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卷二十四 魏書二十四 韓崔高孫王傳

Volume 24: Book of Wei 24 - Biographies of Han, Cui, Gao, Sun, and Wang

Chapter 24 of 三國志 · Records of the Three Kingdoms
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Chapter 24
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1
This volume records Han Ji, Cui Lin, Gao Rou, Sun Li, and Wang Guan.
2
Han Ji, whose courtesy name was Gongzhi, came from Duyang in Nanyang commandery. 〈The Traditions of Worthies of the Chu Region states that Han Ji was a descendant of King Xin of Han. His grandfather Han Shu had served as Administrator of Hedong. His father Han Chun had served as Administrator of Nan commandery.〉 Chen Mao, a wealthy bully in the same county, denounced Han Ji's father and brothers until they stood on the edge of the death penalty. Han Ji kept his own counsel, took day labor to scrape together money, and quietly recruited loyal followers until he could hunt Chen Mao down, kill him, and offer the man's head at his father's tomb—an act that made his name known far and wide. Recommended as filial and incorrupt and summoned by the Minister of Works, he declined every appointment. He then changed his name, withdrew into the Luyang hills, and sat out the chaos in hiding. The hill folk formed armed bands and were bent on pillage. Han Ji spent his family fortune on feasts of beef and wine, invited their leaders, and patiently explained the stakes—safety against ruin. They took his counsel to heart and never carried out their raids. When Yuan Shu tried to conscript him, he moved deeper into the Shandu range to stay out of reach. Liu Biao, Governor of Jingzhou, courted him with a formal summons; Han Ji slipped away instead and settled south along the Zangling frontier, where commoners and gentry alike admired him—which only deepened Liu Biao's grudge. Alarmed at last, he answered the call and accepted appointment as magistrate of Yicheng.
3
After Cao Cao conquered Jingzhou, Han Ji was recruited as an aide in the personnel bureau of the Chancellor's office. He was later chosen Administrator of Leling, then reassigned to supervise the imperial foundries. The old practice at the ironworks was to drive the bellows with teams of horses. 〈The commentary glosses the character with the fanqie spelling pu-bai. A "pai" was a set of bellows to fan the furnace coals.〉 Each batch of ore smelted through consumed the strength of a hundred horses. Switching to manpower was just as wasteful of labor. Han Ji harnessed a swift stream to power water bellows; the output and savings tripled compared with the old methods. Seven years in that post left the arsenals and workshops abundantly stocked. The throne issued a written commendation and added the title Director of Metals for the Court of Wei, a post that ranked just below the Nine Ministers. When Cao Pi took the throne, Han Ji received the village marquisate of Yicheng. In Huangchu 7 he rose to Grand Master of Ceremonies and was promoted to village marquis of Nanxiang with a fief of two hundred households.
4
穿便 使
Luoyang was still being built into a capital, its ritual framework unfinished, and the spirit tablets for the dynastic temple— 〈shi is read like "shi" (stone). The Zuo Tradition records the charge, "He bade my ancestors keep custody of the royal tablets in the ancestral shrine." The commentary note says: "That in the ancestral temple by which the spirit tablets are stored in the stone chamber."〉 —still lay at the old capital in Ye. Han Ji petitioned to bring the four sets of ancestral tablets down from Ye, install them in a new temple at Luoyang, and personally tend the seasonal grain offerings year round. He promoted orthodox rites, swept away illegitimate local cults, and straightened out a host of ritual abuses. After eight years in that office ill health forced him to retire. In the spring of Jingchu 2 an edict declared: "Grand Counselor Han Ji has purified himself in virtue; his resolve stands high and unsullied. Past eighty, he clings to the Way more firmly than ever—utterly steadfast, growing stronger in age. Let him be appointed Minister of Education." He died in the fourth month of summer, leaving orders for a plain shroud and a simple earth-chamber burial. He was posthumously titled Marquis Gong ("the reverent"). 〈The Traditions of Worthies of the Chu Region records his deathbed words: "When the age grows wasteful, teach restraint; when men turn miserly, bring them back with ritual. I have watched generation after generation outdo one another in lavish funerals—the excess is unbearable. If you sons truly honor me, wrap my body in everyday clothes, lay me in a plain earth pit, fill it in at once, and send me off with nothing costlier than coarse pottery—nothing extra on the bier." He also forwarded a memorial: "I tried in life to burden the people as little as possible; I will not burden them in death. Moreover I have sat among the Three Excellencies too briefly to broadcast the sovereign's kindness to the common folk. My sickness has reached its final stage; I am about to cross into the shades. The farmers are in the thick of spring work; do not drag the households of Luoyang into mourning levies for my sake. State ritual may have its rules, yet I beg you to waive them this once so my last wish may be honored—I lay this before you in hope of mercy." The emperor read the plea and sighed with admiration, then replied: "The late Minister of Education Han Ji built his life on integrity; his loyalty shone in court service, and even in white hairs he never bent. We raised him among the Three Excellencies expecting his counsel—how cruel that Heaven cut him off so soon! Zengzi on his deathbed exchanged his fine mat for a humble one, as ritual demanded; Yan Ying insisted on thrift and trimmed the funeral train to what the rites allowed. Our Minister of Education, knowing his end was near, thought first of sparing the people and clung to simplicity—here was a man who began well and finished well. Conduct the state funeral by the book; let nothing be omitted that precedent requires." Nevertheless the court still sent the lacquered "warm-bright" inner coffin, a full set of robes, court dress for each season, and a jade-hilted sword with fittings.〉 His son Han Zhao succeeded to the title. When Han Zhao died, his son Han Bang inherited. 〈The same tradition gives Han Bang the courtesy name Changlin. Even as a youth he showed literary and scholarly gifts. Under Jin Wudi he served as magistrate of Yewang and earned praise for his governance. Promoted to Administrator of Xincheng, he nominated an old Yewang clerk to be county accountant; the emperor took this as a breach of rules and had Han Bang put to death. Han Ji's second son Han You became Administrator of Gaoyang. Han You's son Han Hong rose to imperial secretary. Han Hong's son Han Shou bore the courtesy name Dezhen. The Appraisal of Jin Ministers remarks that from Han Ji onward the family pursued modest callings; Han Shou upheld that tradition and was noted for his frank, generous temper. He rose early through unsullied posts; when Emperor Hui mounted the throne he entered the palace as Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and later acted as governor of Henan. He died in office and was posthumously named General of Agile Cavalry. Han Shou had married a daughter of Jia Chong. Jia Chong had no sons, so he adopted Han Shou's boy Han Mi as heir; still in his twenties Mi became director of the palace library and attendant-in-ordinary—brilliant but arrogant, and cleverer than his father. A younger son, Han Wei, was equally promising, yet Prince Sima Lun of Zhao executed both brothers. With that the house of Han came to an end.〉
5
簿
Cui Lin, courtesy name Deru, was a native of Dongwucheng in Qinghe commandery. He was a late bloomer as a boy, ignored by his kinsmen until his cousin Cui Yan singled him out as exceptional. When Cao Cao conquered Jizhou, Cui Lin was called up as magistrate of Wu; too poor to afford a mount, he walked to his post alone. During the Huguan campaign Cao Cao asked which local magistrate governed best; Bingzhou Inspector Zhang Zhi named Cui Lin, who was promptly elevated to chief clerk of Jizhou, then shifted to chief clerk on staff and aide in the Chancellor's office. After the kingdom of Wei was founded he rose step by step to palace assistant secretary.
6
涿 使 使 涿西 使 涿 姿宿 便使便 使
When Cao Pi took the throne Cui Lin became a Master of Writing, then left the capital as Inspector of Youzhou. Wu Zhi, General of the North Center, held military authority over Hebei. Zhuo Administrator Wang Xiong warned Cui Lin's chief clerk: "Wu Zhi is a favorite of the throne and a pillar of the court. He wields the imperial baton—every province sends him respectful letters—yet your Inspector Cui has never so much as called on him. If he decides the frontier works are neglected and orders your execution, do you imagine Cui Lin will shield you?" The chief clerk relayed the threat. Cui Lin replied: "I would leave this province as lightly as kicking off a sandal—why would I let his bullying implicate you? Youzhou fronts the steppe; it must be governed with calm. Provoke Wu Zhi and you rouse the tribes—nothing but fresh trouble on the northern frontier. That is what truly worries me." Within a single tour of duty banditry faded to nothing. 〈The Wang clan genealogy identifies Wang Xiong, style Yuanbo, as kin to Grand Guardian Wang Xiang. The Memorials of Wei Notables preserves Meng Da, Administrator of Anding, recommending Wang Xiong: "A wise sovereign wins the realm by seeking talent; a loyal minister repays favor by lifting the worthy. The Zhou yi speaks of pulling a single reed and drawing the whole clump; the Analects tell a ruler to promote men he truly knows. I hardly match that standard, yet I admire the principle. Once, when offices stood empty, I overstayed my turn in the clerical ranks. Wang Xiong of Zhuo then served as a western-section clerk alongside me. His nature is steady and resolute, bold yet thoughtful. Trials in three counties left good order and contented people. Closer to court he spread imperial majesty with tact, soothed the people, and enforced the code with scrupulous care. On an embassy last year I traveled through his district. He told me how deeply he valued Your Majesty's personal promotion and swore to polish his integrity and lay down his life in your service. His voice shook with feeling; there was no mistaking his sincerity. I am no judge of fine distinctions, yet I see in him both civil talent and military grit, with a loyalty fiercer than most of his contemporaries. Zhuo today counts only three thousand households, half of them widows and orphans under garrison protection—hardly enough scope to stretch Wang Xiong's abilities. I owe the dynasty too much to stay silent; forgive this blunt memorial born of gratitude." The emperor answered: "Xiao He once lifted Han Xin; Deng Yu raised Wu Han—talent knows talent. Wang Xiong has courage, wit, and both book and sword—I have watched him for years. Enroll him at once among the attendants-in-ordinary; let him study court usage at my side awhile, then give him a weightier post. I want every promising man in the empire to serve first as attendant-in-ordinary before he is sent to a provincial seat—that has always been my design." 〉Wang Xiong was later promoted to Inspector of Youzhou. His son Wang Hun became Inspector of Liangzhou. His second son Wang Yi rose to General Who Pacifies the North. Wang Rong—the future Minister of Education and Marquis of Anfeng—was Wang Hun's son. Grand Commandant Wang Yan, Marquis of Wuling, and Wang Cheng, who governed Jingzhou, were both sons of Wang Yi.〉 Cui Lin was nonetheless demoted to Administrator of Hejian for refusing to court his superiors, and the literati set never forgave him for it. 〈The Wei mingchen zou records Attendant-in-Ordinary Xin Pi's memorial: "Formerly Huan Jie was Master of Writing and, because Cui Lin was not Master of Writing material, transferred him to be Administrator of Hejian. —a version that disagrees with the account given here.
7
使使 使 祿
He was later promoted to Grand Herald. When the king of Kucha sent a princely hostage to Luoyang, the court lavished titles and gifts on the distant ruler. Other kingdoms began sending their own "sons" in an endless stream of envoys. Cui Lin worried that many were impostors—distant cousins or Sogdian traders buying patents of investiture—while the cost of escorts along the highway kept mounting. It wastes the people we are meant to protect, funds a pointless pageant, and invites ridicule from the border peoples—the very abuse earlier dynasties deplored. He therefore wrote Dunhuang spelling out court policy and attached a digest of how past regimes had treated foreign princes, thick or thin, so that practice would settle into a steady rule. When Cao Rui came to the throne, Cui Lin received a secondary marquisate, then moved to supervisor of the imperial clan bureau and colonel director of retainers. He ordered every county under his jurisdiction to purge supernumerary appointees made without proper warrant. Cui Lin governed with candor and kept his eye on essentials, so that wherever he served, people missed him after he left.
8
Liu Shao, as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, drafted a blueprint for grading officials, and the throne circulated it to the whole bureaucracy. Cui Lin argued: "The Rites of Zhou already spell out inspection of merit; after King Kang the system decayed—proof that written rules matter less than the integrity of the men who wield them. When Eastern Han collapsed, was the flaw really that aides kept sloppy files? Today armies march at a moment's notice or swell without warning; statutes multiply, inner and outer bureaus tug the rules in opposite directions—no single ledger can cover every case. As the adage says, lift the main cord when the mesh will not spread; straighten the collar when the fur lies awry. Gao Yao served Shun, Yi Yin served the Yin kings, and the vicious simply melted away. The Five Thearchs and Three Kings never ruled alike, yet each age found its own path to order or ruin. The Zhou yi teaches: "Keep policy plain and easy, and the way of the world becomes clear." The Founder tailored recruitment to circumstance and left us that flexibility; we need not obsess over copying antiquity. Our present institutions are not too loose; the task is simply to hold the line without drifting. Give us ministers with the backbone of Zhong Shanfu to awe the regional heads, and who would dare slacken?"
9
使
The chancellor of Lu memorialized: "Han law maintained a Confucian shrine; the marquis who "continues the praise" tended its seasonal rites; the circular moat academy always honored the First Teacher; the imperial clan supplied grain for spring and autumn offerings. Today the marquis who "continues the sage" lacks a statutory cult; he should receive oxen and grain, with local magistrates conducting the service and the sage ranked among the highest gods." The throne told the Three Dukes to debate the point. Erudite Fu Di cited the Zuo Tradition: whoever is entered in the state register of sacrifices deserves worship—Confucius plainly qualifies. The "sage's heir" title only keeps an extinct line alive and advertises imperial largesse. If the goal is to broadcast the Master's doctrine and honor his virtue, the Lu memorial has the right of it. Cui Lin countered that the marquis already sacrificed by imperial writ—hardly an "unmandated" cult. King Wu enfeoffed the Yellow Thearch's line and those of Yao and Shun and added the "three reverend houses," yet in Yu's or Tang's day they were not on the regular roster—other officers handled their offerings. From the Duke of Zhou back to the Three August Ones the classics still name them, yet we no longer maintain their altars. We single out Confucius chiefly because his age lies closest to our own. To give a minister's heir limitless oblations—outranking ancient thearchs and outshining even Tang and Wu—is already the utmost "exalting virtue"; we need not pile duplicate rites on unrelated forebears." 〈Pei Songzhi comments: Mencius quoted Zai Wo—"Compared with the Master, even Yao and Shun seem lesser men." He added, "In all the lives Heaven has granted humankind, none matches Confucius." Are those not the very yardstick by which the wise judge greatness! Ultimate truth may be one, yet ages differ in simplicity or decadence, and genius takes many forms—some blaze only in their own day. That is why later reverence runs deep for some teachers and shallow for others. To weave Heaven and humanity into one teaching, to set a model every throne must acknowledge—there stands truly only one such man. The Zhou house looked back on Xia and Shang; its ritual culture reached a peak. Even so, Zhou learning never quite matched the subtlety of the Six Classics themselves. Five hundred years without a sage left the moral order in tatters; had Confucius and his disciples not rescued the texts, Zhou civilization might have died on the vine. How could a teacher who relit the ancient kings' path, secured merit for endless generations, and rivals heaven and earth in endurance be anything less than greater than every other so-called sage? Cui Lin showed neither Sima Qian's luminous empathy nor Mei Fu's indignant zeal—only a pedant's stubbornness masquerading as principle. He simply did not know his own measure.〉
10
Gao Rou, courtesy name Wenhui, came from Yu in Chenliu commandery. His father Gao Jing had served as commandant of Shu commandery. 〈The Chenliu Traditions of the Elderly states that Gao Jing's great-great-grandfather Gao Gu refused office under Wang Mang and was murdered by the Administrator of Huaiyang, winning posthumous fame for his steadfast honor. Gu's son Gao Shen bore the courtesy name Xiaofu. He was plain, steady, and unflashy, with a calm depth about him. He raised his late brother's five sons as his own, with unstinting kindness. He Ying, chancellor of Langye, admired his character and gave him a daughter in marriage. That He Ying was the father of General of Chariots and Cavalry He Xi. Gao Shen served as magistrate of two counties and then as administrator of Donglai. Age and illness drove him home to a thatched hovel with not a jar of grain in reserve. His wife asked, "You have been magistrate and two-thousand-bushel official year after year—could you not salt away something for the children?" Gao Shen answered, "I leave them an honest name earned by toil and a father who held a two-thousand-bushel post—is that not inheritance enough!" His son Gao Shi was famously filial and strained every nerve to support his parents. During the Yongchu locust plague, the swarms devoured every field except Gao Shi's; Magistrate Zhou Qiang of Yu reported the miracle to his superiors. Administrator Yang Shun nominated him as an exemplar of filial piety, but Gao Shi modestly refused. He later entered office as a gentleman cadet on a filial-and-incorrupt recommendation. His second son Gao Chang and younger son Gao Ci both rose to inspector and grand administrator posts. Gao Shi's son Gao Hong also earned a filial-and-incorrupt nomination. Gao Hong was the father of Gao Jing.〉
11
西
Gao Rou stayed in his home county and warned his neighbors, "Warlords are rising on every side, and Chenliu lies at the crossroads of four armies. Cao Cao may hold Yan Province, but his ambitions range beyond it—he will not sit idle. Zhang Miao already controls Chenliu; I fear trouble will break out between them—I urge everyone to leave while we can." They only scoffed: Zhang Miao was Cao Cao's old friend, and Gao Rou was too young to know anything. Gao Rou was tied by kinship to Gao Gan, who was Yuan Shao's nephew. 〈Xie Cheng's Later Han History gives Gao Gan the courtesy name Yuancai. He combined wide vision with real ability in both civil and military affairs. His father Gao Gong had governed Shu commandery. His grandfather Gao Ci had been colonel director of retainers. The Chenliu elder traditions and Xie Cheng's history both make Gao Gan Gao Rou's first cousin once removed, not an elder cousin. Pei Songzhi cannot tell which genealogy is wrong.〉 When Gao Gan summoned him to the north, Gao Rou moved the whole clan to join him. Then word came that Gao Jing had died in the west; roads were cut by warlords and bandits, yet Gao Rou fought his way to Shu, spent three years escorting his father's bier home through every hardship imaginable.
12
西
After Cao Cao crushed the Yuans, he named Gao Rou magistrate of Jian county. The county clerks had heard his reputation; several corrupt men resigned before he arrived. Gao Rou announced, "When Bing Ji governed, he forgave minor faults in his staff. These men have done nothing wrong by me! He ordered them recalled to their posts." They returned, ashamed and determined, and became a model staff. Soon after surrendering, Gao Gan rose in revolt with Bing Province. Gao Rou slipped back to Cao Cao, who briefly thought of executing him for kinship with the rebel, then instead named him clerk for criminal investigation; he judged cases with scrupulous fairness, cleared the jails, and was promoted to the Chancellor's granary office. 〈The Spring and Autumn Annals of the House of Wei notes that Gao Rou worked such long fair shifts that he fell asleep hugging case files. Cao Cao once made a midnight inspection of his offices, found Gao Rou asleep at his desk, pitied him, and draped his own fur cloak over him before leaving. After that incident Cao Cao formally promoted him.〉 When Cao Cao planned to send Zhong Yao west against Zhang Lu, Gao Rou objected: a massive expedition would panic Han Sui and Ma Chao into thinking they were the target and invite mutiny; secure the Guanzhong heartland first, he urged, and Hanzhong would fall to a summons. Zhong Yao crossed the passes as ordered; Han Sui and Ma Chao promptly rebelled.
13
使使
When the kingdom of Wei was founded he entered the Masters of Writing as a gentleman. He shifted to the Chancellor's law bureau with an edict reading, "In peacetime, teach with ritual first. In times of chaos, begin with punishment. Thus Shun exiled the Four Fiends and made Gao Yao minister of justice. The Han founder swept away Qin's cruel code; Xiao He rebuilt the statutes. You are clear-sighted, even-handed, and master the code—apply it with mercy!" The military musicians Song Jin and their mates deserted at Hefei. Under the old code, a deserter's wife and children could be put to death after inquiry. Cao Cao found the practice still failed to stop desertion and made the penalty harsher still. Song Jin's mother, wife, and two brothers were all held as government dependents; the clerk in charge asked permission to execute the entire family. Gao Rou replied: "Deserters deserve contempt, yet some later repent. I urge you to spare their families: the enemy will trust one another less, and wavering men will have a reason to come back. The old law already left deserters hopeless; to heap worse punishment on their kin will only convince every soldier in the ranks that when one man runs, his comrades die too—so they will bolt in chains and you will never catch them all. Such cruelty does not stop desertion; it multiplies it." 〉Cao Cao said, "Well argued." 〉He stayed the execution of Jin's mother and brothers, and a great many others owed their lives to the decision.
14
使 使
Gao Rou was promoted to Administrator of Yingchuan, then recalled to serve again as law-bureau aide. When the court named Lu Hong, Zhao Da, and other "surveillance" agents to spy on the bureaucracy, Gao Rou protested: "Government works by fixed offices and clear portfolios. These roving inquisitors are the opposite of trusting ministers with their jobs. Zhao Da and his like have repeatedly thrown their weight around from private likes and dislikes—they should be investigated and punished." Cao Cao answered, "You may think you know Zhao Da; I know him better. The job takes informers who can sift every rumor—no gentleman could stomach it. Shusun Tong once staffed his rites with bandits for good reason." 〉When Zhao Da's corruption surfaced, Cao Cao executed him and his confederates and made a point of apologizing to Gao Rou.
15
使
When Cao Pi took the throne he named Gao Rou palace assistant secretary for documents, enfeoffed him as a secondary marquis, and added the post of assistant for documents and law enforcement. Slanderous "prophetic" talk spread in the countryside; Cao Pi detested it, executed every accused author, and paid informers. Gao Rou wrote: "You kill every rumor-monger and reward every accuser. That leaves the misguided no path to reform, and invites vicious men to frame one another—hardly the way to reduce lawsuits or brighten the realm. The Duke of Zhou's proclamations praised Yin's forebears and brushed aside small men's grudges. Emperor Wen of Han repealed the laws against "prophecy" and defamation. I urge you to repeal the witch-hunt rewards and show the compassion of Heaven toward its creatures." 〉The emperor hesitated, and malicious denunciations multiplied. Cao Pi then decreed: "Whoever lodges a slander charge will himself suffer the penalty he sought for his victim." 〉The flood of false accusations dried up. Within a few years of Huangchu, surveillance agent Liu Ci and his colleagues denounced tens of thousands of supposed crimes; Gao Rou insisted each case be checked for substance; petty offenders he punished with fines at most. In the fourth year of Huangchu he became commandant of justice.
16
使
Early in the Wei dynasty the three dukes had little real work and seldom joined policy debates. Gao Rou wrote: "Heaven finishes its year through the seasons; a ruler finishes his task through good ministers; Tang leaned on Yi Yin; the Zhou kings on the Duke of Zhou and Jiang Taigong; at Han's founding Xiao He and Cao Shen turned battlefield merit into the emperor's right hand—true partnership between throne and ministers. Your dukes are the empire's roof timbers and the people's mirror, yet you park them in empty honor, bar them from policy, and let them idle away their prestige—hardly the way to "honor great ministers," nor how ministers "approve the sound and reject the unsound. When ancient kings doubted a case, they opened debate under the court's "locust and zelkova"—the place for public justice. Henceforth every doubtful policy or major criminal case should be referred to the three dukes for counsel. On the regular audience days you might also keep them after court to thrash out policy in detail—so your ears stay open and the realm profits." 〉The emperor approved the memorial.
17
宿 使
Cao Pi nursed an old grudge against Bao Xun and tried to twist the statutes to have him killed; Gao Rou refused to sign the order. Furious, the emperor summoned Gao Rou to the palace tower and sent a runner to the commandant of justice with orders to torture Bao Xun to death; only after Xun died was Gao Rou allowed back to his yamen.
18
使 使 使
When Cao Rui came to the throne he enfeoffed Gao Rou as village marquis of Yanshou. While the court doctors lectured on the classics, Gao Rou wrote: "The sages teach us to revere learning. A wise sovereign promotes letters and respects scholars. At the end of Han ritual collapsed and warlords fought like tigers; scholars were driven into obscurity. The Founder pitied them and, even while pacifying the realm, ordered every county to appoint education officers. When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) succeeded, he expanded those schools, rebuilt the circular moat academy, and instituted provincial exams—so students once more heard lectures and watched the archery and banquet rites. Your Majesty rules with sagely insight and carries forward their work; not even Qi of Xia or Cheng of Zhou has surpassed you. Yet your doctors are the pick of the empire—learned and upright—while promotion rules cap them at county chief rank; that hardly advertises Confucian learning or shames the idle. Confucius said, "Promote the worthy and coach the slow, and all strive": Chu honored Prince Shen and scholars burned midnight oil; Han exalted Zhuo Mao and gentlemen rushed to imitate. The doctors are the treasury of the Way and fountainhead of the Six Arts; rank them by merit and break the usual promotion ladder. Honor their vocation and students everywhere will take heart." 〉The emperor agreed.
19
殿 殿 使 使
Later the court launched vast palace projects that crushed the commoners with labor; drafted girls by the score until the harem overflowed; yet imperial sons died one after another and still no heir lived. Gao Rou warned: "Wu and Shu drill their armies in secret; they are not ready to surrender. We should train troops, stock armor, and wait at leisure for their move. Instead we exhaust the realm raising palaces; if Shu and Wu learn how thin we are stretched and strike together, the war will not be easily won. Emperor Wen of Han refused a small terrace to save a few households' taxes; Huo Qubing ignored his own mansion while the Xiongnu threatened the frontier. Our waste runs far beyond a hundred pounds of gold, and the danger is not only the northern tribes. Finish only what is already half built—enough for court ceremony. Then dismiss the corvée gangs so they can go back to the fields. When the two enemy states fall, you can build at leisure. The Yellow Thearch had twenty-five sons and his line ran long; the house of Zhou ruled through forty Ji principalities and lasted many centuries. Your Majesty is wise as Heaven, yet princes keep dying in infancy and the omen of the "bear in the bedchamber" has not come. Every official beneath you grieves in silence. Zhou ritual capped the harem at one hundred twenty women—already ample. I hear your inner palaces hold even more; that may be why the imperial seed will not take. Choose a modest number of worthy consorts and send the surplus home. Reserve your strength in calm—that is the true tonic. Then you may win the blessing of many sons promised in the Odes." 〉Cao Rui answered: "I know you are loyal and speak for the throne; keep such counsel coming."
20
便
Court hunting regulations had grown brutally strict. Liu Gui, chief of the Yiyang agricultural colony, shot rabbits inside the imperial preserve; his merit clerk Zhang Jing denounced him to the surveillance office. The emperor withheld the informer's name, arrested Liu Gui, and jailed him. Gao Rou asked who had accused him. The emperor thundered: "Liu Gui deserves death for hunting my preserve. I sent him to your tribunal for torture—why demand the informer's name? Do you think I arrested him wrongly?" Gao Rou answered: "The commandant of justice is the scale of the empire—not even the sovereign's temper may tip it." He resubmitted the memorial in blunt, forceful language. The emperor relented and released Zhang Jing's name. The court retried both men and sentenced each according to his guilt.
21
By regulation, clerks who had buried a parent were drafted for service after only a hundred days. Xie Hong of the Steward's Bureau was still mourning his father when a military levy arrived; he pleaded sickness to stay home. An edict snapped: "You are no Zengzi or Min Ziqian—how dare you hide behind filial piety?" The emperor ordered him seized and tortured to death. Gao Rou saw that Xie Hong was genuinely ill and asked clemency. The emperor then said, "This is true filial devotion! Release him."
22
巿 使 便巿 退使 使
Earlier, Gongsun Yuan's brother Gongsun Huang had served at court under his uncle Gongsun Gong and repeatedly warned that Yuan was turning traitor. When Yuan rebelled, Cao Rui shrank from a public execution and planned to murder Huang in jail. Gao Rou quoted the classic: "Punish the guilty to the death, reward the good to make them shine"—the true royal standard. A rebel's kin may lawfully be strung on stakes and left childless. Yet Huang came forward more than once before the revolt to expose Yuan's plot; wicked clan or not, his motives deserve mercy. Confucius comforted Sima Niu; Qi Xi cleared Shu Xiang—antiquity honored such compassion. I believe Huang told the truth and should be spared execution; If he offers no defense, let him die on the public scaffold. You neither spare him as a reward nor publish his guilt as a warning—you only pen him until he takes his own life. Neighboring powers will ask what sort of justice that is." 〉The emperor would not hear of it. He sent a messenger with gold-dust wine for Huang and his household, then sent coffins and winding-sheets and had the bodies laid out at their home—execution dressed up as mercy. 〈Sun Sheng remarks: the Five Thearchs swore no written oaths; the Three Kings cut no hostage treaties—such instruments belong to the decadent last three dynasties, and "pledge hostages" began as the Zhou house rotted. One utterly steadfast man can move heaven and earth; let cunning enter the heart and even the gulls will not land. How much worse to lack good faith yet expect loyalty, or nurse suspicion yet demand devotion—as futile as hugging ice for warmth or clutching coals for coolness? Men who traffic in "merit" or swagger without restraint always choose calculation over feeling and profit over family; even when they mouth filial piety, they tremble for their own skins. Hence the feud of Zhou and Zheng, Gaozu's "share the soup" threat, Wei Xiao abandoning his son, Ma Chao turning on his father—history is packed with such cruelty. Where is the "lasting trust" of hostages in that? A wise sovereign studies the ancient kings' guard against treachery and the greedy tempers of his own day; he wins men with mercy, calls them back with kindness, overawes them like thunder, refreshes them like spring rain—then insolence can be folded away in a single court session and rebels can kneel beneath the palace gate. Why seize a man's relatives to squeeze out his loyalty or threaten what he loves to puppet his fate? If you cannot rule that way but lean on tricks, snare men with schemes, and police them with blanket decrees—if you hope to read the empire's mood from one closet while the law grows petty—you may win a moment's gain but you will inevitably reach for unbearable punishments, wipe out families, and call it justice—as empty as blaming one treaty-breaker and pretending no survivor was meant to remain. How then can you invoke "the Four Punishments spared the families" or Confucius's pardon of Sima Niu? Suppose every hostage who whispered a warning were spared for "good intentions"—you would only teach sons to sacrifice fathers to save themselves. Sons would hold hostage status as a license to rebel without fear of the block; fathers would plot knowing their boys could never be touched. Gao Rou never explained that hostage policy is unworthy of a great king—that the throne should widen its principles and drop such petty leverage—yet he bent the statutes to spare one man. That is private kindness, not royal statesmanship. Even in antiquity the harshest justice could show humanity. Executing Huang in his cell would not have been unjust. Pei Songzhi holds that sound argument means what fits the moment—not lofty slogans that help nobody. Bombastic theory that never touches fact is like painting goblins and tripping over the shape of a dog. Hostages were never a modern invention; with three powers balanced and Liaodong far away, holding families as surety against future treason is hardly irrational. Gao Rou argued that Huang had warned the throne in advance and deserved clemency for his motives. Sun Sheng faulted Gao Rou for not urging the emperor to scrap hostage policy altogether. What exactly did Sun Sheng mean by that? If he meant "distrust is wrong, abandon hostages," he was asking the throne to proclaim high principle and stop deciding the fate of every pledge-holder. Huang had lived as a hostage for years; the moment of kill-or-spare is no time to reopen metaphysics. It is like a briar patch of lawsuits awaiting verdict while scholars drone about the idyll of "no punishments needed"—pretty words with no bearing on the case. Sun Sheng's lecture is hopelessly remote from the facts. Gaozu of Han bent the law under desperate pressure to help kin; to file that under "heartless cruelty" is simply wrong. History offers no parade of sons who denounced fathers just to save their skins. Here an elder brother informed on a younger brother—and the warning proved true. Executing him would punish the very informant you need for frontier security. If confession and silence alike mean death, you choke off repentance and abandon the mean of justice. Zhao Kuo's mother won exemption by petitioning first; Zhong Hui's brother saved a son with a secret plea—history knows many such parallels. Huang's warnings belong in that same class, yet he alone was silenced and destroyed—deeply to be mourned.〉
23
鹿 鹿 鹿 使鹿 鹿使 鹿 使鹿鹿鹿 使鹿鹿 鹿使鹿 便
At that time anyone who killed an imperial-park deer faced execution and forfeiture, while informers were richly paid. Gao Rou wrote: "Every sage king made farming his first task and thrift his treasury. Expand the fields and the granaries fill; tighten spending and the treasury swells—no dynasty that did both ever starved in crisis. The proverb says: let one man skip the plow and someone goes hungry; let one woman skip the loom and someone shivers. Since mid-Han the people stagger under endless levies; fewer hands work the soil; now the deer preserves forbid hunting while the herds trample every green shoot—the damage is beyond reckoning. Farmers fence their plots in vain—the beasts overwhelm them. Around Yingyang for hundreds of li the fields often yield nothing; the commoners' plight is heartbreaking. Too few hands grow food while too many deer devour it. When war or famine strikes, the state will have no reserves. I beg you to remember how the sages cherished the harvest, pity the farmer's toil, lift the ban, and let the people cull the deer—then the realm will prosper and every household rejoice." 〈The Memorials of Wei Notables preserves another Gao Rou memorial: "I have pondered why Your Majesty lets the deer herds grow—to multiply them, then draft them wholesale for army and state. Yet the herds shrink every day; you will never harvest more by waiting. How do I know? The preserve spans more than a thousand li; my clerks estimate six hundred tigers, five hundred wolves, and ten thousand foxes within it. If each big cat eats one deer every three days, one tiger consumes 120 deer a year—600 tigers eat 72,000 deer annually. If ten wolves share a deer daily, 500 wolves polish off 18,000 deer a year. Newborn fawns cannot outrun a pack; ten thousand foxes eating one fawn each per day for a month devour 30,000 calves before they can bolt. Rough annual toll: 120,000 deer. I leave raptors out of the ledger entirely. The arithmetic leaves no path to a larger herd—better to thin them now."〉"
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便 便
Soon after, Dou Li, a man in the guards camp, left camp on an errand and vanished. His unit listed him as a deserter, asked for a warrant, and seized his wife Ying and children as government slaves. Ying petitioned every yamen that her husband was no fugitive; no one listened. She took her case to the commandant of justice. Rou asked: "By what do you know your husband did not desert?" 〉Weeping, she said Dou Li had raised his widowed mother with reverence and doted on his children—no flighty man who abandons kin." 〉"Did he have enemies?" Gao Rou asked. 〉"He was gentle and quarreled with no one." 〉"Did he lend money to anyone?" 〉"He once lent cash to Jiao Ziwen of the same camp and could not collect it." Jiao Ziwen was in jail on a petty charge; Gao Rou had him brought in and asked what crime held him. In the midst of speaking, he said: "Have you perhaps ever borrowed people's money?" 〉"I am too poor," Ziwen said, "to borrow from anyone." 〉Gao Rou saw his face change. "You borrowed from Dou Li—why deny it?" 〉Ziwen realized the game was up and stammered. 〉"You killed Dou Li. Confess now." 〉Ziwen kowtowed and confessed the murder and burial site. 〉Officers dug where he pointed and found Dou Li's body. 〉An edict freed Ying and her children. 〉The case was published empire-wide as a warning.
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涿 簿
Sun Li, courtesy name Deda, came from Rongcheng in Zhuo commandery. After Cao Cao conquered Youzhou, Sun Li joined his staff as military-planning aide to the Minister of Works. During the wars he lost his mother until a townsman named Ma Tai found her; Sun Li gave Ma Tai his entire fortune in gratitude. Tai afterward sat for a crime deserving death; Li privately guided him to leap the prison and surrender himself; having done so then said: "Your subject has no righteousness of fleeing." He walked straight in to see chief clerk Wen Hui of the arrest bureau. Wen Hui praised both men and reported to Cao Cao, who commuted their sentences one degree.
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使
He later became Hejian assistant magistrate and rose to commandant of Yingyang. Hundreds of bandits held the Lu range and terrorized the district; Sun Li was named chancellor of Lu to deal with them. He spent his own salary on grain, mobilized troops and civilians, paid bounties for heads, accepted surrenders, and turned captives into double agents until the hills were calm. He served in turn as administrator of Shanyang, Pingyuan, Pingchang, and Langye. He followed Cao Xiu against Wu at Shiting and urged him not to advance too deep; Xiu ignored him and lost the battle. He was promoted to administrator of Yangping, then recalled to the Masters of Writing.
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While Cao Rui lavished labor on palace projects, the weather turned foul and grain grew scarce. Sun Li protested until the emperor ordered the builders sent home "in respect for honest counsel." Supervisor Li Hui then asked for one more month to finish the job. Sun Li rode straight to the site, cited the earlier edict without waiting for a new rescript, and dismissed the labor gangs; the emperor admired his nerve and let it pass.
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輿便 便 使 退
On a hunt at Great Stone Mountain a tiger charged the imperial carriage; Sun Li threw down his crop, drew his sword, and would have fought the beast until the emperor ordered him back into the saddle. On his deathbed Cao Rui named Cao Shuang grand general and needed a strong chief clerk; he summoned Sun Li to the couch, appointed him chief clerk to the grand general, and added cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Sun Li's blunt integrity irked Shuang, who shunted him off as inspector of Yangzhou with the title General Who Crosses the Waves and a secondary marquisate. When Wu general Quan Zong invaded with tens of thousands, most Yangzhou troops were on leave and few stood ready. Sun Li led what guards he had to Quebei and fought from dawn to dusk until more than half his command fell. He plunged into the blades, his mount was cut again and again, yet he beat the war drum himself until the enemy drew back. The court sent him seven hundred bolts of silk in commendation. He held rites for the fallen, wept over the dead, and gave every bolt of his reward to the soldiers' widows—keeping none for himself.
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使 便 便 使 巿 西西 祿
He was recalled as junior minister, sent out as inspector of Jingzhou, then raised to shepherd of Jizhou. Grand Tutor Sima Yi said to Sun Li, "Qinghe and Pingyuan have wrangled over this border for eight years and outlasted two regional inspectors—no one has settled it. The lords of Yu and Rui waited for King Wen to draw the line; you must mark the boundary with equal clarity." 〉Sun Li replied, "Litigants wave grave mounds as evidence; judges defer to the oldest memory—yet you cannot flog octogenarians, and tombs migrate uphill or families relocate to escape feuds. Given such tangle, even Gao Yao would throw up his hands. If you want the suit to end, pull the survey drafted when Emperor Lie first created Pingyuan commandery and rule from that. Why dig up ancient anecdotes only to feed new litigation? King Cheng once teased his brother with a toy leaf "seal," and the Duke of Zhou turned the jest into a real enfeoffment. The true map sits in the imperial archive; you can settle the case from Luoyang—why send me back to the field?" 〉Sima Yi said, "You are right. 〉We shall have the archive issue the map." 〉When Sun Li compared the charts, Pingyuan clearly held the disputed ground. Cao Shuang sided with Qinghe and wrote back, "The archive map is unreliable—reopen the case." 〉Sun Li shot back: "Guan Zhong was only a hegemon's minister, petty in talent, yet he could strip the Bo family of its Boling fief without earning a lifelong grudge. I hold a governor's commission and the court's own survey: the line runs along the Wangweng River. Shu county points to Ma Danhou and pretends the Mingdu River is the line. They peddle perjury and clog the ministries with false claims. As the proverb says, slander melts metal, rumor floats stone, three men invent a market tiger, and even a fond mother drops her shuttle when the neighbors cry wolf. Eight years of quarrel can end in one morning because we finally have maps and affidavits that can be checked against one another. Pingyuan sits between two streams that bend east; the Jue levee stands southwest of Gaotang while the contested fields lie northwest—more than twenty li apart. The fraud is enough to make an honest man weep. Examining the explanation and map memorialized yet Shu does not accept the edict—this is your subject's weakness being unable to bear the duty; your subject also with what face 'corpse salary' and eat plain?" 〉He belted his robe, laced his boots, hitched his cart, and waited to be cashiered. Cao Shuang read the memorial and flew into a rage. He impeached Sun Li for disloyal muttering and sentenced him to five years' hard labor. After a year at home public opinion rallied for him, and he was named colonel of the city gates.
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涿 涿 使 使
Wang Guan, courtesy name Weitai, came from Linqiu in Dong commandery. Orphaned and destitute, he drove himself to study; Cao Cao took him on as literary aide to the Chancellor, then sent him out as magistrate of Gaotang, Yangquan, Zan, and Ren—each district praised his rule. When Cao Pi took the throne Wang Guan entered the Masters of Writing as a gentleman and supervised the commandant of justice's office, then governed Nanyang and Zhuo as administrator. Zhuo faced the Xianbei on the north and suffered constant raids; Wang Guan ordered households of ten or more to build clustered forts and watchtowers. When farmers balked, he pretended to dispatch capital clerks to "help" their sons at home—no fixed deadline, just "return when done." Officials and villagers nudged one another along and finished every fort within ten days—no whip needed. The line was garrisoned and the raids stopped. When Cao Rui came to the throne he ordered every commandery to rate its own burden as heavy, middling, or light. His chief clerk wanted to file Zhuo as "middling"; Wang Guan snapped, "We border the steppe and take raids every season—how is that not a heavy district?" The clerk murmured, "A heavy rating means the administrator must send a son to court as hostage." Wang Guan answered, "A magistrate exists for the people, not the reverse. A "heavy" label lowers our corvée quota—that is the law's reward for danger. How could I lighten the county's burden just to spare myself a hostage son?" 〉He filed Zhuo as a heavy frontier commandery and later sent his only son to Ye as required. He had but one boy, still small and frail. Such was his sense of public duty. He lived plainly and taught frugality by example; his staff caught the habit and policed themselves.
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使 使 祿 使 輿
When Cao Rui moved to Xuchang he named Wang Guan palace assistant secretary for documents and put him in charge of the mobile headquarters jails. The court mood swung violently, yet Wang Guan refused to trim his opinions to please. Sima Yi recruited him as senior clerk, then promoted him to Master of Writing, governor of Henan, and junior minister. Cao Shuang had engineer Zhang Da strip timber from Wang Guan's house for private building; Wang Guan seized every stick and impounded it for the state. The junior minister controlled the imperial workshops and inner treasuries; Shuang and his clique lived lavishly and hated a man who enforced the rules, so they kicked Wang Guan upstairs to grand coachman—a sinecure. When Sima Yi struck down Shuang he sent Wang Guan as acting central camp commander to seize Cao Xi's barracks, enfeoffed him as a secondary marquis, restored him to Master of Writing, and added chief of horse for the consort carriages. When Cao Mao took the throne Wang Guan received the village marquisate of Zhongxiang. Soon he added grand counselor of the household and shifted to right vice director of the secretariat. When Cao Huan succeeded, Wang Guan was promoted to village marquis of Yangxiang with another thousand households, for 2,500 in all. He was named minister of works, declined repeatedly, was refused permission to retire, and received the seal at his own door. After a few days in office he returned the seal by litter and went home. He died at home, ordering a pit only wide enough for the coffin, no grave goods, no mound, no marker tree. He was posthumously titled Marquis Su ("the austere"). His son Wang Kui inherited the title. When the five ranks were established in the Xianxi era, Wang Guan's service to the former Wei court won Wang Kui a demotion in name to secondary marquis of Jiaodong under the new Jin system.
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【Historian's appraisal】
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The historian writes: Han Ji taught by quiet example at home and won renown in every post abroad; Cui Lin was spare, honest, and shrewd in judging men; Gao Rou mastered the statutes and applied them with an even hand. Sun Li was resolute, blunt, and fearless; Wang Guan was incorruptible, stern, and spotless: each rose to steady the state at the highest level. Han Ji passed eighty yet left retirement to take a minister's seat; Gao Rou clung to office for twenty years and died at the top of the ladder—set beside Xu Miao and Chang Lin, that record invites regret.
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