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卷二十二 魏書二十二 桓二陳徐衛盧傳

Volume 22: Book of Wei 22: Biographies of Huan, the Two Chens, Xu, Wei, and Lu

Chapter 22 of 三國志 · Records of the Three Kingdoms
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Chapter 22
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1
Huan Jie, Chen Qun, Chen Jiao, Xu Xuan, Wei Zhen, and Lu Yu.
2
使 退
Huan Jie, whose courtesy name was Bozhu, came from Linxiang in Changsha commandery. 〈According to the Book of Wei, Jie's grandfather Chao and his father Sheng had each served in turn as administrators of commanderies. Sheng rose to secretary in the Masters of Writing and won a reputation throughout the south.〉 He held the post of merit clerk in his home commandery. Grand Warden Sun Jian nominated him as filial and incorrupt, after which he received appointment as a gentleman of the Masters of Writing. On his father's death he went home to observe mourning. Sun Jian had fallen in battle against Liu Biao; Jie risked his life to petition Biao for the body, and Biao, respecting his loyalty, handed it over. Later, as the Grand Progenitor locked horns with Yuan Shao at Guandu, Liu Biao mobilized the entire province in Shao's support. Jie remonstrated with Grand Warden Zhang Xian: 'Launch a venture without anchoring it in right principle, and ruin follows every time. Think of how Duke Huan of Qi rallied the lords to uphold the Zhou, and Duke Wen of Jin expelled Shudai to escort the king back to the capital. The Yuans have inverted that example, and Governor Liu is marching with them straight toward calamity. If you mean to win real merit, show where justice lies, secure lasting good fortune, and steer clear of ruin, you must not march in their company.' Xian asked, 'In that case, whom should we follow?' Jie answered, 'Lord Cao looks outmatched, yet he took up arms for the right, delivered the throne from danger, and now campaigns with imperial sanction against criminals—who could withhold allegiance? Raise the four southern commanderies, guard the three river approaches, wait for his host, and strike from within as his confederates—would that not serve?' Well said,' Xian agreed. He then mobilized Changsha and three adjacent commanderies against Liu Biao and dispatched messengers to the Grand Progenitor. The Grand Progenitor was delighted. But Shao and the Grand Progenitor were locked in repeated combat, and no southern expedition could be spared. Liu Biao meanwhile hammered Xian's positions until Xian succumbed to illness. When the city fell, Jie went into hiding. Eventually Liu Biao appointed him libationer-adjutant and offered him his wife's younger sister from the Cai family in marriage. Jie stated that he was already wed, declined the match, and retired on the excuse of illness.
3
簿 西 便 怀 退
After the Grand Progenitor settled Jingzhou and heard that Jie had plotted for Zhang Xian, he was struck with admiration, appointed him senior clerk to the chancellor's chief of staff, and soon advanced him to grand warden of Zhao. At the founding of the state of Wei he was named commandant of the household rapid as tiger and palace attendant. The heir had still not been chosen, while the Marquis of Linzi, Cao Zhi, basked in imperial favor. Jie repeatedly argued that the future Emperor Wen's moral stature and senior birth suited him for the succession; time and again he pressed these pleas in confidential audience with the duke. 〈The Book of Wei quotes his admonition: "The heir's humanity surpasses every other son, his reputation fills the realm, he combines benevolence, sagacity, and measured judgment, and the empire has taken notice; yet you have suddenly questioned me, my lord, on account of Zhi—I confess I am bewildered." From this the Grand Progenitor saw how firmly Jie held to integrity and valued him the more deeply.〉 Mao Jie and Xu Yi, rigid and short of allies, earned the enmity of Ding Yi, clerk of the western bureau; Yi kept denigrating them, and only Jie's steadying hand on both flanks let them escape harm. Time after time he eased confrontations and righted wrongs in just this fashion. He rose to masters of writing with responsibility for personnel selection. Cao Ren lay trapped by Guan Yu; the Grand Progenitor dispatched Xu Huang to rescue him, yet the encirclement held. The Grand Progenitor considered marching south himself and asked his advisers. The assembly insisted, 'Unless you ride south immediately, my lord, all is lost.' Jie alone asked, 'Does Your Majesty credit Ren and his officers with sound judgment of the field?' The answer came: 'They can.' Jie pressed, 'Do you fear they will stint their effort?' No,' came the reply. Jie continued, 'Then why must you go in person?' Because I worry the bandits are too numerous and Huang's men are at a disadvantage,' was the answer. Jie said, 'Ren and his commanders endure a ring of steel yet cling to death without second thoughts because they trust Your Majesty's distant mass as their shield. Men pinned in a kill-box will fight as if they had nothing left to lose; with that resolve inside and powerful rescue outside, if Your Majesty merely arrays the six hosts to show you still have reserves, what need is there to dread defeat or to take the field yourself?' The Grand Progenitor accepted this counsel and encamped his army at Mopo. The enemy then drew off.
4
使
When Emperor Wen took the throne, Jie became director of the Masters of Writing, was enfeoffed village marquis of Gaoxiang, and received the added title of palace attendant. Jie sickened, and the emperor visited him at bedside, saying, 'I mean to commit my six-foot heir and the destiny of the empire to you. Do not fail me!' His patent was moved to village marquis of Anle at six hundred households, and three of Jie's sons were each granted secondary marquis within the passes; You, as designated successor, had gone without a separate fief, yet after he died of illness he likewise received a posthumous patent as secondary marquis within the passes. When Jie later sank toward death, messengers were rushed to invest him as grand master of ceremonies; at his passing the emperor shed tears and canonized him as Marquis Zhen. His son Jia inherited the title. The emperor named Jie's younger brother Zuan cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and awarded him secondary marquis within the passes. Jia took the princess of the Shengqian village fief; in the Jiaping years, as grand warden of Le'an, he clashed with Wu at Dongguan, his army was routed, he fell in battle, and was posthumously honored as Marquis Zhuang. His son Yi inherited the line. 〈The Shishuo relates that Jie's grandson Ling, style Yuanhui, won renown under Jin Emperor Wu, served as grand warden of Xingyang, and died in that post.〉
5
鸿 西 广
Chen Qun, whose courtesy name was Zhangwen, hailed from Xuchang in Yingchuan (of that commandery). It is so. His grandfather Shi, his father Ji, and his uncle Chen each carried towering reputations. 〈Shi bore the style Zhonggong, Ji the style Yuangfang, and Chen the style Jifang. The Book of Wei notes that Shi's virtue outshone his contemporaries and that Ji and Chen were celebrated figures of their day. Shi served as magistrate of Taiqiu; when the partisan proscriptions fell he withdrew to Mount Jing, where scholars from every quarter revered him as their master. After Emperor Ling's death He Jin directed the regency and recruited eminent scholars across the land; he summoned Shi as army adviser, but Shi pleaded age and infirmity and would not compromise his integrity; Chen took office as clerk to the minister of works and died in youth. Ji rose through minister of Pingyuan, palace attendant, and grand herald for foreign guests, and left behind dozens of essays that posterity knows as the writings of Master Chen. At Shi's death Minister of Works Xun Shuang and Director of Retainers Han Rong jointly observed the one-year mourning for him as though they were his grandsons. Carriages from every quarter lined up by the thousand; not even Guo Tai of Taiyuan omitted a call at his gate. The Fu Zi records that at Shi's death the whole realm mourned, thirty thousand mourners thronged his funeral, and hundreds wore hemp in his honor. The Conduct of Worthies of Antiquity adds that General-in-chief He Jin dispatched aides to sacrifice at his tomb and canonized him Master Wenfan. In that era Shi and Ji shared equal fame, Chen stood beside them, and contemporaries dubbed them the Three Gentlemen. Whenever high offices issued appointments, the three were summoned as a set; gifts of lamb and goose arrived in flocks, and clerks crowded their doors. The people of Yu Province painted portraits of Shi, Ji, and Chen.〉 In Qun's boyhood Shi often marveled at him, telling the clan elders, 'This boy will bring glory to our house.' Kong Rong of Lu—brilliant and haughty—stood between Ji and Qun in years; he first befriended Ji, then grew close to Qun, and afterward bowed again to Ji, which made Qun's name resound. When Liu Bei assumed authority in Yu Province he appointed Qun chief clerk for separate carriage. Tao Qian had just died, and Xu Province invited Bei to take command; Bei meant to go east, but Qun warned him, 'Yuan Shu remains formidable; march east now and you will collide with him. Should Lü Bu stab at your rear, even winning Xu Province will come to nothing.' Bei went east anyway and fought Yuan Shu. Lü Bu did strike Xiapi, sent reinforcements to Shu, and shattered Bei's host; Bei bitterly regretted ignoring Qun's counsel. Nominated as flourishing talent and named magistrate of Zhe, he declined the post and accompanied Ji into exile in Xu Province. After Lü Bu's ruin the Grand Progenitor called Qun up as subordinate to the western bureau under the minister of works. Someone had recommended Wang Mo of Le'an and Zhou Kui of Xiapi, and the Grand Progenitor issued summons to both. Qun returned the commission sealed, arguing that Mo and Kui were morally tainted and bound to fall; the Grand Progenitor paid no heed. Mo and Kui were later executed for corruption, and the Grand Progenitor apologized to Qun. Qun nominated Chen Jiao of Guangling and Dai Qian of Danyang, and the Grand Progenitor took both into service. When Wu's adherents later rose, Qian perished loyally in the fighting while Jiao rose to noted minister; contemporaries pronounced Qun a discerning recommender. He was named magistrate of Xiao, Zan, and Changping, then resigned on his father's death. Later, graded top among steward's clerks, he became supervising secretary and censor, then rotated onto the chancellor's military staff. After the state of Wei was founded he advanced to palace aide to the censor-in-chief.
6
使 鸿
The Grand Progenitor was then debating the revival of corporal mutilation and issued an edict: 'Where is the broad-minded gentleman, learned in past and present, who can settle this question for me! Minister Chen Honglu once argued that certain capital cases might still admit added mercy—he had exactly this in mind. Can you, as palace aide to the censor-in-chief, articulate your father's argument?' Qun answered:
7
使穿
My father Ji held that Han's abolition of corporal mutilation while raising the count of bastinado strokes began as an act of mercy yet left more men dead—the case of a merciful label masking a harsher truth. A light-sounding penalty invites crime; a heavy reality wounds the common people. The Documents declare, 'With awe apply the five punishments to perfect the three virtues. The Changes prescribes nose-cutting, foot-amputation, and toe removal as tools to aid governance and teaching, chastise wickedness, and curb bloodshed.' Besides, life for life matches the old statutes; When the law injures a man, to mutilate his body yet merely clip his hair falls short of what justice demands. Restore the old sanctions—castrate the adulterer, amputate the thief's feet—and debauchery and house-breaking would disappear for good. We need not resurrect every clause of the old code, but the offenses that torment society today deserve priority. Han statutes mark certain capital crimes as beyond clemency; for all other cases headed for execution, corporal punishment could substitute for the headsman's blade. Then the lives spared and the bodies marked would trade off in fair measure. Swapping nonfatal penalties for death by flogging exalts the body over the life itself.
8
Zhong Yao sided with Qun; Wang Lang and the majority of the council still judged the scheme premature. Cao Cao endorsed both men heartily, yet with the war still on he bowed to wider opinion and shelved corporal mutilation.
9
西 广使
Qun became a palace attendant and chief clerk of the chancellor's eastern and western bureaus. At court he stood apart from factions, rested on moral authority, and never lent his name to improper dealings. As crown prince, Emperor Wen esteemed him highly, received him as a friend, and often said, "Since I gained Hui, my household draws nearer each day." On taking the kingship he made Qun marquis of Changwu and moved him to the Masters of Writing. The nine-rank system for appointing officials was his work. On accession he rose to vice-director of the Masters of Writing, added palace attendant, became director of the Masters of Writing, and was advanced to marquis of Yingxiang. On the campaign against Sun Quan the emperor reached Guangling and placed Qun in command of the central army guard. After the emperor's return he received the credential staff and command of the navy. At Xuchang he was named general who pacifies the army, central army protector, and recorder of secretariat business. As the emperor lay dying, Qun joined Cao Zhen, Sima Yi the King of Xuan, and others in receiving the regency edict. Under Emperor Ming he was raised to marquis of Yingyin with five hundred added households for thirteen hundred in all, and like Cao Xiu, Cao Zhen, and Sima Yi the King of Xuan he received an independent staff. Soon after he became minister of works and kept charge of secretariat records. Early in the new reign Qun addressed the throne: The Classic of Poetry says, "Model yourself on King Wen, and every state will place its faith in you."
10
It adds, 'Begin with moral sway over your wife, carry it to your brothers, and rule your house and realm from there.' Moral transformation begins at home, then suffuses the empire. Through rebellion and chaos the sword has never been sheathed; the people have lost sight of what legitimate rule rests on, and I dread how far standards have slipped. You inherit Wei at its zenith and the mantle of both imperial forebears; the realm hungers for perfect peace—exalt virtue, broadcast humane government, and care for the common folk, and the people will count themselves fortunate indeed. When the court speaks with one cowed voice, truth and falsehood blur together, and the dynasty pays the price. Discord breeds rival cliques; rival cliques spawn reckless slander; reckless slander erases the line between fact and rumor—you must choke this evil at its spring.
11
退 便
During Taihe, Cao Zhen proposed a multi-pronged invasion of Shu through Xie Valley. Qun objected: 'When the founder marched on Yangping against Zhang Lu, he foraged beans and wheat to fill the granaries, yet Lu still held out while the army went hungry. Today we lack that windfall, and Xie Valley's cliffs make retreat as perilous as advance; convoys will be ambushed, and garrisoning the defiles in strength only bleeds the field army—think this through.' The sovereign accepted Qun's advice. Cao Zhen renewed his request to push through the Ziwu trail. Qun reiterated the logistical objections and laid out the cost in supplies and treasure. The court forwarded Qun's dissent to Zhen, who ignored it and marched anyway. Days of downpour followed; Qun urged a recall, and this time the emperor agreed.
12
When the princess named Shu died, the court posthumously titled her the Princess Yi of Pingyuan. Qun wrote again:
13
便殿 西
Long life and early death each have their allotted measure. The sages framed rites that withhold or lavish mourning precisely to strike the golden mean. Confucius left his parents' graves at Fang untended in the name of simplicity; the spirit of Bo Qi never came home from Ying and Bo. A sage-king's conduct mirrors heaven and earth, endures for ages, and never oversteps moral limits, so every gesture instructs the world. The canon omits funeral rites for children who die before eight; for an infant not yet a month old to receive an adult obsequy, full mourning dress, court-wide hemp, and daily keening has no precedent in history. Yet Your Majesty means to visit the tomb yourself and preside at the hearse. Suppress the needless journey, let the officials bury her, and keep the chariot at home—that is what every principality prays for. Word says you will travel to Mobo but actually halt at Xuchang; both inner and outer palaces are packing east, and the whole bureaucracy is dumbfounded. Some whisper you flee a curse, some that you mean to relocate the halls, some admit they cannot guess. I hold that luck is heaven's decree but conduct shapes disaster; flitting about for safety avails nothing. If flight is unavoidable, refurbish the western compound at Jinyong or the detached palace at Mengjin—either will do for a short stay. Do not drag the whole household into the open, wrecking the spring silkworm season and the plough. Enemy spies will read such a stampede as a sign of Wei in collapse. The cost, piled on the confusion, staggers reckoning. Moreover (from) The noble man, in boom or bust, cleaves to principle and accepts heaven's lot; his family rests easy, his neighbors take heart from his example, and fear leaves them. Far more the emperor, master of all lands: his stillness steadies the world, his restlessness shakes it; can his movements be trifled with?
14
The sovereign brushed the plea aside.
15
Under Qinglong, palace construction pulled peasants from the fields at sowing time. Qun memorialized:
16
Great Yu took over a golden age yet kept humble roofs and rough clothes; after our wars the population is thinner than a single populous commandery under Wen and Jing of Han. 〈Songzhi comments: the Han Geography monograph records that at the Yuanshi zenith Runan, the biggest commandery, held a little over three hundred thousand households. Wen and Jing's era could not have matched that census. The Jin land register for Taikang 3 lists 3.77 million households under Jin, with Wu and Shu combined still short of half that. Wei began amid rubble, yet its head count cannot have diverged wildly from Jin's. Zhangwen's comparison overshoots the mark.〉 Layer on frontier alarms, weary troops, and a drought or flood becomes a nightmare. Wu and Shu still stand; the dynasty is not safe. Train the hosts and push the plough before those foes move. To postpone that work for marble halls is to beggar the people—how then do we meet the foe? Liu Bei once lined the road from Chengdu to Baishui with post-houses, bleeding labor and coin—Cao Cao read that as self-strangulation. Driving China to exhaustion is precisely what our rivals hope for. Here hangs victory or ruin; weigh it carefully.
17
The emperor answered, 'A Son of Heaven needs fitting halls beside his other duties. Once the rebels fall we will only disband excess troops—why fear new levies? That is a ruler's burden—the lesson Xiao He taught.' Qun pressed on:
18
使 殿 殿殿
Gaozu fought only Xiang Yu; when Chu fell the Chang'an palaces were ash, so Xiao He threw up arsenals and granaries—utter necessities—yet even those stayed plain. With two enemies still in the field, aping the ancients is unwise. 〈Sun Sheng notes that Zhou ritual prescribed even the king's stair treads. Ornament and simplicity shift with each age. Han took Zhou and Qin's excesses and should have preached frugality—why instead parade palace splendor for posterity? That is how Han Wudi came to multiply gates and halls without end—was there truly nothing left to build? Wei still bleeds against Wu and Shu while the empire smolders—yet we cite Xiao He's mistake as precedent. Is that not a muddle of the Way itself? If every future throne wavers between luxury and stinginess, where lies the middle road? The Poetry warns, 'A slip of the tongue cannot be repaired.' Does it not mean exactly this!〉 Mortals rationalize every appetite; the August One faces no veto. First you ordered the arsenal razed as unavoidable; then you ordered it rebuilt as equally unavoidable. If Your Majesty insists, no memorial can deflect you; yet a moment's reflection and a change of heart are likewise beyond our power to command. Han Mingdi planned the Deyang Palace; Zhong Li Yi protested, and the emperor yielded—only to resume construction later; at the dedication he told his court, 'Had Director Zhong Li lived, this hall would never have risen. A king does not dread one upright official; he thinks of the multitude.' I have failed to fix your ear as Zhong Li did—I am no match for that man.
19
The emperor trimmed the project somewhat.
20
Under the founder, Liu Yi was implicated when his brother joined Wei Feng's plot and faced death. Qun interceded; Cao Cao replied, 'Yi is a noted servant of the state—I mean to spare him.' The court reinstated Yi in his post. Yi overwhelmed Qun with gratitude; Qun answered, 'Law exists for the realm, not for private debts; besides, the decision was the enlightened ruler's—what part was mine?' Such magnanimity without self-praise typified him. He died in Qinglong 4 and was canonized Marquis Jing. His son Tai inherited the title. The court remembered his service, split his tax households, and raised one son to full marquis. 〈Wei records that Qun often sent confidential critiques, then erased every draft so contemporaries and kin never saw his words. Detractors called him a silent placeholder; when Zhengshi editors gathered famous memorials, the court discovered his stack of suppressed advice and marveled. Yuan's essay asks: "Was Yang Fu of the household not loyal? He thundered at every imperial error and repeated each to everyone he met—is that not the classic 'unbending servant who risks his skin for duty'?" The reply runs, "Call him blunt if you like; loyal is another question. The humane man cherishes his fellow men. What you owe the sovereign is named loyalty; what you owe your parents is named filial duty. At bottom, loyalty to the throne and love of parents are one virtue. The truly humane, finding a flaw in ruler or father that counsel cannot mend, will argue the point repeatedly and only at the last speak out—never airing the shame in public. A courtier who spots the throne's folly and shouts it abroad may pass for blunt; he has not yet earned the title of loyal. Minister of Works Chen Qun took a different path—hours of discourse without a word against his lord; yet he filed score on score of palace memorials that no outsider ever saw. Men of judgment call that conduct worthy of an elder statesman."〉
21
His son: Chen Tai
22
使怀 使 西 使 使使
Chen Tai bore the courtesy name Xuanbo. Under the Qinglong reign he received appointment as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. During Zhengshi he rotated to general of agile assault, took Bing Province as his inspectorate, added the title general who rouses might, carried the credential staff as colonel protecting the Xiongnu, and soothed the border peoples with a mix of sternness and grace. Capital magnates parked gold with him to purchase bond servants; he strung the sealed bundles on his wall untouched, then, on promotion to the Masters of Writing, handed every item back. Early in Jiaping he succeeded Guo Huai in Yongzhou and added the title general who displays might. Jiang Wei of Shu threw up twin strongholds on Mount Qu under commanders Gou An and Li Xin, stockpiled Qiang and Hu hostages, and harried Wei's western commanderies. General Guo Huai asked Tai's plan; Tai replied, 'The Qu citadels are tough, but Shu is a long march over bad roads—they live or die by supply trains. The Qiang chafe under Jiang Wei's labor levies and will not cling to him by choice. Besiege them now and we may win the walls without a pitched battle. Even if reinforcements arrive, those cliff roads are no place to maneuver an army.' Huai adopted the scheme: Tai advanced with protector Xu Zhi, Grand Warden Deng Ai of Nan'an, and the rest, ringed the fortresses, and severed both grain routes and the watercourses beyond the ramparts. Gou An's men shouted for a sortie and were ignored; starving, they rationed millet and scooped snow to buy time. Jiang Wei marched to their relief out of Ox Head Mountain and drew up opposite Tai. Tai observed, 'The canon prizes breaking the foe without crossing swords. Cut Ox Head and Jiang Wei cannot retreat—he falls into our net.' He told every column to stand fast in camp, wrote Huai to cross the Bai upstream, sweep east along the bank, and drive for Ox Head to cork Jiang Wei's escape—bagging Jiang Wei along with the garrison, not only Gou An. Huai endorsed the maneuver and marched the host to the Tao. Jiang Wei lost his nerve and bolted; Gou An's detachment, left alone, capitulated.
23
西 使 西 西 西 使
After Guo Huai's death Tai replaced him as western expedition general with credential staff over Yong and Liang. The following year Inspector Wang Jing reported that Jiang Wei and Xiahou Ba planned a triple thrust toward Qishan, Shiying, and Jincheng, seeking supporting columns while Liang troops reached Fuhan and the Shu-conquest protector struck Qishan. Tai reckoned the enemy could not keep three columns, that splitting forces was perilous, and that Liangzhou should not cross the border; he told Jing, "Confirm their aim and line of march, then move only when east and west can join." Jiang Wei then marched tens of thousands to Fuhan and pressed on Didao. Tai told Jing to hold Didao, wait for reinforcements, and then strike. Tai marched to Chencang. Jing mustered his columns at Old Pass, was beaten, and at once crossed the Tao. Tai saw that Jing's failure to stand fast at Didao foretold worse trouble. He sent the five camps ahead and followed with the main host. Jing had already been routed by Jiang Wei; he retreated with ten thousand-odd men into Didao while the rest broke and ran. Jiang Wei followed up and invested Didao. Tai climbed to Shanggui, garrisoned the defiles, and pushed forward without pause. Deng Ai, Hu Fen, and Wang Mi joined him; he split into three columns with Ai and Mi and entered Longxi. Ai and the others argued, "Jing's best troops are broken in the west, the enemy swarms, their victorious columns cannot be met head-on, and you are marching a scratch force behind a rout; morale is gone and Longyou is reeling. The ancients said, 'When a viper bites the hand, the brave man severs the wrist.' Sunzi adds, 'Some foes you do not fight and some ground you do not keep.' You sacrifice a little to save the whole. Longyou's wound is worse than a viper bite, and Didao is more than ground we can afford to abandon lightly. Jiang Wei's column is a blade to sidestep. Better to hold the defiles, husband our strength, watch for a crack, and only then relieve the city—that is the sound course." Jiang Wei had plunged inland with a light column hoping to force a field battle and snatch one sharp triumph. Wang Jing should have locked his gates behind towering walls and drowned their momentum. Instead he offered battle, played into the enemy's hands, was shattered, and was driven to shelter in Didao. Had Jiang Wei exploited the rout to push east, occupy Liyang's granaries, fan out to accept surrenders, enlist Qiang and Hu, and strike for the Tong Pass and Longxi, posting manifestos across the four western commanderies—that is the nightmare scenario. Instead his victorious troops now hammer a sheer citadel; elite fighters spend their fury in a siege where attacker and defender face unequal odds. The canon warns that mantlets and battering rams need three months, and siege mounds another three. That is not work for a stripped column deep in enemy country or for Jiang Wei's improvised tricks. A lone expedition, short of provisions—that is our cue to strike fast; call it lightning too quick to clap hands over the ears. The Tao hems them in; Jiang Wei is trapped inside. Seize the high ground, close fingers on their throat, and they flee without a fight. Bandits cannot be pampered; a ring cannot yawn for months—why counsel delay?
24
宿 西 退
He crossed Gaocheng Ridge unseen, climbed by night to the heights southeast of Didao, lit signal fires along the ridge, and set drums and horns roaring. The garrison of Didao, seeing relief appear, surged with new fight. Jiang Wei had assumed Wei would mass a huge host before moving; hearing troops already on the ridge, he suspected sorcery or a long-laid ambush, and panic rippled through his ranks. Since leaving Longxi Tai had reckoned the enemy would plant ambushes along the defiles. He feinted along the southern track while Jiang Wei wasted three days setting traps. 〈Songzhi observes: the text says the Shu army expected a delayed muster yet was startled by an immediate arrival—implying surprise. Had they not anticipated relief, why spend three days mining the passes? Lying in wait is the opposite of ignorance. "The whole passage contradicts itself.' (Pei Songzhi's gloss. He slipped his column south and burst into their flank. Jiang Wei clawed up the slope; Tai met him blade to blade and forced him back. The Liangzhou corps marched south from Jincheng toward the Wo'gan Slope. Tai and Wang Jing coordinated a pincer on the retreat; Jiang Wei bolted at the news, and Didao's defenders poured free. Wang Jing sighed: "We had less than ten days of food; a moment's hesitation would have meant massacre and the loss of an entire province." Tai rallied the troops, rotated them home in shifts, left fresh garrisons, rebuilt the walls, and withdrew to Shanggui.
25
西 驿
When Tai first learned of the siege, he trusted the Yongzhou troops' unity and the city's strength and doubted Jiang Wei could storm it overnight. He asked leave to march, promising to arrive at forced marches. Court opinion held that Wang Jing's defeat left Didao indefensible; if Jiang Wei severed the Liangzhou road, rallied the four commanderies of Han and tribesmen, and seized Tong Pass and Longxi, he might wipe out Wang Jing's force and scour the west. They urged waiting until reinforcements converged from every quarter. Grand General Sima Zhao replied, 'Zhuge Liang nursed the same dream and never pulled it off. The scheme is too vast for Jiang Wei's shoulders. Cities do not fall in a day, but hunger strikes at once—speed is the winning move.' Tai habitually muted his memorials so as not to panic the court—his express riders rarely exceeded six hundred li a day. Sima Zhao told Xun Yi, 'Xuanbo combines grit and judgment; holding a border, he saved a doomed city without begging for reinforcements or flooding Luoyang with dispatches—he was certain he could handle Jiang Wei. That is how a supreme commander ought to behave!'
26
退 寿
Later the court recalled him as right vice-director of the Masters of Writing with charge of personnel, adding palace attendant and grand master for splendid happiness. Sun Jun of Wu drove his host toward the Huai and Si. Tai was named general who guards the army, given the credential staff, and put in charge of all forces north of the Huai; edict made every overseer from Xu Province down answer to him. Sun Jun retreated; Tai rotated home to left vice-director. When Zhuge Dan rose at Shouchun, Sima Zhao marched the six armies to Qiuqiu while Tai ran the forward command post. Both Sima brothers counted Tai among their confidants, as did Wu Zhi of Pei. Sima Zhao asked Wu Zhi, 'How does Xuanbo measure against his father the minister of works?' Wu Zhi answered, 'In breadth of culture and shouldering the empire's moral teaching, he falls short; in sorting institutions, grasping essentials, winning battles, and finishing tasks, he surpasses him.' Merit raised his fief by 2,600 households; one son took a village marquisate and two became secondary marquises within the passes.
27
使 使 使 鸿 广 西
He died in Jingyuan 1 and was posthumously named minister of works. He received the posthumous title Marquis Mu. 〈Gan Bao's Jin Annals records that after the killing of the duke of Gaoxiang, Sima Zhao convened the ministers to assign blame. Grand Master of Ceremonies Chen Tai stayed away until Sima Zhao sent his uncle Xun Yi to fetch him. Yi explained what was at stake. Tai said, 'Gossip pairs me with my uncle; today the uncle cuts the poorer figure.' Kin inside and outside pressed him until, in tears, he went in. The regent met him in a private room: 'Xuanbo, what do you intend for me?' Tai answered, 'Execute Jia Chong and apologize to the empire.' Zhao said, 'Give me a lesser remedy.' Tai replied, 'I have nothing milder to offer—only sterner.' Zhao fell silent. Wei Spring and Autumn adds that at the emperor's death Sima Fu and Chen Tai cradled the body on their laps and keened without restraint. When the grand general entered the inner palace, Tai confronted him in anguish; the general wept as well, asking, 'Xuanbo, what becomes of us?' Tai said, 'Only Jia Chong's head would begin to appease the world.' After a long pause the general said, 'Think of another way.' Tai answered, 'You cannot make me repeat myself.' He spat blood and died. Songzhi remarks: the main text never makes Tai grand master of ceremonies—Gan Bao's source is obscure. Sun Sheng's rewrite of Tai's words is a slight polish, yet none of his variants rest on new evidence—mostly private invention—and usually fall short of the original. Recorded speech should read as if spoken aloud. Elegant words that twist truth are bad enough; worse are clumsy inventions that only multiply lies. The Bowu ji notes four generations—Shi, Ji, Qun, Tai—celebrated in both dynasties, with virtue thinning each step down. Contemporaries sang, 'The lord blushes before the minister; the minister before the elder.' His son Xun inherited the title. Xun died without issue. His younger brother Chen Wen inherited the enfeoffment. When Wei established its five-tier peerage in Xianxi, the court re-enfeoffed Chen Wen as baron (zi) of Shen in honor of Chen Tai's service to the fallen dynasty. 〈The Chen genealogy notes that after Chen Qun's generation rank and visibility slowly thinned. Chen Zuo, a grandson of the line, became inspector of Qing Province. His younger brother Chen Tan served as minister of justice. Chen Zhun, Zuo's son, reached grand commandant and received the ducal patent for Guangling commandery. Zhun's brothers Dai and Zheng and his cousin Kan each climbed to exalted posts. Zhun's grandson Kui, style Lindao, was celebrated in Jiangnan, commanded the central-western host, and was canonized posthumously as guards general.〉
28
广 使 姿
Chen Jiao, whose courtesy name was Jibi, came from Dongyang in Guangling commandery. He fled the wars to Jiangdong and Dongcheng, refused appointments from Sun Ce and Yuan Shu, and went home. Chen Deng made him merit clerk and dispatched him to the capital with this charge: 'Rumor in Xu says the court undervalues me— go see for yourself and report back what I should learn.' Jiao came back and said, 'From every quarter I hear that you, my lord, are proud and self-satisfied.' Deng answered, 'In the grace of a well-ordered household, in moral weight—I honor Chen Ji and his brothers; in clarity of principle and ritual discipline—I honor Hua Xin; in stern integrity and hatred of vice—I honor Zhao Yuanda; in encyclopedic memory and soaring talent—I honor Kong Rong; in heroic stature and the vision of a founder—I honor Liu Bei. These are the men I revere—where is the arrogance? As for lesser men, they are too small to mention.' Such was Deng's self-image, yet he esteemed Jiao as a close friend.
29
便使 使 退
When Sun Quan penned the commandery at Kuangqi, Deng sent Jiao through the lines to plead for aid from Cao Cao. Jiao told Cao Cao, 'Our small district sits on strategic ground; rescue us and make us your outer shield, and you blunt Wu's ambitions, secure the Huai basin, spread your fame, and draw wavering lords to your banner—that is how true kingship is built.' Cao Cao was impressed and wanted to keep him at headquarters. Jiao refused: 'My home hangs by a thread; I came as a messenger of distress. I am no Shen Baoxu, yet I cannot betray the loyalty of Hong Yan.' 〈The Xin Xu records that Duke Huan of Qi asked Wei for a bride; Wei refused and married her to the lord of Xu. When the Di overran Wei, Huan held back until the state fell and its lord perished. The Di devoured Duke Yi's body until only his liver was left. Minister Hong Yan, returning from embassy, placed the charge upon the liver, declaring, 'The ruler dwells within; the servant guards the outer world.' He ripped open his own belly, inserted the liver, and died. Huan of Qi cried, 'Wei fell though it had such servants; I have none—my end is near!' "He then marched to restore Wei and set its lord back on the throne.' (End of Xin Xu quotation. Cao Cao sent Jiao back to speed the rescue. When Wu lifted the siege, Deng planted ambushes, chased the retreating host, and shattered it.
30
西 西 退
Cao Cao called Jiao into the works ministry, then sent him through Xiang, the southern expedition staff, Pengcheng and Leiling, and a Wei commandery commandantcy. When a Quzhou man sacrificed an ox to pray for his sick father, the county condemned him to public execution. Jiao said, "This man is a filial son." He memorialized for a pardon. He became grand warden of Wei commandery. Thousands languished in his jails for years; Jiao argued that Zhou's three codes and Han's three chapters were being honored in letter while the evil of endless detention was ignored—a clear error. He read every case himself and cleared the backlog in one sweep. On the eastern campaign he joined headquarters as the chancellor's senior clerk. After the campaign he returned to Wei commandery, then moved to the western bureau. He marched on Hanzhong and, on return, entered the Masters of Writing. Before he reached Ye, Cao Cao died at Luoyang; the court clung to precedent and insisted the heir needed an edict before he could reign. Jiao said, "The king has died away from the capital and the realm is terrified. The heir must put mourning aside and take the throne to steady expectations everywhere. Other favored sons are close at hand; if factions form, the dynasty itself will be at risk." He mustered the officials and rites and finished everything in a single day. At dawn, on the late king's final order, the heir was enthroned and a general amnesty swept the realm. Emperor Wen said, "Chen Jibi met a supreme test with surpassing clarity—he is truly the standout man of his day." Once Wendi took the throne, Jiao headed personnel in acting capacity, became village marquis of Gaoling, and rose to director of the Masters of Writing. At Mingdi's accession his title rose to village marquis of Dongxiang with six hundred households. Once the emperor's carriage appeared without warning at the Masters of Writing; Jiao knelt and asked, "Your Majesty, where are you bound?" The emperor answered, "Only to review the paperwork." Jiao replied, "That is my office's work—not something Your Majesty should attend to in person. If I am unfit for the post, dismiss me outright. Your Majesty should return." Ashamed, the emperor wheeled his carriage back. Such was his blunt integrity. The Shiyu records that Liu Ye, an early favorite, accused Jiao of hoarding power. Alarmed, Jiao asked his eldest son Ben, who had no counsel to offer. His second son Qian said, "The throne is enlightened and you are a great minister; if you fall out now, at worst you lose your grand office." Days later the emperor received Jiao; Jiao again consulted his sons, and Qian said, "The emperor's anger has cooled—that is why he summons you, father." Inside, the emperor spent the day with him and said, "Liu Ye slandered you, but I have traced the matter; my mind is already settled." He offered five gold ingots; Jiao refused. The emperor said, "Do you think this too small a gift? You already know my heart; it is only that your wife and children do not yet know." Anxious for the dynasty, the emperor asked Jiao, "Lord Sima is loyal and upright—is he a true pillar of the state?" Jiao answered, "He is the court's hope; as for the altars of state—that remains to be seen." He was made palace attendant and grand master for splendid happiness, then minister of education. He died in Jingchu 1 and was posthumously titled Marquis Zhen. The Wei Spring and Autumn adds that Jiao was born a Liu, was adopted through his mother's kin, and then married back into his original clan. Xu Xuan repeatedly condemned the breach, and the court debated the fault. Cao Cao valued Jiao's talent and sought to shield him, issuing an order: "Since the wars, morals have thinned and slander cannot guide praise or blame. Nothing before Jian'an 5 may be raised. Whoever uses old slander to condemn another shall be punished for that offense himself."
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使
His son Chen Ben inherited the title and rose through grand wardencies to the nine high ministers. In every office he set policy and left detail to subordinates, who then gave their best. He commanded men without micromanaging, never cracked a law code yet was hailed as a natural minister of justice, outshining Sima Qi in juridical clarity. He became general who guards the north with the credential staff and supreme command north of the river. At his death his son Chen Can inherited the line. Chen Ben's brother Qian rose to general of chariots and cavalry under Xianxi. 〈The Jinshu adds that Qian, style Xiuyuan, helped found the Jin dynasty, became grand tutor, and was made duke of Gaoping.〉
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使
Long before, as commandery merit clerk, Jiao traveled through Taishan. Taishan Grand Warden Xue Ti of Dongjun was struck with admiration and befriended him. Ti teased him: 'A petty clerk befriending a two-thousand-dan grand warden—like a prince strolling with a vassal—is that not a fine joke?' Later Xue Ti served as grand warden of Wei and director of the Masters of Writing—each time, tradition says, stepping into Jiao's shoes. 〈The Shiyu gives Ti's style as Xiaowei. At twenty-two he leapt from Yan Province clerk to grand warden of Taishan. When Cao Cao took Ji Province he named Ti and Wang Guo of Dongping his left and right senior clerks; both rose to central commandant, loyal and efficient exemplars for every clerk.〉
33
广西 西 寿 西 殿 怀宿 广
Xu Xuan, style Baojian, hailed from Haixi in Guangling. Like Jiao he fled to Jiangdong, refused Sun Ce's call, and went home. He and Chen Jiao shared the chief clerk's burden—rivals in reputation if not in friendship—yet Deng valued both, and each pledged himself to Cao Cao. When Haixi and Huaipu rose, Commandant Wei Mi and Magistrate Liang Xi slipped to Xuan's door; he smuggled them to safety. Cao Cao sent overseer Hu Zhi to crush the rebels, but Zhi stalled for lack of numbers. Xuan cornered Zhi, laid out the map of force, and Zhi marched and routed the rebels. Cao Cao took him on as ministerial clerk, named him magistrate of Dongmin and Fagan, raised him to grand warden of Qi, then brought him to court as gatehouse commander for the Shouchun campaign. When Ma Chao rose and the host marched west, Cao Cao told his staff, 'I leave with the west still unquiet; I need a man of spotless honor to hold this ground.' He named Xuan left protector of the army and left him in charge of the rear echelon. After the western campaign he became eastern-bureau senior clerk under the chancellor, then grand warden of Wei. When Cao Cao died at Luoyang the courtiers entered the palace to mourn. Some proposed replacing every city garrison with troops from Qiao and Pei. Xuan thundered back, 'The realm is one; every soldier burns to serve—why insult the old guard by swapping in only men from Qiao and Pei?' Wendi heard the story and said, 'There speaks a true pillar of state.' Once Wendi took the throne Xuan became palace aide to the censor-in-chief, won secondary marquis within the passes, jumped to colonel of the gates within a month, then metropolitan commandant, then standing attendant. On the Guangling tour the imperial flotilla met a squall; the dragon boat spun while Xuan, sick in the rear squadron, pulled ahead of every courtier through the surf. The emperor praised his courage and moved him into the Masters of Writing.
34
Mingdi enfeoffed him village marquis of Jinyang at two hundred households. Huan Fan, central commandant, memorialized on Xuan's behalf:
35
I have heard that wise kings match talent to the times—in war, stratagem; in peace, steadfast loyalty. Thus Duke Wen of Jin followed Jiu Fan's ruse yet ranked Yong Ji's honest counsel higher in the reward rolls. 〈The Lüshi Chunqiu tells how Duke Wen of Jin, facing Chu at Chengpu, asked Jiu Fan, 'They outnumber us—what now?' Jiu Fan answered, 'A ruler who loves pageantry lacks true refinement; a warrior who loves battle lacks true guile—meet guile with guile.' Wen repeated this to Yong Ji, who said, "Drain the pond and you eat today but starve tomorrow. Burn the coverts and you bag game now but leave none for later. Trickery buys a moment; it cannot be a lasting policy." Wen followed Jiu Fan and shattered Chu at Chengpu. When it came time for rewards Yong Ji stood first in line. Courtiers protested, "Chengpu was Jiu Fan's victory. You took his counsel yet rank him last—how can that be just?" Wen answered, "Yong Ji speaks for ages to come; Jiu Fan speaks only for the crisis at hand. How could I rank a day's tactic above a century's good?"〉 Han Gaozu relied on Chen Ping's wit but left the aftermath to Zhou Bo's steadfast arm. I see Director Xu Xuan: loyal, generous, blunt, and bright. Refined and aloof, he scorns fashion. Rock-steady, he has the fiber of a pillar of state. In province after province he proved equal to every charge. The vice-director's chair is empty; Xuan should fill it. For a trust this heavy no man suits better.
36
殿
Mingdi named him left vice-director, then added palace attendant and grand master for splendid happiness. During the emperor's stay at Xuchang he ran the capital in absentia. On the emperor's return the clerks piled memorials on his desk. The emperor asked, 'How does my own review differ from the vice director's?' Mingdi never opened the files. When a palace artisan was flogged to death on a trifle, Xuan protested cruel justice and wasteful palace works; Mingdi answered each memorial with his own brush in praise. Xuan said, 'The rites let a man retire his carriage at seventy; I am sixty-eight and ready to step down.' He pressed a resignation on grounds of age; the emperor refused.
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He died in Qinglong 4, ordering a plain hemp shroud and timely dress only for the coffin. An edict said: “Xu Xuan embodied perfect sincerity. Upright within and correct without, he served through three reigns with public clarity and grave dignity, and possessed the integrity of a man to whom an orphan heir and the mandate itself could be entrusted. He may truly be called a pillar of the state. I meant to raise him to chancellor but heaven cut him short. Posthumously name him general of chariots and cavalry and bury him with ducal honors.' The preceding rescript ended; the court then canonized him as Marquis Zhen. His son Xu Qin inherited the title.
38
使
Wei Zhen, style Gongzhen, came from Xiangyi in Chenliu commandery. His father Wei Ci held fast to principle and ignored every offer from the three highest offices. When Cao Cao first entered Chenliu, Wei Ci declared, 'This is the man who will settle the empire.' Cao Cao was struck with admiration and called on him again and again to plan weighty matters. He marched against Dong Zhuo, fell fighting at Xingyang, and died there. Each time Cao Cao passed through Chenliu he dispatched aides to honor Ci's tomb. 〈The Conduct of Worthies of Antiquity gives Ci's style as Zixu. He shunned theatrical virtue and the empty reputations of the crowd. His mind ran deep; his designs ranged far. He Miao of the chariots and horse host called him up; Yang Biao, minister of education, twice pressed a grand summons on him. When Zhuo wrecked Luoyang and Han swayed, Cao Cao reached Chenliu, met Wei Ci, swore common cause, and plotted the uprising. Ci replied, 'Chaos has festered too long—only force can mend it.' He added, 'This day marks the true beginning of the sword.' He read the tides of fortune and was the first to bless the grand strategy. He raised three thousand men, followed Cao Cao into Xingyang, battled a full day in defeat, and died on the field. Guo Tai's life records: "In early manhood Ci and his townsman Quan Wensheng shared a reputation for high character. At market with Guo Tai, Zixu paid the sticker price while Wensheng wrangled every copper lower. Guo Tai remarked, 'Zixu wants little; Wensheng wants much—they are less like brothers than like father and son.' Wensheng later fell to greed; Ci's stern honor became legend."〉
39
广
When Xiahou Dun was grand administrator of Chenliu, he recommended Lu Zhen as accounting clerk. Xiahou Dun once ordered the women of the household to come out for a banquet, but Zhen considered this “the custom of a decadent age, not the proper standard of ritual.” Dun jailed him in a fury, then thought better of it and let him go. He later served the Han court as gentleman at the yellow gates. When Zhu Yue of Dongjun rebelled he tried to drag Zhen in. Cao Cao wrote, 'Your father and I began this venture together, and I have watched you with special favor. When I first heard Yue's tale I did not credit it. Director Xun's letter then proved your innocence to the hilt.' On mission to invest a consort in Wei, he memorialized to keep Zhen on the chancellor's military staff. The throne remembered his father's service, enfeoffed him secondary marquis within the passes, and moved him to the households bureau. When Wendi took the kingship Zhen became standing attendant-in-ordinary. At Wendi's accession he was named village marquis of Anguo. The whole court sang Wei's praises and slighted the fallen Han. Zhen alone explained the doctrine of sanctioned transfer and spoke well of Han. The emperor kept his eye on Zhen and said, 'The empire's jewels belong beside the lord of Shanyang too.' He rose to the Masters of Writing, then combined palace attendant with director for appointments. During the Guangling tour he served as acting central commandant in the rear and rode with the train. General-in-chief for expeditions Cao Xiu submitted a memorial citing surrendered bandits' testimony that 'Sun Quan is already at Ruxukou.' Zhen answered, 'Sun Quan hides behind the Yangzi; he would not dare a stand-up fight—this is panic talk.' Questioning the captives exposed a lie cooked up by a local commander.
40
使 退 殿 殿 殿 退
Mingdi raised his fief to village marquis of Kang, then made him right vice-director of personnel with palace attendant as before. Jiang Ji wrote, 'Gaozu turned a runaway groom into a marshal; the Zhou king made a fisherman grand tutor; commoners and grooms can rise to the highest rank—why fetishize paperwork and probation?' Zhen replied, 'The sages weighed deed over dazzle and moved men only after reviewing their record; yet you compare Muye to the peace of Cheng and Kang, equate a street omen with Wen and Jing, praise reckless jumps, and open a sluice for eccentric talent—the whole country will career off the road.' When Zhuge Liang raided Tianshui Zhen memorialized, 'It is fitting to dispatch a striking column through Sanguan to cut his grain road.' The court named him Shu-expedition general with the credential staff, sent him to Chang'an, and Liang pulled back. He returned to civil office and added grand master for splendid happiness. While Mingdi lavished treasure on new palaces, Zhen remonstrated again and again. When the palace intendant seized an Orchid Terrace clerk without warrant, Zhen impeached the abuse. The emperor asked, 'My mind is on the unfinished halls—why do you harp on this?' Zhen answered, 'Old law forbade officials poaching one another's duties not because diligence was bad but because the profit was tiny and the damage huge. Every time I review such cases I see the same pattern—I dread a race of clerks trampling each other's lines until government rots.' Zhuge Liang marched out of Xie Valley again; the southern front reported, 'Zhu Ran's fleet has passed Jingcheng.' Zhen said, 'Zhu Ran is one of Wu's best blades—he will join Quan in person and only feints to pin our southern army.' Sun Quan did recall Zhu Ran to Juchao and strike at Hefei. Mingdi meant to lead the eastern host himself; Zhen argued, 'Sun Quan pretends to help Liang but actually waits on the fence. Hefei's ramparts are stout—hardly a crisis. Spare the six hosts the cost of a needless imperial march.' The sovereign advanced only to Xunyang; Sun Quan slipped away.
41
使
You regional inspector Guanqiu Jian memorialized, "Since Your Majesty's accession there is nothing worth recording in the annals. Wu and Shu hide behind their terrain and cannot be crushed at once; we could instead use the idle soldiers here to take Liaodong." Zhen replied, "Jian's plan is petty Warring States trickery, not the work of a true king. Wu raids the borders year after year, yet we still hold our armies back because the people are exhausted. Yuan has ruled Liaodong for three generations, taming tribes abroad and drilling troops at home; Jian imagines a small column can sweep the coast between dawn and dusk—that is fantasy." Jian's expedition failed. Zhen became minister of works, then minister of education. Under Zhengshi his title rose to village marquis of Changyuan at one thousand households, and one son became a full marquis. Long before, Cao Cao delayed naming an heir while the Marquis of Linzi, Cao Zhi, basked in special favor. Ding Yi and his circle urged Zhen to join Cao Zhi; Zhen refused on principle. When Wendi took the throne Prince of Donghai Cao Lin was favored; the emperor asked Zhen, "What of the Marquis of Pingyuan?" Zhen praised Cao Rui's virtues and stopped there. Under Cao Shuang, Xiahou Xuan pressed Zhen to take the directorship and sought a marriage alliance for Shuang's brother; Zhen refused both. He firmly asked to retire. An edict read, "Long ago Gannan Mu lived in seclusion yet his righteousness humbled mighty Qin; the Marquis of Liu kept his spirit at ease yet never forgot the cause of Chu. Speak frankly and offer good counsel—we hope you will not withhold it." He received a residence, special eminence, and stipend equal to the Three Excellencies. At his death he was posthumously made grand commandant and titled Marquis Jing.
42
His son Wei Lie inherited the title and under Xianxi became superintendent of splendid happiness. 〈Songzhi: old files and Fu Xian's corpus agree that Wei Lie died in office as superintendent of splendid happiness. Wei's younger brothers Jing and Kai each rose to two-thousand-dan posts. Kai's son Quan bore the style Boyu. When Prince Liang of Runan, grand marshal of Jin, directed the regency, he named Quan gentleman of the Masters of Writing. Fu Xian warned the prince, "Wei Quan is kin to the imperial consort and has real literary gifts—he belongs on the terrace staff, not yet in the heir's bureau. The heir's office once choked under Yang Jun's nepotism; now Quan leaps ahead of me for the same post. One cur barks at a shadow and a hundred echo—I dread the chorus warping the throne's ear." Quan's preface and notes to Zuo Si's Wu Capital rhapsody show a little polish in the preface, but the commentary adds nothing—only smears the page and is not worth copying.
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涿涿 涿
Lu Yu, style Zijia, came from Zhuo in Zhuo commandery. His father Lu Zhi was celebrated throughout the empire. 〈The Xu Han shu records Lu Zhi's style as Zigàn. As a youth he studied under Ma Rong alongside Zheng Xuan. Lu Zhi was granite-straight, dreamed of saving the world, refused to curry favor, and ignored provincial calls. Under Jianning he took a doctorate, became grand warden of Jiujiang, then resigned ill. He wrote a commentary on the Documents and glosses on the Record of Rites. He rose step by step to palace attendant and the Masters of Writing. When Zhang Jue rebelled the court named him colonel of the central north; he lost and faced trial. Soon he was restored to the Masters of Writing. At Little Ping Ford Lu Zhi confronted Zhang Rang's party with drawn blade until the eunuchs disarmed, wept, and begged mercy—then they killed themselves. At Zhuo's council to depose the throne only Lu Zhi spoke bluntly—the story stands in Zhuo's chapter. Age and sickness drove him to hermitage on Mount Jundu in Shanggu; he died in Chuping 3. Marching on Liucheng Cao Cao told Zhuo's grand warden, "Lu Zhi, late colonel of the central north, was Confucianism's beacon and the state's beam—his fame filled the realm. King Wu of Zhou honored Shang Rong's lane in conquered Yin; Confucius wept when Zi Chan died in Zheng. Coming to his home commandery, I honor the virtue that still clings here. Spring and Autumn justice demands special kindness to descendants of the worthy. I therefore send clerks to tend his grave and pour a humble libation, that his goodness may shine." Lu Zhi left four sons; Yu was the youngest.〉 Orphaned at ten when his province exploded in war, he lost both elder brothers in the fighting. During the Shao–Zan wars that starved You and Ji he kept his sister-in-law and nephews alive and won praise for scholarship and character.
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簿 巿
As general of the five offices Wendi appointed him clerk of the gatehouse bandit bureau. Cui Yan nominated him chief clerk of Ji Province. Early Wei punished runaway officials harshly, extending sentence to wives and children. Women such as Bai had been wed mere days and never seen their husbands when the high court demanded public execution. Yu protested:
45
A woman's bond forms at first sight of her husband; duty deepens only after the marriage is complete. The Poetry says, "I have not seen my lord, and sorrow wrenches my heart; now that I have seen him, my heart is eased." The canon adds, 'A bride not yet presented at the temple who dies goes home to her mother's clan, for she is not yet truly a wife.' These women knew their husbands only by rumor in life and died without ever completing a marriage, yet the tribunal would execute them—had they truly shared a bed, what worse charge could you pile on? The Record also says to grade complicity by the lightest plausible reading. The Documents warns: better break precedent than kill the guiltless—your proposed sentence is too harsh. They had crossed the threshold under formal betrothal—fine them or demote them if you must, but the headsman's ax is excessive.
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使 西
Cao Cao ruled, 'Lu Yu has the right of it. He grounded his plea in the canon until I could only sigh in agreement.' He was named deliberation clerk in the legal bureau, then rotated to the western bureau.
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使 广
At Wei's founding he took office as gentleman of the ministry of personnel. Wendi moved him to the yellow gates, then sent him out as Jiyin minister and joint grand warden of Liang and Qiao. Because Qiao was the imperial hometown, Wendi transplanted a huge population there to open military colonies. The ground was poor and the settlers starving; Yu begged to shift them to fertile Liang state—Wendi took it as a snub. He grudgingly approved the move yet exiled Yu to command the colonists as Suiyang colony commandant. Yu walked every camp himself, picking good soil for each family, and the people thrived under his hand. Promoted to grand warden of Anping and Guangping, he left a trail of humane government.
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使 使
In Qinglong 2 he returned to the palace as attendant. Liu Shao had been drafting a new code for the throne, but the work stalled. Yu argued that statutes must speak with one voice—split standards only feed corrupt clerks. When Gaotang Long's palace sermons angered Mingdi, Yu stepped forward: 'A clear-sighted throne breeds blunt ministers; the ancients hung a drum so subjects could beat out their warnings. We lesser attendants cannot match Long's courage in speaking truth to power. He is a scholar, blunt to a fault—bear with him.' Three years in post he fought a dozen bad rulings. An edict said: “Assigning officials according to ability is difficult even for sage emperors; one must have excellent assistants who can advance what is right and replace what is wrong. Attendant Lu Yu is steady, fair, and tireless—exactly the man to test and trust. Appoint him director of personnel.' Mingdi told him to name his successor: 'Only your equal will do.' Yu picked Zheng Chong; the emperor answered, 'I know Wenhe—give me a name I have not met.' He then offered Ruan Wu and Sun Yong; the throne took Sun Yong.
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Zhuge Dan, Deng Yang, and their set chased fame until the capital sneered at the four acute wits; the eight-thoroughfares clique, and Mingdi detested them. When a palace secretariat seat opened, the edict read, 'Master Lu alone will tell us if the man fits. Do not pick men for fame alone—fame is a cake drawn in dust, inedible.' Yu answered:
50
退
Reputation alone will not net a genius, but it still finds solid middling talent. Reliable men heed teaching and earn their names honestly—that is nothing to despise. I cannot spot every prodigy, and my clerks must work from dossiers—yet we can still test results after appointment. The ancients heard memorials in court and proved officers on the job. Today merit ratings are dead and gossip sets promotions—so fraud and fact tangle together.
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Mingdi accepted the plea and ordered a new examination code drafted. When the minister of education's chair emptied, Yu nominated Guan Ning; the court could not use him. Pressed for another name he answered, 'For generous steadfastness name grand counselor of the household Han Ji; for blunt clarity name metropolitan commandant Cui Lin; for unbending purity name grand master of ceremonies Chang Lin.' The throne named Han Ji to the post. In every nomination Yu ranked character ahead of cleverness. Li Feng asked how talent and virtue meshed; Yu said, 'Talent serves goodness—great gifts do great good, modest gifts do modest good. Call a man clever who does no good and you have a misshapen vessel.' Li Feng and his circle conceded the point.
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使 使使
When Prince of Qi Cao Fang took the throne, Yu received secondary marquis within the passes. Cao Shuang was building a faction and shifted Yu from vice-director, replacing him with He Yan. Soon Yu was posted to the ministry of justice; Bi Gui then engineered his removal, but public outcry restored him as superintendent of splendid happiness. After Shuang's faction fell, Grand Tutor Sima Yi, King of Xuan, put Yu in charge of the metropolitan commandant's office and the trials. He again became Director of the Masters of Writing for Personnel, was additionally made Commandant of the Ceremonial Chariot, enfeoffed as Marquis of Gaole Pavilion, transferred to Vice Director, kept his former charge over selections and appointments, and was additionally made Grand Counselor of the Household. When Cao Mao took the throne Yu's title rose to village marquis of Daliang. One son received the village marquisate of Gaoting. When Guanqiu Jian rose, Grand General Sima Shi marched out and Yu kept the rear in order, adding palace attendant. In Zhengyuan 3, sick, he resigned his office. Named minister of works, he firmly yielded the post in favor of Wang Chang, Wang Guan, and Wang Xiang. The throne sent envoys at once with seal and cord, raising him to village marquis of Rongcheng at twenty-three hundred households. He died in Ganlu 2 and was posthumously titled Marquis Cheng. His grandson Sun Fan inherited the line.
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His sons Lu Qin and Lu Ting rose under Xianxi—Qin to the Masters of Writing, Ting to grand warden of Taishan. 〈The Shiyu records Qin's style as Ziruo and Ting's as Zihu. In Jin's Taishi era Qin served as vice-director of personnel; he died in Xianning 4 with posthumous rank as guards general and independent staff. In his Jin History Yu Yu records that Qin spurned riches, lived plainly, and shaped his life by ritual. His townsman Zhang Hua was poor and obscure; only Qin singled him out as exceptional. Qin's son Fu bore the style Ziyun. The Jin Praise of the Dukes calls Zhang Hua encyclopedic. Fu outshone even Zhang Hua in breadth, entered service as heir's attendant, then lost a hand to a boil and was crippled out of office. The court still valued him, named him national-university erudite without leaving his house, then libationer. Under Yongping he rose to supervisor of the secretariat. Lu Ting and his sons Hao and Zhi each rose to the Masters of Writing. Zhi's son Chen used the style Ziliang. Wen Qiao memorialized that Chen combined moral clarity with literary grace. A private biography of Chen praises his essays. When Luoyang fell he fled to Liu Kun, who named him minister of works staff adviser. After Kun's defeat he entered the service of Duan Mobo. Under Yuan Di he was summoned again and again to the secretariat but could not cross south. In Yonghe 6 he died on soil held by the Hu the manuscripts repeat the ethnonym Hu in parentheses while his descendants later crossed the Yangzi to the south. The rebel prophet Lu Xun was his great-grandson.〉
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Section heading: Appraisal.
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Huan Jie read every turn of fortune and had the breadth to master his times. Chen Qun anchored policy in principle and kept a statesman's clean reputation. Chen Tai carried the house forward with blunt, saving judgment. Wei centralized power in the palace secretariat, favoring capital ministers over field posts—the eight seats of the Masters of Writing were the true heirs of the Zhou six ministers. Chen Qun, Xu Xuan, Wei Zhen, and Lu Yu held those chairs longest; Chen Jiao and Xu Xuan were flint-spined, while Wei Zhen and Lu Yu policed the machinery with cool judgment—none, it is said, disgraced his charge.
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