao Jun, Duke An of Fan (not the Prince of Chenliu); Cao Ji, posthumously Prince Shang of Guangzong; Cao Hui, posthumously Prince Ling of Dongping; Cao Mao, Prince of Leling. The sons of Emperor Wen of Wei: Cao Xie, posthumously Prince Ai of Zan; Cao Rui, posthumously Prince Dao of Beihai; Cao Jian, posthumously Prince Huai of Dongwuyang; Cao Lin, posthumously Prince Ding of Donghai (not the Prince of Pei); Cao Li, posthumously Prince Ai of Yuancheng; Cao Yong, posthumously Prince Huai of Handan; Cao Gong, posthumously Prince Dao of Qinghe; Cao Yan, posthumously Prince Ai of Guangping.
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魏武帝诸子
The sons of Emperor Wu of Wei.
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武皇帝二十五男：卞皇后生文皇帝、任城威王彰、陈思王植、萧怀王熊； 刘夫人生丰愍王昂、相殇王铄； 环夫人生邓哀王冲、彭城王据、燕王宇； 杜夫人生沛穆王林、中山恭王衮； 秦夫人生济阳怀王玹、陈留恭王峻； 尹夫人生范阳闵王矩； 王昭仪生赵王幹； 孙姬生临邑殇公子上、楚王彪、刚殇公子勤； 李姬生谷城殇公子乘、郿戴公子整、灵殇公子京； 周姬生樊安公均； 刘姬生广宗殇公子棘； 宋姬生东平灵王徽； 赵姬生乐陵王茂。
The Martial Emperor fathered twenty-five sons. Empress Dowager Bian gave birth to Emperor Wen, Cao Zhang (Prince Wei of Rencheng), Cao Zhi (Prince Si of Chen), and Cao Xiong (Prince Huai of Xiao). Lady Liu bore Cao Ang, later honored as Prince Min of Feng, and Cao Shuo, later honored as Prince Shang of Xiang. Lady Huan bore Cao Chong (Prince Ai of Deng), Cao Ju (Prince of Pengcheng), and Cao Yu (Prince of Yan). Lady Du bore Cao Lin, posthumously Prince Mu of Pei, and Cao Gun, posthumously Prince Gong of Zhongshan. Lady Qin bore Cao Xuan (Prince Huai of Jiyang) and Cao Jun (Prince Gong of Chenliu). Lady Yin bore Cao Ju, later titled Prince Min of Fanyang. Honored consort Lady Wang bore the Prince of Zhao, Cao Gan. Lady Sun bore Cao Shang (Prince Shang of Linyi), Cao Biao (Prince of Chu), and Cao Qin (Prince Shang of Gang). Lady Li bore Cao Cheng (Prince Shang of Gucheng), Cao Zheng (Prince Dai of Mei), and Cao Jing (Prince Shang of Ling). Lady Zhou bore Cao Jun, enfeoffed as Duke An of Fan. Lady Liu bore Cao Ji, posthumously Prince Shang of Guangzong. Lady Song bore Cao Hui, posthumously Prince Ling of Dongping. Lady Zhao bore Cao Mao, Prince of Leling.
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丰愍王曹昂
Cao Ang, posthumously Prince Min of Feng.
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丰愍王昂字子脩。 弱冠举孝廉。 随太祖南征，为张绣所害。 无子。 黄初二年追封，谥曰丰悼公。 三年，以樊安公均子琬奉昂后，封中都公。 其年徙封长子公。 五年，追加昂号曰丰悼王。 太和三年改昂谥曰愍王。 嘉平六年，以琬袭昂爵为丰王。 正元、景元中，累增邑，并前二千七百户。 琬薨，谥曰恭王。 子廉嗣。
Cao Ang of Feng, styled Zixiu, bore the posthumous dignity Prince Min. When he came of age he was recommended as filial and incorrupt. He followed Cao Cao on the southern campaign and died at the hands of Zhang Xiu. He left no heir. In Huangchu 2 he received a posthumous fief as Prince Dao of Feng. In the third year Cao Wan, son of Duke An of Fan Cao Jun, was designated Ang's heir and enfeoffed as Duke of Zhongdu. The same year his fief was transferred and he became Duke of Changzi. In Huangchu 5 Ang's posthumous rank was raised to Prince Dao of Feng. In Taihe 3 his posthumous title was changed to Prince Min. In Jiaping 6 Cao Wan succeeded to Ang's princely rank as Prince of Feng. Under the Zhengyuan and Jingyuan reigns his appanage was enlarged several times until, with prior holdings, it came to 2,700 households. When Cao Wan died he received the posthumous name Prince Gong. His son Cao Lian inherited the title.
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相殇王曹铄
Cao Shuo, posthumously Prince Shang of Xiang.
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相殇王铄，早薨，太和三年追封谥。 青龙元年，子愍王潜嗣，其年薨。 二年，子怀王偃嗣，邑二千五百户，四年薨。 无子，国除。 正元二年，以乐陵王茂子阳都乡公竦继铄后。
Cao Shuo died in childhood; in Taihe 3 he was posthumously enfeoffed and titled. In Qinglong 1 Cao Qian, posthumously Prince Min, succeeded but died the same year. In Qinglong 2 Cao Yan, posthumously Prince Huai, inherited with 2,500 households; he died in Qinglong 4. He had no heir, and the principality was abolished. In Zhengyuan 2 Cao Song, village duke of Yangdu and son of Prince Mao of Leling, was designated heir to Shuo's line.
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邓哀王曹冲
Cao Chong, posthumously Prince Ai of Deng.
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彭城王曹据
Cao Ju, Prince of Pengcheng.
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燕王曹宇
Cao Yu, Prince of Yan.
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沛穆王曹林
Cao Lin, posthumously Prince Mu of Pei.
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沛穆王林，建安十六年封饶阳侯。 二十二年，徙封谯。 黄初二年，进爵为公。 三年，为谯王。 五年，改封谯县。 七年，徙封鄄城。 太和六年，改封沛。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前四千七百户。 林薨，子纬嗣。 〈案嵇氏谱：嵇康妻，林子之女也。〉
In Jian'an 16 Cao Lin was enfeoffed as Marquis of Raoyang. In Jian'an 22 his fief was moved to Qiao. In Huangchu 2 he was promoted from marquis to duke. In Huangchu 3 he was made Prince of Qiao. In Huangchu 5 his enfeoffment was redesignated at Qiao county. In Huangchu 7 his fief was transferred to Juancheng. In Taihe 6 he was reassigned to Pei. During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his appanage was enlarged repeatedly until it reached 4,700 households in all. When Cao Lin died his son Cao Wei inherited the title. 〈The Ji family genealogy records that Ji Kang's wife was a daughter of Cao Lin.〉
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中山恭王曹衮
Cao Gun, posthumously Prince Gong of Zhongshan.
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中山恭王衮，建安二十一年封平乡侯。 少好学，年十餘岁能属文。 每读书，文学左右常恐以精力为病，数谏止之，然性所乐，不能废也。 二十二年，徙封东乡侯，其年又改封赞侯。 黄初二年，进爵为公，官属皆贺，衮曰：“夫生深宫之中，不知稼穑之艰难，多骄逸之失。 诸贤既庆其休，宜辅其阙。” 每兄弟游娱，衮独覃思经典。 文学防辅相与言曰：“受诏察公举错，有过当奏，及有善，亦宜以闻，不可匿其美也。” 遂共表称陈衮美。 衮闻之，大惊惧，责让文学曰：“脩身自守，常人之行耳，而诸君乃以上闻，是適所以增其负累也。 且如有善，何患不闻，而遽共如是，是非益我者。” 其戒慎如此。 三年，为北海王。 其年，黄龙见鄴西漳水，衮上书赞颂。 诏赐黄金十斤，诏曰：“昔唐叔归禾，东平献颂，斯皆骨肉赞美，以彰懿亲。 王研精坟典，耽味道真，文雅焕炳，朕甚嘉之。 王其克慎明德，以终令闻。” 四年，改封赞王。 七年，徙封濮阳。 太和二年就国，尚约俭，教敕妃妾纺绩织纴，习为家人之事。 五年冬，入朝。 六年，改封中山。
In Jian'an 21 Cao Gun was first enfeoffed as Marquis of Pingxiang. He loved scholarship from boyhood and, before he was twenty, could already write polished essays. When he immersed himself in books, his literary tutors and guards worried that he would ruin his health and often urged him to stop, but the habit was in his nature and he could not give it up. In Jian'an 22 he was transferred to Marquis of Dongxiang, then in the same year redesignated Marquis of Zan. In Huangchu 2 he was raised to duke. When his household officers offered congratulations, Gun said, A man raised deep in the inner palaces never learns how hard it is to fill the granary; that ignorance breeds arrogance and excess. You gentlemen rejoice in my good name; you should be helping me mend my faults. While his brothers went off in sport, he alone stayed with the classics, lost in thought. His literary tutors and minders said among themselves, "We are charged to watch the duke's conduct: faults must go up in memorials, but virtues must be reported too—we are not to conceal what is praiseworthy." They therefore jointly memorialized the throne, praising Gun's virtues. Gun was terrified when he heard of it and rebuked them: Self-discipline is what any decent man does, yet you have laid it before the throne; that only heaps new burdens on me. Besides, if I had real merit, would it not become known in time? To rush a joint memorial like this does me no good at all. Such was the anxious care with which he guarded himself. In Huangchu 3 he was made Prince of Beihai. That year a yellow dragon was seen in the Zhang west of Ye, and Gun sent up a hymn of praise. The court sent ten catties of gold with an edict: Long ago Tang Shu offered the doubled ears of grain, and the Prince of Dongping offered his ode—kinfolk honoring one another to show the grace of the royal house. You have steeped yourself in the canon and savored the true Way; your literary voice is radiant, and I am well pleased. Prince, hold fast to enlightened virtue and so preserve the good name you have won. In Huangchu 4 he was redesignated Prince of Zan. In Huangchu 7 his seat was moved to Puyang. In Taihe 2 he took up residence in his fief, lived plainly, and made his consorts spin and weave like any modest household. In the winter of Taihe 5 he came to the capital for audience. In Taihe 6 he was transferred to Zhongshan.
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初，衮来朝，犯京都禁。 青龙元年，有司奏衮。 诏曰：“王素敬慎，邂逅至此，其以议亲之典议之。” 有司固执。 诏削县二，户七百五十。 〈魏书载玺书曰：“制诏中山王：有司奏，王乃者来朝，犯交通京师之禁。 朕惟亲亲之恩，用寝吏议。 然法者，所与天下共也，不可得废。 今削王县二，户七百五十。 夫克己复礼，圣人称仁，朝过夕改，君子与之。 王其戒诸，无贰咎悔也。”〉 衮忧惧，戒敕官属愈谨。 帝嘉其意，二年，复所削县。 三年秋，衮得疾病，诏遣太医视疾，殿中、虎贲赍手诏、赐珍膳相属，又遣太妃、沛王林并就省疾。 衮疾困，敕令官属曰：“吾寡德忝宠，大命将尽。 吾既好俭，而圣朝著终诰之制，为天下法。 吾气绝之日，自殡及葬，务奉诏书。 昔卫大夫蘧瑗葬濮阳，吾望其墓，常想其遗风，原讬贤灵以弊发齿，营吾兆域，必往从之。 礼：男子不卒妇人之手。 亟以时成东堂。” 堂成，名之曰遂志之堂，舆疾往居之。 又令世子曰：“汝幼少，未闻义方，早为人君，但知乐，不知苦； 不知苦，必将以骄奢为失也。 接大臣，务以礼。 虽非大臣，老者犹宜答拜。 事兄以敬，恤弟以慈； 兄弟有不良之行，当造膝谏之。 谏之不从，流涕喻之； 喻之不改，乃白其母。 若犹不改，当以奏闻，并辞国土。 与其守宠罹祸，不若贫贱全身也。 此亦谓大罪恶耳，其微过细故，当掩覆之。 嗟尔小子，慎脩乃身，奉圣朝以忠贞，事太妃以孝敬。 闺闱之内，奉令於太妃； 阃阈之外，受教於沛王。 无怠乃心，以慰予灵。” 其年薨。 诏沛王林留讫葬，使大鸿胪持节典护丧事，宗正吊祭，赠赗甚厚。 凡所著文章二万餘言，才不及陈思王而好与之侔。 子孚嗣。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前三千四百户。
Earlier, on a visit to court, Gun had broken a capital ordinance. In Qinglong 1 the authorities impeached him. The edict read: "The prince has always been dutiful and careful; treat this slip under the rules that govern punishment of imperial kin." The officials refused to yield. An edict then removed two counties from his fief, cutting 750 households. 〈The Book of Wei preserves the sealed rescript: Let it be proclaimed to the Prince of Zhongshan: the ministers report that on your last visit you broke the rule forbidding private movement in and out of the capital zone. Out of love for my kinsman I would have set their recommendation aside. But law is the common bond of the realm; it cannot simply be waived. I therefore remove two counties from your fief, 750 households in all. The sages called self-mastery and return to ritual the root of humanity; to mend a fault the same day wins a gentleman's praise. Prince, take this as your warning and do not invite fresh blame or remorse. Gun lived in fear after that and lectured his officers to be doubly scrupulous. The emperor approved his contrition, and in the second year returned the two counties. In the autumn of Qinglong 3 he fell gravely ill. The throne sent the court physicians, then couriers from the palace guard bearing autograph orders and rare foods, and finally the grand consort and Prince Lin of Pei to his bedside. As his strength failed he told his officers, My slight virtue has been overfavored; my allotted span is almost spent. I have always loved simplicity, and the sage court's rules for burial are the model for the world. From the moment I die through encoffining and interment, you must follow the edicts to the letter. Long ago Qu Yuan of Wei was buried at Puyang; whenever I passed his mound I thought of his example, and I wish to lay these failing bones beside his dust so my tomb may stand near his. The rites say a man must not draw his last breath in a woman's arms. Finish the east hall quickly, within the proper time. When it was done he named it the Hall Where My Purpose Is Fulfilled and had himself carried there, sick as he was. He also instructed his heir: You are still a child, untaught in duty, yet you will soon be a lord of men; you know joy but not hardship; and a man who does not know hardship will lose himself in pride and waste. Treat great ministers always with full ceremony. Even toward men of lesser rank, if they are old, return their courtesy with a bow. Honor your elder brother; be gentle with your younger brothers; and if a brother goes wrong, take him aside and counsel him until he listens. If they will not heed your counsel, plead with them through tears; and if gentle words fail to change them, take the matter to their mother. If they still refuse to mend their ways, memorialize the throne and be prepared to surrender your fief along with the report. Better to live in poverty with your integrity intact than to cling to favor and court ruin. That applies to grave vice; for petty slips and trifling offenses, cover them in silence. My child, cherish your conduct: serve the dynasty with loyal devotion and honor the grand dowager with true filial piety. Within the women's quarters, obey the grand dowager in all things; beyond those doors take your guidance from the Prince of Pei. Do not let your heart grow idle; let that be your comfort to my spirit. He died later that same year. The court ordered Prince Lin of Pei to stay through the burial, placed the chief protocol officer in charge of the rites with imperial credentials, had the director of the imperial clan conduct the mourning sacrifices, and sent exceptionally rich grave goods. His collected writings run to more than twenty thousand characters—less brilliant than Cao Zhi, the Prince of Chen, though he measured himself against him. His son Cao Fu inherited the title. During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his appanage was enlarged several times until, with earlier holdings, it stood at 3,400 households.
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济阳怀王曹玹
Cao Xuan, posthumously Prince Huai of Jiyang.
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济阳怀王玹，建安十六年封西乡侯。 早薨，无子。 二十年，以沛王林子赞袭玹爵邑，早薨，无子。 文帝复以赞弟壹绍玹后。 黄初二年，改封济阳侯。 四年，进爵为公。 太和四年，追进玹爵，谥曰怀公。 六年，又进号曰怀王，追谥赞曰西乡哀侯。 壹薨，谥曰悼公。 子恆嗣。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前千九百户。
In Jian'an 16 Cao Xuan was first made Marquis of Xixiang. He died in childhood without leaving an heir. In Jian'an 20 Cao Zan, son of Prince Lin of Pei, was appointed to continue Xuan's line but died young and childless. Emperor Wen then designated Zan's younger brother Cao Yi as heir to Xuan. In Huangchu 2 he was transferred to the Marquisate of Jiyang. In Huangchu 4 he was promoted to duke. In Taihe 4 Xuan's posthumous rank was raised and he was titled Prince Huai. In Taihe 6 he was further honored as Prince Huai of Jiyang, while Zan received the posthumous title Marquis Ai of Xixiang. When Cao Yi died he was posthumously titled Prince Dao. His son Cao Heng succeeded him. Under Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his fief grew until it reached 1,900 households in all.
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陈留恭王曹峻
Cao Jun, posthumously Prince Gong of Chenliu.
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陈留恭王峻字子安，建安二十一年封郿侯。 二十二年，徙封襄邑。 黄初二年，进爵为公。 三年，为陈留王。 五年，改封襄邑县。 太和六年，又封陈留。 甘露四年薨。 子澳嗣。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前四千七百户。
Cao Jun, styled Zian, was enfeoffed as Marquis of Mei in Jian'an 21. In Jian'an 22 his seat was moved to Xiangyi. In Huangchu 2 he was raised to duke. In Huangchu 3 he became Prince of Chenliu. In Huangchu 5 his enfeoffment was fixed at Xiangyi county. In Taihe 6 he was again assigned to Chenliu. He died in Ganlu 4. His son Cao Ao inherited the title. During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his appanage was enlarged until it reached 4,700 households with prior grants.
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范阳闵王曹矩
Cao Ju of Fanyang, posthumously Prince Min.
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范阳闵王矩，早薨，无子。 建安二十二年，以樊安公均子敏奉矩后，封临晋侯。 黄初三年追封谥矩为范阳闵公。 五年，改封敏范阳王。 七年，徙封句阳，太和六年，追进矩号曰范阳闵王，改封敏琅邪王。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前三千四百户。 敏薨，谥曰原王。 子焜嗣。
This Cao Ju died in infancy without an heir. In Jian'an 22 Cao Min, son of Duke An of Fan, was named heir to Ju's line and enfeoffed as Marquis of Linjin. In Huangchu 3 Ju was posthumously honored as Prince Min of Fanyang. In Huangchu 5 Cao Min was made Prince of Fanyang. In Huangchu 7 his fief moved to Gouyang; in Taihe 6 Ju's posthumous rank was raised to Prince Min of Fanyang, and Cao Min was transferred to the princedom of Langye. Across Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his holdings rose to 3,400 households including earlier grants. When Cao Min died he received the posthumous name Prince Yuan. His son Cao Kun inherited the title.
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赵王曹幹
Cao Gan, Prince of Zhao.
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赵王幹，建安二十年封高平亭侯。 二十二年，徙封赖亭侯。 其年改封弘农侯。 黄初二年，进爵，徙封燕公。 〈《魏略》曰：幹一名良。 良本陈妾子，良生而陈氏死，太祖令王夫人养之。 良年五岁而太祖疾困，遗令语太子曰：“此兒三岁亡母，五岁失父，以累汝也。” 太子由是亲待，隆於诸弟。 良年小，常呼文帝为阿翁，帝谓良曰：“我，汝兄耳。” 文帝又愍其如是，每为流涕。 臣松之案：此传以母贵贱为次，不计兄弟之年，故楚王彪年虽大，传在幹后。 寻《朱建平传》，知彪大幹二十岁。〉 三年，为河间王。 五年，改封乐城县。 七年，徙封钜鹿。 太和六年，改封赵王。 幹母有宠於太祖。 及文帝为嗣，幹母有力。 文帝临崩，有遗诏，是以明帝常加恩意。 青龙二年，私通宾客，为有司所奏，赐幹玺书诫诲之，曰：
In Jian'an 20 Cao Gan was made village marquis of Gaoping. In Jian'an 22 he was transferred to village marquis of Lai. The same year he was redesignated Marquis of Hongnong. In Huangchu 2 he was promoted and given the ducal fief of Yan. 〈The Wei lue records that Cao Gan was also called Liang. Liang was born to Lady Chen; she died at his birth, and Cao Cao placed the boy in Lady Wang's care. At five Liang stood by Cao Cao's deathbed; the dying patriarch told the heir, He lost his mother at three and will lose his father at five—you must bear the burden for him. The crown prince therefore favored him above his other younger brothers. Because Liang was still a child he often called Emperor Wen Daddy; Wen answered gently, I am your elder brother, not your father. The sight moved Emperor Wen so deeply that he often wept for him. Pei Songzhi remarks: this chapter ranks sons by their mothers' status, not by age, which is why Cao Biao, though older, appears after Cao Gan. Zhu Jianping's biography shows that Biao was a full twenty years older than Gan.〉 In Huangchu 3 he became Prince of Hejian. In Huangchu 5 his seat was moved to Lecheng county. In Huangchu 7 he was transferred to Julu. In Taihe 6 he was made Prince of Zhao. Gan's mother had been a favorite of Cao Cao. She also wielded influence when Emperor Wen was named heir. Emperor Wen left a deathbed testament on her account, so Emperor Ming treated Gan with special kindness. In Qinglong 2 he was impeached for maintaining improper ties with guests and clients; the throne answered with a sealed rescript of admonition that read:
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景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前五千户。
During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his fief was enlarged until it reached 5,000 households in all.
25
临邑殇公子曹上
Cao Shang, posthumously Prince Shang of Linyi.
26
临邑殇公子上，早薨。 太和五年，追封谥。 无后。
Cao Shang died in childhood. In Taihe 5 he received a posthumous fief and title. He left no heir.
27
楚王曹彪
Cao Biao, Prince of Chu.
28
刚殇公子曹勤
Cao Qin, posthumously Prince Shang of Gang.
29
刚殇公子勤，早薨。 太和五年追封谥。 无后。
Cao Qin died in infancy. In Taihe 5 he was posthumously enfeoffed and titled. No heir succeeded him.
30
谷城殇公子曹乘
Cao Cheng, posthumously Prince Shang of Gucheng.
31
谷城殇公子乘，早薨。 太和五年追封谥。 无后。
Cao Cheng died in childhood. In Taihe 5 he received posthumous honors. He had no posterity.
32
郿戴公子曹整
Cao Zheng, posthumously Prince Dai of Mei.
33
郿戴公子整，奉从叔父郎中绍后。 建安二十二年，封郿侯。 二十三年薨。 无子。 黄初二年追进爵，谥曰戴公。 以彭城王据子范奉整后。 三年，封平氏侯。 四年，徙封成武。 太和三年，进爵为公。 青龙三年薨。 谥曰悼公。 无后。 四年，诏以范弟东安乡公阐为郿公，奉整后。 正元、景元中、累增邑，并前千八百户。
Cao Zheng was made heir to his father's cousin Cao Shao, who held the rank of palace gentleman. In Jian'an 22 he was enfeoffed as Marquis of Mei. He died in Jian'an 23. He died without a son. In Huangchu 2 his rank was raised posthumously and he was titled Prince Dai. Cao Fan, son of Prince Ju of Pengcheng, was designated heir to Zheng. In Huangchu 3 he became Marquis of Pingshi. In Huangchu 4 his fief was moved to Chengwu. In Taihe 3 he was promoted to duke. He died in Qinglong 3. He was posthumously titled Prince Dao. He too left no heir. In the fourth year an edict named Fan's younger brother Cao Kan, village duke of Dong'an, as Duke of Mei to continue Zheng's line. Under Zhengyuan and Jingyuan his appanage grew to 1,800 households with prior grants.
34
灵殇公子曹京
Cao Jing, posthumously Prince Shang of Ling.
35
灵殇公子京，早薨。 太和五年追封谥。 无后。
Cao Jing died in infancy. In Taihe 5 he received posthumous enfeoffment and a posthumous name. No successor was named.
36
樊安公曹均
Cao Jun, Duke An of Fan.
37
樊安公均，奉叔父蓟恭公彬后。 建安二十二年，封樊侯。 二十四年薨。 子抗嗣。 黄初二年，追进公爵，谥曰安公。 三年，徙封抗蓟公。 四年，徙封屯留公。 景初元年薨，谥曰定公。 子谌嗣。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前千九百户。
Cao Jun, Duke An of Fan, was made heir to his uncle Cao Bin, posthumously Prince Gong of Ji. In Jian'an 22 he received the marquisate of Fan. He died in Jian'an 24. His son Cao Kang inherited the title. In Huangchu 2 he was posthumously promoted to duke with the name Duke An. In Huangchu 3 Cao Kang was transferred to the ducal fief of Ji. In Huangchu 4 his seat moved to Tunliu. He died in Jingchu 1 and was posthumously titled Duke Ding. His son Cao Chen succeeded him. During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his appanage grew to 1,900 households including earlier grants.
38
广宗殇公子曹棘
Cao Ji, posthumously Prince Shang of Guangzong.
39
广宗殇公子棘，早薨。 太和五年追封谥。 无后。
Cao Ji died in childhood. In Taihe 5 he received posthumous honors. He left no heir.
40
东平灵王曹徽
Cao Hui, posthumously Prince Ling of Dongping.
41
东平灵王徽，奉叔公朗陵哀侯玉后。 建安二十二年，封历城侯。 黄初二年，进爵为公。 三年，为庐江王。 四年，徙封寿张王。 五年，改封寿张县。 太和六年，改封东平。 青龙二年，徽使官属挝寿张县吏，为有司所奏。 诏削县一，户五百。 其年复所削县。 正始三年薨。 子翕嗣。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前三千四百户。 〈臣松之案：翕入晋，封廪丘公。 魏宗室之中，名次鄄城公。 至泰始二年，翕遣世子琨奉表来朝。 诏曰：“翕秉德履道，魏宗之良。 今琨远至，其假世子印绶，加骑都尉，赐服一具，钱十万，随才叙用。” 翕撰解寒食散方，与皇甫谧所撰并行於世。〉
Cao Hui was made heir to his great-uncle Cao Yu, posthumously Marquis Ai of Langling. In Jian'an 22 he became Marquis of Licheng. In Huangchu 2 he was raised to duke. In Huangchu 3 he was made Prince of Lujiang. In Huangchu 4 his princedom moved to Shouzhang. In Huangchu 5 his seat was fixed at Shouzhang county. In Taihe 6 he became Prince of Dongping. In Qinglong 2 he had his officers flog a county clerk of Shouzhang and was impeached for it. The court removed one county from his fief, cutting five hundred households. The same year that county was given back. He died in Zhengshi 3. His son Cao Xi inherited the title. Across Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his holdings rose to 3,400 households in all. 〈Pei Songzhi remarks: after Xi submitted to the Jin dynasty he was enfeoffed as Duke of Linqiu. Among Wei imperial kinsmen his name was listed after the Duke of Juancheng. In the second year of Taishi, Xi sent his heir Cao Kun to court with a memorial of allegiance. An edict declared, Cao Xi keeps to virtue and the Way; he is an honorable scion of the house of Wei. Now that Kun has journeyed so far, invest him with the heir's seals and cords, add the title of cavalry commandant, give him a full set of court dress, a hundred thousand cash, and employ him as his abilities warrant. Xi also wrote a treatise on formulas for cold-food dispersal drugs that circulated alongside the work of Huangfu Mi.〉
42
乐陵王曹茂
Cao Mao, Prince of Leling.
43
乐陵王茂，建安二十二年封万岁亭侯。 二十三年，改封平舆侯。 黄初三年，进爵，徙封乘氏公。 七年，徙封中丘。 茂性泬佷，少无宠於太祖。 及文帝世，又独不王。 太和元年，徙封聊城公，其年为王。 诏曰：
In Jian'an 22 Cao Mao was made village marquis of Wansui. In Jian'an 23 he was transferred to Marquis of Pingyu. In Huangchu 3 he was promoted and given the ducal fief of Chengshi. In Huangchu 7 his seat moved to Zhongqiu. Cao Mao was surly and obstinate by nature and had never won Cao Cao's affection. Under Emperor Wen he alone among the brothers was never raised to princely rank. In Taihe 1 he was made Duke of Liaocheng and the same year promoted to king. The edict read:
44
昔象之为虐至甚，而大舜犹侯之有庳。 近汉氏淮南、阜陵，皆为乱臣逆子，而犹或及身而复国，或至子而锡土。 有虞建之於上古，汉文、明、章行之乎前代，斯皆敦叙亲亲之厚义也。 聊城公茂少不闲礼教，长不务善道。 先帝以为古之立诸侯也，皆命贤者，故姬姓有未必侯者，是以独不王茂。 太皇太后数以为言。 如闻茂顷来少知悔昔之非，欲脩善将来。 君子与其进，不保其往也。 今封茂为聊城王，以慰太皇太后下流之念。
Even when Xiang was at his cruel worst, Shun still gave him a fief at Youbi. Under the Han, the kings of Huainan and Fuling were traitors and unfilial sons, yet some won back their kingdoms in their own day, or saw their sons enfeoffed again. The model runs back to high antiquity under Shun, and Han Wendi, Mingdi, and Zhangdi upheld it—the deep duty of cherishing one's own blood. The Duke of Liaocheng was never trained in ritual as a boy and never turned to virtue as a man. The late emperor held that ancient enfeoffments went only to the worthy, so not every son of the house needed a kingdom—which is why Mao alone was denied a princely title. The grand empress dowager pleaded his case again and again. I am told he has lately begun to regret his old errors and wants to mend his ways. The gentleman encourages those who are improving and does not hold the past against them. I therefore make him King of Liaocheng to answer the grand empress dowager's earnest plea on his behalf.
45
六年，改封曲阳王。 正始三年，东平灵王薨，茂称嗌痛，不肯发哀，居处出入自若。 有司奏除国土，诏削县一，户五百。 五年，徙封乐陵，诏以茂租奉少，诸子多，复所削户，又增户七百。 嘉平、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前五千户。
In Taihe 6 he was transferred to the princedom of Quyang. In Zhengshi 3, when Prince Ling of Dongping died, Mao claimed a sore throat, refused to enter mourning, and went about his daily routine unchanged. The ministers moved to strip his fief; the throne instead removed one county and five hundred households. In Zhengshi 5 he was moved to Leling. An edict noted his slender income and many sons, restored the lost households, and added seven hundred more. Under Jiaping, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his appanage reached five thousand households in all.
46
魏文帝诸子
The sons of Emperor Wen of Wei.
47
文皇帝九男：甄氏皇后生明帝，李贵人生赞哀王协，潘淑媛生北海悼王蕤，硃淑媛生东武阳怀王鉴，仇昭仪生东海定王霖，徐姬生元城哀王礼，苏姬生邯郸怀王邕，张姬生清河悼王贡，宋姬生广平哀王俨。
Emperor Wen had nine sons. Empress Zhen bore Emperor Ming; Lady Li bore Cao Xie, Prince Ai of Zan; Lady Pan bore Cao Rui of Beihai; Lady Zhu bore Cao Jian, Prince Huai of Dongwuyang; Lady Qiu bore Cao Lin, Prince Ding of Donghai; Lady Xu bore Cao Li, Prince Ai of Yuancheng; Lady Su bore Cao Yong, Prince Huai of Handan; Lady Zhang bore Cao Gong, Prince Dao of Qinghe; and Lady Song bore Cao Yan, Prince Ai of Guangping.
48
赞哀王曹协
Cao Xie, posthumously Prince Ai of Zan.
49
赞哀王协，早薨。 太和五年追封谥曰经殇公。 青龙二年，更追改号谥。 三年，子殇王寻嗣。 景初三年，增户五百，并前三千户。 正始九年薨。 无子。 国除。
Cao Xie died in childhood. In Taihe 5 he was posthumously enfeoffed and given the title Duke Jingshang. In Qinglong 2 his posthumous rank and name were changed again. In Qinglong 3 his son Cao Xun, posthumously Prince Shang, succeeded him. In Jingchu 3 five hundred households were added, bringing the fief to three thousand. He died in Zhengshi 9. He had no heir. The fief was abolished.
50
北海悼王曹蕤
Cao Rui, posthumously Prince Dao of Beihai.
51
北海悼王蕤，黄初七年，明帝即位，立为阳平县王。 太和六年，改封北海。 青龙元年薨。 二年，以琅邪王子赞奉蕤后，封昌乡公。 景初二年，立为饶安王。 正始七年，徙封文安。 正元、景元中，累增邑，并前三千五百户。
In Huangchu 7, when Emperor Ming took the throne, Cao Rui was made Prince of Yangping. In Taihe 6 he was transferred to Beihai. He died in Qinglong 1. In Qinglong 2 Cao Zan, a son of the Prince of Langye, was named heir to Rui and made Duke of Chang district. In Jingchu 2 he was raised to Prince of Rao'an. In Zhengshi 7 his seat moved to Wen'an. Under Zhengyuan and Jingyuan his appanage grew to 3,500 households in all.
52
东武阳怀王曹鉴
Cao Jian, posthumously Prince Huai of Dongwuyang.
53
东武阳怀王鉴，黄初六年立。 其年薨。 青龙三年赐谥。 无子。 国除。
Cao Jian was enfeoffed in Huangchu 6. He died the same year. In Qinglong 3 he received a posthumous name. He left no son. The line ended and the fief lapsed.
54
东海定王曹霖
Cao Lin, posthumously Prince Ding of Donghai.
55
东海定王霖，黄初三年立为河东王。 六年，改封馆陶县。 明帝即位，以先帝遗意，爱宠霖异於诸国。 而霖性粗暴，闺门之内，婢妾之间，多所残害。 太和六年，改封东海。 嘉平元年薨。 子启嗣。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前六千二百户。 高贵乡公髦，霖之子也，入继大宗。
In Huangchu 3 Cao Lin was first made Prince of Hedong. In Huangchu 6 his seat was moved to Guantao county. Emperor Ming, honoring his father's last wishes, showered singular favor on Cao Lin. Yet Lin was a brute who terrorized the women of his household and killed many of them. In Taihe 6 he was made Prince of Donghai. He died in Jiaping 1. His son Cao Qi inherited the title. During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his fief swelled to 6,200 households. Cao Mao, Duke of Gaogui Township, was Lin's son and was brought in to continue the main imperial line.
56
元城哀王曹礼
Cao Li, posthumously Prince Ai of Yuancheng.
57
邯郸怀王曹邕
Cao Yong, posthumously Prince Huai of Handan.
58
邯郸怀王邕，黄初二年封淮南公，以九江郡为国。 三年，进为淮南王。 四年，改封陈。 六年，改封邯郸。 太和三年薨。 五年，以任城王楷子温嗣邕后。 六年，改封鲁阳。 景初、正元、景元中，累增邑，并前四千四百户。
In Huangchu 2 Cao Yong was made Duke of Huainan with Jiujiang as his appanage. In Huangchu 3 he was promoted to Prince of Huainan. In Huangchu 4 he was transferred to Chen. In Huangchu 6 he was moved to Handan. He died in Taihe 3. In Taihe 5 Cao Wen, son of Prince Kai of Rencheng, was designated heir to Yong. In Taihe 6 his seat was moved to Luyang. During Jingchu, Zhengyuan, and Jingyuan his appanage grew to 4,400 households in all.
59
清河悼王曹贡
Cao Gong, posthumously Prince Dao of Qinghe.
60
清河悼王贡，黄初三年封。 四年薨。 无子。 国除。
Cao Gong received his first enfeoffment in Huangchu 3. He died in Huangchu 4. He left no heir. The fief was abolished.
61
广平哀王曹俨
Cao Yan, posthumously Prince Ai of Guangping.
62
广平哀王俨，黄初三年封。 四年薨。 无子。 国除。
Cao Yan was first enfeoffed in Huangchu 3. He died the following year, in Huangchu 4. He had no son to succeed him. The line ended and the principality was struck from the rolls.
63
【評】
Section heading: the historian's closing appraisal.
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评曰：魏氏王公，既徒有国土之名，而无社稷之实，又禁防壅隔，同於囹圄； 位号靡定，大小岁易； 骨肉之恩乖，常棣之义废。 为法之弊，一至于此乎！ 〈《袁子》曰：魏兴，承大乱之后，民人损减，不可则以古始。 於是封建侯王，皆使寄地，空名而无其实。 王国使有老兵百餘人，以卫其国。 虽有王侯之号，而乃侪为匹夫。 县隔千里之外，无朝聘之仪，邻国无会同之制。 诸侯游猎不得过三十里，又为设防辅监国之官以伺察之。 王侯皆思为布衣而不能得。 既违宗国籓屏之义，又亏亲戚骨肉之恩。 《魏氏春秋》载宗室曹冏上书曰：
The historian comments: Wei's princes bore territorial titles but held no real power over their domains; hedged by restrictions, they lived like men under lock and key. Titles shifted constantly, great and small alike reshuffled every year. Kinship was strained and the brotherly duty praised in the Odes was forgotten. So far had the policy of control twisted the bonds of family! 〈The Yuanzi observes: Wei rose after wholesale devastation; the population was too depleted to revive the full classical order at once. So the kings were given nominal fiefs far from any real domain they could govern. Each kingdom was allotted barely a hundred veteran guards. They kept princely rank but were treated like commoners. Marooned a thousand li from court, they had no audience rites and no way to confer with fellow princes. They were forbidden to hunt more than thirty li from home, while minders and "state overseers" watched every move. Many would gladly have traded their titles for a commoner's freedom and could not. The policy betrayed both the purpose of enfeoffing kin as bulwarks and the claims of blood. The Wei Annals preserve this memorial from the imperial clansman Cao Jiong:
65
臣闻古之王者，必建同姓以明亲亲，必树异姓以明贤贤。 故传曰‘庸勋亲亲，昵近尊贤’； 书曰‘克明俊德，以亲九族’； 诗云‘怀德维宁，宗子维城’。 由是观之，非贤无与兴功，非亲无与辅治。 夫亲亲之道，专用则其渐也微弱； 贤贤之道，偏任则其弊也劫夺。 先圣知其然也，故博求亲疏而并用之； 近则有宗盟籓卫之固，远则有仁贤辅弼之助，盛则有与共其治，衰则有与守其土，安则有与享其福，危则有与同其祸。 夫然，故能有其国家，保其社稷，历纪长久，本枝百世也。 今魏尊尊之法虽明，亲亲之道未备。 诗不云乎，‘鹡鸰在原，兄弟急难’。 以斯言之，明兄弟相救於丧乱之际，同心於忧祸之间，虽有阋墙之忿，不忘御侮之事。 何则？ 忧患同也。 今则不然，或任而不重，或释而不任，一旦疆埸称警，关门反拒，股肱不扶，胸心无卫。
I have read that ancient kings enfeoffed kinsmen to honor family ties and raised unrelated houses to honor merit. The Zuo tradition says: "Reward service, cherish kin, draw the near, honor the worthy"; the Documents say: "Cultivate bright virtue until the nine branches of the clan cleave to you"; and the Odes sing: "Virtue brings peace; the royal nephews are the city walls." From this it follows: without worthy men no great work is done; without kin no stable rule is kept. Rely on kin alone and their strength slowly ebbs; lean only on outsiders and you invite usurpation. The sages knew this and balanced near and far, kin and stranger alike; so that at hand the house had the pledge of kin as rampart, and afar the aid of good ministers; in strength all shared the task of rule, in weakness all held the land, in peace all shared the blessing, in danger all shared the ruin. That is how dynasties kept their altars for ages, trunk and branches flourishing for centuries. Wei honors rank above kinship, but the way of cherishing blood has not been fulfilled. Has not the Odes said, "The wagtails on the heath—brothers rush to help in extremity"? It means that brothers aid each other in collapse, stand together in peril, and even when they quarrel behind their own walls still close ranks against outsiders. Why? Because they share the same peril. Today it is otherwise: kin are given office without real power, or shelved without use; when the frontier flares and the passes shut them away from court, they have no loyal arms to lean on and no shield for the heart of the state.
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臣窃惟此，寝不安席，思献丹诚，贡策硃阙。 谨撰合所闻，叙论成败。 论曰：昔夏、殷、周历世数十，而秦二世而亡。 何则？ 三代之君，与天下共其民，故天下同其忧。 秦王独制其民，故倾危而莫救。 夫与民共其乐者，人必忧其忧； 与民同其安者，人必拯其危。 先王知独治之不能久也，故与人共治之； 知独守之不能固也，故与人共守之。 兼亲疏而两用，参同异而并建。 是以轻重足以相镇，亲疏足以相卫，并兼路塞，逆节不生。 及其衰也，桓、文帅礼； 苞茅不贡，齐师伐楚； 宋不城周，晋戮其宰。 王纲弛而复张，诸侯傲而复肃。 二霸之后，浸以陵迟。 吴、楚凭江，负固方城，虽心希九鼎，而畏迫宗姬，奸情散於胸怀，逆谋消於脣吻； 斯岂非信重亲戚，任用贤能，枝叶硕茂，本根赖之与？ 自此之后，转相攻伐； 吴并於越，晋分为三，鲁灭於楚，郑兼於韩。 暨于战国，诸姬微矣，惟燕、卫独存，然皆弱小，西迫强秦，南畏齐、楚，忧惧灭亡，匪遑相恤。 至於王赧，降为庶人，犹枝幹相持，得居虚位，海内无主，四十餘年。 秦据势胜之地，骋谲诈之术，征伐关东，蚕食九国，至於始皇，乃定天位。 旷日若彼，用力若此，岂非深固根蒂不拔之道乎？
I lie awake thinking of it and wish to lay my loyal counsel before the crimson threshold. I therefore set down what I know of rise and fall. Consider: Xia, Shang, and Zhou endured many reigns; Qin fell in two. Why? The ancient kings shared power with the realm, and the realm shared their burdens. The First Emperor monopolized the people, so when crisis came no one came to his aid. Share the people's joys and they will shoulder your sorrows; share their peace and they will rescue you from danger. The sages knew sole rule could not last, so they ruled with others; they knew lone defense could not hold, so they defended with others. They mixed kin and stranger, like and unlike, in one design. Weight balanced weight, near guarded far, paths to usurpation closed, and treason found no opening. When they weakened, Duke Huan and Duke Wen upheld the ritual order; when Chu failed to send the bundle of sacral grass, Qi marched against it; when Song refused to wall the royal city, Jin executed its minister. The royal net slackened, then tightened; arrogant lords were humbled again. After those two hegemons the Zhou order slowly decayed. Wu and Chu leaned on the Long River and Fangcheng's walls; though they coveted the nine tripods, the house of Zhou still cowed them—ambition died in the breast and plots died on the tongue. Was it not because kin were trusted, worthies employed, the branches thick, and the root thereby secure? Afterward they turned on one another; Wu fell to Yue, Jin split into three, Lu to Chu, Zheng to Han. By the Warring States the Ji houses were frail; only Yan and Wei lingered, small states trapped between Qin in the west and Qi and Chu in the south, too busy saving themselves to help kin. Even King Nan, demoted to commoner status, was propped up by kin for forty years of nominal kingship while the realm lacked a true sovereign. Qin held the high ground, wielded guile, marched east, devoured the nine regions, and the First Emperor seized the throne. So long a climb, so heavy a cost—was that not the price of deep roots?
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易曰； ‘其亡其亡，系于苞桑。 ’周德其可谓当之矣。 秦观周之弊，以为小弱见夺，於是废五等之爵，立郡县之官，弃礼乐之教，任苛刻之政； 子弟无尺寸之封，功臣无立锥之地，内无宗子以自毗辅，外无诸侯以为籓卫，仁心不加於亲戚，惠泽不流於枝叶； 譬犹芟刈股肱，独任胸腹，浮舟江海，捐弃楫棹，观者为之寒心，而始皇晏然自以为关中之固，金城千里，子孙帝王万世之业也，岂不悖哉！ 是时淳于越谏曰：‘臣闻殷、周之王，封子弟功臣千有餘 （城）。 今陛下君有海内而子弟为匹夫，卒有田常六卿之臣，而无辅弼，何以相救？ 事不师古而能长久者，非所闻也。 ’始皇听李斯偏说而绌其议，至於身死之日，无所寄付，委天下之重於凡夫之手，讬废立之命於奸臣之口，至令赵高之徒，诛鉏宗室。 胡亥少习刻薄之教，长遭凶父之业，不能改制易法，宠任兄弟，而乃师谭申、商，谘谋赵高； 自幽深宫，委政谗贼，身残望夷，求为黔首，岂可得哉？ 遂乃郡国离心，众庶溃叛，胜、广倡之於前，刘、项弊之於后。 向使始皇纳淳于之策，抑李斯之论，割裂州国，分王子弟，封三代之后，报功臣之劳，士有常君，民有定主，枝叶相扶，首尾为用，虽使子孙有失道之行，时人无汤、武之贤，奸谋未发，而身已屠戮，何区区之陈、项而复得措其手足哉？ 故汉祖奋三尺之剑，驱乌集之众，五年之中，遂成帝业。
The Book of Changes says: "Ruin, ruin—yet tied to the mulberry shoots at the root." Zhou's virtue matched that warning. Qin blamed Zhou's fall on weak princes, abolished the five ranks, set up commanderies and counties, scrapped ritual instruction, and ruled by terror; no prince held an inch of soil, no minister a handspan of ground; no kinsman buttressed the throne within, no prince guarded the marches without; mercy never reached family, bounty never reached the boughs; as if cutting off one's own limbs yet trusting only the trunk, or putting to sea without oars—onlookers shuddered while the First Emperor slept easy behind his "metal city" and dreamed of an eternal line! Chunyu Yue then urged: The kings of Yin and Zhou enfeoffed sons and merit ministers in more than a thousand the gloss supplies the word "cities," Now you rule the realm while your brothers are mere commoners; should a Tian Chang or a six-minister cabal arise, what bulwark will save the throne? I have never heard of an enduring throne that refused to learn from the past. The First Emperor took Li Si's narrow counsel and dismissed Chunyu Yue; at his death he had no one to whom he could turn, handed the realm to a mediocrity, and left the succession to a villain—so Zhao Gao could butcher the royal house. The Second Emperor grew up on harsh teaching and inherited a tyrant's legacy; instead of reforming the laws and trusting his brothers he studied the Legalists Shen and Shang and listened to Zhao Gao; he hid in the inner palace while traitors ruled, was driven to suicide at the Wangyi Pavilion, and begged to end his days as a commoner—an end he could not buy? The provinces turned away, the people rose, Chen Sheng and Wu Guang struck first, Liu Bang and Xiang Yu finished the work. Had the First Emperor heeded Chunyu Yue, split the realm among princes, enfeoffed the heirs of the three ancient dynasties, and rewarded his ministers—had every officer known his lord and every peasant his master, with kin like limbs to the trunk—even vicious heirs could not have brought down the house before usurpers appeared; how then could two bandits have toppled Qin? So the Han founder waved a common sword, led a rabble in arms, and within five years sat as emperor.
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自开辟以来，其兴立功勋，未有若汉祖之易也。 夫伐深根者难为功，摧枯朽者易为力，理势然也。 汉监秦之失，封殖子弟，及诸吕擅权，图危刘氏，而天下所以不倾动，百姓所以不易心者，徒以诸侯强大，盘石胶固，东牟、硃虚受命於内，齐、代、吴、楚作卫於外故也。 向使高祖踵亡秦之法，忽先王之制，则天下已传，非刘氏有也。 然高祖封建，地过古制，大者跨州兼郡，小者连城数十，上下无别，权侔京室，故有吴、楚七国之患。 贾谊曰：‘诸侯强盛，长乱起奸。 夫欲天下之治安，莫若众建诸侯而少其力，令海内之势，若身之使臂，臂之使指，则下无背叛之心，上无诛伐之事。 ’文帝不从。 至於孝景，猥用晁错之计，削黜诸侯，亲者怨恨，疏者震恐，吴、楚倡谋，五国从风。 兆发高帝，衅锺文、景，由宽之过制，急之不渐故也。 所谓末大必折，尾大难掉。 尾同於体，犹或不从，况乎非体之尾，其可掉哉？ 武帝从主父之策，下推恩之令，自是之后，齐分为七，赵分为六，淮南三割，梁、代五分，遂以陵迟，子孙微弱，衣食租税，不预政事，或以酎金免削，或以无后国除。 至於成帝，王氏擅朝。 刘向谏曰：‘臣闻公族者，国之枝叶； 枝叶落则本根无所庇廕。 方今同姓疏远，母党专政，排摈宗室，孤弱公族，非所以保守社稷，安固国嗣也。 ’其言深切，多所称引，成帝虽悲伤叹息而不能用。 至於哀、平，异姓秉权，假周公之事，而为田常之乱，高拱而窃天位，一朝而臣四海。
Since time began no one won an empire as easily as Liu Bang. Deep roots resist the axe; dry rot yields at a touch—that is the way of things. Han learned from Qin and enfeoffed kin; when the Lü clan seized power the realm did not crumble because the princes were strong as set stone—Liu Zhang and Liu Xingju acted inside the capital while Qi, Dai, Wu, and Chu guarded the frontiers. Had Gaozu copied Qin's system and scorned the ancients, the empire would have passed from the Liu before the Lü ever stirred. Yet Han fiefs were oversized: the greatest swallowed whole provinces, the smallest chained dozens of cities, rivaling the capital—hence the revolt of the seven kingdoms. Jia Yi warned: Powerful vassals breed long chaos and treason. To keep the realm at peace, split their strength among many fiefs so that power runs from the throne to the arm to the finger—then subjects will not rebel and the sovereign need not punish. Emperor Wen ignored him. Emperor Jing rashly adopted Chao Cuo's policy of stripping the fiefs; close kin grew bitter, distant kin afraid; Wu and Chu rebelled and five states followed. The seeds lay with Gaozu, the reckoning with Wen and Jing—first they let the princes grow too strong, then they cut them too fast. As the adage runs: limbs too heavy will snap; a tail too big cannot wag. Even a tail of one's own body may disobey—how much less a tail that is not of the body? Emperor Wu applied Zhufu Yan's "grace extension" edict: Qi fractured into seven, Zhao into six, Huainan was carved thrice, Liang and Dai split repeatedly, until the princes dwindled to rent-collectors barred from politics—many lost fiefs for the "sacrificial gold" fault or for lack of heirs. By Emperor Cheng the Wang clan ran the court. Liu Xiang warned: The imperial clan is the foliage of the throne; strip the leaves and the root stands naked to wind and sun. Today imperial kinsmen are kept at arm's length while in-laws run the government, the house of Liu is elbowed aside, and the princes are left powerless—that is no way to guard the dynasty or secure the heir. His memorial was trenchant and packed with precedent, yet Emperor Cheng could only sigh and set it aside. By Emperors Ai and Ping outsiders held the reins, masked as the Duke of Zhou while acting like Tian Chang—Wang Mang folded his hands on the throne and in a single morning made the realm his vassal.
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汉宗室王侯，解印释绂，贡奉社稷，犹惧不得为臣妾，或乃为之符命，颂莽恩德，岂不哀哉！ 由斯言之，非宗子独忠孝於惠、文之间，而叛逆於哀、平之际也，徒权轻势弱，不能有定耳。 赖光武皇帝挺不世之姿，禽王莽於已成，绍汉嗣於既绝，斯岂非宗子之力也？ 而曾不监秦之失策，袭周之旧制，踵王国之法，而徼倖无疆之期。 至於桓、灵，阉竖执衡，朝无死难之臣，外无同忧之国，君孤立於上，臣弄权於下，本末不能相御，身首不能相使。 由是天下鼎沸，奸凶并争，宗庙焚为灰烬，宫室变为榛薮，居九州之地，而身无所安处，悲夫！
Han princes surrendered their seals and yielded the altars, yet still feared they might not be spared even as slaves; some forged omens praising Wang Mang—what a spectacle of humiliation! The Liu princes were not loyal by nature under Huidi and Wendi and treacherous by nature under Ai and Ping—they simply lacked the power to be anything else. When Guangwu seized Wang Mang and restored the Han, was that not the proof of what royal kin can do? Yet he did not learn from Qin's mistake, copied Zhou's old enfeoffment, revived great princedoms, and gambled on endless good luck. By Emperors Huan and Ling the eunuchs held power: no minister died for the throne, no prince shared the peril; the emperor stood alone while ministers pulled the strings; head and limbs no longer answered to one another. The empire boiled into civil war, the ancestral shrines burned to ash, palaces went to weed, and the Son of Heaven had not a foot of ground to call his own—what ruin!
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魏太祖武皇帝躬圣明之资，兼神武之略，耻王纲之废绝，愍汉室之倾覆，龙飞谯、沛，凤翔兗、豫，扫除凶逆，翦灭鲸鲵，迎帝西京，定都颍邑，德动天地，义感人神。 汉氏奉天，禅位大魏。 大魏之兴，于今二十有四年矣，观五代之存亡而不用其长策，睹前车之倾覆而不改於辙迹； 子弟王空虚之地，君有不使之民，宗室窜於闾阎，不闻邦国之政，权均匹夫，势齐凡庶； 内无深根不拔之固，外无盘石宗盟之助，非所以安社稷，为万世之业也。 且今之州牧、郡守，古之方伯、诸侯，皆跨有千里之土，兼军武之任，或比国数人，或兄弟并据； 而宗室子弟曾无一人间厕其间，与相维持，非所以强幹弱枝，备万一之虞也。 今之用贤，或超为名都之主，或为偏师之帅，而宗室有文者必限小县之宰，有武者必置百人之上，使夫廉高之士，毕志於衡轭之内，才能之人，耻与非类为伍，非所以劝进贤能褒异宗室之礼也。 夫泉竭则流涸，根朽则叶枯； 枝繁者廕根，条落者本孤。 故语曰‘百足之虫，至死不殭’，以扶之者众也。 此言虽小，可以譬大。 且墉基不可仓卒而成，威名不可一朝而立，皆为之有渐，建之有素。 譬之种树，久则深固其本根，茂盛其枝叶，若造次徙於山林之中，植於宫阙之下，虽壅之以黑坟，暖之以春日，犹不救於枯槁，而何暇繁育哉？ 夫树犹亲戚，土犹士民，建置不久，则轻下慢上，平居犹惧其离叛，危急将若之何？ 是以圣王安而不逸，以虑危也，存而设备，以惧亡也。 故疾风卒至而无摧拔之忧，天下有变而无倾危之患矣。
Cao Cao bore both wisdom and martial genius; he grieved for the fallen Han, rose in Qiao and Pei, swept the rebels, welcomed the emperor west, and moved the court to Xuchang—his virtue shook heaven and earth. The Han then yielded the mandate to Wei. Wei has now stood twenty-four years, yet it watches five dynasties rise and fall without taking their long view, and sees the overturned cart ahead without steering clear of its ruts; princes hold hollow titles over people they cannot command, kinsmen skulk in back alleys and hear no state business, and their rank weighs no more than a commoner's; there is no deep taproot within, no princely bulwark without—hardly a design to secure the altars for ages to come. Today's governors are the old regional lords: each holds a thousand li, commands troops, and some kinsmen share whole provinces between them; yet not a single imperial prince sits among them as counterweight—this is no way to thicken the trunk and thin the branches against a sudden storm. Outsiders leap to govern great cities or lead armies, while a learned prince is capped as county magistrate and a brave one as captain of a hundred—so the worthy among the blood royal choke in low office and shrink from serving beneath parvenus. That is no way to honor talent in the clan. When the spring fails the stream runs dry; lush branches shade the root, stripped branches leave the trunk bare. As the proverb says, "The hundred-foot worm dies stiff"—because many legs still prop it up. A small image can frame a great truth. Foundations are not laid in a day, nor renown won in a morning; both demand steady, long work. Think of trees: years deepen the roots and thicken the crown; wrench a sapling from the hills and stick it under the palace eaves, heap black earth on it and warm it in spring sun—it will still wither, let alone bear seed? The tree is kin, the soil the people; a shallow planting makes subjects scorn their lords even in quiet times—what then when danger strikes? Hence the sage king rests secure but never idly, always mindful of peril; he lives at ease yet lays in safeguards against ruin. Then sudden storms will not snap the tree, and turmoil in the realm will not topple the throne.
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冏，中常侍兄叔兴之后，少帝族祖也。 是时天子幼稚，冏冀以此论感悟曹爽，爽不能纳。〉
Cao Jiong was a descendant of Shuxing, elder brother of a ranking eunuch at court, and a remote kinsman of the boy emperor. The sovereign was still a child; Jiong meant this memorial to rouse Cao Shuang, but Shuang would not heed it.〉