1
王粲衞覬劉廙劉劭傅嘏
Wang Can, Wei Ji, Liu Yi, Liu Shao, and Fu Gu.
2
王粲字仲宣,山陽高平人也。 曾祖父龔,祖父暢,皆為漢三公。 〈張璠《漢紀》曰:龔字伯宗,有高名於天下。 順帝時為太尉。 初,山陽太守薛勤喪妻不哭,將殯,臨之曰:「幸不為夭,復何恨哉?」 及龔妻卒,龔與諸子並杖行服,時人或兩譏焉。 暢字叔茂,名在八俊。 靈帝時為司空,以水災免,而李膺亦免歸故郡,二人以直道不容當時。 天下以暢、膺為高士,諸危言危行之徒皆推宗之,願涉其流,惟恐不及。 會連有災異,而言事者皆言三公非其人,宜因其變,以暢、膺代之,則禎祥必至。 由是宦豎深怨之,及膺誅死而暢遂廢,終于家。〉 父謙,為大將軍何進長史。 進以謙名公之冑,欲與為婚,見其二子,使擇焉。 謙弗許。 以疾免,卒于家。
Wang Can, whose courtesy name was Zhongxuan, came from Gaoping in Shanyang. His great-grandfather Gong and his grandfather Chang had both held one of the Three Excellencies under the Han. 〈Zhang Fan's Han Ji records that Gong, courtesy name Bozong, enjoyed a towering reputation across the empire. Under Emperor Shun he rose to Grand Commandant. Long before, when Xue Qin was governor of Shanyang and his wife died, he refused to weep; as she was about to be laid in the coffin he attended the obsequies and said, "At least she was not cut off in youth—what is left to regret?" When Gong's own wife died, he and his sons observed mourning with leaning staffs; contemporaries faulted both men's conduct. Chang, courtesy name Shumao, ranked among the celebrated Eight Heroes. Under Emperor Ling he served as Minister of Works until flood disasters cost him his post; Li Ying was dismissed at the same time and sent home. Both men were squeezed out because their integrity would not bend to the times. The empire treated Chang and Ying as paragons; every outspoken moralist wanted to be seen in their company and scrambled to join their circle. When calamities began to pile up, memorialists insisted the Three Excellencies were unfit and should give way to Chang and Ying if the court wished to see good fortune return. The eunuchs therefore nursed a bitter grudge; after Li Ying was put to death, Chang was left in the cold and lived out his days in retirement.〉 His father Qian had been chief clerk to Grand General He Jin. He Jin, seeing Qian as a scion of an eminent clan, proposed a marriage alliance and called in Qian's two sons so one might be chosen as a son-in-law. Qian declined. He later stepped down on grounds of illness and died at home.
3
獻帝西遷,粲徙長安,左中郎將蔡邕見而奇之。 時邕才學顯著,貴重朝廷,常車騎填巷,賔客盈坐。 聞粲在門,倒屣迎之。 粲至,年旣幼弱,容狀短小,一坐盡驚。 邕曰:「此王公孫也,有異才,吾不如也。 吾家書籍文章,盡當與之。」 年十七,司徒辟,詔除黃門侍郎,以西京擾亂,皆不就。 乃之荊州依劉表。 表以粲貌寢而體弱通侻,不甚重也。 〈臣松之曰:貌寢,謂貌負其實也。 通侻者,簡易也。〉 表卒。 粲勸表子琮,令歸太祖。 〈《文士傳》載粲說琮曰:「僕有愚計,願進之於將軍,可乎?」 琮曰:「吾所願聞也。」 粲曰:「天下大亂,豪傑並起,在倉卒之際,彊弱未分,故人各各有心耳。 當此之時,家家欲為帝王,人人欲為公侯。 觀古今之成敗,能先見事機者,則恒受其福。 今將軍自度,何如曹公邪?」 琮不能對。 粲復曰:「如粲所聞,曹公故人傑也。 雄略冠時,智謀出世,摧袁氏於官渡,驅孫權於江外,逐劉備於隴右,破烏丸於白登,其餘梟夷蕩定者,往往如神,不可勝計。 今日之事,去就可知也。 將軍能聽粲計,卷甲倒戈,應天順命,以歸曹公,曹公必重德將軍。 保己全宗,長享福祚,垂之後嗣,此萬全之策也。 粲遭亂流離,託命此州,蒙將軍父子重顧,敢不盡言!」 琮納其言。 臣松之案:孫權自此以前,尚與中國和同,未嘗交兵,何云「驅權於江外」乎? 魏武以十三年征荊州,劉備却後數年方入蜀,備身未嘗涉於關、隴。 而於征荊州之年,便云逐備於隴右,旣已乖錯; 又白登在平城,亦魏武所不經,北征烏丸,與白登永不相豫。 以此知張隲假偽之辭,而不覺其虛之自露也。 凡隲虛偽妄作,不可覆疏,如此類者,不可勝紀。〉 太祖辟為丞相掾,賜爵關內侯。 太祖置酒漢濵,粲奉觴賀曰:「方今袁紹起河北,杖大衆,志兼天下,然好賢而不能用,故奇士去之。 劉表雍容荊楚,坐觀時變,自以為西伯可規。 士之避亂荊州者,皆海內之儁傑也; 表不知所任,故國危而無輔。 明公定兾州之日,下車即繕其甲卒,收其豪傑而用之,以橫行天下; 及平江、漢,引其賢儁而置之列位,使海內回心,望風而願治,文武並用,英雄畢力,此三王之舉也。」 後遷軍謀祭酒。 魏國旣建,拜侍中。 博物多識,問無不對。 時舊儀廢弛,興造制度,粲恒典之。 〈摯虞《決疑要注》曰:漢末喪亂,絕無玉珮。 魏侍中王粲識舊珮,始復作之。 今之玉珮,受法於粲也。〉
After the Han court withdrew westward, Wang Can followed to Chang'an, where Cai Yong, General of the Household for All Purposes, took one look and knew he was extraordinary. Yong was then at the height of his fame: the court deferred to him, his carriages choked the alleys, and his hall was always packed with visitors. Learning that Wang Can had arrived, he rushed out with his slippers on backwards to greet him. When the boy appeared—still slight in years, small in stature—the entire company was taken aback. Yong said, "Here is the grandson of the Duke of Wang, a prodigy who outclasses me. Everything in my library should pass to him." At seventeen he received a summons from the Minister of Education and an edict naming him Palace Attendant; with Chang'an in chaos he declined both appointments. He therefore withdrew to Jingzhou and placed himself under Liu Biao's protection. Liu Biao, judging Wang Can homely, frail, and a little too casual in manner, never gave him much responsibility. 〈Pei Songzhi explains that "plain looks" means his face belied his true quality. "Easygoing and unconventional" here means open and unaffected.〉 Liu Biao died. Wang Can persuaded Liu Biao's son Cong to surrender to Cao Cao. 〈The Wenshi zhuan preserves Wang Can's appeal to Cong: "I have a humble scheme to lay before you, General—may I speak?" Cong replied, "That is exactly what I want to hear." Wang Can said, "The empire is in chaos and warlords multiply; in the confusion no one yet knows who will prevail, so every leader follows his own calculations. In seasons like this every clan fancies itself imperial and every commander dreams of a noble title. History shows that those who read the moment correctly tend to prosper. Tell me, General—if you weigh yourself against Cao Cao, where do you stand?" Cong had no reply. Wang Can pressed on: "All I have heard marks Cao Cao as the outstanding man of the age. His strategic genius tops his generation, his counsel outclasses every rival: he broke the Yuans at Guandu, pushed Sun Quan back across the great river, chased Liu Bei into the Long marchlands, crushed the Wuhuan at Baideng, and the roll of enemies swept away reads like a tally of miracles. The choice before you is therefore obvious. If you will hear me out—lay down your arms, bow to Heaven's will, and go over to Cao Cao—he will repay your integrity with the highest honors. You will save your person, shield your house, secure lasting favor, and leave a legacy to your sons; it is the one course without risk. I am a refugee who owes everything to you and your father; I would be ashamed not to speak plainly." Cong accepted the advice. Pei Songzhi objects: up to that point Sun Quan had not fought the north at all, so the phrase "drove Sun Quan beyond the river" cannot be right. Cao Cao invaded Jingzhou in the thirteenth year, whereas Liu Bei did not enter Shu until years later and never set foot in the Guan or Long regions at that time. To speak in the same breath of "pursuing Liu Bei west of Long" is therefore a chronological muddle; moreover Baideng sits at Pingcheng, a route Cao Cao never took; his northern campaign against the Wuhuan never intersected Baideng. Zhang Zhi's rhetoric is thus exposed as invention the moment one checks the map. Zhang Zhi's inventions are too numerous to untangle; this is only one sample of his carelessness. Cao Cao appointed him aide to the Chancellor and invested him as a secondary marquis within the passes. At a banquet on the Han shore Wang Can lifted his cup and said, "Yuan Shao dominates Hebei with a massive army and eyes the whole realm, yet though he professes love of talent he cannot use it, so the able drift away. Liu Biao lounged in Jingzhou, watching from the sidelines, fancying himself another King Wen of the west. The scholars who sheltered in Jingzhou were the finest minds in the land; Liu Biao never learned how to deploy them, so his domain tottered without a single pillar. When you, my lord, took Ji Province you immediately refitted the troops, rallied its heroes, and swept across the north; after the Yangtze and Han fell you installed their best men in office, turned every gaze toward legitimate rule, and harnessed civil and military talent as the sage kings of old once did." He was later promoted to Army Libationer for Planning. When the kingdom of Wei was founded he became a Palace Attendant. His erudition was encyclopedic; he could answer any question put to him. With court ritual in disarray, he became the authority who drafted the new regulations. 〈Zhi Yu's Jueyi yaozhu notes that late Han warfare wiped out the old jade pendant regalia. Wang Can, as Wei's Palace Attendant, recovered the ancient designs and revived their manufacture. The court pendants worn today still follow his pattern.
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初,粲與人共行,讀道邊碑,人問曰:「卿能闇誦乎?」 曰:「能。」 因使背而誦之,不失一字。 觀人圍棊,局壞,粲為覆之。 棊者不信,以帊蓋局,使更以他局為之。 用相比校,不誤一道。 其彊記默識如此。 性善筭,作筭術,略盡其理。 善屬文,舉筆便成,無所改定,時人常以為宿構; 然正復精意覃思,亦不能加也。 〈《典略》曰; 粲才旣高,辯論應機。 鍾繇、王朗等雖各為魏卿相,至於朝廷奏議,皆閣筆不能措手。〉 著詩、賦、論、議垂六十篇。 建安二十一年,從征吳。 二十二年春,道病卒,時年四十一。 粲二子,為魏諷所引,誅。 後絕。 〈《文章志》曰:太祖時征漢中,聞粲子死,歎曰:「孤若在,不使仲宣無後。」〉
At first, when Can walked with others, they read a stele by the road; someone asked: "Can you recite it from memory?" He said: "I can." They turned away while he recited every line without error. He once watched a game of weiqi; when the pieces were knocked aside he restored the position from memory. The players doubted him, covered the original layout with a cloth, and asked him to reconstruct it on a fresh board. When the two positions were compared, not a single intersection differed. Such was the power of his memory. He excelled at mathematics, wrote treatises on the subject, and explored its principles thoroughly. His essays flowed from the brush without revision, so contemporaries suspected he drafted them in advance; yet even when he polished them with painstaking care he could not improve a line. 〈The Dianlue records: Wang Can's genius was paired with quick repartee in debate. Even senior ministers such as Zhong Yao and Wang Lang set down their brushes at court, unable to match his memorials. His surviving corpus approaches sixty poems, fu, essays, and memorials. In Jian'an 21 he joined the expedition against Wu. He died of illness on the march in the spring of Jian'an 22, at forty-one. His two sons were swept up in Wei Feng's conspiracy and put to death. The Wang Can line therefore ended. 〈The Wenzhang zhi adds that Cao Cao, campaigning in Hanzhong when he heard the news, lamented, "Had I been at home, Zhongxuan would not have been left without descendants."〉
5
徐幹、陳琳、阮瑀、應瑒、劉楨
Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ruan Yu, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen.
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始文帝為五官將,及平原侯植皆好文學。 粲與北海徐幹字偉長、廣陵陳琳字孔璋、陳留阮瑀字元瑜、汝南應瑒字德璉、 〈瑒,音徒哽反,一音暢。〉 東平劉楨字公幹並見友善。
Even when Cao Pi was still General of the Five Offices and his brother Cao Zhi was Marquis of Pingyuan, the two of them were already devoted to letters. Wang Can kept company with Xu Gan of Beihai (Weichang), Chen Lin of Guangling (Kongzhang), Ruan Yu of Chenliu (Yuanyu), and Ying Yang of Runan (Delian), 〈The gloss gives two fanqie readings for the yang in Ying Yang's given name: tu geng fan, or alternatively chang.〉 Liu Zhen of Dongping, whose courtesy name was Gonggan, was welcomed with the same warmth.
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幹為司空軍謀祭酒掾屬,五官將文學。 〈《先賢行狀》曰:幹清玄體道,六行脩備,聦識洽聞,操翰成章,輕官忽祿,不耽世榮。 建安中,太祖特加旌命,以疾休息。 後除上艾長,又以疾不行。〉
Xu Gan held posts as Army Libationer under the Minister of Works and as literary aide to the heir-apparent. 〈The Xianxian xingzhuang describes Xu Gan as a man of quiet integrity, versed in every virtue, widely read, able to compose at will, indifferent to rank and salary, and uninterested in fame. Cao Cao issued him a special summons during the Jian'an years, yet illness kept him at home. He was later named magistrate of Shang'ai but again declined on grounds of ill health.〉
8
琳前為何進主簿。 進欲誅諸宦官,太后不聽,進乃召四方猛將,並使引兵向京城,欲以劫恐太后。 琳諫進曰:「易稱『即鹿無虞』。 諺有『掩目捕雀』。 夫微物尚不可欺以得志,況國之大事,其可以詐立乎? 今將軍總皇威,握兵要,龍驤虎步,高下在心; 以此行事,無異於鼓洪爐以燎毛髮。 但當速發雷霆,行權立斷,違經合道,天人順之; 而反釋其利器,更徵於他。 大兵合聚,彊者為雄,所謂倒持干戈,授人以柄; 必不成功,祇為亂階。」 進不納其言,竟以取禍。 琳避難兾州,袁紹使典文章。 袁氏敗,琳歸太祖。 太祖謂曰:「卿昔為本初移書,但可罪狀孤而已,惡惡止其身,何乃上及父祖邪?」 琳謝罪,太祖愛其才而不咎。
Chen Lin had once been chief clerk to He Jin. He Jin planned to slaughter the palace eunuchs, but the empress dowager refused; he then called up regional strongmen and aimed their armies at the capital to intimidate her. Chen Lin warned him, "The Classic of Changes speaks of chasing deer without a guide. The proverb adds that only a fool covers his eyes to catch sparrows." If petty things cannot be forced by trickery, no state business can be built on bluff. You hold the emperor's authority and the army's levers; you stride like dragon and tiger, with every option open; yet this scheme is like fanning a furnace to singe your own eyebrows. Strike like lightning, act decisively, bend the letter of ritual to serve the greater good, and Heaven and the people will follow; instead you set aside your sharpest weapon and beg for swords from strangers. When hosts mass together, the toughest warlord wins the day; that is what people mean by turning your weapons backward and putting the grip in someone else's hand; the plan cannot succeed; it merely opens the road to chaos." He Jin brushed the warning aside and reaped disaster. Chen Lin took refuge in Ji Province, where Yuan Shao put him in charge of proclamations and letters. After the Yuan collapse he came over to Cao Cao. Cao Cao told him, "When you wrote Benchu's manifesto against me, vilifying me alone would have sufficed; blame should stick to the man—why rope in my ancestors?" Chen Lin apologized; Cao Cao valued his genius and let the matter drop.
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瑀少受學於蔡邕。 建安中都護曹洪欲使掌書記,瑀終不為屈。 太祖並以琳、瑀為司空軍謀祭酒,管記室, 〈《文士傳》曰:太祖雅聞瑀名,辟之,不應,連見偪促,乃逃入山中。 太祖使人焚山,得瑀,送至,召入。 太祖時征長安,大延賔客,怒瑀不與語,使就技人列。 瑀善解音,能鼓琴,遂撫弦而歌,因造歌曲曰:「奕奕天門開,大魏應期運。 青蓋巡九州,在東西人怨。 士為知己死,女為恱者玩。 恩義苟敷暢,他人焉能亂?」 為曲旣捷,音聲殊妙,當時冠坐,太祖大恱。 臣松之案魚氏《典略》、摯虞《文章志》並云「瑀建安初辭疾避役,不為曹洪屈。 得太祖召,即投杖而起」。 不得有逃入山中,焚之乃出之事也。 又《典略》載太祖初征荊州,使瑀作書與劉備,及征馬超,又使瑀作書與韓遂,此二書今具存。 至長安之前,遂等破走,太祖始以十六年得入關耳。 而張隲云初得瑀時太祖在長安,此又乖矣。 瑀以十七年卒,太祖十八年策為魏公,而云瑀歌舞辭稱「大魏應期運」,愈知甚妄。 又其辭云「他人焉能亂」,了不成語。 瑀之吐屬,必不如此。〉 軍國書檄,多琳、瑀所作也。 〈《典略》曰:琳作諸書及檄,草成呈太祖。 太祖先苦頭風,是日疾發,卧讀琳所作,翕然而起曰:「此愈我病。」 數加厚賜。 太祖嘗使瑀作書與韓遂,時太祖適近出,瑀隨從,因於馬上具草,書成呈之。 太祖攬筆欲有所定,而竟不能增損。〉 琳徙門下督,瑀為倉曹掾屬。
Ruan Yu had studied in his youth under Cai Yong. During Jian'an, Chief Protector Cao Hong tried to appoint him secretary, but Ruan Yu refused to bend. Cao Cao then named both Chen Lin and Ruan Yu Army Libationers under the Minister of Works and put them in charge of the secretariat, 〈The Wenshi zhuan relates that Cao Cao, who had long admired Ruan Yu, summoned him repeatedly; Ruan Yu stayed away until the pressure drove him to hide in the hills. Cao Cao ordered the slopes burned out, seized him, escorted him to headquarters, and called him inside. Once, while Cao Cao was campaigning near Chang'an and hosting a large gathering, he took offense at Ruan Yu's silence and relegated him to the musicians' row. Ruan Yu, who understood music and played the zither, struck up a tune and improvised the lines, "Heaven's gate swings wide; mighty Wei rides the appointed hour. The imperial parasol circles the realm while folk east and west nurse their grievances. A knight dies for his patron; a woman adorns herself for the man who cherishes her. When grace and loyalty run true, who can turn you against one another?" The song came in a flash, the performance was exquisite, and it stole the show; Cao Cao was delighted. Your subject Songzhi checks: Yu's Dianlue and Zhi Yu's Wenzhang zhi both say "In the early Jian'an period Yu declined illness and corvée service and would not yield to Cao Hong. When Cao Cao summoned him personally, he dropped his walking stick and hurried in." There is therefore no truth to the tale of a mountain hideout flushed out by fire. The Dianlue also records that Cao Cao's first Jingzhou expedition produced Ruan Yu's letter to Liu Bei and the Ma Chao campaign produced his letter to Han Sui—both texts still exist. Han Sui was routed before Cao Cao ever reached Chang'an; Cao Cao did not enter the Guanzhong passes until the sixteenth year. Zhang Zhi's claim that Cao Cao was already in Chang'an when Ruan Yu was captured is another flat contradiction. Ruan Yu died in 212 while Cao Cao became Duke of Wei only in 213, so a lyric hailing "Great Wei" on that occasion is sheer invention. The line "how can others sow disorder" is not even idiomatic Chinese. Ruan Yu would never have written such doggerel. Most army and state dispatches were drafted by Chen Lin and Ruan Yu. 〈The Dianlue adds that whenever Chen Lin finished a manifesto he handed it straight to Cao Cao. Cao Cao, who suffered chronic migraines, was bedridden that day until he read Chen Lin's draft, then sprang up saying, "This cures my headache." He showered Chen Lin with rewards. Another time Cao Cao dictated a letter to Han Sui while out riding; Ruan Yu rode along and penned the entire missive from the saddle. Cao Cao picked up his brush to edit a line yet could not change a word. Chen Lin was promoted to gatehouse commandant; Ruan Yu served as an aide in the grain office.
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瑒、楨各被太祖辟,為丞相掾屬。 瑒轉為平原侯庶子,後為五官將文學。 〈華嶠《漢書》曰:瑒祖奉,字世叔。 才敏善諷誦,故世稱「應世叔讀書,五行俱下」。 著後序十餘篇,為世儒者。 延熹中,至司隷校尉。 子劭字仲遠,亦博學多識,尤好事。 諸所撰述《風俗通》等,凡百餘篇,辭雖不典,世服其博聞。 《續漢書》曰:劭又著中漢輯叙、漢官儀及禮儀故事,凡十一種,百三十六卷。 朝廷制度,百官儀式,所以不亡者,由劭記之。 官至泰山太守。 劭弟珣,字季瑜,司空掾,即瑒之父。〉 楨以不敬被刑,刑竟署吏。 〈《文士傳》曰:楨父名梁,字曼山,一名恭。 少有清才,以文學見貴,終於野王令。 《典略》曰:文帝嘗賜楨廓落帶,其後師死,欲借取以為像,因書嘲楨云:「夫物因人為貴。 故在賤者之手,不御至尊之側。 今雖取之,勿嫌其不反也。」 楨荅曰:「楨聞荊山之璞,曜元后之寶; 隨侯之珠,燭衆士之好; 南垠之金,登窈窕之首; 鼲貂之尾,綴侍臣之幘:此四寶者,伏朽石之下,潛汙泥之中,而揚光千載之上,發彩疇昔之外,亦皆未能初自接於至尊也。 夫尊者所服,卑者所脩也; 貴者所御,賤者所先也。 故夏屋初成而大匠先立其下,嘉禾始熟而農夫先嘗其粒。 恨楨所帶,無他妙飾,若實殊異,尚可納也。」 楨辭旨巧妙皆如是,由是特為諸公子所親愛。 其後太子嘗請諸文學,酒酣坐歡,命夫人甄氏出拜。 坐中衆人咸伏,而楨獨平視。 太祖聞之,乃收楨,減死輸作。〉 咸著文賦數十篇。
Ying Yang and Liu Zhen received Cao Cao's summons and joined the Chancellor's staff. Ying Yang moved from tutor to the Marquis of Pingyuan to literary aide to the heir-apparent. 〈Hua Qiao's Han shu names Ying Yang's grandfather Feng, courtesy Shishu. So quick-witted was he at memorization that people said, "Ying Shishu reads five lines at a glance." He wrote a dozen sequel prefaces and was counted among the leading classicists. During the Yanxi era he reached the post of Colonel Director of Retainers. His son Ying Shao, courtesy Zhongyuan, matched him in erudition and loved nothing better than research. His Fengsu tong and similar works exceed a hundred scrolls; the prose is plain, yet contemporaries marveled at his encyclopedic knowledge. The Xu Han shu adds eleven more titles—136 fascicles—on mid-Han chronology, Han offices, and ritual precedent. Later generations still know Han bureaucracy because Ying Shao wrote it down. His highest post was governor of Taishan. His brother Ying Xun, courtesy Jiyu, served the Minister of Works and was Ying Yang's father. Liu Zhen was sentenced for a breach of etiquette and, after serving his term, was posted as a minor clerk. 〈The Wenshi zhuan gives his father as Liang, courtesy Manshan, also known as Gong. He showed literary gifts early, rose on his writing, and died in office as magistrate of Yewang. The Dianlue records that Cao Pi once gave Liu Zhen an ornate belt; when his tutor died and he wanted a likeness carved, he wrote to borrow it back, jesting, "A treasure is honored by its owner. In humble hands it should not approach the throne. I am borrowing it now—do not sulk if it is slow to return." Liu Zhen answered, "I recall how the Jingshan rough jade became the heirloom of Empress Yuan; how the Marquis of Sui's pearl dazzled every connoisseur; how southern gold crowned a beauty's hair; how sable tails edged a courtier's cap—each treasure began in muck and shadow yet later shone before the throne. What exalted men display is first finished by humble hands; what lords use is prepared by commoners. When a palace roof is raised the chief carpenter stands below it; when the good grain ripens the farmer tastes the first kernels. My belt boasts no extra finery; were it truly rare I would gladly yield it." His ripostes were always this deft, which endeared him to the princes. Later the crown prince feasted his writers; when spirits were high he had Lady Zhen enter and greet the guests. The company knelt; Liu Zhen alone met her eyes. Cao Cao, hearing of the insult, arrested him and spared his life only for hard labor. Each left dozens of poems and fu behind.
11
瑀以十七年卒。 幹、琳、瑒、楨二十二年卒。 文帝書與元城令吳質曰:「昔年疾疫,親故多離其災,徐、陳、應、劉,一時俱逝。 觀古今文人,類不護細行,鮮能以名節自立。 而偉長獨懷文抱質,恬淡寡欲,有箕山之志,可謂彬彬君子矣。 著中論二十餘篇,辭義典雅,足傳于後。 德璉常斐然有述作意,其才學足以著書,美志不遂,良可痛惜! 孔璋章表殊健,微為繁富。 公幹有逸氣,但未遒耳。 元瑜書記翩翩,致足樂也。 仲宣獨自善於辭賦,惜其體弱,不起其文; 至於所善,古人無以遠過也。 昔伯牙絕絃於鍾期,仲尼覆醢于子路,痛知音之難遇,傷門人之莫逮也。 諸子但為未及古人,自一時之儁也。」 〈《典論》曰:今之文人,魯國孔融、廣陵陳琳、山陽王粲、北海徐幹、陳留阮瑀、汝南應瑒、東平劉楨,斯七子者,於學無所遺,於辭無所假,咸自以騁騏驥於千里,仰齊足而並馳。 粲長於辭賦。 幹時有逸氣,然非粲匹也。 如粲之初征、登樓、槐賦、征思,幹之玄猨、漏巵、圓扇、橘賦,雖張、蔡不過也,然於他文未能稱是。 琳、瑀之章表書記,今之儁也。 應瑒和而不壯; 劉楨壯而不密。 孔融體氣高妙,有過人者,然不能持論,理不勝辭,至于雜以嘲戲; 及其所善,揚、班之儔也。〉
Ruan Yu died in the seventeenth year of Jian'an. Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen died in Jian'an 22. Cao Pi wrote to Wu Zhi, magistrate of Yuancheng: "The plague years stole Xu, Chen, Ying, and Liu from me in a single stroke. Writers seldom mind petty morals and rarely build a reputation on austerity. Weichang alone combined substance with polish, lived simply, and aspired to the recluses of Mount Ji—a true gentleman. His Zhong lun runs to more than twenty fascicles of measured, lasting prose. Delian burned to write a major work and had the talent; that the dream died with him is heartbreaking. Kongzhang's memorials crackle with energy, if a shade wordy. Gonggan's verse soars, though it lacks final bite. Yuanyuan's correspondence dances along—pure delight to read. Zhongxuan's fu were unmatched, yet his frail frame could not sustain the labor; in that genre even the ancients scarcely outrank him. Bo Ya smashed his zither when Zhong Ziqi died; the Master dashed the sacrificial hash for Zilu—such is the ache when genius loses its audience. They fell only a step short of the old masters; in their generation they were the brightest stars." 〈The Dianlun ranks Kong Rong, Chen Lin, Wang Can, Xu Gan, Ruan Yu, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen as the seven talents of the age—each convinced he was a thousand-li steed running neck and neck with the rest. Wang Can's strength lay in fu. Xu Gan had flashes of brilliance but could not match Wang Can. Pieces such as Wang Can's "Initial Expedition" and Xu Gan's "Black Gibbon" rival Zhang Heng and Cai Yong, though not every work of theirs reaches that height. Chen Lin and Ruan Yu still set the standard for state papers. Ying Yang flows smoothly but lacks muscle; Liu Zhen hits hard but sprawls. Kong Rong's genius soars yet his logic unravels; wit outruns sense and slips into mockery; at his best he belongs beside Yang Xiong and Ban Gu.
12
邯鄲淳等
Handan Chun and others
13
自潁川邯鄲淳、 〈《魏略》曰:淳一名笁,字子叔。 博學有才章,又善蒼、雅、蟲、篆、許氏字指。 初平時,從三輔客荊州。 荊州內附,太祖素聞其名,召與相見,甚敬異之。 時五官將博延英儒,亦宿聞淳名,因啟淳欲使在文學官屬中。 會臨菑侯植亦求淳,太祖遣淳詣植。 植初得淳甚喜,延入坐,不先與談。 時天暑熱,植因呼常從取水自澡訖,傅粉。 遂科頭拍袒,胡舞五椎鍛,跳丸擊劒,誦俳優小說數千言訖,謂淳曰:「邯鄲生何如邪?」 於是乃更著衣幘,整儀容,與淳評說混元造化之端,品物區別之意,然後論皇羲以來賢聖名臣烈士優劣之差,次頌古今文章賦誄及當官政事宜所先後,又論用武行兵倚伏之勢。 乃命廚宰,酒炙交至,坐席默然,無與伉者。 及暮,淳歸,對其所知歎植之材,謂之「天人」。 而于時世子未立。 太祖俄有意於植,而淳屢稱植材。 由是五官將頗不恱。 及黃初初,以淳為博士給事中。 淳作投壺賦千餘言奏之,文帝以為工,賜帛千匹。〉 繁欽、 〈繁,音婆。 《典略》曰:欽字休伯,以文才機辯,少得名於汝、潁。 欽旣長於書記,又善為詩賦。 其所與太子書,記喉轉意,率皆巧麗。 為丞相主簿。 建安二十三年卒。〉 陳留路粹、 〈《典略》曰:粹字文蔚,少學於蔡邕。 初平中,隨車駕至三輔。 建安初,以高才與京兆嚴像擢拜尚書郎。 像以兼有文武,出為揚州刺史。 粹後為軍謀祭酒,與陳琳、阮瑀等典記室。 及孔融有過,太祖使粹為奏,承指數致融罪,其大略言:「融昔在北海,見王室不寧,招合徒衆,欲圖不軌,言『我大聖之後也,而滅於宋。 有天下者何必卯金刀』?」 又云:「融為九列,不遵朝儀,禿巾微行,唐突宮掖。 又與白衣禰衡言論放蕩,衡與融更相贊揚。 衡謂融曰:『仲尼不死也。』 融荅曰:『顏淵復生。』」 凡說融諸如此輩,辭語甚多。 融誅之後,人覩粹所作,無不嘉其才而畏其筆也。 至十九年,粹轉為祕書令,從大軍至漢中,坐違禁賤請驢伏法。 太子素與粹善,聞其死,為之歎惜。 及即帝位,特用其子為長史。 魚豢曰:尋省往者,魯連、鄒陽之徒,援譬引類,以解締結,誠彼時文辯之儁也。 今覽王、繁、阮、陳、路諸人前後文旨,亦何昔不若哉? 其所以不論者,時世異耳。 余又竊怪其不甚見用,以問大鴻臚卿韋仲將。 仲將云:「仲宣傷於肥戇,休伯都無格檢,元瑜病於體弱,孔璋實自麤疏,文尉性頗忿鷙,如是彼為,非徒以脂燭自煎糜也,其不高蹈,蓋有由矣。 然君子不責備于一人,譬之朱漆,雖無楨幹,其為光澤亦壯觀也。」〉 沛國丁儀、丁廙、弘農楊脩、河內苟緯等,亦有文采,而不在此七人之例。 〈儀、廙、脩事,並在 〈陳思王傳〉。 荀勗《文章叙錄》曰:緯字公高。 少喜文學。 建安中,召署軍謀掾、魏太子庶子,稍遷至散騎常侍、越騎校尉。 年四十二,黃初四年卒。〉
The list opens with Handan Chun of Yingchuan, 〈The Wei lue records his alternate name Zhu and courtesy Zishu. He was a polymath in letters and paleography, mastering the old primers and Xu Shen's character analysis. During Chuping he followed refugees from the capital region to Jingzhou. After the province surrendered, Cao Cao, who had long admired him, received him with uncommon respect. The heir-apparent was recruiting literati and asked to have Chun added to his literary bureau. Cao Zhi wanted him too, so Cao Cao sent Chun to the prince of Linzi. Cao Zhi welcomed him eagerly, seated him, and held his tongue. It was a broiling day; Cao Zhi called for water, washed, and powdered his face. Then, bareheaded and bare-chested, he danced the five-beat Hu step, juggled and fenced, recited reams of vaudeville, and challenged, "Well, Master Handan? Only then did he dress, compose himself, and lecture Chun on cosmology, taxonomy, the heroes of history, belles-lettres, statecraft, and the art of war. He then called for a banquet; course after course arrived while the guests sat in stunned silence—none could hold his own against him. That evening Chun told friends he had met a "man sent from Heaven" in Cao Zhi. The crown prince had still not been chosen. Cao Cao began to favor Cao Zhi, and Chun's praise reinforced the tilt. Cao Pi, the heir-apparent in all but title, took deep offense. Early in the Huangchu era Cao Pi named him a court erudite with palace access. His thousand-word "Rhapsody on Pitch-Pot" so impressed Cao Pi that the emperor awarded him a thousand rolls of silk. Fan Qin, 〈The surname Fan is read with the po initial. The Dianlue identifies him as Fan Qin, courtesy Xiubo, who made his reputation in Runan and Yingchuan through wit and prose. He excelled at secretarial writing and at poetry. His correspondence with the crown prince sparkled with ingenious, polished lines. He rose to chief clerk under the Chancellor. He died in Jian'an 218. Lu Cui of Chenliu, 〈The Dianlue gives his courtesy name as Wenwei and records his early study with Cai Yong. During Chuping he accompanied the court west to the capital region. Early in Jian'an he and Yan Xiang of Jingzhao, both noted for brilliance, were named Gentlemen of the Masters of Writing. Yan Xiang, deemed fit for command as well as counsel, was posted inspector of Yang Province. Lu Cui later joined the secretariat alongside Chen Lin and Ruan Yu as Army Libationer. When Kong Rong fell from grace, Cao Cao ordered Lu Cui to draft the indictment; it charged that in Beihai Kong had raised troops and hinted at rebellion, boasting, "I am heir to the sage-kings, though Song destroyed my line. Does the Son of Heaven have to bear the surname Liu?" It also said: "Rong as one of the nine columns did not observe court ceremony; with bare head he went in disguise and intruded into the palace apartments. With the commoner Mi Heng he traded scandalous praise. Mi Heng told him, "Confucius never died." Kong Rong answered, "Then Yan Hui lives again." The memorial heaped such charges on Kong Rong in exhaustive detail. After Kong Rong's death everyone who read Lu Cui's draft admired his skill—and dreaded his pen. In the nineteenth year he became palace librarian, accompanied the army to Hanzhong, and was executed for an illicit plea involving a donkey. The crown prince, who had been close to Lu Cui, mourned his execution. On taking the throne he singled out Lu Cui's son for the post of chief clerk. Yu Huan compares them to Lu Zhong and Zou Yang, masters of the persuasive memorial. Reading Wang Can, Fan Qin, Ruan Yu, Chen Lin, and Lu Cui, who would call them lesser stylists? They are passed over only because fashions had changed. I asked Grand Herald Wei Dan why such men were underused. Wei Dan replied: "Wang Can grew fat and slow; Fan Qin had no self-control; Ruan Yu was frail; Chen Lin was rough; Lu Cui was choleric. They burned themselves out like candles—small wonder they never reached the heights. Still, a gentleman does not ask perfection of one man: they were like red lacquer—frameless yet dazzling."〉" Ding Yi, Ding Ying, Yang Xiu, Xun Wei, and others also wrote well yet were not counted among the seven. 〈Accounts of Ding Yi, Ding Ying, and Yang Xiu appear in 〈the biography of Prince Si of Chen (Cao Zhi).〉 Xun Xu's literary catalogue names Xun Wei, courtesy Gonggao. He loved belles-lettres from boyhood. During Jian'an he entered service as an army planner and tutor to the Wei heir, eventually reaching palace attendant and colonel of agile cavalry. He died at forty-two in Huangchu 4.
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瑀子籍,才藻艷逸,而倜儻放蕩,行己寡欲,以莊周為模則。 官至步兵校尉。 〈籍字嗣宗。 《魏氏春秋》曰:籍曠達不羈,不拘禮俗。 性至孝,居喪雖不率常檢,而毀幾至滅性。 兖州刺史王昶請與相見,終日不得與言,昶歎賞之,自以不能測也。 太尉蔣濟聞而辟之,後為尚書郎、曹爽參軍,以疾歸田里。 歲餘,爽誅,太傅及大將軍乃以為從事中郎。 後朝論以其名高,欲顯崇之,籍以世多故,祿仕而已,聞步兵校尉缺,廚多美酒,營人善釀酒,求為校尉,遂縱酒昏酣,遺落世事。 嘗登廣武,觀楚、漢戰處,乃歎曰:「時無英才,使豎子成名乎!」 時率意獨駕,不由徑路,車迹所窮,輒慟哭而反。 籍少時嘗遊蘇門山,蘇門山有隱者,莫知名姓,有竹實數斛、臼杵而已。 籍從之,與談太古無為之道,及論五帝三王之義,蘇門生蕭然曾不經聽。 籍乃對之長嘯,清韻響亮,蘇門生逌爾而笑。 籍旣降,蘇門生亦嘯,若鸞鳳之音焉。 至是,籍乃假蘇門先生之論以寄所懷。 其歌曰:「日沒不周西,月出丹淵中,陽精蔽不見,陰光代為雄。 亭亭在須臾,厭厭將復隆。 富貴俯仰間,貧賤何必終。」 又歎曰:「天地解兮六合開,星辰隕兮日月頹,我騰而上將何懷?」 籍口不論人過,而自然高邁,故為禮法之士何曾等深所讎疾。 大將軍司馬文王常保持之,卒以壽終。 子渾字長成。 《世語》曰:渾以閑澹寡欲,知名京邑。 為太子庶子。 早卒。〉
Ruan Yu's son Ji wrote with gorgeous abandon, lived recklessly, kept few desires, and modeled himself on Zhuangzi. His highest rank was colonel of the infantry guard. 〈His courtesy name was Sizong. The Wei shi chunqiu describes him as free-spirited and contemptuous of convention. He was fiercely filial; though his mourning rites were irregular, grief nearly consumed him. Wang Chang of Yan Province asked for an audience and spent a day without getting a word from him—then marveled that he could not plumb the man. Jiang Ji summoned him; he later served as a masters-of-writing gentleman and aide to Cao Shuang, then retired ill to the countryside. A year after Cao Shuang's purge Sima Yi and Sima Shi named him staff supervisor. When the court tried to promote him he cited the times and clung to a minor post: learning that the infantry colonel's kitchen held superb wine, he took that job and drank his way out of politics. From Guangwu he gazed on the Xiang–Liu battleground and cried, "With no true heroes, ciphers stole the fame!" He would drive at random until the road ended, then weep and turn back. As a youth he climbed Mount Sumen to visit a nameless hermit who owned only bamboo seeds and a mortar. He lectured the hermit on non-action and sage kings; the man sat indifferently, barely listening. Ruan Ji answered with a long, piercing whistle; the hermit smiled. As Ji left, the hermit whistled back in notes like phoenix song. Ruan Ji later framed his feelings as the teaching of "Master Sumen." His poem runs, "Sunset beyond Mount Buzhou, moonrise from the scarlet deep—the yang orb hides while yin light steals the sky. It towers a moment, then sinks, only to swell again. Fortune flickers in the blink of an eye; need poverty last forever?" He sighed too, "When heaven and earth split open and the luminaries fall, what is left to cling to if I ascend?" He never gossiped, yet his aloofness infuriated moralists like He Zeng. Sima Zhao shielded him until he died a natural death. His son Ruan Hun bore the courtesy name Zhangcheng. The Shiyu says Ruan Hun was known in Luoyang for calm and modest wants. He became junior tutor to the crown prince. He died young.
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時又有譙郡嵇康,文辭壯麗,好言老、莊,而尚奇任俠。 至景元中,坐事誅。 〈康字叔夜。 案 〈嵇氏譜〉 :康父昭,字子遠,督軍糧治書侍御史。 兄喜,字公穆,晉揚州刺史、宗正。 喜為康傳曰:「家世儒學,少有儁才,曠邁不羣,高亮任性,不脩名譽,寬簡有大量。 學不師授,博洽多聞,長而好老、莊之業,恬靜無欲。 性好服食,嘗採御上藥。 善屬文論,彈琴詠詩,自足于懷抱之中。 以為神仙者,禀之自然,非積學所致。 至於導養得理,以盡性命,若安期、彭祖之倫,可以善求而得也; 著養生篇。 知自厚者所以喪其所生,其求益者必失其性,超然獨達,遂放世事,縱意於塵埃之表。 撰錄上古以來聖賢、隱逸、遁心、遺名者,集為傳贊,自混沌至于管寧,凡百一十有九人,蓋求之於宇宙之內,而發之乎千載之外者矣。 故世人莫得而名焉。」 虞預《晉書》曰:康家本姓奚,會稽人。 先自會稽遷于譙之銍縣,改為嵇氏,取嵇字之上山以為姓,蓋以志其本也。 一曰銍有嵇山,家于其側,遂氏焉。 《魏氏春秋》曰:康寓居河內之山陽縣,與之游者,未嘗見其喜慍之色。 與陳留阮籍、河內山濤、河南向秀、籍兄子咸、琅邪王戎、沛人劉伶相與友善,遊於竹林,號為七賢。 鍾會為大將軍所昵,聞康名而造之。 會,名公子,以才能貴幸,乘肥衣輕,賔從如雲。 康方箕踞而鍛,會至,不為之禮。 康問會曰:「何所聞而來? 何所見而去?」 會曰:「有所聞而來,有所見而去。」 會深銜之。 大將軍嘗欲辟康。 康旣有絕世之言,又從子不善,避之河東,或云避世。 及山濤為選曹郎,舉康自代,康荅書拒絕,因自說不堪流俗,而非薄湯、武。 大將軍聞而怒焉。 初,康與東平呂昭子巽及巽弟安親善。 會巽淫安妻徐氏,而誣安不孝,囚之。 安引康為證,康義不負心,保明其事,安亦至烈,有濟世志力。 鍾會勸大將軍因此除之,遂殺安及康。 康臨刑自若,援琴而鼓,旣而歎曰:「雅音於是絕矣!」 時人莫不哀之。 初,康採藥於汲郡共北山中,見隱者孫登。 康欲與之言,登默然不對。 踰時將去,康曰:「先生竟無言乎?」 登乃曰:「子才多識寡,難乎免於今之世。」 及遭呂安事,為詩自責曰:「欲寡其過,謗議沸騰。 性不傷物,頻致怨憎。 昔慙柳下。 今愧孫登。 內負宿心,外赧良朋。」 康所著諸文論六七萬言,皆為世所玩詠。 康別傳云:孫登謂康曰:「君性烈而才儁,其能免乎?」 稱康臨終之言曰:「袁孝尼嘗從吾學廣陵散,吾每固之不與。 廣陵散於今絕矣!」 與盛所記不同。 又《晉陽秋》云:康見孫登,登對之長嘯,踰時不言。 康辭還,曰:「先生竟無言乎?」 登曰:「惜哉!」 此二書皆孫盛所述,而自為殊異如此。 康集目錄曰:登字公和,不知何許人,無家屬,於汲縣北山土窟中得之。 夏則編草為裳,冬則被髮自覆。 好讀易鼓琴,見者皆親樂之。 每所止家,輒給其衣服食飲,得無辭讓。 《世語》曰:毌丘儉反,康有力,且欲起兵應之,以問山濤,濤曰:「不可。」 儉亦已敗。 臣松之案本傳云康以景元中坐事誅,而干寶、孫盛、習鑿齒諸書,皆云正元二年,司馬文王反自樂嘉,殺嵇康、呂安。 蓋緣《世語》云康欲舉兵應毌丘儉,故謂破儉便應殺康也。 其實不然。 山濤為選官,欲舉康自代,康書告絕,事之明審者也。 案濤行狀,濤始以景元二年除吏部郎耳。 景元與正元相覺七八年,以濤行狀檢之,如本傳為審。 又 〈鍾會傳〉 亦云會作司隷校尉時誅康; 會作司隷,景元中也。 干寶云呂安兄巽善於鍾會,巽為相國掾,俱有寵於司馬文王,故遂抵安罪。 尋文王以景元四年鍾、鄧平蜀後,始授相國位; 若巽為相國掾時陷安,焉得以破毌丘儉年殺嵇、呂? 此又干寶疏謬,自相違伐也。 康子紹,字延祖,少知名。 山濤啟以為祕書郎,稱紹平簡溫敏,有文思,又曉音,當成濟者。 帝曰; 「紹如此,便可以為丞,不足復為郎也。」 遂歷顯位。 《晉諸公贊》曰:紹與山濤子簡、弘農楊準同好友善,而紹最有忠正之情。 以侍中從惠帝北伐成都王,王師敗績,百官奔走,惟紹獨以身扞衞,遂死於帝側。 故累見襃崇,追贈太尉,謚曰忠穆公。〉
About the same time Ji Kang of Qiao wrote splendid prose, preached Daoism, and cultivated a knight-errant's daring. In the Jingyuan era he was implicated and put to death. 〈Ji Kang's courtesy name was Shuye. The record follows 〈the Ji clan genealogy:〉 his father Ji Zhao, courtesy Ziyuan, supervised army grain as an attendant censor. His brother Ji Xi, courtesy Gongmu, later served Jin as Yang inspector and director of the imperial clan. Xi composed Kang's biography, saying: "The family for generations practiced Confucian learning; in his youth he had outstanding talent, was broad and untrammeled, not of the herd, lofty and bright and following his nature, not cultivating reputation, tolerant and simple with great capacity. He was self-taught, widely read, and in maturity devoted himself to Laozi and Zhuangzi in quiet detachment. He experimented with longevity drugs and gathered the finest medicinals. Essays, zither, and poetry satisfied him inwardly. He held that immortals are born, not made by study. Nourishing life along natural principles might yet yield spans like Anqi or Pengzu; He set down his regimen in an essay called "On Nourishing Life. Knowing that greed costs life and ambition costs authenticity, he turned his back on the world and lived above the dust. He anthologized 119 sages and hermits from chaos to Guan Ning, drawing the forgotten from oblivion. Contemporaries found him impossible to classify." Yu Yu's Jin shu states that the Jis were originally surnamed Xi from Kuaiji. They moved to Zhi in Qiao, took the upper part of the character ji (mountain) as a new surname, and thus marked their origins. Another tale says they settled by Mount Ji in Zhi and adopted the place name. The Wei shi chunqiu adds that while living in Shanyang, Henei, his companions never saw him smile or scowl. He befriended Ruan Ji, Shan Tao, Xiang Xiu, Ruan Ji's nephew Ruan Xian, Wang Rong, and Liu Ling; together they haunted the bamboo grove and were dubbed the Seven Sages. Zhong Hui, the Grand General's favorite, called on Ji Kang after hearing his fame. The pampered scion arrived in silks and fine horses with a cloud of retainers. Ji Kang sat sprawled at his forge and ignored the niceties. Ji Kang asked, "What did you hear that brought you here? What have you seen that sends you away?" Zhong Hui replied, "I came on what I heard; I leave on what I saw." Zhong Hui nursed a bitter grudge from the snub. Sima Zhao once tried to recruit Ji Kang into service. Ji Kang was already notorious for defiant speech, and the scandal between Lü An and Lü Xun drew him east of the river—some mistook it for total withdrawal from public life. When Shan Tao offered him the personnel post, Ji Kang’s famous break letter insisted he could not stomach the crowd—without meaning to insult the ancient founders. Sima Zhao took the refusal as a personal insult. Ji Kang had long been friends with Lü Xun of Dongping—son of Lü Zhao—and Lü Xun’s younger brother Lü An. Lü Xun seduced Lü An’s wife, then accused his brother of unfilial conduct and had him jailed. Lü An called Ji Kang to testify; Kang cleared him out of honor, while Lü An himself burned to set the world right. Zhong Hui talked Sima Zhao into eliminating them both; Lü An and Ji Kang died together. Facing the headsman’s block, Ji Kang tuned his zither and sighed that the "Guangling san" would die with him. Everyone who heard of it wept. While gathering herbs in the hills north of Gong in Ji commandery, he met the hermit Sun Deng. Ji Kang tried to draw him out; Sun Deng would not speak. As he prepared to leave, Ji Kang asked, "Will you really send me away in silence?" Sun Deng replied, "You are brilliant but unworldly—survival in this age will not be easy." When he encountered the Lü An affair, he wrote a poem blaming himself: "I wished to lessen my faults, yet slander seethed. He insisted he had injured no one, yet hatred found him again and again. Once he had thought himself less steadfast than Liuxia Hu. Now he felt he had failed Sun Deng’s warning. He had betrayed his own ideals and shamed his true friends." His essays, some seventy thousand graphs in all, became classics people memorized. A separate life records Sun Deng’s warning: "You are fierce and gifted—do you think you can stay safe?" The same source quotes his last words: "Yuan Zhun once begged to learn my Guangling san, and I always refused. The Guangling san ends tonight!" That version disagrees with Sun Sheng’s account. The Jinyang Qiu says Sun Deng replied only with a long whistle and prolonged silence. Kang took leave to return and said: "Sir, do you truly have nothing to say?" Sun Deng answered simply, "Alas." Sun Sheng authored both traditions, yet he contradicts himself. Ji Kang’s bibliography identifies Sun Deng, courtesy Gonghe, as a cave-dwelling hermit north of Ji with no kin. He wore woven grass in summer and his own hair for a blanket in winter. He read the Classic of Changes and played the zither, and visitors found him irresistible. Every host fed and clothed him, and he accepted without fuss. The Shiyu says: When Guanqiu Jian rebelled, Kang had strength and wished to raise troops to respond; he asked Shan Tao; Tao said: "You cannot." By then Guanqiu Jian had already lost. Pei Songzhi notes that the standard text dates the execution to Jingyuan, whereas Gan Bao, Sun Sheng, and Xi Zuochi place it in Zhengyuan 2 when Sima Zhao returned from Lejia. The confusion stems from the Shiyu rumor linking Ji Kang to Guanqiu Jian. That linkage is simply wrong. Shan Tao’s later nomination and Ji Kang’s severance letter are well attested facts. Shan Tao’s vita shows he became personnel gentleman only in Jingyuan 2. Jingyuan lies seven or eight years after Zhengyuan, so the main biography’s date holds. Moreover, 〈the biography of Zhong Hui〉 also states that Zhong Hui had Ji Kang killed while serving as metropolitan commandant; that post belongs to the Jingyuan years. Gan Bao adds that Lü Xun, who was close to Zhong Hui and favored by Sima Zhao, framed his brother. Sima Zhao became chancellor only in Jingyuan 4, after Zhong Hui and Deng Ai conquered Shu; so Lü Xun could not have been a chancellor’s aide when Guanqiu Jian fell—another reason the early date fails. Gan Bao’s story collapses under its own contradictions. Ji Kang’s son Ji Shao, courtesy Yanzu, was famous while young. Shan Tao recommended him for the palace library, praising his poise, prose, and musicianship as state timber. The emperor replied, "A man of that caliber should be a vice-minister, not a petty court clerk." Ji Shao rose through the highest offices. The Jin zhugong zan says Ji Shao, Shan Jian, and Yang Huai were inseparable, but Ji Shao was the most upright. As palace attendant he shielded Emperor Hui during the rout at Dangyi and died beside the throne. The court heaped honors on him, posthumously naming him Grand Commandant with the epithet Zhongmu.
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景初中,下邳桓威出自孤微,年十八而著渾輿經,依道以見意。 從齊國門下書佐、司徒署吏,後為安成令。
During Jingchu, Huan Wei of Xiapi—born obscure—wrote the Hunyu jing at eighteen to expound the Dao. He rose from clerk in Qi to a posting as magistrate of Ancheng.
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吳質,濟陰人,以文才為文帝所善,官至振威將軍,假節都督河北諸軍事,封列侯。 〈《魏略》曰:質字季重,以才學通博,為五官將及諸侯所禮愛; 質亦善處其兄弟之間,若前世樓君卿之游五侯矣。 及河北平定,五官將為世子,質與劉楨等並在坐席。 楨坐譴之際,質出為朝歌長,後遷元城令。 其後大將軍西征,太子南在孟津小城,與質書曰:「季重無恙! 途路雖局,官守有限,願言之懷,良不可任。 足下所治僻左,書問致簡,益用增勞。 每念昔日南皮之游,誠不可忘。 旣妙思六經,逍遙百氏,彈棊間設,終以博弈,高談娛心,哀箏順耳。 馳騖北塲,旅食南館,浮甘瓜於清泉,沈朱李於寒水。 皦日旣沒,繼以朗月,同乘並載,以游後園,輿輪徐動,賔從無聲,清風夜起,悲笳微吟,樂往哀來,淒然傷懷。 余顧而言,茲樂難常,足下之徒,咸以為然。 今果分別,各在一方。 元瑜長逝,化為異物,每一念至,何時可言? 方今蕤賔紀辰,景風扇物,天氣和暖,衆果具繁。 時駕而游,北遵河曲,從者鳴笳以啟路,文學託乘於後車,節同時異,物是人非,我勞如何! 今遣騎到鄴,故使枉道相過。 行矣,自愛!」 二十三年,太子又與質書曰:「歲月易得,別來行復四年。 三年不見,東山猶歎其遠,況乃過之,思何可支? 雖書疏往反,未足解其勞結。 昔年疾疫,親故多離其災,徐、陳、應、劉,一時俱逝,痛何可言邪! 昔日游處,行則同輿,止則接席,何嘗須臾相失! 每至觴酌流行,絲竹並奏,酒酣耳熱,仰而賦詩。 當此之時,忽然不自知樂也。 謂百年己分,長共相保,何圖數年之間,零落略盡,言之傷心。 頃撰其遺文,都為一集。 觀其姓名,已為鬼錄,追思昔游,猶在心目,而此諸子化為糞壤,可復道哉! 觀古今文人,類不護細行,鮮能以名節自立。 而偉長獨懷文抱質,恬淡寡欲,有箕山之志,可謂彬彬君子矣。 著中論二十餘篇,成一家之業,辭義典雅,足傳于後,此子為不朽矣。 德璉常斐然有述作意,才學足以著書,美志不遂,良可痛惜。 間歷觀諸子之文,對之抆淚,旣痛逝者,行自念也。 孔璋章表殊健,微為繁富。 公幹有逸氣,但未遒耳,至其五言詩,妙絕當時。 元瑜書記翩翩,致足樂也。 仲宣獨自善於辭賦,惜其體弱,不足起其文,至於所善,古人無以遠過也。 昔伯牙絕絃於鍾期,仲尼覆醢於子路,愍知音之難遇,傷門人之莫逮也。 諸子但為未及古人,自一時之儁也,今之存者已不逮矣。 後生可畏,來者難誣,然吾與足下不及見也。 行年已長大,所懷萬端,時有所慮,至乃通夕不瞑。 何時復類昔日! 已成老翁,但未白頭耳。 光武言『年已三十,在軍十年,所更非一』,吾德雖不及,年與之齊。 以犬羊之質,服虎豹之文,無衆星之明,假日月之光,動見觀瞻,何時易邪? 恐永不復得為昔日游也。 少壯真當努力,年一過往,何可攀援? 古人思秉燭夜游,良有以也。 頃何以自娛? 頗復有所造述不? 東望於邑,裁書叙心。」 臣松之以本傳雖略載太子此書,美辭多被刪落,今故悉取《魏略》所述以備其文。 太子即王位,又與質書曰:「南皮之游,存者三人,烈祖龍飛,或將或侯。 今惟吾子,棲遲下土,從我游處,獨不及門。 瓶罄罍恥,能無懷愧。 路不云遠,今復相聞。」 初,曹真、曹休亦與質等俱在渤海游處,時休、真亦以宗親並受爵封,出為列將,而質故為長史。 王顧質有望,故稱二人以慰之。 始質為單家,少游遨貴戚間,蓋不與鄉里相沈浮。 故雖已出官,本國猶不與之士名。 及魏有天下,文帝徵質,與車駕會洛陽。 到,拜北中郎將,封列侯,使持節督幽、并諸軍事,治信都。 太和中,入朝。 質自以不為本郡所饒,謂司徒董昭曰:「我欲溺鄉里耳。」 昭曰:「君且止,我年八十,不能老為君溺攢也。」 《世語》曰:魏王嘗出征,世子及臨菑侯植並送路側。 植稱述功德,發言有章,左右屬目,王亦恱焉。 世子悵然自失,吳質耳曰:「王當行,流涕可也。」 及辭,世子泣而拜,王及左右咸歔欷,於是皆以植辭多華,而誠心不及也。 質別傳曰:帝嘗召質及曹休歡會,命郭后出見質等。 帝曰:「卿仰諦視之。」 其至親如此。 質黃初五年朝京師,詔上將軍及特進以下皆會質所,大官給供具。 酒酣,質欲盡歡。 時上將軍曹真性肥,中領軍朱鑠性瘦,質召優,使說肥瘦。 真負貴,恥見戲,怒謂質曰:「卿欲以部曲將遇我邪?」 驃騎將軍曹洪、輕車將軍王忠言:「將軍必欲使上將軍服肥,即自宜為瘦。」 真愈恚,拔刀瞋目,言:「俳敢輕脫,吾斬爾。」 遂罵坐。 質案劒曰:「曹子丹,汝非屠机上肉,吳質吞爾不搖喉,咀爾不搖牙,何敢恃勢驕邪?」 鑠因起曰:「陛下使吾等來樂卿耳,乃至此邪!」 質顧叱之曰:「朱鑠,敢壞坐!」 諸將軍皆還坐。 鑠性急,愈恚,還拔劒斬地。 遂便罷也。 及文帝崩,質思慕作詩曰:「愴愴懷殷憂,殷憂不可居。 徙倚不能坐,出入步踟躕。 念蒙聖主恩,榮爵與衆殊。 自謂永終身,志氣甫當舒。 何意中見棄,棄我歸黃壚。 煢煢靡所恃,淚下如連珠。 隨沒無所益,身死名不書。 慷慨自僶俛,庶幾烈丈夫。」 太和四年,入為侍中。 時司空陳羣錄尚書事,帝初親萬機,質以輔弼大臣,安危之本,對帝盛稱「驃騎將軍司馬懿,忠智至公,社稷之臣也。 陳羣從容之士,非國相之才,處重任而不親事。」 帝甚納之。 明日,有切詔以督責羣,而天下以司空不如長文,即羣,言無實也。 質其年夏卒。 質先以怙威肆行,謚曰醜侯。 質子應仍上書論枉,至正元中乃改謚威侯。 應字溫舒,晉尚書。 應子康,字子仲,知名於時,亦至大位。〉
Wu Zhi of Jiyin won Emperor Wen’s favor with his pen, ending as a general with staff commanding Hebei and a full marquisate. 〈The Wei lue identifies him as Wu Zhi, courtesy Jizhong, a scholar beloved of Cao Pi and the princes; who navigated princely circles as smoothly as Lou Hu once courted the Han marquises. When the north was quiet and Cao Pi became heir, Wu Zhi sat with Liu Zhen and the rest. When Liu Zhen was humiliated at court, Wu Zhi was packed off as magistrate of Chao’ge, then Yuancheng. Later, while Sima Yi marched west, the crown prince waited at Mengjin and wrote, "Jizhong, I trust you are well? Duty pins us both, yet I cannot contain what I feel. Your distant post means rare letters, which only deepens my ache. I still dream of our Nanpi outings. We debated the classics, sampled every school, played weiqi and chess, talked late into the night, and let music wash over us. We raced horses in the north field, feasted in the south lodge, chilled melons in spring water and plums in ice. Sunset yielded to moonlight as we rode the rear garden in silence, wind rising, reeds sighing, joy turning to ache. I warned that such joy could not last, and you all agreed. Now we are scattered to the winds. Ruan Yu is gone; whenever I remember, words fail me. It is midsummer again: warm breezes, fruit hanging heavy on every branch. I mean to ride the river road with escort and scholars as of old, yet the company is gone—what grief is mine! I am sending couriers to Ye and bidding them swing by your yamen. Travel safely, and keep well!" In the twenty-third year he wrote again: "Four years have slipped by since we parted. The ancients grieved at three years apart; we have doubled that—how can longing be borne? Letters cannot unknot this weariness. The plague took Xu, Chen, Ying, and Liu together—what words can hold such pain? We once rode and lodged as one, never out of sight. Wine and music would loosen our tongues until we improvised verse. In those moments we forgot ourselves in delight. We assumed we would grow old together; within a few years nearly all were dust—how it wounds to say it. I have gathered their remains into one anthology. Their names belong to the dead now, yet memory is vivid—ashes where friends once stood. Writers seldom mind petty morals or build fame on austerity. Weichang alone united gifts with integrity and aspired to the sages of Mount Ji. His Zhong lun is a lasting monument—more than twenty chapters of classical prose that will outlive us all. Delian meant to write a great book and had the learning; that the work never came is bitter. Reading their pages I weep for them and for myself. Kongzhang’s memorials are vigorous, if a bit lush. Gonggan’s poetry soars though it lacks final weight; his pentasyllabics were the best of the age. Yuanyuan’s correspondence remains a joy to read. Zhongxuan’s fu were supreme, though frail health checked his output; in that genre the ancients barely surpass him. Bo Ya smashed his zither for Zhong Ziqi; the Master dashed the sacrificial hash for Zilu—such is the pain of losing kindred minds. They stood a step below the ancients yet towered over their own generation; even the best alive now cannot match them. Youth will judge us, though neither of us will be here to hear it. I am older now, my cares multiply, and some nights I never close my eyes. When will we ever live those days again? I am an old man now, though my hair has not yet turned white. Guangwu once said that by thirty he had spent a decade in the field and seen every hardship; I am no match for his virtue, but I have reached the same age. A dog or sheep dressed in tiger skins, no star myself yet borrowing imperial radiance—every step is watched; when will the masquerade end? I fear we shall never wander as we once did. Strike while you are young; once the years slip past, no hand can haul them back. The ancients spoke of night walks by candlelight—they knew how short the day is. How have you been passing the time lately? Have you written anything new worth sharing? I look toward you with a full heart and send this letter in place of a visit." Pei Songzhi notes that the standard biography quotes the crown prince’s letter only in part; he restores the fuller version from the Wei lue. After Cao Pi became king he wrote again: "Only three of us remain from the Nanpi days; when my father rose to power, the rest of our circle became generals or marquises. You alone still molder in a low post—you were my companion then, yet you alone never entered the gate of high rank. As the ode says, the great jar is shamed when the little cup runs dry—I blush for you on my own account. The distance is nothing; let us keep writing." Cao Zhen and Cao Xiu had been part of that Bohai circle too; both rose as imperial in-laws to generalships, while Wu Zhi stayed a clerk. Cao Pi named the two precisely to cheer Wu Zhi up. Wu Zhi came from no great clan and spent his youth among the mighty, never courting local opinion. Even after he took office, his home county refused him a place on the scholar rolls. After Wei was founded, Cao Pi summoned him to an audience in Luoyang. He was named General of the Northern Center, enfeoffed as a full marquis, given staff to command the north, and posted to Xindu. During Taihe he came to the capital. Smarting from his county’s snub, he told Dong Zhao he meant to "piss on his hometown." The eighty-year-old Dong Zhao answered, "I am too old to help you collect that insult." The Shiyu relates that Cao Cao once marched out while Cao Pi and Cao Zhi saw him off. Cao Zhi delivered a polished panegyric that held every eye and pleased his father. Cao Pi looked crushed until Wu Zhi hissed, "Cry when father leaves." Cao Pi’s tears won the moment; everyone decided Cao Zhi’s speech was pretty but insincere. Wu Zhi’s alternate life records a banquet where Cao Rui had Empress Guo shown to Wu Zhi and Cao Xiu. The emperor told them, "Look up and study her face." Such was the emperor’s trust in him. In Huangchu 5 the court ordered every general from full general downward to feast at Wu Zhi’s house at state expense. When spirits were high Wu Zhi pushed for one more round. He set comic actors to spoof the fat Cao Zhen and the thin Zhu Shuo. Zhen, bearing on his nobility, was ashamed to be mocked; angrily he said to Zhi: "Do you intend to treat me as a camp commander?" General Who Charges Cao Hong and General of Light Chariots Wang Zhong said: "If the general insists on making the upper general submit to fat, then you yourself ought to be lean." Zhen grew more furious, drew his sword, glared with eyes, and said: "If actors dare be so flippant, I will behead you." He cursed the whole table. Zhi pressed his hand on his sword and said: "Cao Dan, you are not meat on a butcher's block—Wu Zhi would swallow you without shifting his throat, chew you without shifting his teeth—how dare you rely on power and act arrogant?" Shuo thereupon rose and said: "His Majesty sent us to enjoy ourselves with you—has it come to this?" Zhi turned and shouted at him: "Zhu Shuo—dare you ruin the seating!" The generals sheepishly resumed their places. Zhu Shuo, hot-tempered, slashed the floor with his blade. The party broke up in disorder. After Cao Pi’s death Wu Zhi wrote, "Grief piles on grief—I cannot live inside it. He could not sit still; he paced the courtyard. He remembered a favor and a title above the common run. He had assumed he would serve out his days in honored ease. Instead the sovereign was torn away and he was left for the grave. Utterly alone, he wept string after string of tears. Death profits nothing; the body rots and the name may fade. Yet he vowed to brace himself like a true man." In Taihe 4 he became a palace attendant. At the time Minister of Works Chen Qun handled Masters of Writing affairs; the Emperor had begun personally to attend to the myriad threads; Zhi, as a supporting great minister—the root of safety and peril—said forcefully to the Emperor: "General Who Charges Cavalry Sima Yi is loyal, wise, and utmostly fair—a minister of the altars. Chen Qun was smooth but lazy—unfit to bear the chief burden of government." The emperor took the hint to heart. Next day an edict rebuked Chen Qun, though many thought Wu Zhi’s slur on Chen Qun unfair. Wu Zhi died that same summer. His first posthumous name was the ugly "Chou" marquis. His son Wu Ying kept petitioning until the epithet was softened to "Mighty Marquis" in the Zhengyuan era. Wu Ying, courtesy Wenshu, rose to Jin’s Masters of Writing. Wu Ying’s son Wu Kang, courtesy Zizhong, also rose high.
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衞覬字伯儒,河東安邑人也。 少夙成,以才學稱。 太祖辟為司空掾屬,除茂陵令、尚書郎。 太祖征袁紹,而劉表為紹援,關中諸將又中立。 益州牧劉璋與表有隙,覬以治書侍御史使益州,令璋下兵以綴表軍。 至長安,道路不通,覬不得進,遂留鎮關中。 時四方大有還民,關中諸將多引為部曲,覬書與荀彧曰:「關中膏腴之地,頃遭荒亂,人民流入荊州者十萬餘家,聞本土安寧,皆企望思歸。 而歸者無以自業,諸將各競招懷,以為部曲。 郡縣貧弱,不能與爭,兵家遂彊。 一旦變動,必有後憂。 夫鹽,國之大寶也,自亂來散放,宜如舊置使者監賣,以其直益巿犂牛。 若有歸民,以供給之。 勤耕積粟,以豐殖關中。 遠民聞之,必日夜競還。 又使司隷校尉留治關中以為之主,則諸將日削,官民日盛,此彊本弱敵之利也。」 彧以白太祖。 太祖從之,始遣謁者僕射監鹽官,司隷校尉治弘農。 關中服從,乃白召覬還,稍遷尚書。
Wei Ji, courtesy Boru, came from Anyi in Hedong. He was precocious and famed for scholarship. Cao Cao appointed him aide under the Minister of Works, then magistrate of Maoling and a masters-of-writing gentleman. While Cao Cao fought Yuan Shao, Liu Biao backed Shao and the western generals stayed neutral. Liu Zhang of Yizhou feuded with Liu Biao; Wei Ji was sent as document censor to urge Liu Zhang to march east and pin Liu Biao. Blocked at Chang’an, he stayed to stabilize the west. At the time in the four directions there were many returned people; the Guanzhong generals for the most part recruited them as retainers; Ji wrote to Xun Yu: "Guanzhong is fat land; recently it suffered wasteland chaos; people who flowed into Jingzhou number more than ten thousand households; hearing the homeland is peaceful, they all crane their necks and long to return. Yet they had no livelihood; every warlord pressed them into private armies. Weak counties could not resist, so the generals grew stronger. Any upheaval would cost the court dearly. He proposed restoring the state salt monopoly and spending the revenue on plows and oxen. Refugees could be settled with those funds. Hard farming would refill Guanzhong’s granaries. Word of the policy would draw the exiles home. Posting a metropolitan commandant to oversee the west would shrink private armies and swell loyal subjects—that strengthens the trunk and prunes the branches." Xun Yu forwarded the plan to Cao Cao. Cao Cao adopted it: salt inspectors returned, and a colonel governed Hongnong. Once the west was pacified, Wei Ji was recalled and promoted to the Masters of Writing.
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明帝即位,進封閺鄉侯,三百戶。 〈閺音聞。〉 覬奏曰:「九章之律,自古所傳,斷定刑罪,其意微妙。 百里長吏,皆宜知律。 刑法者,國家之所貴重,而私議之所輕賤; 獄吏者,百姓之所縣命,而選用者之所卑下。 王政之弊,未必不由此也。 請置律博士,轉相教授。」 事遂施行。 時百姓凋匱而役務方殷,覬上疏曰:
Under Emperor Ming he was advanced to marquis of Wenxiang with three hundred households. 〈The fief name Wen is read like "hear."〉 Ji memorialized: "The statutes in nine sections, transmitted from antiquity, determine punishments and crimes; their meaning is subtle and fine. Every county magistrate should know the law. The state treasures penal law; gossip dismisses it; clerks hold lives in their hands, yet personnel officers despise the post. Much of bad government starts there. He asked for professors of law to train officials in rotation." The court approved and acted on it. With the people exhausted and labor levies heavy, he submitted this memorial:
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夫變情厲性,彊所不能,人臣言之旣不易,人主受之又艱難。 且人之所樂者富貴顯榮也,所惡者貧賤死亡也,然此四者,君上之所制也,君愛之則富貴顯榮,君惡之則貧賤死亡; 順指者愛所由來,逆意者惡所從至也。 故人臣皆爭順指而避逆意,非破家為國,殺身成君者,誰能犯顏色,觸忌諱,建一言,開一說哉? 陛下留意察之,則臣下之情可見矣。 今議者多好恱耳,其言政治則比陛下於堯舜,其言征伐則比二虜於貍鼠。 臣以為不然。 昔漢文之時,諸侯彊大,賈誼累息以為至危。 況今四海之內,分而為三,羣士陳力,各為其主。 其來降者,未肯言舍邪就正,咸稱迫於困急,是與六國分治,無以為異也。 當今千里無煙,遺民困苦,陛下不善留意,將遂凋弊難可復振。 禮,天子之器必有金玉之飾,飲食之肴必有八珎之味,至於凶荒,則徹膳降服。 然則奢儉之節,必視世之豐約也。 武皇帝之時,後宮食不過一肉,衣不用錦繡,茵蓐不緣飾,器物無丹漆,用能平定天下,遺福子孫。 此皆陛下之所親覽也。 當今之務,宜君臣上下,並用籌策,計校府庫,量入為出。 深思句踐滋民之術,由恐不及,而尚方所造金銀之物,漸更增廣,工役不輟,侈靡日崇,帑藏日竭。 昔漢武信求神仙之道,謂當得雲表之露以餐玉屑,故立僊掌以承高露。 陛下通明,每所非笑。 漢武有求於露,而由尚見非,陛下無求於露而空設之; 不益於好而糜費功夫,誠皆聖慮所宜裁制也。
Changing human nature and demanding the impossible is hard on ministers and harder on rulers. Men love riches and rank and fear want and death—yet the throne controls all four rewards and terrors. Obedience wins favor; defiance invites ruin. Hence courtiers flatter unless they are ready to die for honest counsel. Watch closely and you will read every heart below you. Memorialists flatter you as Yao and Shun and mock the enemy as mice. I believe otherwise. When Han Wendi faced powerful princes, Jia Yi warned of mortal danger. Today the realm is split in three and every talent serves a rival throne. Defectors always plead desperation, not conscience—no better than the Warring States shifting allegiance. The land lies empty for a thousand li and the people are desperate; unless you act, the realm will waste beyond recovery. Rite prescribes splendor in peace and austerity in famine. Court luxury must track whether the times are fat or lean. Emperor Wu of Wei kept the harem frugal—plain food, undyed cloth, unlacquered ware—and so conquered the north and left his heirs a surplus. You have seen that example with your own eyes. Now court and camp must tally stores, match revenue to spending, and plan together. Study Goujian’s policy of enriching the people while your workshops pile up gold trinkets, labor never stops, and the treasury bleeds. Han Wudi chased immortality, built bronze palms to catch dew for elixirs, and wasted the treasury. You already mock such superstition. Wudi was faulted for his dew towers; you have no use for dew yet keep the workshops busy; pure waste that wise rule should abolish.
21
覬歷漢、魏,時獻忠言,率如此。
Wei Ji served two dynasties with counsel of just this frank kind.
22
劉廙字恭嗣,南陽安衆人也。 年十歲,戲於講堂上,潁川司馬德操拊其頭曰:「孺子,孺子,『黃中通理』,寧自不知不?」 廙兄望之,有名於世,荊州牧劉表辟為從事。 而其友二人,皆以讒毀,為表所誅。 望之又以正諫不合,投傳告歸。 廙謂望之曰:「趙殺鳴、犢,仲尼回輪。 〈劉向《新序》曰:趙簡子欲專天下,謂其相曰:「趙有犢犨,晉有鐸鳴,魯有孔丘,吾殺三人者,天下可王也。」 於是乃召犢犨、鐸鳴而問政焉,已即殺之。 使使者聘孔子於魯,以胖牛肉迎於河上。 使者謂船人曰:「孔子即上船,中河必流而殺之。」 孔子至,使者致命,進胖牛之肉。 孔子仰天而歎曰:「美哉水乎,洋洋乎,使丘不濟此水者,命也夫!」 子路趨而進曰:「敢問何謂也?」 孔子曰:「夫犢犨、鐸鳴,晉國之賢大夫也,趙簡子未得意之時,須而後從政,及其得意也,殺之。 黃龍不反于涸澤,鳳皇不離其罻羅。 故刳胎焚林,則麒麟不臻; 覆巢破卵,則鳳皇不翔; 竭澤而漁,則龜龍不見。 鳥獸之於不仁,猶知避之,況丘乎? 故虎嘯而谷風起,龍興而景雲見,擊庭鍾於外,而黃鍾應於內。 夫物類之相感,精神之相應,若響之應聲,影之象形,故君子違傷其類者。 今彼已殺吾類矣,何為之此乎?」 於是遂回車,不渡而還。〉 今兄旣不能法栁下惠和光同塵於內,則宜模范蠡遷化於外。 坐而自絕於時,殆不可也!」 望之不從,尋復見害。 廙懼,奔揚州, 〈廙別傳載廙道路為牋謝劉表曰:「考匊過蒙分遇榮授之顯,未有管、狐、桓、文之烈,孤德隕命,精誠不遂。 兄望之見禮在昔,旣無堂構昭前之績,中規不密,用墜禍辟。 斯乃明神弗祐,天降之災。 悔吝之負,哀號靡及。 廙之愚淺,言行多違,懼有浸潤三至之間。 考匊之愛已衰,望之之責猶存,必傷天慈旣往之分,門戶殪滅,取笑明哲。 是用迸竄,永涉川路,即日到廬江尋陽。 昔鍾儀有南音之操,椒舉有班荊之思,雖遠猶邇,敢忘前施?」 《傅子》曰:表旣殺望之,荊州士人皆自危也。 夫表之本心,於望之不輕也,以直迕情,而讒言得入者,以無容直之度也。 據全楚之地,不能以成功者,未必不由此也。 夷、叔迕武王以成名,丁公順高祖以受戮,二主之度遠也。 若不遠其度,惟褊心是從,難乎以容民畜衆矣。〉 遂歸太祖。 太祖辟為丞相掾屬,轉五官將文學。 文帝器之,命廙通草書。 廙荅書曰:「初以尊卑有踰,禮之常分也。 是以貪守區區之節,不敢脩草。 必如嚴命,誠知勞謙之素,不貴殊異若彼之高,而惇白屋如斯之好,苟使郭隗不輕於燕,九九不忽於齊,樂毅自至,霸業以隆。 〈《戰國策》曰:有以九九求見齊桓公,桓公不納。 其人曰; 「九九小術,而君納之,況大於九九者乎?」 於是桓公設庭燎之禮而見之。 居無幾,隰朋自遠而至,齊遂以霸。〉 虧匹夫之節,成巍巍之美,雖愚不敏,何敢以辭?」 魏國初建,為黃門侍郎。
Liu Yi, courtesy Gongsi, came from Anzhong in Nanyang. At age ten he was playing on the lecture hall; Sima Decao of Yingchuan patted his head and said: "Boy, boy—'yellow center penetrating pattern'—do you yourself not know?" His brother Liu Wangzhi was famous; Liu Biao made him an aide. Two of Wangzhi’s friends were slandered to death by Liu Biao. Wangzhi resigned when his honest advice angered Biao. Liu Yi warned him, "When Zhao executed the worthy ministers, Confucius turned his chariot around. 〈Liu Xiang’s tale has Zhao Jianzi plot to murder three sages so he could rule all under Heaven. He called them in for counsel, then had them killed. He invited Confucius to Jin with a gift of beef at the ford. The envoy told the ferryman to drown Confucius midstream. When Confucius reached the bank, the envoy delivered the order and the meat. Confucius gazed at the river and cried that fate alone could keep him from crossing. Zilu pressed him to explain. Confucius said Jianzi had used the two ministers while climbing to power, then murdered them once secure. No true dragon stays in a dry pool; no phoenix tolerates a snare. Rip the pregnant doe and burn the woods, and the qilin will not come; smash nests and eggs, and the phoenix will not fly; fish a dry pond, and the dragon tortoise hides. Even beasts flee cruelty—should I do less? Creation answers spirit: wind follows the tiger’s roar, cloud follows the dragon, bells resonate in tune. Kind calls to kind; the gentleman shuns those who destroy their own. They have murdered my peers—why should I walk into their trap?" So he turned his chariot and never crossed the river."〉 If you cannot soften your edges at court like Liuxia Hui, then withdraw like Fan Li before it is too late. To sit still and cut yourself off from the world is suicide!" Wangzhi refused—and soon paid with his life. Liu Yi fled in terror toward the lower Yangzi. 〈His flight memorial thanks Liu Biao: "I have received honors beyond my deserts yet matched neither Guan Zhong nor the hegemons; my virtue failed and my loyal purpose came to nothing. My brother once enjoyed your favor yet lacked discretion and died a felon. We call it Heaven’s judgment, not yours alone. Regret comes too late for tears. I am clumsy and often give offense—I fear whisperers will strike thrice. Your love ebbs while my brother’s crime still stains me—our house may perish and wise men will laugh. So I flee to Xunyang in Lujiang this very day. As Zhong Yi played his southern tunes and Jiao Ju spread brambles for an old friend, distance cannot erase your kindness to me." The Fuzi adds that after Wangzhi’s death every scholar in Jingzhou feared for his skin. Liu Biao did not hate Wangzhi, yet he lacked the breadth to bear blunt truth, so calumny won. His failure to unify Chu may stem from that pettiness. Bo Yi and Shu Qi defied King Wu of Zhou and won fame; Ding Gong bent to Han Gaozu and was executed—their lords’ temperaments were worlds apart. A petty lord cannot hold many followers. Liu Yi then went over to Cao Cao. Cao Cao made him a Chancellor’s aide, then literary aide to the heir-apparent. Cao Pi prized him and asked him to master cursive calligraphy. Yi answered in a letter: "At first I thought noble and base had a hierarchy—this is the constant allotment of ritual. So I clung to small scruples and refused to draft running script. Your command shows you prize plain talent as Qi prized the nine-times table—then worthies will flock as to Duke Huan. 〈The Zhanguo ce tells how a commoner offered Duke Huan "nine-times" arithmetic and was first refused. The man said, "If you heed a trifling skill, will you not heed greater ones?" Huan then received him with full court ritual. Soon Xi Peng arrived, and Qi rose to hegemony."〉 To bend one man’s fussiness for a great king’s work—how dare I refuse?" When Wei was founded he became Palace Attendant.
23
太祖在長安,欲親征蜀,廙上疏曰:
From Chang’an, Cao Cao planned a personal expedition to Shu; Liu Yi remonstrated:
24
聖人不以智輕俗,王者不以人廢言。 故能成功於千載者,必以近察遠,智周於獨斷者,不恥於下問,亦欲博采必盡於衆也。 且韋弦非能言之物,而聖賢引以自匡。 臣才智闇淺,願自比於韋弦。 昔樂毅能用弱燕破大齊,而不能以輕兵定即墨者,夫自為計者雖弱必固,欲自潰者雖彊必敗也。 自殿下起軍以來,三十餘年,敵無不破,彊無不服。 今以海內之兵,百勝之威,而孫權負險於吳,劉備不賔於蜀。 夫夷狄之臣,不當兾州之卒,權、備之籍,不比袁紹之業,然本初以亡,而二寇未捷,非闇弱於今而智武於昔也。 斯自為計者,與欲自潰者異勢耳。 故文王伐崇,三駕不下,歸而脩德,然後服之。 秦為諸侯,所征必服,及兼天下,東向稱帝,匹夫大呼而社稷用隳。 是力斃於外,而不卹民於內也。 臣恐邊寇非六國之敵,而世不乏才,土崩之勢,此不可不察也。 天下有重得,有重失:勢可得而我勤之,此重得也; 勢不可得而我勤之,此重失也。 於今之計,莫若料四方之險,擇要害之處而守之,選天下之甲卒,隨方面而歲更焉。 殿下可高枕於廣夏,潛思於治國; 廣農桑,事從節約,脩之旬年,則國富民安矣。
Sages do not scorn common opinion; kings do not silence counsel because of the speaker’s rank. Lasting success needs farsighted counsel and humble listening. Even mute objects like bowstring and girdle-pendant teach restraint—the sages heeded them. I am dull, yet I offer myself as your bowstring. Yue Yi crushed Qi with a weak Yan yet could not crack Jimo while the city resolved to hold—resolve makes the weak strong, despair makes the strong fall. Thirty years of campaigning have broken every foe you faced. Yet even your full host cannot dislodge Sun Quan in the south or Liu Bei in the west. Sun Quan’s and Liu Bei’s hosts cannot match a Ji army on paper, yet Yuan Shao fell while they endure—they fight for their lives, not like a collapsing house of cards. Defenders fight harder than men who have given up hope. King Wen failed thrice against Chong, went home to build virtue, and won in the end. Qin conquered as a marcher state yet lost the empire to a peasant revolt once it exhausted the people. It spent its strength abroad and broke within. Our enemies are tougher than the Warring States, and talent can shift sides—beware a landslide. Some wars are worth the cost; others are wasted effort. Hold the choke points, rotate fresh troops, and wear the enemy down. You may rest in peace while plotting good government; promote farming, practice thrift for ten years, and the realm will prosper.
25
太祖遂進前而報廙曰:「非但君當知臣,臣亦當知君。 今欲使吾坐行西伯之德,恐非其人也。」
Cao Cao answered, "Rulers must know ministers—and ministers must know rulers. You ask me to play King Wen at home—I am not built for that."
26
魏諷反,廙弟偉為諷所引,當相坐誅。 太祖令曰:「叔向不坐弟虎,古之制也。」 特原不問, 〈廙別傳曰:初,廙弟偉與諷善,廙戒之曰; 「夫交友之美,在於得賢,不可不詳。 而世之交者,不審擇人,務合黨衆,違先聖人交友之義,此非厚己輔仁之謂也。 吾觀魏諷,不脩德行,而專以鳩合為務,華而不實,此直攪世治名者也。 卿其慎之,勿復與通。」 偉不從,故及於難。〉 徙署丞相倉曹屬。 廙上疏謝曰:「臣罪應傾宗,禍應覆族。 遭乾坤之靈,值時來之運,揚湯止沸,使不燋爛; 起煙於寒灰之上,生華於已枯之木。 物不荅施於天地,子不謝生於父母,可以死效,難用筆陳。」 〈廙別傳載廙表論治道曰:「昔者周有亂臣十人,有婦人焉,九人而已,孔子稱『才難,不其然乎』! 明賢者難得也。 況亂弊之後,百姓凋盡,士之存者蓋亦無幾。 股肱大職,及州郡督司,邊方重任,雖備其官,亦未得人也。 此非選者之不用意,蓋才匱使之然耳。 況於長吏以下,羣職小任,能皆簡練備得其人也? 其計莫如督之以法。 不爾而數轉易,往來不已,送迎之煩,不可勝計。 轉易之間,輒有姦巧,旣於其事不省,而為政者亦以其不得乆安之故,知惠益不得成於己,而苟且之可免於患,皆將不念盡心於卹民,而夢想於聲譽,此非所以為政之本意也。 今之所以為黜陟者,近頗以州郡之毀譽,聽往來之浮言耳。 亦皆得其事實而課其能否也? 長吏之所以為佳者,奉法也,憂公也,卹民也。 此三事者,或州郡有所不便,往來者有所不安。 而長吏執之不已,於治雖得計,其聲譽未為美; 闕而從人,於治雖失計,其聲譽必集也。 長吏皆知黜陟之在於此也,亦何能不去本而就末哉? 以為長吏皆宜使小乆,足使自展。 歲課之能,三年總計,乃加黜陟。 課之皆當以事,不得依名。 事者,皆以戶口率其墾田之多少,及盜賊發興,民之亡叛者,為得負之計。 如此行之,則無能之吏,脩名無益; 有能之人,無名無損。 法之一行,雖無部司之監,姦譽妄毀,可得而盡。」 事上,太祖甚善之。〉 廙著書數十篇,及與丁儀共論刑禮,皆傳於世。 文帝即王位,為侍中,賜爵關內侯。 黃初二年卒。 〈廙別傳云:時年四十二。〉 無子。 帝以弟子阜嗣。 〈案《劉氏譜》:阜字伯陵,陳留太守。 阜子喬,字仲彥。 《晉陽秋》曰:喬有贊世志力。 惠帝末,為豫州刺史。 喬冑胤丕顯,貴盛至今。〉
When Wei Feng plotted revolt, Liu Yi’s brother Liu Wei was swept up and faced kin punishment. The Grand Progenitor ordered: "Shuxiang did not sit for his younger brother Hu—this is the system of antiquity." He spared Liu Yi entirely. 〈Liu Yi had warned his brother against Wei Feng: "Choose friends for virtue, not numbers. Mobbing the mediocre breaks the sages’ teaching on friendship. Wei Feng courts a crowd, flashes style, and chases fame—have nothing to do with him. Break with him, I beg you." Liu Wei ignored the warning and fell with the plot. Liu Yi was moved to the Chancellor’s granary office. He thanked Cao Cao: "My kin deserved extinction. You ladled off the boiling pot before it boiled over; you rekindled cold ash and bloomed a dead stump. No words can match such grace—only death could repay it, and ink cannot say enough." 〈Liu Yi’s papers include a memorial on governance: Zhou’s “ten ministers” included a woman—nine men—and Confucius sighed that true talent is rare. Worthy men are simply hard to find. After rebellion and ruin the people are spent; few scholars survive. Senior posts, provincial inspectors, and frontier commands may be filled yet lack the right occupants. The fault is not careless selection but an empty talent pool. Still less can every petty clerk be a paragon. The remedy is strict legal oversight. Constant rotation wastes endless effort on farewells and welcomes. Short-term magistrates play games, shirk real work, chase rumor-born fame, and neglect the people—far from true government. Promotions now ride on local gossip and travelers’ tales. Does anyone verify facts or test competence? A good magistrate enforces law, serves the state, and cares for the people. Those three goals may irk local magnates and traveling busybodies. Persevere and governance wins but rumor turns sour; pander and policy fails while praise piles up. Knowing careers hang on gossip, who would choose substance over spin? Let magistrates serve long enough to show what they can do. Grade them yearly, sum three years, then promote or demote. Judge deeds, not reputations. Count reclaimed fields, bandit outbreaks, and flight against registered households. Then hacks cannot buy fame; while able men need no PR. Clear rules expose slander and puffery without extra inspectors." Cao Cao approved the memorial. He wrote dozens of essays and debated penal law and ritual with Ding Yi; both circulated widely. When Cao Pi became king, Liu Yi became palace attendant and a secondary marquis. He died in Huangchu 2. 〈He was forty-two at death. He left no son. Cao Pi made his nephew Liu Fu heir. 〈The Liu genealogy names Liu Fu, courtesy Boling, governor of Chenliu. Liu Fu’s son Liu Qiao bore the courtesy Zhongyan. The Jinyang Qiu praises Liu Qiao’s ambition to serve the times. Late under Emperor Hui he governed Yu Province. His line stayed eminent for generations.
27
劉劭字孔才,廣平邯鄲人也。 建安中,為計吏,詣許。 太史上言:「正旦當日蝕。」 劭時在尚書令荀彧所,坐者數十人,或云當廢朝,或云宜却會。 劭曰:「梓慎、裨竈,古之良史,猶占水火,錯失天時。 禮記曰諸侯旅見天子,及門不得終禮者四,日蝕在一。 然則聖人垂制,不為變異豫廢朝禮者,或災消異伏,或推術謬誤也。」 彧善其言。 勑朝會如舊,日亦不蝕。
Liu Shao, courtesy Kongcai, came from Handan in Guangping. During Jian'an he was a clerk on mission to Xu. The Grand Clerk upward reported: "On New Year's morning there ought to be a solar eclipse." At Xun Yu’s office some urged canceling court, others postponing the levee. Shao said: "Zishen and Bizao, good scribes of antiquity, still in divining water and fire missed the timing of Heaven. The Liji lists an eclipse among reasons to curtail court ritual. Yet sages did not always cancel court—either the omen failed or math was wrong." Xun Yu accepted his argument. Court met on schedule; no eclipse appeared.
28
青龍中,吳圍合肥,時東方吏士皆分休,征東將軍滿寵表請中軍兵,并召休將士,須集擊之。 劭議以為「賊衆新至,心專氣銳。 寵以少人自戰其地,若便進擊,不必能制。 寵求待兵,未有所失也。 以為可先遣步兵五千,精騎三千,軍前發,揚聲進道,震曜形勢。 騎到合肥,疏其行隊,多其旌鼔,曜兵城下,引出賊後,擬其歸路,要其糧道。 賊聞大軍來,騎斷其後,必震怖遁走,不戰自破賊矣。」 帝從之。 兵比至合肥,賊果退還。
When Wu besieged Hefei, eastern troops were on leave; Man Chong asked for central reinforcements and for Cao Xiu’s furloughed soldiers to be recalled before striking. Shao debated, thinking "the bandits have newly arrived; their hearts are focused and their vigor sharp. Man Chong was outnumbered on home ground; a rash attack might fail. Waiting for reinforcements cost nothing. He proposed marching five thousand foot and three thousand horse ahead with fanfare. They should parade at Hefei, feint along the walls, then swing behind Wu to cut retreat and supplies. Wu would flee at the rumor of envelopment without a pitched battle." Cao Rui adopted the plan. Reinforcements arrived as Wu was already retreating.
29
時詔書博求衆賢。 散騎侍郎夏侯惠薦劭曰:「伏見常侍劉劭,深忠篤思,體周於數,凡所錯綜,源流弘遠,是以羣才大小,咸取所同而斟酌焉。 故性實之士服其平和良正,清靜之人慕其玄虛退讓,文學之士嘉其推步詳密,法理之士明其分數精比,意思之士知其沈深篤固,文章之士愛其著論屬辭,制度之士貴其化略較要,策謀之士贊其明思通微,凡此諸論,皆取適己所長而舉其支流者也。 臣數聽其清談,覽其篤論,漸漬歷年,服膺彌乆,實為朝廷奇其器量。 以為若此人者,宜輔翼機事,納謀幃幄,當與國道俱隆,非世俗所常有也。 惟陛下垂優游之聽,使劭承清閑之歡,得自盡於前,則德音上通,煇燿日新矣。」 〈臣松之以為凡相稱薦,率多溢美之辭,能不違中者或寡矣。 惠之稱劭云「玄虛退讓」及「明思通微」,近於過也。〉
An edict called for talent nationwide. Gentleman of Scattered Cavalry Xia Hou Hui recommended Shao: "I have seen Attendant Liu Shao—deeply loyal and thoughtful in reflection, his person comprehensive in calculation; whatever he arrays and weaves, source and flow are broad and far—therefore talents great and small all take what they share with him and weigh it. Hui listed how every type of scholar found something to admire in Liu Shao. Hui said long acquaintance convinced him the court needed Liu Shao’s counsel. Such a man belonged in the inner council, not the common run. Grant him audience and leisure to advise, and fresh wisdom will reach the throne." 〈Pei Songzhi notes that recommendation letters usually exaggerate. Calling Liu Shao “mystical” and “subtle” overshoots the mark."〉
30
景初中,受詔作都官考課。 劭上疏曰:「百官考課,王政之大較,然而歷代弗務,是以治典闕而未補,能否混而相蒙。 陛下以上聖之宏略,愍王綱之弛頹,神慮內鑒,明詔外發。 臣奉恩曠然,得以啟矇,輒作《都官考課》七十二條,又作《說略》一篇。 臣學寡識淺,誠不足以宣暢聖旨,著定典制。」 又以為宜制禮作樂,以移風俗,著《樂論》十四篇,事成未上。 會明帝崩,不施行。 正始中。 執經講學,賜爵關內侯。 凡所選述,法論、人物志之類百餘篇。 卒,追贈光祿勳。 子琳嗣。
In Jingchu he was ordered to draft the official performance code. Shao submitted a memorial: "Appraisal of the hundred officials is the great reckoning of kingly government, yet successive ages have not practiced it; therefore governing canons are lacking and not repaired, competence and incompetence mingle and cloak each other. He praised Cao Rui’s edict to restore evaluation. He submitted seventy-two appraisal articles plus a summary. He apologized for his limited learning." He also wrote fourteen essays on music reform but did not present them. Emperor Ming died before enactment. During the Zhengshi era, he lectured on the classics and received a secondary marquisate. His collected works run to more than a hundred items, including legal treatises and the Renwu zhi. He was posthumously named supernumerary chamberlain. His son Liu Lin inherited the title.
31
劭同時東海繆襲亦有才學,多所述叙,官至尚書、光祿勳。 〈《先賢行狀》曰:繆斐字文雅。 該覽經傳,事親色養。 徵博士,六辟公府。 漢帝在長安,公卿博舉名儒。 時舉斐任侍中,並無所就。 即襲父也。 文章志曰:襲字熈伯。 辟御史大夫府,歷事魏四世。 正始六年,年六十卒。 子恱字孔懌,晉光祿大夫。 襲孫紹、播、徵、胤等,並皆顯達。〉
His contemporary Miao Xi of Donghai was equally learned and rose to Masters of Writing. 〈The Xianxian xingzhuang names Miao Fei, courtesy Wenya. He mastered the classics and honored his parents. He was offered a doctorate and six senior posts. When the court was in Chang’an, ministers nominated great scholars. They named Fei palace attendant; he declined all. This was Miao Xi’s father. The Wenzhang zhi gives Xi as courtesy Xibo. He served the censorate and four Wei rulers. He died at sixty in Zhengshi 6. His son Miao Yue, courtesy Kongyi, became Jin’s supernumerary chamberlain. Descendants named Shao, Bo, Zheng, and Yin all rose high.
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仲長統
Zhong Changtong
33
襲友人山陽仲長統,漢末為尚書郎,早卒。 著昌言,詞佳可觀省。 〈襲撰統昌言表,稱統字公理,少好學,博涉書記,贍於文辭。 年二十餘,游學青、徐、并、兾之閒,與交者多異之。 并州刺史高幹素貴有名,招致四方游士,多歸焉。 統過幹,幹善待遇之,訪以世事。 統謂幹曰:「君有雄志而無雄才,好士而不能擇人,所以為君深戒也。」 幹雅自多,不納統言。 統去之,無幾而幹敗。 并、兾之士以是識統。 大司農常林與統共在上黨,為臣道統性倜儻,敢直言,不矜小節,每列郡命召,輒稱疾不就。 默語無常,時人或謂之狂。 漢帝在許,尚書令荀彧領典樞機,好士愛奇,聞統名,啟召以為尚書郎。 後參太祖軍事,復還為郎。 延康元年卒,時年四十餘。 統每論說古今世俗行事,發憤歎息,輒以為論,名曰《昌言》,凡二十四篇。〉
Miao Xi’s friend Zhong Changtong of Shanyang served as a masters-of-writing gentleman at the end of Han and died young. His Changyan is well written and still worth reading. 〈Miao Xi’s memorial for him gives his courtesy as Gongli and praises his learning. In his twenties he studied across the north; companions found him odd. Gao Gan of Bing was famous for hosting wandering scholars. Zhong Changtong called on Gao Gan, who treated him well and asked his opinion. Zhong Changtong told him, "You crave greatness but lack the means; you collect men but cannot judge them—beware." Gao Gan dismissed the warning. Zhong Changtong left; soon Gao Gan fell. The north then respected his foresight. Chang Lin, who had lived with Zhong Changtong in Shangdang, told Pei Songzhi’s informants that Zhong was blunt, scorned petty office, and habitually feigned illness to avoid summons. His moods seemed madcap to some. In Xu, Xun Yu heard his fame and named him masters-of-writing gentleman. He later advised Cao Cao’s staff, then returned to the gentleman post. He died in 220, in his forties. Whenever he discussed how the world worked, he poured his anger into essays collected as the Changyan in twenty-four chapters.
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蘇林等
Su Lin and others
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傅嘏字蘭石,北地泥陽人,傅介子之後也。 伯父巽,黃初中為侍中尚書。 〈《傅子》曰:嘏祖父睿,代郡太守。 父充,黃門侍郎。〉 嘏弱冠知名, 〈《傅子》曰:是時何晏以材辯顯於貴戚之間,鄧颺好變通,合徒黨,鬻聲名於閭閻,而夏侯玄以貴臣子少有重名,為之宗主,求交於嘏而不納也。 嘏友人荀粲,有清識遠心,然猶怪之。 謂嘏曰:「夏侯泰初一時之傑,虛心交子,合則好成,不合則怨至。 二賢不睦,非國之利,此藺相如所以下廉頗也。」 嘏荅之曰:「泰初志大其量,能合虛聲而無實才。 何平叔言遠而情近,好辯而無誠,所謂利口覆邦國之人也。 鄧玄茂有為而無終,外要名利,內無關鑰,貴同惡異,多言而妬前; 多言多釁,妬前無親。 以吾觀此三人,皆敗德也。 遠之猶恐禍及,況昵之乎?」〉 司空陳羣辟為掾。
Fu Gu, courtesy Lanshi, came from Niyang in Beidi and claimed descent from Fu Jiezi. His uncle Fu Xun served as palace attendant and Masters of Writing under Huangchu. 〈The Fu zi names his grandfather Fu Rui, governor of Dai. His father Fu Chong was a Palace Attendant. Fu Gu was famous before he turned twenty, 〈the Fu zi relates that He Yan dazzled the great houses with debate, Deng Yang built cliques and traded on fame, and Xiahou Xuan led them as patron—all courted Fu Gu, who refused them coldly. His friend Xun Can, though clear-sighted, wondered at the snub. Xun Can warned him, "Xiahou Xuan is a leading man of the day; he offers sincere friendship—accept and you thrive, refuse and you make an enemy. Two good men at odds hurt the realm—think of Xiangru yielding to Lian Po." Gu answered him: "Taichu's ambition outruns his capacity; he can combine empty reputation but lacks solid talent. He Yan talks high ideals while chasing profit—a glib man who could ruin a kingdom. Deng Yang starts projects he never finishes, craves attention, envies rivals, and hates dissent; babble breeds trouble, and jealousy leaves you friendless. All three are corruptors of public life. Even distance may not shield you from their fall—why embrace them?"〉" Chen Qun named him an aide in the Ministry of Works.
36
時散騎常侍劉劭作考課法,事下三府。 嘏難劭論曰:「蓋聞帝制宏深,聖道奧遠,苟非其才,則道不虛行,神而明之,存乎其人。 曁乎王略虧頹而曠載罔綴,微言旣沒,六籍泯玷。 何則? 道弘致遠而衆才莫晞也。 案劭考課論,雖欲尋前代黜陟之文,然其制度略以闕亡。 禮之存者,惟有周典,外建侯伯,藩屏九服,內立列司,筦齊六職,土有恒貢,官有定則,百揆均在,四民殊業,故考績可理而黜陟易通也。 大魏繼百王之末,承秦、漢之烈,制度之流,靡所脩采。 自建安以來,至于青龍,神武撥亂,肇基皇祚,掃除凶逆,芟夷遺寇,旌旗卷舒,日不暇給。 及經邦治戎,權法並用,百官羣司,軍國通任,隨時之宜,以應政機。 以古施今,事雜義殊,難得而通也。 所以然者,制宜經遠,或不切近,法應時務,不足垂後。 夫建官均職,清理民物,所以立本也; 循名考實,糾勵成規,所以治末也。 本綱末舉而造制未呈,國略不崇而考課是先,懼不足以料賢愚之分,精幽明之理也。 昔先王之擇才,必本行於州閭,講道於庠序,行具而謂之賢,道脩則謂之能。 鄉老獻賢能于王,王拜受之,舉其賢者,出使長之,科其能者,入使治之,此先王收才之義也。 方今九州之民,爰及京城,未有六鄉之舉,其選才之職,專任吏部。 案品狀則實才未必當,任薄伐則德行未為叙,如此則殿最之課,未盡人才。 述綜王度,敷贊國式,體深義廣,難得而詳也。」
When Liu Shao drafted the performance-evaluation code, the draft went to the three senior bureaus. Gu challenged Shao's thesis, saying: "I have heard that imperial regulation is vast and deep, and the sage way remote and subtle—if it is not that talent, then the way does not travel empty; to make it spirit-bright lies in the person. As royal order decayed, the classics fell into neglect. Why? The Way reaches far beyond ordinary talent. Liu Shao’s draft hunts ancient precedents that no longer survive intact. Zhou had clear feudal ranks, fixed offices, and separate estates—so evaluation worked. Wei inherits Qin–Han chaos, not Zhou’s neat system. From Jian'an to Qinglong the state fought constantly to survive. Civil and military posts merged; expediency ruled every appointment. Ancient forms cannot be pasted onto this world. Long-term blueprints miss urgent needs; stopgap rules do not age well. Sound offices and orderly people are the root; name–reality checks are the twigs. Testing clerks before rebuilding government confuses ends and means. Ancient kings judged men in village schools, not on ledgers alone. They promoted proven local leaders into office—that was true selection. Today there is no Zhou-style village review—only the personnel ministry decides. File ratings miss real ability; reputation cannot sort virtue. To codify the whole constitution is vaster than any appraisal form."
37
正始初,除尚書郎,遷黃門侍郎。 時曹爽秉政,何晏為吏部尚書,嘏謂爽弟羲曰:「何平叔外靜而內銛巧,好利,不念務本。 吾恐必先惑子兄弟,仁人將遠,而朝政廢矣。」 晏等遂與嘏不平,因微事以免嘏官。 起家拜熒陽太守,不行。 太傅司馬宣王請為從事中郎。 曹爽誅,為河南尹, 〈《傅子》曰:河南尹內掌帝都,外統京畿,兼古六鄉六遂之士。 其民異方雜居,多豪門大族,商賈胡貊,天下四方會利之所聚,而姦之所生。 前尹司馬芝,舉其綱而太簡,次尹劉靜,綜其目而太密,後尹李勝,毀常法以收一時之聲。 嘏立司馬氏之綱統,裁劉氏之綱目以經緯之,李氏所毀以漸補之。 郡有七百吏,半非舊也。 河南俗黨五官掾功曹典選職,皆授其本國人,無用異邦人者,嘏各舉其良而對用之,官曹分職,而後以次考核之。 其治以德教為本,然持法有恒,簡而不可犯,見理識情,獄訟不加檟楚而得其實。 不為小惠,有所薦達及大有益於民事,皆隱其端迹,若不由己出。 故當時無赫赫之名,吏民乆而後安之。〉 遷尚書。 嘏常以為「秦始罷侯置守,設官分職,不與古同。 漢、魏因循,以至于今。 然儒生學士,咸欲錯綜以三代之禮,禮弘致遠,不應時務,事與制違,名實未附,故歷代而不至於治者,蓋由是也。 欲大改定官制,依古正本,今遇帝室多難,未能革易」。
Early in Zhengshi he became a masters-of-writing gentleman, then Palace Attendant. At the time Cao Shuang held power, He Yan was Minister of Personnel; Gu said to Shuang's younger brother Xi: "He Pingyu is outwardly still but inwardly sharp and crafty, loves profit, and does not think of tending the root. He will seduce your clan while worthies flee and the court rots." He Yan’s faction ousted him on a trifle. He was named governor of Yingyang but declined to go. Sima Yi then hired him as staff supervisor. After Shuang’s purge he became Intendant of Henan, 〈the Fu zi explains that the Henan intendant ruled both Luoyang and the inner capital region like the old Zhou rural officers. The commandery mixed migrants, magnates, and foreign traders—breeding ground for crime. Sima Zhi had been too loose, Liu Jing too tight, Li Sheng broke law for applause. Fu Gu blended their styles and restored broken statutes. He replaced half of seven hundred yamen clerks. He ended the rule that only locals picked locals and chose able men regardless of origin. He ruled by moral suasion and steady law, settling suits without casual torture. He took no credit for promotions or reforms that helped the people. He won no flashy reputation, yet over time the capital trusted him. He rose to Masters of Writing. Gu constantly thought that "when the First Emperor of Qin abolished marquis and set governors, establishing offices and dividing duties, he did not match antiquity. and Han and Wei simply inherited it. Retrofitting Zhou ritual onto Qin–Han bureaucracy misnames reality and blocks real reform. He dreamed of a classical overhaul but court crises prevented it."
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時論者議欲自伐吳,三征獻策各不同。 詔以訪嘏,嘏對曰:「昔夫差陵齊勝晉,威行中國,終禍姑蘇; 齊閔兼土拓境,闢地千里,身蹈顛覆。 有始不必善終,古之明效也。 孫權自破關羽并荊州之後,志盈欲滿,凶宄以極,是以宣文侯深建宏圖大舉之策。 今權以死,託孤於諸葛恪。 若矯權苛暴,蠲其虐政,民免酷烈,偷安新惠,外內齊慮,有同舟之懼,雖不能終自保完,猶足以延期挺命於深江之外矣。 而議者或欲汎舟徑濟,橫行江表; 或欲四道並進,攻其城壘; 或欲大佃疆埸,觀釁而動:誠皆取賊之常計也。 然自治兵以來,出入三載,非掩襲之軍也。 賊之為寇,幾六十年矣,君臣偽立,吉凶共患,又喪其元帥,上下憂危,設令列船津要,堅城據險,橫行之計,其殆難捷。 惟進軍大佃,最差完牢。 兵出民表,寇鈔不犯; 坐食積穀,不煩運士; 乘釁討襲,無遠勞費:此軍之急務也。 昔樊噲願以十萬之衆,橫行匈奴,季布面折其短。 今欲越長江,涉虜庭,亦向時之喻也。 未若明法練士,錯計於全勝之地,振長策以禦敵之餘燼,斯必然之數也。」 〈司馬彪《戰略》載嘏此對,詳於本傳,今悉載之以盡其意。 彪曰:嘉平四年四月,孫權死。 征南大將軍王昶、征東將軍胡遵、鎮南將軍毌丘儉等表請征吳。 朝廷以三征計異,詔訪尚書傅嘏,嘏對曰:「昔夫差勝齊陵晉,威行中國,不能以免姑蘇之禍; 齊閔辟土兼國,開地千里,不足以救顛覆之敗:有始不必善終,古事之明效也。 孫權自破蜀兼平荊州之後,志盈欲滿,罪戮忠良,殊及胤嗣,元凶已極。 相國宣文侯先識取亂侮亡之義,深建宏圖大舉之策。 今權已死,託孤於諸葛恪。 若矯權苛暴,蠲其虐政,民免酷烈,偷安新惠,外內齊慮,有同舟之懼,雖不能終自保完,猶足以延期挺命於深江之表矣。 昶等或欲汎舟徑渡,橫行江表,收民略地,因糧於寇; 或欲四道並進,臨之以武,誘間攜貳,待其崩壞; 或欲進軍大佃,偪其項領,積穀觀釁,相時而動:凡此三者,皆取賊之常計也。 然施之當機,則功成名立,苟不應節,必貽後患。 自治兵已來,出入三載,非掩襲之軍也。 賊喪元帥,利存退守,若撰飾舟楫,羅船津要,堅城清野,以防卒攻,橫行之計,殆難必施。 賊之為寇,幾六十年,君臣偽立,吉凶同患,若恪蠲其弊,天去其疾,崩潰之應,不可卒待。 今邊壤之守,與賊相遠,賊設羅落,又持重密,間諜不行,耳目無聞。 夫軍無耳目,校察未詳,而舉大衆以臨巨險,此為希幸徼功,先戰而後求勝,非全軍之長策也。 唯有進軍大佃,最差完牢。 可詔昶、遵等擇地居險,審所錯置,及令三方一時前守。 奪其肥壤,使還耕塉土,一也; 兵出民表,寇鈔不犯,二也; 招懷近路,降附日至,三也; 羅落遠設,間構不來,四也; 賊退其守,羅落必淺,佃作易之,五也; 坐食積穀,士不運輸,六也; 釁隙時聞,討襲速決,七也:凡此七者,軍事之急務也。 不據則賊擅便資,據之則利歸於國,不可不察也。 夫屯壘相偪,形勢已交,智勇得陳,巧拙得用,策之而知得失之計,角之而知有餘不足,虜之情偽,將焉所逃? 夫以小敵大,則役煩力竭,以貧敵富,則斂重財匱。 故『敵逸能勞之,飽能飢之』,此之謂也。 然後盛衆厲兵以震之,參惠倍賞以招之,多方廣似以疑之。 由不虞之道,以間其不戒; 比及三年,左提右挈,虜必冰散瓦解,安受其弊,可坐筭而得也。 昔漢氏歷世常患匈奴,朝臣謀士早朝晏罷,介冑之將則陳征伐,搢紳之徒咸言和親,勇奮之士思展搏噬。 故樊噲願以十萬之衆橫行匈奴,季布面折其短。 李信求以二十萬獨舉楚人,而果辱秦軍。 今諸將有陳越江陵險,獨步虜庭,即亦向時之類也。 以陛下聖德,輔相忠賢,法明士練,錯計於全勝之地,振長策以禦之,虜之崩潰,必然之數。 故兵法曰:『屈人之兵,而非戰也; 拔人之城,而非攻也。』 若釋廟勝必然之理,而行萬一不必全之路,誠愚臣之所慮也。 故謂大佃而偪之計最長。」 時不從嘏言。 其年十一月,詔昶等征吳。 五年正月,諸葛恪拒戰,大破衆軍於東關。〉 後吳大將諸葛恪新破東關,乘勝揚聲欲向青、徐,朝廷將為之備。 嘏議以為「淮海非賊輕行之路,又昔孫權遣兵入海,漂浪沈溺,略無孑遺,恪豈敢傾根竭本,寄命洪流,以徼乾沒乎? 〈《漢書·張湯傳》曰:湯始為小吏,乾沒,與長安富賈田甲、魚翁叔之屬交私。 服虔說曰:「乾沒,射成敗也。」 如淳曰:「得利為乾,失利為沒。」 臣松之以虔直以乾沒為射成敗,而不說乾沒之義,於理猶為未暢。 淳以得利為乾,又不可了。 愚謂乾讀宜為干燥之干。 蓋謂有所徼射,不計干燥之與沈沒而為之。〉 恪不過遣偏率小將素習水軍者,乘海泝淮,示動青、徐,恪自并兵來向淮南耳。」 後恪果圖新城,不克而歸。
Court factions wanted to invade Wu; the three frontier generals offered rival plans. An edict consulted Gu; Gu answered: "In the past Fuchai humbled Qi and defeated Jin, his might ran through the central states, yet ended in disaster at Gusu; King Min of Qi expanded recklessly and was destroyed. Bright beginnings often end badly—that is history’s lesson. After Guan Yu’s death Sun Quan grew cruel and arrogant until Sima Yi planned the great strike. Sun Quan is dead, leaving the realm to Zhuge Ke. If Ke eases Sun Quan’s tyranny, Wu may unite in fear and cling to the south for years. Some urge a fleet to sweep the river; others a four-pronged assault on the walls; others border garrisons and wait—all standard options. Our troops have trained three years—they are no longer a raiding party. Wu has cohered for sixty years; with Sun Quan gone they will guard fords and narrows—swift victory is unlikely. Frontier garrison farming is the safest course. Soldiers camp beyond peasant fields so bandits cannot raid them; they eat stored grain and spare long supply lines; then strike when a crack opens—that is the urgent priority. Fan Kuai once boasted of crushing the Xiongnu; Ji Bu silenced him. Crossing the Yangtze to storm Wu is the same kind of brag. Better to drill the army, plan for assured victory, and grind Wu down over time." 〈Pei Songzhi quotes Sima Biao’s fuller version of the memorial. Sima Biao dates Sun Quan’s death to Jiaping 4 (252), fourth month. Wang Chang, Hu Zun, and Guanqiu Jian asked to attack. The court, because the three expeditions' plans differed, issued an edict consultation of Masters of Writing Fu Gu; Gu answered: "In the past Fuchai defeated Qi and humbled Jin, his might ran through the central states, yet could not avoid the disaster of Gusu; He repeated King Min’s fall as proof that strong starts need not end well. After crushing Shu’s power and seizing Jingzhou, Sun Quan grew arrogant, executed loyal men, and even struck at heirs—his cruelty peaked. Sima Yi then saw the moment to strike a tottering foe. Sun Quan is gone; Zhuge Ke holds the regency. If Ke reforms, Wu may cling to the south for years despite fear. Wang Chang’s faction wanted a river crossing and living off the land; others wanted four thrusts with psychological warfare; others urged garrison farming—all familiar strategies. Each works only if timed right; mistimed, it invites disaster. Three years of mobilization means surprise is impossible. Wu will strip the countryside and block the fords—no easy raid. If Ke fixes abuses, Wu might unravel—but not overnight. We lack intelligence on the south. Blind invasion is gambling, not strategy. Garrison farming remains the safest option. Order the generals to seize choke points and press forward together. Take their fertile fields and drive them onto poor soil—that is the first step; Second, camps beyond the farms keep raiders off the peasantry; third, pacify the approaches and defections flow in daily; fourth, deep picket lines block enemy spies; fifth, when they pull back, their screen thins and our tillage advances easily; sixth, troops eat stored grain without long convoys; seventh, when openings appear we strike fast—these seven are the urgent priorities of war. Cede those advantages and the enemy profits; take them and the state gains—think it through. Once camps close, wit and courage tell; probe them and the enemy has nowhere to hide. Small against large exhausts the army; poor against rich drains the treasury. That is what Sunzi meant by wearing a strong foe down. Then mass troops to overawe them, lavish rewards to win waverers, and feint on many axes to confuse them. Strike where they do not expect; within three years Wu will crack without a desperate pitched battle. Han forever debated Xiongnu policy—generals demanded war, scholars peace, hotheads glory. Fan Kuai’s hundred-thousand boast met Ji Bu’s scorn, as before. Li Xin’s two hundred thousand against Chu shamed Qin. Generals who vow to cross the Yangtze alone repeat those old blunders. Under a sage ruler, loyal ministers, clear law, and trained troops, Wu’s fall becomes a matter of time. Sunzi says subdue the enemy without battle; take his cities without storming walls." To ignore sure counsel for a desperate gamble is what I fear. Frontier farming and slow pressure is the best long game." The court ignored Fu Gu. That winter it ordered the expedition anyway. In the first month of 253 Zhuge Ke smashed Wei at Dongguan. After Dongguan, Ke boasted of marching on Qingzhou and Xuzhou; Wei braced for invasion. Gu debated, thinking "the Huai sea is not a road for the bandits to march lightly; moreover in the past Sun Quan sent troops into the sea—they drifted on waves and drowned, almost none surviving—would Ke dare exhaust root and tip, entrust his life to the vast currents, to seek a reckless gamble? 〈The Han shu says Zhang Tang as a clerk practiced gan mo—speculation—with rich merchants. Fu Qian glossed gan mo as betting on outcomes. Ru Chun said profit is gan, loss is mo. Pei Songzhi finds Fu Qian’s gloss incomplete. Ru Chun’s “gain is gan” is also unclear. Pei reads gan as “dry” (qián). Gan mo means chasing profit whether you end high and dry or drowned."〉 Ke would not exceed dispatching deputy commanders and minor generals long practiced in naval warfare, riding the sea up the Huai, showing movement toward Qing and Xu, while Ke himself combines troops and comes toward Huainan." Ke did attack Xincheng and withdrew in failure.
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【評】
Appraisal
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評曰:昔文帝、陳王以公子之尊,博好文采,同聲相應,才士並出,惟粲等六人最見名目。 而粲特處常伯之官,興一代之制,然其沖虛德宇,未若徐幹之粹也。 衞覬亦以多識典故,相時王之式。 劉劭該覽學籍,文質周洽。 劉廙以清鑒著,傅嘏用才達顯云。 〈臣松之以為傅嘏識量名輩,寔當時高流。 而此評但云「用才達顯」,旣於題目為拙,又不足以見嘏之美也。〉
The historian says Cao Pi and Cao Zhi drew forth the Seven Masters, of whom Wang Can was foremost in name. Wang Can shaped court ritual, yet in quiet integrity he fell short of Xu Gan. Wei Ji matched the times with encyclopedic knowledge of precedent. Liu Shao mastered the canon, balancing substance and polish. Liu Yi was famed for discernment; Fu Gu for deploying talent—the standard verdict says. 〈Pei Songzhi counters that Fu Gu’s judgment and stature ranked among the greatest of his day. Calling him merely “good with talent” sells him short."〉