← Back to 史記

太史公自序

Autobiographical Afterword of the Grand Historian

Chapter 130 of 史記 ✓ Translated
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 130
Next Chapter →
1
使
In ancient times, under the reign of Emperor Zhuanxu, Chong was appointed Director of the South to govern the heavens, and Li was appointed Director of the North to govern the earth. During the age of Yao and Shun, the descendants of Chong and Li were continued in office and charged with these same responsibilities down through the Xia and Shang dynasties. Thus the Chongli clan presided over the affairs of heaven and earth through the generations. Under the Zhou dynasty, their line continued through Cheng Bo Xiufu. During the reign of King Xuan of Zhou, they lost their hereditary office and took the surname Sima. The Sima clan served as Zhou's chroniclers through the generations. Between the reigns of Kings Hui and Xiang, the Sima clan departed Zhou and moved to Jin. When Sui Hui, commander of Jin's central army, fled to Qin, the Sima clan settled in Shaoliang.
2
使
After leaving Zhou for Jin, the Sima clan dispersed — some to Wei, some to Zhao, some to Qin. Those in Wei served as chancellors of the state of Zhongshan. Those in Zhao gained renown through their treatises on swordsmanship. Kuai Kui was their descendant. The one in Qin was named Cuo. He clashed in debate with Zhang Yi, and King Hui sent Cuo to lead an army against Shu. He conquered it and was appointed its governor. Cuo's grandson Jin served under Lord Wu'an — the great general Bai Qi. Meanwhile, Shaoliang was renamed Xiayang. Jin took part with Lord Wu'an in the mass execution of Zhao's army at Changping. Upon their return, both were ordered to take their own lives at Duyou. Jin was buried at Huachi. Jin's grandson Chang served as Qin's chief iron official during the reign of the First Emperor. Kuai Kui's great-great-grandson Ang served as a general under Lord Wuxin and led a campaign through Zhaoge. When the feudal lords declared themselves kings, Ang was proclaimed King of Yin. When the Han attacked Chu, Ang surrendered to the Han side, and his territory was incorporated as the Commandery of Henei. Chang fathered Wuze, who served as a market overseer under the Han dynasty. Wuze fathered Xi, who attained the rank of Fifth-Rank Grandee. Upon their deaths, all were buried at Gaomen. Xi fathered Tan, who became the Grand Historian.
3
The Grand Historian studied astronomy under Tang Du, received instruction in the Book of Changes from Yang He, and studied Daoist philosophy under Master Huang. The Grand Historian served in office between the Jianyuan and Yuanfeng eras. Distressed that scholars had failed to grasp the essential meaning of the various schools, and that their teachings had become confused, he set down a discussion of the key principles of the Six Schools:
4
使 使 使
The Great Commentary on the Changes says: 'All under heaven arrives at the same destination through a hundred different deliberations, and reaches the same goal by divergent paths.' The Yin-Yang, Confucian, Mohist, Logician, Legalist, and Daoist schools all strive for good governance. They merely differ in the paths by which they approach the subject — some more perceptive, others less so. I have ventured to observe the methods of the Yin-Yang school. They are laden with auspicious signs yet encumbered by countless taboos, leaving people hemmed in and fearful; yet their ordering of the great cycle of the four seasons is something that must not be lost. The Confucians are broad in scope but lack concision, laborious yet yielding little practical result. For this reason, it is difficult to follow their teachings in full; yet their ordering of the rites between ruler and minister, father and son, and their distinctions between husband and wife, elder and younger, cannot be altered. The Mohists are frugal, but their standards are difficult to maintain. For this reason, their teachings cannot be adopted in full; yet their emphasis on strengthening fundamentals and economizing expenditure must not be discarded. The Legalists are strict but lack compassion; yet their rectification of the distinctions between ruler and minister, superior and inferior, cannot be altered. The Logicians make people meticulous but prone to losing sight of substance; yet their rectification of names and realities must not be overlooked. The Daoists enable the spirit to become unified and concentrated, action to accord with the formless, and resources to sustain all creation. As a method, Daoism follows the great cycle of yin and yang, draws on the best of Confucianism and Mohism, extracts the essentials of the Logicians and Legalists, shifts with the times, responds to the transformation of things, and manages customs and affairs with nothing left unfitting. Its principles are concise and easy to practice, requiring little effort yet yielding great results. The Confucians, on the other hand, are quite different. They regard the ruler as the exemplar for all under heaven: the ruler initiates and the ministers harmonize; the ruler leads and the ministers follow. Under such a system, the ruler is exhausted while the ministers are at leisure. The essentials of the Great Way are these: abandon forceful striving and envy, set aside cleverness and keen intelligence, let go of these and rely on method. When the spirit is overexerted, it becomes exhausted; when the body is overworked, it breaks down. When body and spirit are both in turmoil, to hope to endure as long as heaven and earth is unheard of.
5
使
The Yin-Yang school teaches that the four seasons, eight positions, twelve degrees, and twenty-four solar terms each carry their own regulations: obey them and you prosper; defy them and you perish. But this is not necessarily so. Hence it is said they 'make people constrained and fearful.' That spring gives birth, summer nurtures growth, autumn gathers the harvest, and winter stores it away — this is the great constant of Heaven's Way. Without it, there is no foundation for governing the realm. Hence it is said: 'the great cycle of the four seasons must not be lost.'
6
The Confucians take the Six Arts as their guiding standard. The classics and commentaries of the Six Arts number in the tens of thousands. Successive generations cannot master their learning, and a single lifetime cannot fathom all their rites. Hence it is said they are 'broad but lack concision, laborious yet yielding little result.' Yet when it comes to their ordering of the rites between ruler and minister, father and son, and the distinctions between husband and wife, elder and younger — not even a hundred rival schools could alter these.
7
鹿 使
The Mohists also revere the Way of Yao and Shun, describing their virtuous conduct as follows: 'The hall stood only three chi high, the earthen steps had but three levels, the thatched roof was left untrimmed, and the oak rafters were left unplaned. They ate from earthenware bowls, drank from clay cups, subsisted on coarse millet, and supped on pigweed and bean-leaf broth. In summer they wore hemp cloth; in winter, deerskin.' For burial: a paulownia coffin three cun thick, and mourning cries that did not fully express their grief. They taught funeral rites, insisting that these be the standard for all the people. Were the entire realm made to follow such standards, all distinctions between noble and humble would be erased. The world changes and times shift; one's way of life need not remain the same. Hence it is said they are 'frugal but difficult to maintain.' In essence, strengthening fundamentals and economizing expenditure is the path to ensuring that every individual is provided for and every household self-sufficient. This is the enduring strength of Mozi — one that not even the combined strengths of a hundred schools could abolish.
8
The Legalists draw no distinction between close and distant, noble and base. They judge everything by law alone, severing the bonds of affection between kin and the respect due to the honored. Such methods may serve as a temporary expedient, but they cannot be sustained. Hence it is said they are 'strict but lack compassion.' Yet when it comes to honoring the ruler and humbling the minister, and clearly demarcating duties so that none may overstep — not even a hundred rival schools could alter this.
9
使使
The Logicians are harshly pedantic and circuitous, preventing people from grasping the original intent. They fixate on names and lose touch with human feeling. Hence it is said they 'make people meticulous but prone to losing substance.' Yet when it comes to aligning names with realities, cross-checking without error — this must not be neglected.
10
使
The Daoists advocate non-action, yet claim there is nothing they cannot accomplish. In practice their way is easy to follow, but in words it is difficult to grasp. Their method takes emptiness and nothingness as its foundation, and working with the natural course of things as its application. Having no fixed configuration and no constant form, it is able to fathom the nature of all things. It neither precedes things nor follows after them, and so it can be master of all things. Whether employing method or abandoning it, it acts in accordance with the demands of the moment; whether applying measure or discarding it, it adapts and merges with things as they arise. Therefore it is said: 'The sage does not cling to permanence; he holds fast to the changes of the times. Emptiness is the constant of the Way, and following the natural course is the ruler's guiding principle.' When all the ministers present themselves, each is made to reveal his true nature. When substance matches the claim, it is called 'upright.' When substance does not match the claim, it is called 'hollow.' When hollow words go unheeded, wickedness does not arise. The worthy and the unworthy reveal themselves, and right and wrong stand clearly defined. It depends only on what one chooses to employ. What affair could fail to be accomplished? This accords with the Great Way — vast, deep, and unfathomable. It illuminates all under heaven, then returns to the nameless. What gives life to a person is the spirit; what the spirit lodges in is the body. When the spirit is overexerted, it becomes exhausted. When the body is overworked, it breaks down. When body and spirit part ways, death follows. The dead cannot be brought back to life, nor can what has separated be reunited. The sage therefore treats this matter with the utmost gravity. Seen in this light, the spirit is the root of life, and the body is its vessel. If one does not first settle one's own spirit and body, yet claims to have the means to govern the realm — on what basis?
11
The Grand Historian was in charge of celestial affairs and did not administer the people. He had a son named Qian.
12
使西
Qian was born at Longmen. He grew up farming and herding on the sunny southern slopes of the river and the mountains. By the age of ten, he could recite the ancient texts. At twenty, he journeyed south to the Yangtze and the Huai, climbed Mount Kuaiji, explored the Cave of Yu, gazed upon the Nine Yi peaks, and drifted down the Yuan and Xiang rivers; to the north, he crossed the Wen and Si rivers, pursued his studies at the capitals of Qi and Lu, observed the lingering influence of Confucius, and took part in the archery ceremonies at Zou and Yi; he endured hardship at Po, Xue, and Pengcheng, then passed through Liang and Chu on his way home. Qian then entered government service as a Gentleman of the Palace. He was dispatched on a mission westward through Ba and Shu and the lands to their south, traversing Qiong, Zuo, and Kunming, before returning to report.
13
使
That year the Son of Heaven performed the feng and shan sacrifices for the first time in the Han dynasty, but the Grand Historian was stranded south of Zhou and could not participate. Consumed by frustration and resentment, he fell ill and died. His son Qian happened to return from a mission just then, and found his father in the region between the Yellow River and the Luo. The Grand Historian grasped Qian's hand and wept. 'Our ancestors were Grand Historians of the Zhou court,' he said. From the earliest ages, they won renown in the service of Yu and Xia, presiding over the celestial office. In later generations our line has declined. Is it to end with me? If you become Grand Historian in your turn, you will carry forward the work of our forebears. Now the Son of Heaven has received the succession of a thousand years and performed the feng sacrifice at Mount Tai, yet I could not be there. This is fate! Fate! After I die, you must become the Grand Historian. As Grand Historian, never forget what I wished to discuss and compose. Filial piety begins with serving one's parents, continues in serving one's sovereign, and finds its fulfillment in establishing oneself. To make one's name known to future generations and thereby bring glory to one's parents — this is the highest expression of filial piety. All the realm praises and recites the Duke of Zhou, for he composed songs extolling the virtue of Kings Wen and Wu, proclaimed the legacy of the Dukes of Zhou and Shao, conveyed the aspirations of the Great King and King Ji, and traced the line back through Gongliu to honor Hou Ji. After Kings You and Li, the kingly Way fell into disrepair, and rites and music declined. Confucius restored what was old, revived what had been abandoned, expounded the Odes and the Documents, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals. Scholars take him as their standard to this very day. More than four hundred years have passed since the capture of the unicorn. In that time the feudal lords have devoured one another, and the historical records have been scattered and lost. Now the Han has risen and the realm is unified. There have been enlightened sovereigns, worthy rulers, loyal ministers, and men who died for righteousness — yet I, as Grand Historian, have failed to record and discuss them. The historical writings of the realm have been allowed to perish. I am deeply afraid. You must take this to heart!' Qian bowed his head, tears streaming down his face, and replied: 'Though your unworthy son lacks ability, I beg leave to set forth in full the old traditions our forebears compiled. I shall not dare leave a single gap.'
14
Three years after his father's death, Qian was appointed Grand Historian. He set about collecting and editing the historical documents preserved in the stone chambers and bronze coffers. Five years later came the first year of the Taichu era. The winter solstice fell on the first day of the eleventh month, a jiazi day. The celestial calendar was reformed, promulgated in the Bright Hall, and all the spirits received the new reckoning.
15
The Grand Historian said: 'My late father used to say: "Five hundred years after the death of the Duke of Zhou, Confucius appeared. Five hundred years have now passed since Confucius died. Will there be one who can carry forward this illustrious age, correct the traditions of the Changes, continue the Spring and Autumn Annals, and ground his work at the intersection of the Odes, the Documents, the Rites, and Music?" His meaning was clear! His meaning was unmistakable! How could I, his unworthy son, dare to decline this charge?'
16
退 谿
The Senior Grandee Hu Sui asked: 'What was it that moved Confucius to compose the Spring and Autumn Annals?' The Grand Historian replied: 'I heard Master Dong say: "When the Way of Zhou declined and fell into ruin, Confucius was serving as Minister of Justice of Lu. The feudal lords resented him, and the grandees blocked him. Knowing his counsel would not be heeded and his Way would never prevail, Confucius rendered judgment on right and wrong across two hundred and forty-two years, establishing a standard for all under heaven — censuring the Son of Heaven, demoting feudal lords, calling grandees to account — all to fulfill the kingly enterprise." Confucius said: "Rather than setting down empty words, it is better to reveal the truth through actual events, where the lesson is more deeply felt and clearly illuminated." The Spring and Autumn Annals, from above, illuminate the Way of the Three Kings; from below, they discern the principles governing human affairs. They distinguish the doubtful, clarify right from wrong, settle the uncertain, commend the good and condemn the wicked, honor the worthy and despise the unworthy, preserve fallen states, continue severed bloodlines, and repair what is worn and revive what has been abandoned. This is the grandest expression of the kingly Way. The Changes sets forth heaven and earth, yin and yang, the four seasons and five phases. It therefore excels in illuminating transformation; the Rites orders the bonds of human relationships, and therefore excels in guiding conduct; the Documents records the affairs of the former kings, and therefore excels in governance; the Odes records mountains and rivers, valleys and streams, birds and beasts, plants and grasses, male and female. It therefore excels in conveying customs and sentiments; Music establishes the foundation of joy, and therefore excels in producing harmony; the Spring and Autumn Annals distinguishes right from wrong, and therefore excels in governing the people. And so the Rites regulates human conduct, Music gives expression to harmony, the Documents conveys affairs of state, the Odes communicates the people's sentiments, the Changes illuminates transformation, and the Spring and Autumn Annals sets forth righteousness. For setting a disordered age aright and restoring it to the correct path, nothing comes closer than the Spring and Autumn Annals. The text of the Spring and Autumn Annals runs to tens of thousands of characters, its guiding principles numbering in the thousands. The rise and fall of all things under heaven are contained within the Spring and Autumn Annals. Within the period covered by the Spring and Autumn Annals, thirty-six rulers were assassinated, fifty-two states perished, and the feudal lords who fled and failed to preserve their altars of state are beyond counting. Examine the causes, and in every case they had lost sight of the fundamentals. Hence the Changes says: 'An error of a hair's breadth leads astray by a thousand li.' And so it is said: 'When a minister assassinates his ruler, or a son his father, it is not the work of a single day — its roots have been growing for a long time.' Therefore a ruler must not fail to know the Spring and Autumn Annals, lest slander approach unseen from the front and treachery creep up unrecognized from behind. A minister must not fail to know the Spring and Autumn Annals, lest in managing routine affairs he not know what is fitting, and in facing crises he not know how to adapt. A ruler or father who does not grasp the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals will inevitably bear the stigma of chief malefactor. A minister or son who does not grasp the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals will inevitably fall into the punishment for usurpation and regicide, condemned in the name of a capital crime. In truth, all believe they are acting for the good, yet they act without understanding the principles behind their deeds, bound by empty formulations they dare not reject. Without understanding the essence of ritual and righteousness, matters reach the point where a ruler fails to be a ruler, a minister fails to be a minister, a father fails to be a father, and a son fails to be a son. When a ruler fails as a ruler, his authority is violated. When a minister fails as a minister, he faces punishment. When a father fails as a father, he loses the Way. When a son fails as a son, he is unfilial. These four transgressions are the gravest offenses under heaven. When charged with the greatest offenses under heaven, one must accept the condemnation and cannot refuse. The Spring and Autumn Annals is therefore the great repository of ritual and righteousness. Ritual prevents offenses before they occur; law punishes after the fact. The workings of law through enforcement are easy to see; the workings of ritual through prevention are difficult to perceive.'
17
Hu Sui replied: 'In Confucius's time, there was no enlightened sovereign above, and below he was denied office. And so he composed the Spring and Autumn Annals, bequeathing his written judgments on ritual and righteousness to serve as the code of a true king. Now, sir, you serve an enlightened Son of Heaven above, and hold your office below. All affairs of state are already in order, each properly arranged. What, then, do you seek to illuminate through your work?'
18
The Grand Historian replied: 'Yes, yes — no, no. It is not as you say. I heard my late father say: "Fuxi, a man of the utmost purity and depth, created the eight trigrams of the Changes. The glory of Yao and Shun is set down in the Documents, and from their age rites and music arose. The greatness of Tang and Wu was celebrated in the songs of the poets. The Spring and Autumn Annals commends the good and condemns the evil, carries forward the virtue of the Three Dynasties, and extols the house of Zhou. It is not merely a work of criticism and satire." Since the founding of the Han, down to the present enlightened Son of Heaven, auspicious omens have been received, the feng and shan sacrifices performed, the calendar reformed, and the ceremonial colors changed. The Mandate has been received in solemn purity, and the imperial bounty flows without limit. Peoples of exotic customs from beyond the seas, communicating through layers of interpreters, knock at the frontier passes seeking to present tribute — they are too many to count. The ministers and officials have labored to extol the sovereign's sagely virtue, yet cannot fully convey its scope. Moreover, when worthy and capable men go unused, it is a disgrace to the ruler; when the sovereign is enlightened and sagely yet his virtue goes unheralded, the fault lies with his officials. I myself have held this office. To let the brilliant virtue of the enlightened sovereign go unrecorded, to leave the achievements of meritorious ministers, great families, and worthy grandees undescribed, to let my forebears' charge fall into oblivion — no crime could be greater. What I call 'narrating past events and putting the inherited traditions in order' is not what one calls 'composing' an original work. To compare it with the Spring and Autumn Annals is a mistake.'
19
退 西
And so he set about arranging and ordering his writings. Seven years later, the Grand Historian was caught up in the Li Ling affair and was thrown into prison in chains. He heaved a deep sigh and cried: 'This is my own doing! This is my own doing! My body is ruined. I am of no further use.' He withdrew into deep reflection and said: 'The authors of the Odes and the Documents who expressed themselves in veiled and restrained language did so to fulfill the aspirations burning within them. In ancient times, the Earl of the West was imprisoned at Youli, and there he elaborated the Changes of Zhou; Confucius was besieged between Chen and Cai, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals; Qu Yuan was driven into exile and wrote the Li Sao; Zuo Qiu lost his sight, and from that loss came the Discourses of the States; Sun Bin had his kneecaps removed, yet he composed his treatise on the art of war; Lü Buwei was exiled to Shu, and the Lüshi Chunqiu has been handed down through the ages; Han Fei was imprisoned in Qin, and there he wrote 'The Difficulty of Persuasion' and 'The Solitary Man's Indignation'; the three hundred poems of the Odes were, for the most part, works born of the anguish of sages and worthy men. Every one of these men had thoughts pent up within, unable to find expression through their intended path. And so they narrated the events of the past, with their thoughts directed toward future generations.' And so at last he completed his narrative from the age of Yao onward, down to the capture of the unicorn, beginning with the Yellow Emperor.
20
In ancient times the Yellow Emperor modeled himself on heaven and patterned himself on earth. The four sages who followed each established institutions of his own; Yao of Tang abdicated the throne, and Shun of Yu did not presume to claim it lightly; the splendor of their imperial achievements has been recorded for ten thousand generations. And so I composed the Annals of the Five Emperors as the first chapter.
21
Through Yu's achievements, the Nine Provinces were brought into harmony, the glory of the Yao and Shun era was illuminated, and his virtue flowed down through his descendants; Jie of Xia was dissolute and arrogant, and so he was driven out at Mingtiao. And so I composed the Annals of Xia as the second chapter.
22
Xie founded the line of Shang, a line extending down to Cheng Tang; Tai Jia was sent to Tong, and the virtue of the Grand Steward Yi Yin flourished; Wu Ding found Fu Yue, and earned the posthumous title Gao Zong; Emperor Xin sank into drunken excess, and the feudal lords ceased to offer tribute. And so I composed the Annals of Yin as the third chapter.
23
西
Qi became Lord of Millet, and virtue reached its height in the Earl of the West; King Wu triumphed at Muye and brought peace to all under heaven; Kings You and Li brought darkness and disorder, and Feng and Hao were lost; the decline dragged on until King Nan; and at Luoyi the sacrifices ceased. And so I composed the Annals of Zhou as the fourth chapter.
24
The ancestors of Qin trace back to Bo Yi, who assisted Yu; Duke Mu aspired to righteousness, yet grieved over his disastrous campaign; he buried living men as sacrificial companions, and the poem 'Yellow Bird' was sung in lament; Kings Zhao and Xiang laid the foundations for empire. And so I composed the Annals of Qin as the fifth chapter.
25
Once the First Emperor was established, he annexed the six states, melted down weapons to cast bell frames, laid aside shields and armor, assumed the exalted title of Emperor, and gloried in martial force; the Second Emperor inherited the dynasty's fate, and Ziying surrendered in captivity. And so I composed the Annals of the First Emperor as the sixth chapter.
26
When Qin lost the Way, heroes and bold men rose together in revolt; Xiang Liang laid the foundations, and Xiang Yu carried the enterprise forward; he slew the Qin commander, rescued Zhao, and the feudal lords elevated him; but he executed Ziying and betrayed King Huai, and all under heaven condemned him. And so I composed the Annals of Xiang Yu as the seventh chapter.
27
Xiang Yu was cruel and tyrannical, while the founder of Han practiced virtue and merit; rising in fury from Shu and Han, he returned and pacified the Three Qin; he destroyed Xiang Ji and established the empire. All under heaven was brought to peace, and institutions and customs were reformed. And so I composed the Annals of Gaozu as the eighth chapter.
28
祿
Emperor Hui died young, and the Lü clan overstepped all bounds; they elevated Lü Lu and Lü Chan to power, and the feudal lords plotted against them; they murdered in secret and imprisoned allies. The great ministers were seized with suspicion, and calamity engulfed the entire clan. And so I composed the Annals of Empress Dowager Lü as the ninth chapter.
29
After the Han first arose and the succession was uncertain, a king was welcomed to the throne, and all hearts under heaven turned toward him; he abolished mutilating punishments, opened the passes and bridges, extended grace widely and bestowed bounty generously, earning the temple name Taizong. And so I composed the Annals of Emperor Wen as the tenth chapter.
30
The feudal lords grew arrogant and defiant. Wu was the first to rebel. The capital struck back, and the Seven Kingdoms were brought to justice. The realm settled into profound peace and abundant prosperity. And so I composed the Annals of Emperor Jing as the eleventh chapter.
31
In the fifth generation of the Han, greatness reached its peak in the Jianyuan era. Abroad, the barbarians were driven back; at home, laws and institutions were perfected. The feng and shan sacrifices were performed, the calendar reformed, and the ceremonial colors changed. And so I composed the Annals of the Present Emperor as the twelfth chapter.
32
The Three Dynasties lie so far back in antiquity that their chronology cannot be verified. Drawing upon genealogical records and old traditions as my basis, I made rough calculations and composed the Chronological Table of the Three Dynasties as the first table.
33
After Kings You and Li, the Zhou court declined, the feudal lords governed independently, and the Spring and Autumn Annals left certain matters unrecorded; yet the genealogies and annals, with the Five Hegemons rising and falling in succession — wishing to display the order and succession of the Zhou age, I composed the Chronological Table of the Twelve Feudal Lords as the second table.
34
After the Spring and Autumn period, subordinate ministers seized the reins of power, and the great states proclaimed one another kings; until at last Qin annexed all the Xia states, abolished the fiefs, and seized the imperial title for itself. And so I composed the Chronological Table of the Six States as the third table.
35
After Qin descended into tyranny, the people of Chu rose in revolt, the Xiang clan brought turmoil, and the Han took up the banner of righteousness in its campaigns; In the span of eight years, the realm changed hands three times amid a profusion of events and transformations. And so I set down in detail the Monthly Table of the Qin-Chu Interregnum as the fourth table.
36
In the century from the rise of the Han to the Taichu era, feudal lords were deposed and installed, their domains divided and diminished. The genealogical records grew unclear, officials failed to maintain them, and the fortunes of the strong and weak shifted with each generation. And so I composed the Chronological Table of the Feudal Lords since the Rise of the Han as the fifth table.
37
The original achievements of Gaozu depended on his assistant ministers, who were his very arms and legs. They split tallies to receive noble rank, and the imperial bounty flowed down to their descendants. Some forgot the order of their ancestral lineage; others lost their lives and their domains. And so I composed the Chronological Table of Meritorious Ministers Ennobled by Gaozu as the sixth table.
38
Between the reigns of Emperors Hui and Jing, additional meritorious ministers and imperial kinsmen were granted ranks and fiefs. And so I composed the Chronological Table of Marquises of the Hui-Jing Era as the seventh table.
39
The mighty Hu were attacked in the north, the powerful Yue chastised in the south, and campaigns launched against the barbarian peoples on every frontier. Martial achievements were thus set forth in order. And so I composed the Chronological Table of Marquises since the Jianyuan Era as the eighth table.
40
When the feudal lords had grown powerful and the Seven Kingdoms conspired together, the princes had many sons and brothers but no ranks or fiefs to give them. The 'extending grace' policy was enacted in the name of righteousness, gradually weakening the lords' power and returning authority to the capital. And so I composed the Chronological Table of Royal Sons Ennobled as Marquises as the ninth table.
41
When a state has worthy chancellors and able generals, they serve as models and exemplars for the people. In examining the table of generals, chancellors, and famous ministers since the rise of the Han, the worthy are recorded for their good governance, and the unworthy have their deeds laid bare. And so I composed the Chronological Table of Generals, Chancellors, and Famous Ministers since the Rise of the Han as the tenth table.
42
The rites of the Three Dynasties each added and subtracted differently according to circumstances, yet all sought to accord with human nature and realize the kingly Way. Ritual therefore adapts its forms and regulations to the substance of human nature, broadly harmonizing with the changes of past and present. And so I composed the Treatise on Ritual as the first treatise.
43
Music is the means by which customs and habits are transformed. Even after the elegant Ya and Song odes arose, people still preferred the music of Zheng and Wei — and that music has a long history. What stirs human feeling is this: the farther one is from home customs, the deeper the longing. Arranging the sources on music to narrate its transmission from antiquity, I composed the Treatise on Music as the second treatise.
44
Without military force, no state can be strong; without virtue, none can flourish. The Yellow Emperor, Tang, and Wu rose through both, while Jie, Zhou, and the Second Emperor fell for want of them. Must one not exercise the utmost caution? The Sima Methods of War have ancient origins. The Grand Duke, Sunzi, Wu Qi, and Prince Cheng carried them forward and elucidated them, making them relevant to the modern age and exploring the full range of human adaptation. And so I composed the Treatise on the Pitch-Pipes as the third treatise.
45
The pitch-pipes reside in yin yet govern yang; the calendar resides in yang yet governs yin. The two govern each other in turn, admitting not the slightest discrepancy. The writings of the five schools were contradictory and confused. Only the fundamental principles of the Taichu reform prevail. And so I composed the Treatise on the Calendar as the fourth treatise.
46
The writings on stars and vapors are largely mixed up with omens and portents, straying from canonical authority; yet when one traces their texts and examines their correspondences, they prove consistent. Compiling discussions of their practical application, verifying them against orbital measurements, and arranging them in order, I composed the Treatise on the Celestial Offices as the fifth treatise.
47
When a ruler receives the Mandate and becomes king, the feng and shan sacrifices are performed only on the rarest occasions; yet when they are, every spirit receives solemn worship. Tracing the origins of the rites for the spirits, the famous mountains, and the great rivers, I composed the Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices as the sixth treatise.
48
Yu dredged the rivers, and the Nine Provinces were brought to peace; extending to the work of flood prevention — breaching channels and connecting waterways. And so I composed the Treatise on Rivers and Canals as the seventh treatise.
49
Currency circulates in order to connect agriculture and commerce; taken to extremes, people grow obsessed with cleverness, swallow up rivals to multiply their wealth, compete for opportunistic profit, and abandon the fundamental to chase the secondary. And so I composed the Treatise on the Balanced Standard to observe the unfolding of affairs, as the eighth treatise.
50
Taibo yielded the succession and went to live among the barbarians south of the Yangtze; the rise of Kings Wen and Wu traces back to the legacy of Gugong Danfu. Helü assassinated Liao and forced Chu into submission; Fuchai triumphed over Qi, yet Wu Zixu was put in a leather sack and thrown into the river; Bo Pi was trusted despite his treacherous closeness to Yue, and the state of Wu was destroyed. In admiration of Taibo's act of yielding, I composed the Hereditary House of Wu as the first hereditary house.
51
西
The clans of Shen and Lü had long since declined. The Revered Father dwelt in obscurity, yet in the end he found his way to the Earl of the West and became the teacher of Kings Wen and Wu; his merit crowned that of all the lords, and he wielded his authority shrewdly from the shadows; in his distinguished old age, he was granted Yingqiu as his domain. He honored the covenant at Ke, and Duke Huan prospered. He convened the feudal lords nine times, and his hegemonic glory shone for all to see. The Tian and Kan clans vied for power, and the house of Jiang was destroyed. In admiration of the Grand Duke's stratagems, I composed the Hereditary House of the Grand Duke of Qi as the second hereditary house.
52
Whether they obeyed or defied, the Duke of Zhou brought them to peace; rising with passionate determination, he cultivated civil virtue, and all under heaven was brought into harmony; he sheltered and guided King Cheng, and the feudal lords acknowledged Zhou as their sovereign. In the time of Dukes Yin and Huan — what brought about Lu's troubles? The Three Huan vied for dominance, and Lu ceased to prosper. In admiration of the Duke of Zhou and the Metal-Bound Coffer, I composed the Hereditary House of the Duke of Zhou as the third hereditary house.
53
King Wu conquered Zhou of Shang, but died before the realm was fully consolidated. King Cheng was still a child. Guan and Cai harbored suspicions, and the Huai Yi rebelled. The Duke of Shao then led with virtue, stabilized the royal house, and pacified the eastern territories. King Kuai of Yan's ill-conceived abdication brought calamity and turmoil. In admiration of the poem 'Sweet Pear,' I composed the Hereditary House of Yan as the fourth hereditary house.
54
Guan and Cai assisted Wu Geng, hoping to bring peace to the former Shang territories; but when the Duke of Zhou assumed the regency, the two uncles refused to submit; Guan Shu was killed and Cai Shu exiled; the Duke of Zhou restored order through his covenant; Tai Ren bore ten sons, and through this great clan the house of Zhou grew powerful. In admiration of Cai Zhong's repentance, I composed the Hereditary House of Guan and Cai as the fifth hereditary house.
55
The royal line was never broken — as Shun and Yu themselves affirmed; when virtue shone splendidly, their descendants basked in its glory. For a hundred generations they received sacrificial offerings — through the Zhou down to the states of Chen and Qi, until Chu finally destroyed them. And after the Tian clan of Qi arose — what manner of man, in the end, was Shun? And so I composed the Hereditary House of Chen and Qi as the sixth hereditary house.
56
The remnant population of Yin was gathered, and the uncle Kang Shu founded the first settlement. The proclamation cited the disorders of the Shang and warned against drink. When Shuo was born, the state of Wei was thrown into turmoil; Nanzi detested Kuai Kui, and father and son found their roles reversed. When Zhou's virtue had waned and the Warring States had risen to power, Wei, small and weak though it was, was the very last to perish. Moved by the 'Announcement to Kang,' I composed the Hereditary House of Wei as the seventh hereditary house.
57
退
Alas for Jizi! Alas, Jizi! His honest counsel was rejected, and he was reduced to a slave. After Wu Geng's death, the Zhou enfeoffed Weizi. Duke Xiang was wounded at the Hong River battle, and gentlemen praised his chivalry. Duke Jing practiced humble virtue, and the planet Mars retreated in its course. Ti Cheng was cruel and tyrannical, and the state of Song perished. Moved by Weizi's appeal to the Grand Tutor, I composed the Hereditary House of Song as the eighth hereditary house.
58
After King Wu's death, Shu Yu was granted the fief of Tang. The gentleman criticized the ill-chosen name, and ultimately the line of Duke Wu was extinguished. The infatuation with Lady Li brought five generations of turmoil; Chong'er was denied his rightful place, and from that denial achieved hegemony. The Six Ministers seized power, and the state of Jin was drained away. In admiration of Duke Wen, who was bestowed the jade scepter and sacrificial wine, I composed the Hereditary House of Jin as the ninth hereditary house.
59
Chongli began the enterprise, and Wu Hui carried it forward; in the last days of the Yin, the line was continued through the sons of Yuxiong. Under the Zhou, Xiong Yi was enfeoffed, and Xiong Qu carried the line forward. Through King Zhuang's virtue, the state of Chen was restored; He pardoned the Earl of Zheng and withdrew his army; Hua Yuan served as mediator. King Huai died in captivity abroad, and Zilan placed the blame on Qu Yuan; by favoring flattery and heeding slander, Chu was swallowed up by Qin. In admiration of King Zhuang's righteousness, I composed the Hereditary House of Chu as the tenth hereditary house.
60
黿
The son of Shao Kang traveled to the southern seas, tattooing his body and cutting his hair, dwelling among turtles and crocodiles. He guarded the fief of Fengyu and maintained the sacrifices to Yu. When Goujian was besieged, he turned to Wen Zhong and Fan Li for aid. In admiration of Goujian — a barbarian chieftain who cultivated his virtue, destroyed mighty Wu, and honored the Zhou court — I composed the Hereditary House of King Goujian of Yue as the eleventh hereditary house.
61
When Duke Huan moved east, the Grand Historian was among his retinue. When Zheng seized Zhou's grain, the king's men remonstrated. Zhai Zhong coerced an oath, and Zheng failed to prosper for a long time. The benevolence of Zi Chan has been praised by succeeding generations as the mark of a true worthy. The Three Jin states invaded, and Zheng was absorbed into Han. In admiration of Duke Li's reception of King Hui, I composed the Hereditary House of Zheng as the twelfth hereditary house.
62
The steeds Ji and Lu'er brought fame to Zao Fu. Zhao Su served Duke Xian, and Zhao Cui carried on the family's legacy. He aided Duke Wen in honoring the Zhou king and became a pillar of Jin. Lord Xiang was beset and humiliated, yet in the end captured Zhi Bo. The Master Father was seized alive and starved to death, reduced to searching for sparrows' eggs. King Qian was dissolute and dismissed his ablest generals. In admiration of Zhao Yang's suppression of disorder in the Zhou court, I composed the Hereditary House of Zhao as the thirteenth hereditary house.
63
Bi Wan was granted the fief of Wei, as the diviners had foreseen. When the sentence at Jiang was carried out, the Rong and Di were brought to terms. Marquis Wen aspired to righteousness and took Zixia as his teacher. King Hui grew vainglorious, and Qi and Qin turned against him. Once Lord Xinling fell under suspicion, the feudal lords withdrew their support. In the end Daliang was lost, and King Jia was taken captive. In admiration of how Wu aided Duke Wen of Jin in forging the path of hegemony, I composed the Hereditary House of Wei as the fourteenth hereditary house.
64
The hidden virtue of Han Jue enabled Zhao Wu to flourish. He restored what had been severed and established what had been cast aside; the people of Jin honored him. Marquis Zhao rose to prominence, with Shen Buhai serving as his chief minister. The Qin doubted Han Fei and refused to trust him, then attacked the state of Han. In admiration of how Han aided Jin and rectified the tributes owed to the Zhou Son of Heaven, I composed the Hereditary House of Han as the fifteenth hereditary house.
65
The son of Wan fled disaster and took refuge in Qi. The family bestowed quiet favors for five generations, and the people of Qi celebrated them in song. Lord Cheng seized the reins of government, and Tian He became a marquis. King Jian lost his nerve and was exiled to Gong. In admiration of how Kings Wei and Xuan rose above a corrupt age to alone honor the Zhou court, I composed the Hereditary House of Tian Jing Zhongwan as the sixteenth hereditary house.
66
After the Zhou court declined, the feudal lords acted without restraint. Confucius mourned the abandonment of rites and the collapse of music. He restored the classical arts to realize the kingly Way, setting a disordered age aright and returning it to the correct path. Through his writings and discourses, he established models and standards for all under heaven, bequeathing the guiding principles of the Six Arts to posterity. And so I composed the Hereditary House of Confucius as the seventeenth hereditary house.
67
When Jie and Zhou lost the Way, Tang and Wu arose. When the Zhou lost the Way, the Spring and Autumn Annals was composed. When Qin lost its grip on governance, Chen She rose up. The feudal lords rebelled, rising like a wind and surging like clouds, and ultimately destroyed the house of Qin. The turning point for all under heaven began when Chen She raised the standard of revolt. And so I composed the Hereditary House of Chen She as the eighteenth hereditary house.
68
At the terrace of Chenggao, the Bo clan first established its foundations. With their ambitions curbed, they moved to Dai, and the Dou branches rose to prominence. Lady Li presumed upon her noble position, and the Wang clan seized its chance to rise. Empress Chen grew too arrogant, and in the end Lady Wei Zifu was elevated in her place. Reflecting on how virtue manifests in such ways, I composed the Hereditary House of Imperial Relatives by Marriage as the nineteenth hereditary house.
69
After the Han used cunning stratagems to capture Han Xin at Chen; the people of the former Yue and Jing regions being reckless and impetuous, he enfeoffed his brother Jiao as King of Chu with his capital at Pengcheng, to strengthen the Huai-Si region as a clan bastion of the Han. Wu was consumed by depravity, but Li restored and continued the line. In admiration of Liu Jiao's service to the dynastic founder, I composed the Hereditary House of King Yuan of Chu as the twentieth hereditary house.
70
西
In the founder's military campaigns, Liu Jia served at his side; attacked by Ying Bu, he lost the territories of Jing and Wu. The Marquis of Yingling provoked the Lü faction and was made King of Langya; alarmed by Wu and placing trust in Qi, he went there and did not return. Then he entered the passes to the west, took part in the enthronement of Emperor Wen, and regained the kingship of Yan. While the realm remained unsettled, Jia and Ze, as members of the imperial clan, served as the Han's shield and support. And so I composed the Hereditary House of Jing and Yan as the twenty-first hereditary house.
71
Once the realm was at peace and close kinsmen were few; King Daohui was the first to grow powerful, truly anchoring the eastern territories. King Ai acted without authorization, provoking the fury of the Lü clan. Si Jun was violent and cruel, and the capital would not tolerate it. The secret debauchery of King Li brought calamity upon the Master Father. In admiration of how Fei served as a strong arm of the dynasty, I composed the Hereditary House of King Daohui of Qi as the twenty-second hereditary house.
72
西使
The Chu forces besieged Xingyang, and both sides held their ground for three years; Xiao He stabilized the region west of the mountains, managed logistics, dispatched reinforcements, and kept grain flowing without interruption — ensuring the people loved the Han and refused to serve Chu. And so I composed the Hereditary House of Chancellor Xiao as the twenty-third hereditary house.
73
Together with Han Xin, he pacified Wei, crushed Zhao, and conquered Qi, thereby weakening Chu. Succeeding Chancellor Xiao, he changed nothing and reformed nothing — and the common people found peace. In admiration of Cao Can, who never boasted of his achievements or flaunted his abilities, I composed the Hereditary House of Chancellor Cao as the twenty-fourth hereditary house.
74
Devising strategies within the curtained tent, winning victories through the intangible — Zhang Liang planned his campaigns with neither renown for knowledge nor fame for valor, overcoming the difficult through what seemed easy, and accomplishing the great through what seemed small. And so I composed the Hereditary House of the Marquis of Liu as the twenty-fifth hereditary house.
75
Once the Six Stratagems were deployed, the feudal lords submitted to the Han; in the Lü clan affair, Chen Ping was the mastermind, ultimately securing the ancestral temple and stabilizing the altars of state. And so I composed the Hereditary House of Chancellor Chen as the twenty-sixth hereditary house.
76
The Lü clan conspired to weaken the capital, and Zhou Bo defied convention as the situation demanded; During the Wu-Chu revolt, Zhou Yafu stationed himself at Changyi, hemming in Qi and Zhao, and entrusted the front line to the kingdom of Liang. And so I composed the Hereditary House of the Marquis of Jiang as the twenty-seventh hereditary house.
77
When the Seven Kingdoms rebelled, Liang alone served as the shield and defense of the capital; yet he presumed upon the emperor's love and boasted of his merits, nearly bringing ruin upon himself. In admiration of his ability to resist Wu and Chu, I composed the Hereditary House of King Xiao of Liang as the twenty-eighth hereditary house.
78
Once the Five Lineages were established as kings, kinship ties were harmonized, the feudal lords great and small served as bulwarks, each finding its proper place, and acts of presumption gradually diminished. And so I composed the Hereditary House of the Five Lineages as the twenty-ninth hereditary house.
79
The kingship of the Three Princes — their literary writings are worthy of admiration. And so I composed the Hereditary House of the Three Kings as the thirtieth hereditary house.
80
In a declining age when all competed for profit, they alone rushed toward righteousness; they yielded their kingdom and starved to death, and all under heaven praised them. And so I composed the Biography of Bo Yi as the first biography.
81
Yanzi was frugal, while Guan Zhong was extravagant; Through Guan Zhong, Duke Huan achieved hegemony; through Yanzi, Duke Jing achieved good governance. And so I composed the Biography of Guan Zhong and Yan Ying as the second biography.
82
Li Er practiced non-action and let things transform of themselves, through purity and stillness achieving self-correction; Han Fei probed the nature of affairs and followed the logic of power. And so I composed the Biography of Laozi and Han Fei as the third biography.
83
Since ancient times the kings had the Sima Methods of War, and Sima Rangju was able to elucidate them. And so I composed the Biography of Sima Rangju as the fourth biography.
84
Without trustworthiness, integrity, benevolence, and courage, no one can transmit the arts of war or discourse on swordsmanship. These accord with the Way itself: inwardly they cultivate the person, outwardly they enable adaptation. The gentleman measures his virtue against them. And so I composed the Biography of Sunzi and Wu Qi as the fifth biography.
85
Prince Jian fell victim to slander, and the disaster reached his father She. Shang tried to save their father, but Wu Yuan fled to Wu. And so I composed the Biography of Wu Zixu as the sixth biography.
86
Confucius transmitted the literary heritage, and his disciples carried on the enterprise. All became teachers and mentors, exalting benevolence and upholding righteousness. And so I composed the Biography of the Disciples of Confucius as the seventh biography.
87
Shang Yang left Wei for Qin, where he demonstrated his methods, enabling Duke Xiao to achieve hegemony. Later generations followed his laws. And so I composed the Biography of Lord Shang as the eighth biography.
88
All under heaven suffered under Qin's insatiable horizontal alliance, yet Su Qin was able to preserve the feudal lords by forging the vertical alliance to check the greedy and powerful. And so I composed the Biography of Su Qin as the ninth biography.
89
After the Six States formed their vertical alliance, Zhang Yi was able to deploy his persuasive arguments and once again scattered the feudal lords' coalition. And so I composed the Biography of Zhang Yi as the tenth biography.
90
Qin's ability to push eastward and dominate the feudal lords owed much to the strategies of Chuli Ji and Gan Mao. And so I composed the Biography of Chuli Ji and Gan Mao as the eleventh biography.
91
使
Encompassing the rivers and mountains, besieging Daliang, and compelling the feudal lords to fold their hands in submission to Qin — this was the achievement of Wei Ran. And so I composed the Biography of the Marquis of Rang as the twelfth biography.
92
He conquered Yan and Ying in the south, crushed the army at Changping in the north, and then besieged Handan — all under Lord Wu'an's command; the destruction of Chu and the annihilation of Zhao were achieved through Wang Jian's strategies. And so I composed the Biography of Bai Qi and Wang Jian as the thirteenth biography.
93
He gathered the surviving writings of the Confucians and Mohists, illuminated the guiding principles of ritual and righteousness, rejected King Hui's fixation on profit, and laid out the rise and fall of past generations. And so I composed the Biography of Mencius and Xunzi as the fourteenth biography.
94
A generous host who delighted in men of talent, he attracted scholars to Xue, and on Qi's behalf he held off Chu and Wei. And so I composed the Biography of Lord Mengchang as the fifteenth biography.
95
使
He contended for Feng Ting through shrewd calculation, traveled to Chu to lift the siege of Handan, and restored his lord's standing among the feudal lords. And so I composed the Biography of Lord Pingyuan and Yu Qing as the sixteenth biography.
96
To humble oneself, despite wealth and rank, before the poor and lowly; for a man of worth to defer to the unworthy — only Lord Xinling truly practiced this. And so I composed the Biography of the Prince of Wei as the seventeenth biography.
97
使
Risking his own life for his lord, rescuing him from the clutches of mighty Qin, and causing the traveling persuaders to turn south and hasten to Chu — such was the righteousness of Huang Xie. And so I composed the Biography of Lord Chunshen as the eighteenth biography.
98
Enduring humiliation under Wei Qi, yet establishing authority in mighty Qin; recommending the worthy and yielding one's position — these two men embodied both qualities. And so I composed the Biography of Fan Sui and Cai Ze as the nineteenth biography.
99
He carried out his plans decisively, uniting the armies of five states to avenge weak Yan against mighty Qi and wash away his former lord's shame. And so I composed the Biography of Yue Yi as the twentieth biography.
100
He faced mighty Qin with unflinching resolve, yet humbled himself before Lian Po. Both devoted themselves utterly to their lord and earned the respect of all the feudal lords. And so I composed the Biography of Lian Po and Lin Xiangru as the twenty-first biography.
101
After King Min lost Linzi and fled to Ju, Tian Dan alone used the fortress of Jimo to rout Qi Jie and drive him away, thereby preserving the altars of state of Qi. And so I composed the Biography of Tian Dan as the twenty-second biography.
102
祿
He devised ingenious arguments to relieve a besieged city, treated rank and salary lightly, and delighted in giving free rein to his ambitions. And so I composed the Biography of Lu Zhonglian and Zou Yang as the twenty-third biography.
103
Composing verse to admonish through allegory, weaving analogies to argue for righteousness — this is the spirit of the Li Sao. And so I composed the Biography of Qu Yuan and Jia Yi as the twenty-fourth biography.
104
使
He forged a bond with Prince Zichu and inspired the scholars of the feudal lords to compete to enter the service of Qin. And so I composed the Biography of Lü Buwei as the twenty-fifth biography.
105
With his dagger, Cao Mo enabled Lu to recover its lost lands, and Qi was compelled to prove its good faith; Yu Rang, in his righteousness, would not serve a second master. And so I composed the Biography of the Assassin-Retainers as the twenty-sixth biography.
106
He elucidated his plans, seized the moment to advance the cause of Qin, and thereby achieved his ambitions throughout the realm. Li Si was the mastermind. And so I composed the Biography of Li Si as the twenty-seventh biography.
107
He expanded Qin's territory and its populace, drove back the Xiongnu to the north, made the Yellow River his barrier and the mountains his ramparts, and founded the garrison at Yuzhong. And so I composed the Biography of Meng Tian as the twenty-eighth biography.
108
He occupied Zhao and blocked Changshan to expand Henei, weakened Chu's hold on power, and made the King of Han's trustworthiness known throughout the realm. And so I composed the Biography of Zhang Er and Chen Yu as the twenty-ninth biography.
109
西
He gathered the troops of Xihe and Shangdang and joined the campaign as far as Pengcheng; Peng Yue raided the territory of Liang, tormenting Xiang Yu from behind. And so I composed the Biography of Wei Bao and Peng Yue as the thirtieth biography.
110
By defecting from Chu with the forces of Huainan and joining the Han, they gained Grand Commandant Yin, and ultimately destroyed Xiang Yu at Gaixia. And so I composed the Biography of Qing Bu as the thirty-first biography.
111
使
While the Chu forces pressed hard at Jingsuo, Han Xin conquered Wei and Zhao, pacified Yan and Qi, and enabled the Han to command two-thirds of the realm — thereby destroying Xiang Ji. And so I composed the Biography of the Marquis of Huaiyin as the thirty-second biography.
112
While Chu and Han faced each other at Gong and Luo, Han Xin of Han secured Yingchuan, and Lu Wan cut off Xiang Ji's supplies. And so I composed the Biography of Han Xin of Han and Lu Wan as the thirty-third biography.
113
When the feudal lords deserted the King of Xiang, only Qi allied with Xiang Yu at Chengyang. The Han exploited the opening and marched into Pengcheng. And so I composed the Biography of Tian Dan as the thirty-fourth biography.
114
In storming cities and fighting in the open field, winning merit and bringing back reports — Fan Kuai and Li Shang were at the forefront. They did not merely crack the whip from behind; they shared in the dangers as well. And so I composed the Biography of Fan Kuai and Li Shang as the thirty-fifth biography.
115
After the Han was first established and the civil order remained unclear, Zhang Cang took charge of fiscal administration, standardized weights and measures, and systematized the calendar. And so I composed the Biography of Chancellor Zhang as the thirty-sixth biography.
116
使
He forged agreements and dispatched envoys, winning over the feudal lords through diplomacy; all the feudal lords drew close and submitted to the Han as shields and supports. And so I composed the Biography of Li Yiji and Lu Jia as the thirty-seventh biography.
117
To understand the affairs of the Qin-Chu transition in detail: Zhou Ke and his fellows followed Gaozu and helped pacify the feudal lords. And so I composed the Biography of Fu Kuan, Jin She, and the Marquis of Kuaicheng as the thirty-eighth biography.
118
He relocated the powerful clans, established the capital within the passes, and concluded a peace treaty with the Xiongnu; he clarified the rites of the court and systematized the ceremonies of the ancestral temples. And so I composed the Biography of Liu Jing and Shusun Tong as the thirty-ninth biography.
119
He could temper his stubbornness with flexibility and ultimately took his place among the ministers; Luan Bu refused to be coerced by power and chose death over betrayal. And so I composed the Biography of Ji Bu and Luan Bu as the fortieth biography.
120
They dared to offend the emperor to their faces in order to convey the right principle, heedless of their own safety, and laid down far-reaching plans for the state. And so I composed the Biography of Yuan Ang and Chao Cuo as the forty-first biography.
121
Upholding the law without losing sight of the greater principles, citing the worthy men of old, he sharpened the sovereign's discernment. And so I composed the Biography of Zhang Shizhi and Feng Tang as the forty-second biography.
122
Sincere and generous, compassionate and filial, slow to speak but quick to act, devoted to humble service — a true gentleman and elder of exemplary character. And so I composed the Biography of Lord Wanshi and Zhang Shu as the forty-third biography.
123
Steadfast in integrity, incisive and direct. His righteousness qualified him to speak of integrity, his conduct set the standard for worthies, and the weight of his authority could not be bent by unreasonable means. And so I composed the Biography of Tian Shu as the forty-fourth biography.
124
Bian Que discoursed on medicine and became the patriarch of all medical practitioners, maintaining his diagnostic arts with brilliance and precision; later generations followed his methods without being able to improve upon them. The Duke of the Granary came closest to matching his skill. And so I composed the Biography of Bian Que and the Duke of the Granary as the forty-fifth biography.
125
When the Liu clan's branches were surveyed, Liu Bi was made King of Wu. In the early days of the Han, he was entrusted with securing and pacifying the region between the Yangtze and the Huai. And so I composed the Biography of King Bi of Wu as the forty-sixth biography.
126
When Wu and Chu rebelled, among the imperial kinsmen only Dou Ying was a worthy man who delighted in scholars. Men of talent rallied to him, and he led his forces to hold Xingyang. And so I composed the Biography of the Marquises of Weiqi and Wu'an as the forty-seventh biography.
127
His wisdom was sufficient to navigate the changes of the age, and his generosity sufficient to win the people's hearts. And so I composed the Biography of Han Anguo as the forty-eighth biography.
128
Courageous in the face of the enemy, compassionate toward his soldiers, his orders never burdensome — his troops revered him. And so I composed the Biography of General Li Guang as the forty-ninth biography.
129
Since the Three Dynasties, the Xiongnu have been a constant menace to the Central States; wishing to understand the periods of their strength and weakness, and the preparations for military campaigns against them, I composed the Account of the Xiongnu as the fiftieth biography.
130
西
He straightened the winding frontier, expanded the territory south of the Yellow River, shattered the Qilian stronghold, opened the route to the Western Kingdoms, and crushed the northern Hu. And so I composed the Biography of General Wei Qing and Huo Qubing as the fifty-first biography.
131
The great ministers and imperial kinsmen competed in extravagance, yet Gongsun Hong alone used frugality in food and clothing to lead by example before all officials. And so I composed the Biography of the Marquis of Pingjin as the fifty-second biography.
132
After the Han had pacified the Central States, Zhao Tuo united the Yang-Yue peoples, secured the southern frontier, and rendered tribute. And so I composed the Account of Southern Yue as the fifty-third biography.
133
When Wu rebelled, the Ou people beheaded Liu Bi, defended Fengyu, and pledged their submission. And so I composed the Account of Eastern Yue as the fifty-fourth biography.
134
滿
After Yan Dan scattered in turmoil across the Liao region, Wiman gathered the fugitive peoples east of the sea, established a frontier domain, and served as an outer vassal guarding the border. And so I composed the Account of Joseon as the fifty-fifth biography.
135
使 西
Tang Meng was dispatched to open communications with Yelang, and the rulers of Qiong and Zuo petitioned to become inner vassals under Han administration. And so I composed the Account of the Southwestern Barbarians as the fifty-sixth biography.
136
The 'Sir Nothing' poem, the 'Great Man' rhapsody — dazzling, magnificent, and full of extravagant hyperbole, yet their intent was to admonish through allegory, ultimately pointing toward the principle of non-action. And so I composed the Biography of Sima Xiangru as the fifty-seventh biography.
137
After Qing Bu's rebellion, Liu Chang was installed as king to secure the territory south of the Yangtze and the Huai, and to pacify the restless populace of Chu. And so I composed the Account of Huainan and Hengshan as the fifty-eighth biography.
138
Officials who uphold the law and follow principle without boasting of their merits or flaunting their abilities — the people do not single them out for praise, but neither do they find fault with them. And so I composed the Biography of Upright Officials as the fifty-ninth biography.
139
Standing in the court with cap and robes perfectly straight, so that none of the ministers dared utter an empty word — this was Ji An's pride; he delighted in recommending men of talent, praised the elders, and in his prime displayed a generous breadth of spirit. And so I composed the Biography of Ji An and Zheng Dangshi as the sixtieth biography.
140
Since Confucius's death, the capital had neglected the schools. Only between the Jianyuan and Yuanshou eras did literary culture shine with brilliance. And so I composed the Biography of the Confucian Scholars as the sixty-first biography.
141
When the people abandoned the fundamentals and turned to cunning, when villains manipulated the law and the virtuous could not reform them, only sweeping severity could bring order. And so I composed the Biography of Harsh Officials as the sixty-second biography.
142
使西
After the Han dispatched envoys to Daxia, the distant barbarians of the far west craned their necks and turned eastward, eager to behold the Central States. And so I composed the Account of Dayuan as the sixty-third biography.
143
Rescuing people from distress and relieving those in want — this is the mark of the benevolent; keeping faith, never going back on one's word — this is where the righteous find their standard. And so I composed the Biography of the Wandering Knights as the sixty-fourth biography.
144
Those who serve a sovereign by pleasing his ears and eyes, attuning themselves to his moods, and thereby gaining closeness — it is not beauty alone; each possesses his own particular talent. And so I composed the Biography of Imperial Favorites as the sixty-fifth biography.
145
Not following the currents of the common world, not contending for power or profit, moving freely above and below without obstruction, harmed by no one — such is the Way put to practical use. And so I composed the Biography of the Jesters as the sixty-sixth biography.
146
The day-diviners of Qi, Chu, Qin, and Zhao each had their own customary methods. Wishing to survey their general principles, I composed the Biography of the Day-Diviners as the sixty-seventh biography.
147
The three ancient kings each used different tortoise shells, and the four barbarian peoples each had their own methods of divination. Yet all employed them to determine fortune and misfortune. Having gained a brief glimpse of their essentials, I composed the Treatise on Tortoise and Milfoil Divination as the sixty-eighth biography.
148
Commoners of humble station who do no harm to governance and do not obstruct the common people, who buy and sell in season to grow their wealth — the wise may learn from their example. And so I composed the Treatise on the Money-Makers as the sixty-ninth biography.
149
宿
Our Han dynasty has succeeded to the fading legacy of the Five Emperors and taken up the severed enterprise of the Three Dynasties. When the Way of Zhou was abandoned and Qin swept away the ancient texts — burning the Odes and the Documents — the records of the Bright Hall, stone chambers, bronze coffers, and jade tablets were scattered into disorder. Then the Han arose. Xiao He organized the laws and ordinances, Han Xin clarified the military codes, Zhang Cang formulated the regulations, and Shusun Tong established the ceremonial rites. Literary culture gradually recovered its refined elegance, and the Odes and the Documents began to surface once more. From Cao Can's advocacy of Huang-Lao through Master Gai, to Jia Yi and Chao Cuo's promotion of the doctrines of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang, to Gongsun Hong's rise through Confucianism — in the span of a hundred years, every surviving text and ancient record in the realm was gathered by the Grand Historian. The Grand Historians — father and son — succeeded one another in carrying out their charge. He said: 'Alas! I reflect that my forebears once held charge of these affairs, winning renown under the reigns of Yao and Shun. Down to the Zhou dynasty, they once again took up the charge. And so the Sima clan has presided over the celestial office through the generations. Now the charge has come down to me. Let me hold this in reverent remembrance! Let me hold this in reverent remembrance!' I cast my net across the realm to gather every scattered and lost tradition, tracing the rise of royal enterprises, examining origins and observing conclusions, witnessing flourishing and contemplating decline, and assessing deeds and events. Broadly surveying the Three Dynasties and recording Qin and Han, reaching up to the Yellow Emperor and down to the present day, I composed the Twelve Basic Annals and organized them into their proper order. For concurrent eras and successive ages where the chronology was unclear, I composed the Ten Tables. The evolution of rites and music, the reform of the calendar and pitch-pipes, military authority, mountains and rivers, spirits, the interaction of heaven and man, the inheritance of decay and the mastery of change — for all this I composed the Eight Treatises. As the twenty-eight constellations circle the North Star, and thirty spokes share a single hub, revolving without end — so are the ministers who serve as counselors, guides, and strong limbs of the state. Practicing loyalty and trust, walking the Way, serving the sovereign — for these I composed the Thirty Hereditary Houses. Those who upheld righteousness with bold and extraordinary spirit, who seized their moment without letting it pass, and who established fame and merit throughout the realm — for these I composed the Seventy Biographies. In all, one hundred and thirty chapters totaling five hundred and twenty-six thousand five hundred characters. This is the Book of the Grand Historian. This preface and outline gathers what was overlooked and fills in what was missing, completing the work as the discourse of a single school. It coordinates the variant traditions of the Six Classics and brings order to the miscellaneous sayings of the Hundred Schools. The original shall be stored in the famous mountains, with a copy kept in the capital — to await the sages and gentlemen of future ages. The seventieth chapter.
150
The Grand Historian says: I have narrated the history from the time of the Yellow Emperor down to the Taichu era, completing one hundred and thirty chapters.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →