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卷三十三 蜀書三 後主傳

Volume 33: Book of Shu 3 - Biography of the Later Lord

Chapter 33 of 三國志 · Records of the Three Kingdoms
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Chapter 33
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1
The Later Lord: Liu Shan.
2
簿 使
That summer of 223, Zhu Bao, prefect of Zangke, rose in revolt and took the commandery for himself. 〈The Wei Annals of Spring and Autumn record that earlier, Yizhou staff officer Chang Fang, on circuit duty, heard Zhu Bao was turning disloyal; he arrested Zhu's chief clerk for questioning and had him executed. Zhu Bao struck back: he killed Chang Fang and then framed him for treason. Zhuge Liang put Chang Fang's sons to death, banished four of his younger brothers to Yuexi, and meant the gesture as a conciliatory signal. Zhu Bao refused to mend his ways and soon threw in his lot with Yong Kai, rebelling at the head of the commandery. Pei Songzhi argues that Chang Fang was framed by Zhu Bao and that the court should have sorted truth from falsehood instead of executing innocents to appease a traitor. That account is almost certainly wrong.〉 Even before that, the great clan leader Yong Kai had risen in Yizhou commandery, shipped Prefect Zhang Yi off to Wu, refused allegiance while holding the territory, and Gao Ding, king of the Yuexi tribes, had joined the revolt. The same year he took Lady Zhang as empress. The court dispatched a Director of the Secretariat The transmitted text inserts the character lang, marking him as a Gentleman of the Secretariat. Deng Zhi was dispatched to shore up ties with Wu; Sun Quan of Wu and Shu exchanged marriage overtures and embassies, and that year the two courts formally made peace.
3
In the spring of 225 the court pushed farming and grain stores, sealed the frontier passes, and gave the realm a respite from levies and campaigns.
4
That March of 225 Zhuge Liang led the southern expedition; the four rebel commanderies were brought to heel. Yizhou commandery was renamed Jianning; land was carved out of Jianning and Yongchang to create Yunnan commandery, and another slice of Jianning plus Zangke became Xinggu commandery. Zhuge Liang was back in Chengdu by the twelfth month.
5
In the spring of 226 Li Yan left Yong'an for Jiangzhou, where he raised a major fortified city. 〈The site is the old Ba commandery city wall.〉
6
便 漿 使
In the spring of 227 Zhuge Liang moved his headquarters to Hanzhong and threw up positions north of the Han River at Yangping and Shima. 〈The collected papers of Zhuge Liang preserve an edict Liu Shan issued that March. It begins: "Heaven and earth bless the humane and punish the wanton; Those who heap up goodness thrive; those who heap up evil are destroyed—that has been the rule in every age. Tang of Shang and King Wu won the throne by moral cultivation; Jie and Zhou lost it through brutality pushed to the limit. When the Han house faltered, the law slackened and villains slipped through; Dong Zhuo's coup convulsed the capital. Cao Cao climbed in on the chaos, seized the levers of state, ravaged the realm, and nursed treason against his sovereign. His son Cao Pi, a callow upstart, followed that rebel path, usurped the throne, changed the dynasty's name and emblems, and his line has fed on violence ever since. The pole star went dark; the empire had no true ruler, and the Mandate of Heaven seemed to slip from our grasp. Emperor Zhaolie—my father—bore brilliant, discerning virtue, gave full scope to civil and military talent, moved with heaven's turning, rose from nothing to still the turmoil, and won the allegiance of spirits and commoners alike. The people embraced him gladly. Heeding portent and prophecy, he founded our house, took a new reign title, took up heaven's succession, righted a broken age, restored our forebears' work, and caught the imperial net before it could strike the dust. The realm was still unsettled when he was taken from us too soon. I was a child when I inherited this vast charge; I had not finished the lessons tutors give a crown prince, yet I was already yoked to the weight of the ancestral shrines. The world is choked in disorder; the altars stand insecure. I search constantly for a way to rescue the state, to brighten my father's legacy, and I have found no bridge across—this terrifies me. So I rise before dawn and sleep late, deny myself ease, stint the palace to swell the treasury, urge the people to farm and share surplus grain, put the able in office and listen to their counsel, and set aside private whim to feed the army. I meant to draw the sword and march north against the usurpers, but before our crimson banners left the pass Cao Pi died—he needed no fuel from us; he burned himself out. What is left of that brood still struts between the Yellow and Luo, propped up by fresh misfortune in Wei, and their spears have not been laid down. Chancellor Zhuge Liang is steadfast, loyal, and bold; he sets self aside for the state. My father left the realm in his hands to brace my own weakness. I therefore give him the grand marshal's insignia, plenipotentiary command, two hundred thousand foot and horse under his banner, and charge him to carry out heaven's sentence: wipe out the rebels, still the chaos, and win back the old capital—this expedition must do it. Xiang Yu once commanded a mighty host and held half the empire, yet he fell at Gaixia, died at Dongcheng, and his clan went up like kindling—a jest for every age—because he trampled right order and tyrannized those below him. Today's rebels copy that folly; heaven and the people alike curse them. The moment calls for speed. With the fiery virtue of Han and the spirits of our forebears at our back, every blow must tell. King Sun Quan of Wu shares our grief at this evil; his troops stand ready in secret, and we will pinch the enemy from two sides. Kings of the Liangzhou frontier have sent over twenty nobles—Yuezhi and Sogdian lords among them—to take orders from us; when our host marches north they will spur ahead at the van with lance and shield. Heaven's mandate is gathering; the human moment has come; our cause is just and our strength massed—no one can stand against us. A true king's host goes forth to chastise, not to brawl; it is august and in the right, so none dare face it—at Mingtiao no blade was wet; at Muye the Shang warriors dropped their weapons of their own accord. Where our standards lead, I have no wish to wage war to the last extremity. Those who leave wrong for right and meet our army with food and drink will find rank and fief spelled out in the statutes, great or small according to merit. Any member of the Cao clan, near kin or distant, who reads the tide of fortune and comes over to us will be pardoned outright. Fu Guo broke with the Zhi and saved his whole line; Weizi left Shang; Xiang Bo went over to Han—all were enfeoffed with land. History has already written the lesson in plain characters. Whoever clings to delusion, abets the rebels, and defies this decree will die with wife and children—there will be no mercy. Spread both kindness and terror: spare their generals where you can, and pity the common folk caught in the middle. All other details follow statute and edict: let the Chancellor publish this abroad until every corner of the realm knows my mind."〉"
7
退
In the spring of 228 Zhuge Liang struck at Qishan but failed to take it. That winter he came out through Sanguan again, laid siege to Chencang, and pulled back when his grain ran out. The Wei commander Wang Shuang gave chase; Zhuge Liang turned on him, broke his force, killed Wang Shuang, and withdrew to Hanzhong.
8
In the spring of 229 Zhuge Liang sent Chen Shi against Wudu and Yinping; both commanderies fell. That winter he shifted his headquarters camp onto the plateau south of the Qinling crest and raised the twin fortresses of Hanzhong city and Lecheng. The same year Sun Quan took the imperial title; he and Shu renewed their treaty and formally split their spheres in the Chinese world.
9
使西
In the autumn of 230 Wei launched a three-pronged move on Hanzhong: Sima Yi through Xicheng, Zhang He through the Ziwu defile, and Cao Zhen up the Xie Valley, 〈Commentary gloss: the graph xie is read with the yu-she fanqie.〉 intending to overrun Hanzhong. Zhuge Liang blocked them at Chenggu and Chipo; torrential rains washed out the roads, and Cao Zhen's columns had to turn back. The same year Wei Yan routed Yongzhou inspector Guo Huai for Wei at Yangxi. Prince Yong of Lu was redesignated prince of Ganling and Prince Li of Liang became prince of Pingan, since Lu and Liang lay in territory allotted to Wu.
10
退
In the second month of 231 Zhuge Liang marched on Qishan again, this time supplying the army with his wooden-ox carts. Sima Yi and Zhang He of Wei raced to lift the siege at Qishan. By the sixth month Zhuge Liang had exhausted his grain and fell back; Zhang He pressed him to Qingfeng, joined battle, and was killed by an arrow. That August Li Yan was stripped of office and exiled to Zitong. 〈The Han–Jin Annals of Spring and Autumn record that in the tenth month flocks tried to fly from the south bank of the Yangzi toward Jiangzhou; thousands dropped into the river and drowned.〉
11
In 232 Zhuge Liang rested his troops and promoted farming at Huangsha, finished building his 'flowing horse' supply carts to complement the wooden oxen, and put the army through maneuvers.
12
使
In the winter of 233 he had every column haul grain to the mouth of the Xie Valley and built granaries and relay stations there. The same year the southern chieftain Liu Zhou rose; Ma Zhong crushed the revolt.
13
西
In the second month of 234 Zhuge Liang debouched from the Xie Valley, this time using the flowing-horse carts for logistics. He died that eighth month by the Wei River in the field. Wei Yan, general who conquers the west, and Yang Yi, chief clerk of the chancellery, fell out over authority, drew swords on each other, and Wei Yan broke and ran. Wei Yan was beheaded; Yang Yi brought the armies back to Chengdu. A general amnesty was declared. Wu Yi, general of the left, was promoted to general of chariots and cavalry, given the imperial baton, and put in charge of Hanzhong. Jiang Wan, chief clerk of Zhuge Liang's rear office, became director of the secretariat and took overall direction of government.
14
In the first month of 235 Yang Yi was stripped of rank and banished to Hanjia. That April Jiang Wan was promoted to grand general.
15
In the fourth month of 236 the Later Lord traveled to Jian, 〈Pei Songzhi notes that Jian is a county in Shu commandery, read like jian (scissors).〉 climbed Observation Hill to watch the Min River, stayed about ten days, and returned to Chengdu. More than four hundred Di households under their king Fu Jian were resettled from Wudu into Chengdu.
16
Empress Zhang died in the sixth month of 237.
17
In the first month of 238 he took another Lady Zhang as empress. He proclaimed a general amnesty and changed the era name to Yanxi. He named his son Liu Rui crown prince and enfeoffed Liu Yao as prince of Anding. That November Grand General Jiang Wan moved his headquarters to Hanzhong.
18
In the third month of 239 Jiang Wan was promoted to grand marshal.
19
使
In the spring of 240 he sent Zhang Ni, prefect of Yuexi, to bring the commandery fully under control.
20
In the tenth month of 241 Fei Yi went to Hanzhong to confer with Jiang Wan on policy and was back before the year closed. In the first month of 242 Jiang Wei, as army supervisor, led a detached column from Hanzhong down to garrison Fu.
21
In the tenth month of 243 Grand Marshal Jiang Wan left Hanzhong and established himself at Fu. November brought another general amnesty. Fei Yi was promoted from director of the secretariat to grand general.
22
退
In the intercalary month of 244 Cao Shuang and Xiahou Xuan of Wei drove on Hanzhong; Wang Ping, general who guards the north, held the Xingshi rampart; Grand General Fei Yi led the relief host; the Wei forces withdrew. Prince Li of Pingan died that fourth month. Fei Yi was back in Chengdu by the ninth month.
23
The eighth month of 245 brought news that the empress dowager had died. That December Fei Yi reached Hanzhong to oversee the ring of frontier garrisons.
24
Fei Yi was back in Chengdu by the sixth month of 246. Autumn brought a general amnesty. Grand Marshal Jiang Wan died that November. 〈The Wei Summary says that when Jiang Wan died, Liu Shan personally assumed direction of government.〉
25
In 247 the Qiang chieftains Bai Huwen and Zhi Wudai of Liangzhou brought their followers in; Jiang Wei, guard general, received them kindly and resettled the people at Fan. The same year the Pingkang tribesmen of Wenshan rose; Jiang Wei marched against them and crushed the revolt.
26
In the fifth month of 248 Grand General Fei Yi moved his headquarters to Hanzhong. That autumn the mixed Chinese and tribal population of the Fuling dependency revolted; Deng Zhi, general of chariots and cavalry, led the punitive force and stamped it out.
27
In the first month of 249 Wei put Cao Shuang and his faction to death; Xiahou Ba, general of the right, crossed over to Shu. A general amnesty was declared that fourth month. That autumn Jiang Wei struck into Yongzhou but could not break the Wei lines and withdrew. The generals Gou An and Li Shao went over to Wei.
28
西
In 250 Jiang Wei marched on Xiping again without success.
29
Grand General Fei Yi came home to Chengdu that summer of 251. That winter he moved his headquarters north again to Hanshou. Another general amnesty was issued.
30
西
Sun Quan of Wu died in 252. He enfeoffed his son Liu Cong as prince of Xihe.
31
?
In the first month of 253 Grand General Fei Yi was assassinated at Hanshou by Guo Xun, a Wei defector. That April Jiang Wei besieged Nan'an again but could not take it.
32
西 []綿
Jiang Wei was in Chengdu by the first month of 254. The court proclaimed a general amnesty. That June Jiang Wei drove another campaign into Longxi. That winter he seized Didao, The transmitted text adds the gloss Hejian for the place name. He took the people of Didao, [Heguan], and Lintao—three counties in all—and resettled them at Mianzhu and Fan.
33
西 退
In the spring of 255 Jiang Wei returned to Chengdu. That summer he marched on Didao again, met Wang Jing, Yongzhou inspector for Wei, west of the Tao River, and shattered his army. Wang Jing fell back into Didao; Jiang Wei halted his advance at Zhongti.
34
西 退
In the spring of 256 Jiang Wei was promoted to grand general and took command of the field armies; he and Hu Ji, general who guards the west, had agreed to meet at Shanggui, but Hu Ji never came. That eighth month Deng Ai, grand general of Wei, defeated him at Shanggui. Jiang Wei pulled the army back to Chengdu. The same year he made his son Liu Zan prince of Xinping. A general amnesty followed.
35
In 257, when word came that Zhuge Dan of Wei had risen at Shouchun, Jiang Wei drove through the Lu Valley again and reached Mangshui. The year closed with a general amnesty.
36
耀
In 258 Jiang Wei was back in Chengdu. Court astronomers reported an auspicious jing star; the throne ordered a general amnesty and adopted the reign title Jingyao. The eunuch Huang Hao began to dominate the court. In Wu, Grand General Sun Lin deposed Sun Liang and set Sun Xiu, prince of Langye, on the throne.
37
In the sixth month of 259 he enfeoffed Liu Chen as prince of Beidi, Liu Xun as prince of Xinxing, and Liu Qian as prince of Shangdang.
38
That ninth month of 260 posthumous honors were conferred on Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, Ma Chao, Pang Tong, and Huang Zhong.
39
In the third month of 261 Zhao Yun received a posthumous canonization. October brought another general amnesty.
40
西
Prince Liu Cong of Xihe died in the first month of 263. The same year Jiang Wei tried another sortie at Hehe; Deng Ai broke him, and he fell back to garrison Tazhong.
41
西西 綿 祿
That summer of 263 Wei mobilized a huge host and ordered Deng Ai, Zhong Hui, and Yongzhou inspector Zhuge Xu to advance on several columns. Shu sent Zhang Yi and Liao Hua, generals of chariots and cavalry left and right, and Dong Jue, assistant grand general for state support, to hold the line. A general amnesty was declared. The era name was changed to Yanxing. That winter Deng Ai shattered Zhuge Zhan, guard general, at Mianzhu. On the advice of Qiao Zhou, grandee of the imperial household, he capitulated to Deng Ai and sent this letter:
42
祿 輿
The Yangzi and Han have long cut us off from the heartland; fate set us on this remote plateau of Shu, a pocket realm hemmed by mountains. Year after year we have pressed our luck, until we stand ten thousand li from the imperial precincts. I still recall how in the Huangchu era Emperor Wen of Wei sent General Xianyu Fu with a gracious, confidential message offering peace on three counts and holding the door open to us. The moral case was luminous, yet I—small in virtue and dull of wit—clung to my father's legacy, bobbing through the years without answering that higher teaching. Now that heavenly majesty has struck and every sign—human and spectral—points to submission, I tremble before your invincible host. Wherever it halts, how could I refuse to turn about and obey? I have ordered every commander to stack arms and shed armor; no government office or state store is to be touched. The people remain in their fields; grain still stands in the furrows, waiting for your mercy so their humble lives may be spared. Great Wei spreads civilizing virtue; its ministers rival the ancient worthies Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou; its mercy covers even the flawed. I therefore send my acting palace attendant Zhang Shao, grandee of the household Qiao Zhou, and chief groom Deng Liang with the seals of state to beg for terms and declare our good faith. Life or death rests in your judgment alone. My coffin awaits me just outside the wall; I need not belabor the point.
43
便 使 輿 簿 使
That same day Liu Chen, prince of Beidi, unable to bear the fall of the kingdom, slew his wife and children and then took his own life. 〈The Han–Jin Annals of Spring and Autumn say that as the Later Lord prepared to adopt Qiao Zhou's counsel, Prince Liu Chen of Beidi burst out: "If argument and force are both spent and ruin is upon us, then let father and son, ruler and minister, make one last stand with our backs to the city wall and perish with the altars—that would be fit company for my father in the other world." The Later Lord would not hear him and sent off the seals of abdication instead. He wept before Emperor Zhaolie's shrine, killed his family, and then himself; every attendant wept.〉 Zhang Shao and Deng Liang met Deng Ai at Luo county. Deng Ai read the letter with delight and at once drafted a reply. 〈Wang Yin's Records of Shu preserve Deng Ai's answer: "When the imperial order falters, heroes rise like spring weeds; dragon and tiger wrestle until the true sovereign wins—that is simply heaven handing the mandate from one house to another. From the sage-kings of old through Han and Wei, every house that truly received the mandate held the Central Plain. The Yellow River yielded its chart and the Luo its writing; the sage took them as models to build a great realm. Ignore that pattern, and ruin follows. Wei Xiao clung to the Long passes and fell; Gongsun Shu barricaded Shu and was wiped out—history has already painted that warning in blood. Our sage emperor is lucid and wise, his ministers loyal and able; their work will rival the golden age of the Yellow Emperor and match the finest dynasties of old. I came west on imperial order hoping for good news; your envoys have brought a noble message—such timing is more than human contrivance; heaven itself has opened the way! When Weizi went over to Zhou he was honored as a guest of state; the Book of Changes praises the gentleman's timely transformation. Your humble words and offer of the funeral cart match every ancient precedent for yielding to heaven. To save the whole realm is best; to shatter it is second best—without breadth of mind, who could grasp the true king's magnanimity?" Meanwhile Liu Shan sent Minister Zhang Jun and aide Ru Chao to take orders from Deng Ai, and Grand Coachman Jiang Xian with an edict for Jiang Wei to stand down. He also sent Secretariat gentleman Li Hu with the census: 280,000 households, 940,000 persons, 102,000 troops under arms, 40,000 officials, more than 4.1 million hu of grain, two thousand jin each of gold and silver, two hundred thousand bolts each of brocade and fine silks—other stores were in proportion.〉 Zhang Shao and Deng Liang were sent back ahead of the main party. When Deng Ai reached the north wall of Chengdu, the Later Lord came out with a coffin on a cart, his hands bound behind him, and presented himself at the camp gate. Deng Ai cut his bonds, burned the bier, and received him as a guest. 〈The Jin Eulogies of the Dukes say Liu Shan drove a mule cart to Deng Ai and omitted the full ritual of a conquered sovereign.〉 Acting on interim authority he named the Later Lord general who gallops like the piebald horse. Every ring of Shu garrisons received the Later Lord's order before laying down arms. Deng Ai let him remain in his old palace and went in person to call on him. Before the victory bounty could be sent out, Deng Ai was arrested in the first month of the following spring. Zhong Hui marched from Fu to Chengdu and there raised a mutiny. After Zhong Hui's death Shu became a chaos of looting and corpses in the streets; order took several days to return.
44
The Later Lord took his household east to Luoyang, where he received this patent of appointment:
45
使 乿 使西 耀 祿
On the dinghai day of the third month, 264, the Wei emperor held court and charged the minister of ceremonies to invest Liu Shan as duke of Anle county. Hearken, then, and receive Our word! He who spans heaven and bears the myriad creatures counts universal peace as his greatest end; he who lights the world esteems the harmony of the seasons as his highest glory. To cherish and nourish all life is the way of the true king; to bow before heaven's turning is the virtue Earth itself shows in the Classic of Changes. When high and low move in concord, the myriad things thrive and every kind of creature finds its nurture. Long ago the Han lost the thread of rule and the realm shook with rebellion. Our dynastic founder caught heaven's mandate like a rising dragon, brought peace to the farthest corner, answered both heaven and the people, and took the Central States in hand. In those years of warlords your father seized the chance to hold the Ba–Shu fastness; the west became a separate realm and the frontier stayed closed for generations. Ever since, arms have seldom been sheathed and the common folk have known no lasting peace—nearly sixty years. We have long pondered our forebears' charge to quiet the four seas and bring every road onto one track; hence We arrayed the six hosts and showed Our majesty in Liang and Yi. You, Duke, have shown high principle and true rectitude; you did not scorn to humble yourself and yield the realm to spare your people. You read the moment, changed like the leopard in the Changes, chose good faith and submission, and so win unbounded blessing on every side—could any reward be more fitting? We delight to let you, Duke, feast on rank and stipend for years to come, take counsel from the ancient models, found your fief with clods of sacred earth, and follow every precedent of investiture: here is the black sacrificial bull, bundled in white rushes—be forever a bulwark of Wei. Go, and receive it with reverence! Honor this charge, let your virtuous intent broaden ever further, and bring your noble service to its fitting close.
46
歿
Chen Shou's judgment runs thus: with good chancellors at his side the Later Lord kept to the right path; once palace eunuchs swayed him he sank into folly. The adage holds: white silk shows whatever dip it meets—his reign proved it true. Ritual expects a new ruler to wait a full year before changing the era name, yet in the third year of Zhangwu he switched to Jianxing—set against classical usage, that was irregular. Nor did Shu maintain court historians or a diary office, so much of what happened went unrecorded and portents were never logged. Zhuge Liang was a master of administration, yet even he left gaps like these unfilled. For a full dozen years he left the era name untouched and refused to buy popularity with blanket pardons—few could match that discipline. After his death the old discipline frayed, and the contrast could not have been clearer. 〈The Huayang Records relate that when someone complained Zhuge Liang granted amnesties too rarely, he answered: Good government rests on broad moral sway, not petty indulgence—Kuang Heng and Wu Han likewise refused to make a habit of pardons. My father used to say that in his talks with Chen Ji and Zheng Xuan every question of order and chaos was covered, yet neither man ever urged him to declare an amnesty. Look at Liu Biao and the two Liu Zhangs, who pardoned year after year—what good did it do their realm? Pei Songzhi adds that sparing amnesties deserves praise, but the praise for never changing the era name leaves him puzzled. The Han used Jianwu and Wei used Jian'an for many years without fuss—no chronicler ever called that a special virtue. And what is so marvelous about a mere twelve-year span? Unless Chen Shou meant something subtler that I have failed to grasp? After Zhuge Liang died, the Yanxi era ran on for more than twenty years, so the claim that institutions steadily crumbled does not quite fit either.〉
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