1
宗廟之禮。 每歲以四孟月及季冬，凡五享，朔、望則上食、薦新。 三年一祫，以孟冬； 五年一禘，以孟夏，唯親郊、封祀。 又有朝享、告謝及新主祔謁，皆大祀也。 二薦，則行一獻禮。 其祔祭，春祀司命及戶，夏祀灶，季夏祀中霤，秋祀門及厲，冬祀行，惟臘享、禘祫則遍祀焉。
Rites of the Ancestral Temple. Each year there were five regular offerings, held in the first month of each season and in the last month of winter; on the new and full moons, additional food offerings and presentations of the new harvest were made. A great xiá merging sacrifice was held once every three years, in the first month of winter; and a great dì sacrifice once every five years, in the first month of summer—unless the emperor was personally conducting suburban rites or a fengshan ceremony. Morning offerings, thanksgiving ceremonies, and rites when a new ancestral tablet was installed were also counted among the major sacrifices. For the two seasonal presentation offerings, a simplified single-presentation rite was used. Associated household spirits received seasonal worship: the Director of Fate and the Door in spring, the Stove in summer, the Central Drain in the last month of summer, the Gate and the Pestilence Spirit in autumn, and the Path in winter; only at the year-end la offering and at the great dì and xiá ceremonies were they all worshiped together.
2
禘祫之禮。 真宗咸平二年八月，太常禮院言：「今年冬祭畫日，以十月六日薦享太廟。 按《禮》，三年一祫，以孟冬。 又《疑義》云：三年喪畢，遭禘則禘，遭袷則袷。 宜改孟冬薦享為祫享。」 仁宗天聖元年，禮官言：「真宗神主祔廟，已行吉祭，三年之制，又從易月之文，自天禧二年四月禘享，至今已及五年，合行禘禮。」 遂以孟夏薦享為禘享。 八年九月，太常禮院言：「自天聖六年夏行禘享之禮，至此年十月，請以孟冬薦享為祫享。」 詔恭依。
Rites of the Dì and Xiá Sacrifices. In the eighth month of the second year of the Xianping era, Emperor Zhenzong's Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported: "The winter sacrifice has been scheduled for this year, with a presentation offering at the Imperial Ancestral Temple on the sixth day of the tenth month. According to the canonical Rites, a xiá merging sacrifice should be held once every three years, in the first month of winter. The Doubts on the Rites further states that when the three-year mourning period ends, whichever great sacrifice comes due first should be performed—dì if a dì is due, xiá if a xiá is due. The winter presentation offering should therefore be changed to a xiá merging sacrifice." In the first year of the Tiansheng era, ritual officials reported: "Now that Emperor Zhenzong's spirit tablet has been installed in the ancestral temple and the auspicious installation sacrifice completed, and with the three-year mourning period observed according to the abbreviated mourning rule, five full years have passed since the dì sacrifice of the fourth month, second year of Tianxi. It is time to perform the dì rite again. The first-month-of-summer presentation offering was accordingly conducted as a dì sacrifice. In the ninth month of the eighth year, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported: "Since the dì sacrifice was performed in the summer of the sixth year of Tiansheng, the winter presentation offering scheduled for the tenth month of this year should be conducted as a xiá merging sacrifice. The emperor approved the request.
3
嘉祐四年十月，仁宗親詣太廟行祫享禮，以宰臣富弼為祫享大禮使，韓琦為禮儀使，樞密使宋庠為儀仗使，參知政事曾公亮為橋道頓遞使，樞密副使程戡為鹵簿使。 同判宗正寺趙良規請正太祖東向位，禮官不敢決。 觀文殿學士王舉正等議曰：「大祫之禮所以合昭穆，辨尊卑，必以受命之祖居東向之位。 本朝以太祖為受命之君，然僖祖以降，四廟在上，故每遇大袷，止列昭穆而虛東向。 魏、晉以來，亦用此禮。 今親享之盛，宜如舊便。」
In the tenth month of the fourth year of Jiayou, Emperor Renzong went in person to the Imperial Ancestral Temple to perform the xiá merging sacrifice. Chief Councilor Fu Bi served as Grandee of the Xiá Rite; Han Qi as Master of Ceremonies; Privy Council Commissioner Song Qi as Master of Insignia; Vice Grand Councilor Zeng Gongliang as Master of Bridge Roads and Relay Arrangements; and Vice Privy Council Commissioner Cheng Kan as Master of the Imperial Guard. Zhao Lianggui, associate administrator of the Court of the Imperial Clan, petitioned to rectify Taizu's east-facing seat, but the ritual officials declined to rule on the matter. Academician Wang Juzheng of the Hall for Viewing Literature and his colleagues argued: "The great xiá sacrifice exists to unite the zhao and mu ancestral lines and to distinguish rank; the founder who received the Mandate must occupy the east-facing seat. Our dynasty recognizes Taizu as the ruler who received the Mandate, but with four ancestral temples above him from Emperor Xi onward, at each great xiá only the zhao and mu tablets are arranged while the east-facing seat is left vacant. The same practice has been followed since the Wei and Jin periods. For this solemn occasion of the emperor's personal attendance, the established practice should be maintained."
4
禮官張洞、韓維言：「國朝每遇禘祫，奉別廟四後之主合食太廟。 唐《郊祀志》載禘祫祝文，自獻祖至肅宗所配皆一後，惟睿宗二後，蓋昭成，明皇母也。 《續曲台禮》有別廟皇后合食之文，蓋未有本室，遇祫享即祔祖姑下。 所以大順中，三太后配列禘祭，議者議其非禮。 臣謂每室既有定配，則餘後不當參列，義當革正。」
Ritual officials Zhang Dong and Han Wei argued: "At each dì and xiá sacrifice, our dynasty brings the spirit tablets of the four empresses from their separate temples to share the communal feast in the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The Tang Record of Suburban Sacrifices lists the prayer texts for dì and xiá sacrifices: from Emperor Xianzu through Emperor Suzong, each emperor was paired with only one empress—Emperor Ruizong alone had two, Zhaocheng being the mother of Emperor Xuanzong. The Continued Rites of the Qu Terrace includes provisions for empresses of separate temples to share the communal feast—when they lacked their own shrine, they were placed below the founding ancestress at the xiá sacrifice. When three empress dowagers were ranked together in a dì sacrifice during the Dazhun era, critics condemned the practice as improper. We hold that since each imperial shrine already has its designated consort, additional empresses should not be included in the array, and the practice ought to be corrected."
5
學士孫抃等議：「《春秋傳》曰：『大祫者何，合祭也。 未毀廟之主皆升合食於太祖。』 是以國朝事宗廟百有餘年，至祫之日，別廟後主皆升合食，非無典據。 大中祥符中已曾定議，禮官著酌中之論，先帝有『恭依』之詔。 他年有司攝事，四後皆預。 今甫欲親祫而四後見黜，不亦疑於以禮之煩故邪？ 宗廟之禮，至尊至重，苟未能盡祖宗之意，則莫若守舊禮。 臣等愚以謂如故便。」
Academician Sun Bian and his colleagues countered: "The Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals asks, 'What is the great xiá?' and answers, 'A combined sacrifice. The spirit tablets of all shrines not yet dismantled ascend to share the feast with Taizu.' Our dynasty has maintained the ancestral temple for more than a century, and on xiá days the empresses from separate temples have always joined the communal feast—this is not without canonical authority. The matter was already settled in the Dazhong Xiangfu era, when ritual officials issued a balanced ruling and the late emperor approved it with an edict of respectful compliance. In subsequent years, when officials performed the rites by proxy, all four empresses still participated. Now, just as His Majesty wishes to perform the xiá in person, the four empresses are to be excluded—is this not really because the rite has become burdensome? The ancestral temple rites are the most exalted and solemn of all; if we cannot fully honor our forebears' intentions, we should preserve the established practice. We humbly recommend that matters continue as before."
6
學士歐陽修等曰：「古者宗廟之制，皆一帝一後。 後世有以子貴者，始著並祔之文，其不當祔者，則有別廟之祭。 本朝禘祫，乃以別廟之後列於配後之下，非惟於古無文，於今又四不可。 淑德，太宗之元配，列於元德之下； 章懷，真宗之元配，列於章懿之下，一也。 升祔之後，統以帝樂； 別廟之後，則以本室樂章自隨，二也。 升祔之後，同牢而祭，牲器祝冊亦統於帝； 別廟諸後，乃從專享，三也。 升祔之後，聯席而坐； 別廟之後，位乃相絕，四也。 章獻、章懿在奉慈廟，每遇禘祫，本廟致享，最為得禮。 若四後各祭於廟，則其尊自申，是於禮無失。 以為行之已久，重於改作，則是失禮之舉，無復是正也。 請從禮官。」
Academician Ouyang Xiu and his colleagues argued: "In antiquity, each emperor in the ancestral temple was paired with a single empress. Later, when a mother was honored because her son became emperor, provisions for joint enshrinement were introduced; those not eligible for joint enshrinement received worship at separate temples. In our dynasty's dì and xiá sacrifices, empresses from separate temples are placed below the designated consort—this lacks ancient precedent and is unacceptable in four distinct ways today. Empress Shude, Taizong's original consort, is ranked below Empress Yuande; and Empress Zhanghuai, Zhenzong's original consort, is ranked below Empress Zhangyi—the first objection. After joint enshrinement, the imperial hymn is used for all; but empresses from separate temples retain their own shrine hymns—the second objection. After joint enshrinement, they share one sacrificial pen and victims, vessels, and prayer texts are unified under the emperor; but empresses of separate temples receive separate offerings—the third objection. After joint enshrinement, they sit on connected mats; but empresses of separate temples are seated far apart—the fourth objection. Empresses Zhangxian and Zhangyi are housed in the Fengci Temple; at each dì and xiá sacrifice, their own temple should perform the offering—this is most proper. If the four empresses each receive sacrifice in their own temples, their dignity is upheld without any breach of ritual. To argue that because the practice has continued so long, reform is too burdensome—is itself a breach of ritual that can never be corrected. We ask that the ritual officials' recommendation be adopted."
7
詔：「四後祫享依舊，須大禮畢，別加討論。」 仍詔：「祫享前一日，皇帝詣景靈宮，如南郊禮，衛士毋得迎駕呼萬歲。」 有司言：「諸司奉禮，攝廩犧令省牲，依《通禮》改正祀儀。 散齋四日於別殿，致齋二日於大慶殿，一日於太廟。 尚舍直殿下，設小次，御坐不設黃道褥位。 七室各用一太牢，每坐簠簋二，鉶三，籩豆為後，無黼扆、席幾。 出三閣瑞石、篆書玉璽印、青玉環、金山陳於庭。 別廟四後合食，牲樂奠拜無異儀。 故事，七祀、功臣無牲，止於廟牲肉分割，知廟卿行事。 請依《續曲台禮》，共料一羊，而獻官三員，功臣單席，如大中祥符加褥。」
The emperor decreed: "The four empresses shall continue to participate in the xiá sacrifice as before; after the great ceremony is complete, the matter will be reconsidered separately. A further edict directed: "On the day before the xiá sacrifice, the emperor shall visit the Jingling Palace following the southern suburban protocol; guards must not greet the imperial procession with shouts of 'Long live the emperor!'" The responsible offices reported: "All departments shall perform their ritual duties; the acting Director of Imperial Stables and Sacrificial Animals shall inspect the victims, revising the sacrificial protocol according to the Comprehensive Rites. The emperor shall observe four days of preliminary purification in a separate hall, two days of full purification in the Hall of Great Celebration, and one day in the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The Palace Supplies Office shall attend below the palace steps and set up a small resting pavilion; the imperial seat shall not include the yellow imperial cushion. Each of the seven shrines shall receive one great offering; at each seat there shall be two grain vessels, three meat vessels, and platters and cups arranged behind—without embroidered screens, mats, or tables. The auspicious stone from the Three Pavilions, the jade seal inscribed in seal script, the green jade ring, and the golden mountain shall be displayed in the courtyard. The four empresses from separate temples shall share the communal feast, with victims, music, offerings, and prostrations following the same protocol. By precedent, the seven household spirits and meritorious officials received no dedicated victims; only portions of the temple victims were divided, and the Director of the Temple conducted the rite. It is requested that, following the Continued Rites of the Qu Terrace, one sheep be shared in common, with three presenting officials and meritorious officials at separate seats, as in the Dazhong Xiangfu addition of cushions."
8
十月二日，命樞密副使張望告昊天上帝、皇地祇。 帝齋大慶殿。 十一日，服通天冠、絳紗袍，執圭、乘輿，至大慶殿門外降輿，乘大輦，至天興殿，薦享畢，齋於太廟。 明日，帝常服至大次，改袞冕，行禮畢，質明，乘大輦還宮，更服靴袍，禦紫宸殿，宰臣、百官賀，升宣德門肆赦。 二十一日，詣諸觀寺行恭謝禮。 二十六日，御集英殿為飲福宴。
On the second day of the tenth month, Vice Privy Council Commissioner Zhang Wang was ordered to announce the rite to the Supreme Lord of Heaven and the Imperial Earth. The emperor observed purification in the Hall of Great Celebration. On the eleventh day, wearing the Tongtian crown and crimson gauze robe, holding the scepter and riding the imperial carriage, he alighted outside the Hall of Great Celebration, boarded the great imperial litter, proceeded to the Hall of Heavenly Prosperity to complete the presentation offering, and then observed purification at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The following day, the emperor arrived at the great resting pavilion in ordinary dress, changed into ceremonial robe and crown, completed the rites, and at dawn rode the great litter back to the palace. He then changed into boots and court robe, presided at the Hall of Purple Brilliance while chief ministers and officials offered congratulations, and ascended the Xuande Gate to proclaim a general amnesty. On the twenty-first day, he visited the various Daoist temples and Buddhist monasteries to perform the thanksgiving rite. On the twenty-sixth day, he presided at the Hall for Assembling Excellence for the feast of receiving blessings.
9
治平元年，有司「準畫日，孟冬薦享改為祫祭。 按《春秋》，閔公喪未除而行吉
In the first year of Zhiping, the responsible offices reported: "According to the scheduled date, the winter presentation offering is to be changed to a xiá merging sacrifice. The Spring and Autumn Annals records that when Duke Min's mourning had not yet ended, an auspicious
10
禘，《三傳》譏之。 真宗以咸平二年六月喪除，至十月乃祫祭。 天聖元年在諒陰，有司誤通天禧舊禘之數，在再期內按行禘祭。 以理推之，是二年冬應祫，而誤禘於元年夏，故四十九年間九禘八祫，例皆太速。 事失於始，則歲月相乘，不得而正。 今在大祥內，禮未應袷，明年未禫，亦未應禘，至六月即吉，二月合行祫祭，乞依舊時享，庶合典禮。」
dì sacrifice was nevertheless performed—and the Three Commentaries condemn it. Emperor Zhenzong completed mourning in the sixth month of the second year of Xianping but did not perform the xiá sacrifice until the tenth month. In the first year of Tiansheng, while the court was still in mourning seclusion, officials mistakenly followed the old Tianxi count for dì sacrifices and performed a dì rite within the second mourning period. By rights, a xiá should have been held in the winter of the second year, but a dì was mistakenly performed in the summer of the first year; over the next forty-nine years there were nine dì and eight xiá sacrifices, all conducted too frequently. When the error occurs at the outset, the months and years compound upon one another and the schedule can never be corrected. We are now within the period of great auspicious mourning, when a xiá is not yet due; next year, before the tuo rite, a dì is also not yet due. Mourning will not be complete until the sixth month, and a xiá would be proper only in the second month thereafter. We ask that the regular seasonal offering be performed instead, in accordance with canonical ritual."
11
二年二月，翰林學士王珪等上議曰：「同知太常禮院呂夏卿狀：古者新君踐阼之三年，先君之喪二十七月為禫祭，然後新主祔廟，特行禘祭，謂之始禘。 是冬十月行袷祭，明年又行禘祭，自此五年，再為禘祫。 喪除必有禘祫者，為再大祭之本也。 今當袷祭，緣陛下未終三年之制，納有司之說，十月依舊時享。 然享廟、袷祭，其禮不同。 故事，郊享之年遇祫未嘗權罷，唯罷臘祭。 是則孟享與享廟嘗並行於季冬矣。 其禘祫年數，乞一依太常禮院請，今年十月行祫祭，明年四月行禘祭。 仍如夏卿議。」 權罷今年臘享。
In the second month of the second year, Hanlin Academician Wang Gui and others submitted a memorial: "Associate Director Lü Xiaqing of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported that in antiquity, in the third year after a new ruler's accession, when the twenty-seven-month mourning for the late ruler ended with the tuo rite, the new spirit tablet was installed in the temple and a special inaugural dì sacrifice was performed. That winter, in the tenth month, the xiá sacrifice was performed; the following year the dì sacrifice was performed; thereafter, every five years, dì and xiá alternated. The dì and xiá sacrifices at the end of mourning are foundational to the two great periodic sacrifices. A xiá sacrifice is now due, but because Your Majesty has not yet completed the three-year mourning period, accepting the officials' proposal, the tenth month will follow the regular seasonal offering instead. Yet the regular temple offering and the xiá sacrifice follow different protocols. By precedent, in years when suburban sacrifices were performed, a due xiá was never provisionally canceled—only the year-end la offering was suspended. Thus the first-month offering and the regular temple offering have sometimes been performed together in the last month of winter. As for the interval between dì and xiá sacrifices, we ask that the Court of Imperial Sacrifices' recommendation be followed: perform the xiá sacrifice this year in the tenth month and the dì sacrifice next year in the fourth month. This shall follow Director Xiaqing's recommendation. The year-end la offering for this year was provisionally suspended.
12
熙寧八年，有司言：「已尊僖祖為太廟始祖，孟夏禘祭，當正東向之位。」 又言：「太廟禘祭神位，已尊始祖居東向之位，自順祖而下，昭、穆各以南北為序。 自今禘祫，著為定禮。」
In the eighth year of Xining, the responsible offices reported: "Now that Emperor Xi has been honored as the founding ancestor of the Imperial Ancestral Temple, at the summer dì sacrifice he should occupy the correct east-facing seat. They further reported: "At the dì sacrifice in the Imperial Ancestral Temple, the founding ancestor now occupies the east-facing seat; from Emperor Shun downward, the zhao and mu lines are ordered north and south respectively. Henceforth, for all dì and xiá sacrifices, this shall be established as the fixed protocol."
13
元豐四年，詳定郊廟禮文所言：「禘祫之義，存於《周禮》、《春秋》，而不著其名。 行禮之年，經皆無文，唯《公羊傳》曰：『五年而再盛祭。』 《禮緯》曰：『三年一祫，五年一禘。』 而又分為二說：鄭氏則曰：『前三後二』，謂禘後四十二月而祫，祫後十八月而禘。 徐邈則曰：『前二後三』，謂二祭相去各三十月。 以二說考之，惟鄭氏曰：『魯禮，三年喪畢，祫於太廟，明年禘於群廟，自後五年而再盛祭，一祫一禘。』 實為有據。 本朝慶曆初用徐邈說，每三十月一祭。 熙寧八年，既禘而祫，此有司之失也。 請今十八月而禘，禘四十二月而祫，庶幾舉禮不煩，事神不瀆。」 太常禮院言：「本朝自慶曆以來，皆三十月而一祭。 至熙寧五年後，始不通計，遂至八年禘祫並在一歲。 昨元豐三年四月已行禘禮，今年若依舊例，十月行祫享，即比年頻袷，復踵前失。 請依慶曆以來之制，通計年數，皆三十月而祭。」 詔如見行典禮。
In the fourth year of Yuanfeng, the office for determining suburban and temple ritual texts stated: "The meaning of the dì and xiá sacrifices is preserved in the Rites of Zhou and the Spring and Autumn Annals, though the terms themselves are not recorded there. The years when these rites were to be performed are nowhere specified in the classics; only the Gongyang Commentary states, 'Every five years there is another great sacrifice.' The Apocrypha on the Rites states, 'A xiá every three years, a dì every five years.' Two schools of interpretation emerged: Master Zheng's 'three before, two after' holds that a xiá follows a dì by twelve months, and a dì follows a xiá by eighteen months. Xu Miao's 'two before, three after' holds that the two sacrifices are each thirty months apart. Comparing the two schools, only Master Zheng's account is well supported: 'In the rites of Lu, when the three-year mourning ended, a xiá was performed at the Grand Temple; the following year a dì at the group of temples; thereafter every five years the two great sacrifices alternated, one xiá and one dì. This account has solid canonical support. Our dynasty initially adopted Xu Miao's view at the beginning of the Qingli era, performing a sacrifice every thirty months. In the eighth year of Xining, a dì was followed immediately by a xiá—this was the officials' error. We ask that a dì now be performed eighteen months after a xiá, and a xiá twelve months after a dì, so that the rites are not performed too frequently and the spirits are not treated irreverently. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices replied: "Since the Qingli era, our dynasty has performed a sacrifice every thirty months. After the fifth year of Xining, the schedule was no longer properly tracked, so that by the eighth year both dì and xiá were performed in a single year. The dì rite was already performed in the fourth month of the third year of Yuanfeng; if the old precedent is followed and a xiá sacrifice is held this October, xiá sacrifices will again be too frequent, repeating the earlier error. We ask that the practice in force since the Qingli era be followed, counting the years comprehensively so that a sacrifice is held every thirty months. The emperor decreed that the rites currently in practice be followed.
14
詳定所又言：「古者稞獻、饋食，禴祠、烝、嘗，並為先王之享，未嘗廢一時之祭。 故孔氏《正義》以為：『天子夏為大祭之禘，不廢時祭之礿； 秋為大祭之祫，不廢時祭之嘗。』 則王禮三年一袷與禘享，更為時祭。 本朝沿襲故常，久未厘正，請每禘祫之月雖已大祭，仍行時享，以嚴天子備禮，所以丕崇祖宗之義。 其郊禮、親祠準此。」
The office for determining ritual texts further stated: "In antiquity, the libation presentation, feeding offering, yue sacrifice, and zheng and chang seasonal offerings were all sacrifices of the former kings, and no seasonal sacrifice was ever abandoned. The Correct Meaning of the Kong commentary therefore holds: 'When the Son of Heaven in summer performs the great dì sacrifice, he does not abolish the seasonal yue offering; in autumn he performs the great xiá sacrifice, and does not abolish the seasonal chang offering. Thus in royal rites, the three-year xiá and five-year dì alternate with the seasonal sacrifices. Our dynasty has long inherited this practice without correcting it. We ask that even in months when dì or xiá sacrifices are performed, the seasonal offering still be conducted, so that the Son of Heaven fully observes his rites and thereby exalts the ancestors as intended. Suburban sacrifices and sacrifices at which the emperor attends in person should follow this rule."
15
又言：「《禮》：不王不禘。 虞、夏、商、周四代所禘，皆以帝有天下，其世係所出者明，故追祭所及者遠也。 太祖受命，祭四親廟，推僖祖而上所自出者，譜失其傳，有司因仍舊說，禘祫皆合群廟之主，綴食於始祖，失禮莫甚。 今國家世係與四代不同，既求其祖之所自出而不得，則禘禮當闕，必推見祖係乃可以行。」 神宗謂輔臣曰：「禘者，本以審禘祖之所自出，故禮，不王不禘。 秦、漢以後，譜牒不明，莫知其祖之所自出，由禘禮可廢也。」
They further stated: "The Rites say: Without being king, one does not perform the dì. In the Yu, Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, those honored in the dì all ruled the realm; their lines of descent were clear, and therefore the ancestors reached in sacrifice lay far back in time. When Taizu received the Mandate, he sacrificed at the temples of four close forebears; but tracing upward from Emperor Xi to the dynastic founder, the genealogy was lost. Officials perpetuated the old account, and at dì and xiá grouped all temple lords together and attached them to the founding ancestor—nothing was more contrary to ritual. Now our dynasty's lineage differs from those four dynasties. Since the dynastic founder cannot be identified, the dì rite ought to be omitted; only when the ancestral line can be established may it be performed." Emperor Shenzong told his chief ministers: "The dì exists fundamentally to identify the ancestor from whom the line sprang; hence the rites say that without being king one does not perform the dì. After the Qin and Han, genealogies were unclear and no one knew the dynastic founder; therefore the dì rite could be abolished."
16
已而詳定所言：「古者天子祭宗廟，有堂事焉，有室事焉。 按《禮》，祝延屍入奧，灌後乃出延牲，延屍主出於室，坐於堂上，始祖南面，昭在東，穆在西，乃行朝踐之禮，是堂事也。 設饌於堂，復延主入室，始祖東面，昭南穆北，徙常上之饌於室中，乃行饋食之禮，是室事也。 請每行大祫，堂上設南面之位，室中設東面之位。」 禮部言：「合食之禮，始祖東面、昭南穆北者，本室中之位也。 今設位戶外，祖宗昭、穆別為幄次，殆非合食之義。 請自今祫享，即前楹通設帳幕，以應室中之位。」
Shortly afterward the determining office stated: "In antiquity when the Son of Heaven sacrificed at the ancestral temple, there were hall rites and chamber rites. According to the Rites, after the invocator extended the corpse into the inner recess and libation was poured, the victim was brought out and the spirit tablet extended; the tablet was brought from the chamber and seated in the hall, with the founding ancestor facing south and the zhao in the east and mu in the west—then the morning presentation was performed; this was the hall rite. Food was set in the hall, then the tablet was brought back into the chamber; the founding ancestor faced east, the zhao south and the mu north, and the food from the upper mat was moved into the chamber—then the feeding rite was performed; this was the chamber rite. We request that at each great xiá sacrifice, a south-facing seat be set in the hall and an east-facing seat in the chamber. The Ministry of Rites replied: "In the rite of shared feasting, the founding ancestor faces east with the zhao south and mu north—these are chamber positions. Now seats are set outside the doors with zhao and mu ancestors in separate enclosures—this hardly accords with shared feasting. We ask that from this xiá offering onward, canopy tents be set across the front pillars to correspond to the chamber positions."
17
大觀四年，議禮局請：「每大祫，堂上設南面之位，室中設東南之位，始祖南面則昭穆東西相向，始祖東面則昭穆南北相向，以應古義。」 又請：「陳瑞物及代國之寶與貢物可出而陳者，並令有司依嘉祐、元豐詔旨，凡親祠太廟準此。」 從之。
In the fourth year of Daguan, the Bureau for Deliberating Rites requested: "At each great xiá, a south-facing seat shall be set in the hall and a southeast-facing seat in the chamber; when the founding ancestor faces south, zhao and mu face east and west; when he faces east, zhao and mu face north and south—in accord with ancient usage. They further requested that auspicious objects and treasures of successive dynasties, together with displayable tribute items, be arranged by the responsible offices according to the Jiayou and Yuanfeng edicts, and that all sacrifices at which the emperor attends in person at the Imperial Ancestral Temple follow this rule." This was approved.
18
南渡之後，有祫而無禘。 高宗建炎二年，祫享於洪州。 紹興二年，祫享於溫州。 時儀文草創，奉遷祖宗及祧廟神主、別廟神主，各設幄合食於太廟。 始祖東向，昭、穆以次南北相向。
After the southward relocation, xiá sacrifices were performed but not dì sacrifices. In the second year of Jianyan, Emperor Gaozong performed a xiá sacrifice at Hongzhou. In the second year of Shaoxing, a xiá sacrifice was performed at Wenzhou. At that time ritual protocols were newly devised; spirit tablets of the relocated ancestors, removed-branch temples, and separate temples were each placed in enclosures to share the feast at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The founding ancestor faced east, with zhao and mu arranged alternately north and south.
19
五年，吏部員外郎董弅言：「臣聞戎、祀，國之大事，而宗廟之祭，又祀之大者也。 大祀，禘祫為重，祫大禘小，則袷為莫大焉。 今戎事方殷，祭祀之禮未暇遍舉，然事有違經戾古，上不當天地神祇之意，下未合億兆黎庶之心，特出於一時大臣好勝之臆說，而行之六十年未有知其非者。 顧雖治兵禦戎之際，正厥違誤，宜不可緩。 仰惟太祖受天明命，混一區宇，即其功德所起，宜祇享以正東向之尊。 逮至仁宗，親行祫享，嘗議太祖東向，用昭正統之緒。 當時在廷之臣，僉謂自古必以受命之祖乃居東向之位，本朝太祖乃受命之君，若論七廟之次，有僖祖以降四廟在上，當時大祫，止列昭穆而虛東向，蓋終不敢以非受命之祖而居之也。 暨熙寧之初，僖祖以世次當祧，禮官韓維等據經有請，適王安石用事，奮其臆說，乃俾章衡建議，尊僖祖為始祖，肇居東向。 馮京奏謂士大夫以太祖不得東向為恨，安石肆言以折之。 已而又欲罷太祖郊配，神宗以太祖開基受命，不許，安石終不以為然。 元祐之初，翼祖既祧，正合典禮。 至於崇寧，宣祖當祧，適蔡京用事，一遵安石之術，乃建言請立九廟，自我作古，其已祧翼祖、宣祖並即依舊。 循沿至今，太祖尚居第四室，遇大祫處昭穆之列。 今若正太祖東向之尊，委合《禮經》。」
In the fifth year, Dong Bian, supervising secretary in the Ministry of Personnel, stated: "I have heard that military affairs and sacrifices are great affairs of state, and ancestral temple sacrifice is the greatest among sacrifices. Among great sacrifices, dì and xiá are paramount; xiá is greater than dì, so the xiá is supreme. Now military affairs are pressing and sacrifices cannot all be performed; yet some practices violate the classics and antiquity, failing to satisfy Heaven, Earth, and the spirits above or the people below—arising solely from presumptuous theories of rival ministers, practiced for sixty years without recognition of error. Even while organizing armies and repelling invaders, correcting these errors ought not be delayed. Taizu received the Mandate of Heaven and unified the realm; considering where his merit began, he ought to receive the due dignity of the east-facing seat. By Emperor Renzong's time, when he personally performed the xiá sacrifice, it was debated that Taizu should face east to clarify the legitimate succession. Court ministers then unanimously held that since antiquity only the ancestor who received the Mandate occupies the east-facing seat, and Taizu was our dynasty's recipient of the Mandate; yet with four temples above him from Emperor Xi onward, at the great xiá only zhao and mu were arrayed while the east-facing seat was left vacant—because they dared not seat one who had not received the Mandate there. By the beginning of Xining, when Emperor Xi was due for removal by generational order, ritual officials including Han Wei petitioned on canonical grounds; Wang Anshi was then in power and pressed his private theory, causing Zhang Heng to propose honoring Emperor Xi as founding ancestor in the east-facing seat. Feng Jing memorialized that scholar-officials resented Taizu's inability to face east; Anshi spoke boldly to refute them. Later he also wished to abolish Taizu's pairing at the suburban sacrifice; Shenzong, holding that Taizu founded the dynasty and received the Mandate, refused, yet Anshi never accepted this. At the beginning of Yuanyou, when Emperor Yi was removed, this accorded with canonical ritual. By Chongning, when Emperor Xuan was due for removal, Cai Jing followed Anshi's method entirely, proposing nine temples and creating antiquity anew, while restoring the removed Emperors Yi and Xuan. Down to the present Taizu still occupies the fourth shrine and at the great xiá is placed among the zhao and mu. If Taizu's east-facing dignity is now rectified, it will accord with the Ritual Canon."
20
太常寺丞王普又言：「弅所奏深得禮意，而其言尚有未盡。 臣竊以古者廟製異宮，則太祖居中，而群廟列其左右； 後世廟製同堂，則太祖居右，而諸室皆列其左。 古者祫享，朝踐於堂，則太祖南向，而昭穆位於東西； 饋食於室，則太祖東向，而昭穆位於南北。 後世祫享一於堂上，而用室中之位，故唯以東向為太祖之尊焉。 若夫群廟迭毀，而太祖不遷，則其禮尚矣。 臣故知太祖即廟之始祖，是為廟號，非諡號也。 惟我太宗嗣服之初，太祖廟號已定，雖更累朝，世次猶近，每於祫享，必虛東向之位，以其非太祖必不可居也。 迨至熙寧，又尊僖祖為廟之始祖，百世不遷，祫享東向，而太祖常居穆位，則名實舛矣。 倘以熙寧之禮為是，僖祖當稱太祖，而太祖當改廟號。 然則太祖之名不正，前日之失大矣。 今宜奉太祖神主居第一室，永為廟之始祖。 每歲五享、告朔、薦新，止於七廟。 三年一祫，則太祖正東向之位。 太宗、仁宗、神宗南向為昭，真宗、英宗、哲宗北向為穆。 五年一禘，則迎宣祖神主享於太廟，而以太祖配焉。 如是，則宗廟之事盡合《禮經》，無復前日之失矣。」 上曰：「太祖皇帝開基創業，始受天命，祫享宜居東向之位。」 宰相趙鼎等奏曰：「三昭三穆，與太祖之廟而七，載在《禮經》，無可疑者。」
Assistant Director Wang Pu of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices further stated: "Bian's memorial deeply accords with ritual intent, yet does not go far enough. I consider that in antiquity, when temples were separate structures, Taizu stood at the center with the group of temples to his left and right; in later ages, when temples shared one hall, Taizu stood on the right with all shrines to his left. In antiquity at the xiá, the morning presentation was in the hall, with Taizu facing south and zhao and mu east and west; the feeding rite was in the chamber, with Taizu facing east and zhao and mu north and south. In later ages the xiá was performed entirely in the hall using chamber positions; only the east-facing seat expressed Taizu's dignity. As for the successive removal of other temples while Taizu was not moved, that rite was still honored. I therefore know that Taizu is the temple's founding ancestor—this is a temple title, not a posthumous title. When Taizong first succeeded, Taizu's temple title was already fixed; though generations passed, at each xiá the east-facing seat was left vacant, because only Taizu could occupy it. By Xining, Emperor Xi was again honored as founding ancestor, never removed, facing east at the xiá while Taizu occupied the mu position—then name and reality diverged. If the Xining rite were correct, Emperor Xi should be called Taizu and Taizu's temple title changed. Then Taizu's name would be incorrect and the former error would be grave. Taizu's spirit tablet should now be placed in the first shrine as the temple's permanent founding ancestor. The five annual offerings, new- and full-moon reports, and new-harvest presentations should be limited to the seven temples. Once every three years at the xiá, Taizu should occupy the correct east-facing seat. Taizong, Renzong, and Shenzong should face south as zhao; Zhenzong, Yingzong, and Zhezong north as mu. Once every five years at the dì, Emperor Xuan's tablet should be brought to the Imperial Ancestral Temple with Taizu as paired ancestor. Thus ancestral temple affairs would fully accord with the Ritual Canon and former errors undone. The emperor said: "Emperor Taizu founded the dynasty and first received the Mandate; at the xiá he ought to occupy the east-facing seat." Chief Councilor Zhao Ding and others memorialized: "Three zhao and three mu together with Taizu's temple make seven, as recorded in the Ritual Canon—there is no doubt."
21
紹熙五年九月，太常少卿曾三復亦言：請祧宣祖，就正太祖東向之位，其言甚切。 既而吏部尚書鄭僑等亦乞因大行祔廟之際，定宗廟萬世之禮，慰太祖在天之靈，破熙寧不經之論。 今太祖為始祖，則太宗為昭，真宗為穆，自是而下以至孝宗，四昭四穆與太祖之廟而九。 上參古禮，而不廢崇寧九廟之制，於義為允。 又言：「治平四年，僖祖祧遷，藏在西夾室。 至熙寧五年，王安石以私意使章衡等議，乃復祔僖祖以為始祖，又將推以配天，欲罷太祖郊配。 韓維、司馬光等力爭，而安石主其說愈堅。 孫固慮其罷太祖配天，建議以僖祖權居東向之位。 既曰權居，則當厘正明矣。」 詔從之。
In the ninth month of the fifth year of Shaoxi, Vice Director Zeng Sanfu also petitioned to remove Emperor Xuan and rectify Taizu's east-facing seat in earnest terms. Shortly afterward Minister Zheng Qiao and others begged that at installation of the new spirit tablet during great mourning, the eternal ancestral temple rite be settled to comfort Taizu in Heaven and refute Xining's uncanonical theory. With Taizu as founding ancestor, Taizong is zhao, Zhenzong mu, and down to Xiaozong—four zhao and four mu with Taizu's temple make nine. The emperor consulted ancient ritual yet did not abolish Chongning's nine-temple system—in principle this was acceptable. They further stated: "In the fourth year of Zhiping, Emperor Xi was removed and stored in the western side chamber. In the fifth year of Xining, Wang Anshi had Zhang Heng and others restore Emperor Xi as founding ancestor by private intent and wished to promote him to pair with Heaven and abolish Taizu's suburban pairing. Han Wei, Sima Guang, and others strove against this while Anshi held ever more firmly to his view. Sun Gu, fearing abolition of Taizu's heavenly pairing, proposed that Emperor Xi provisionally occupy the east-facing seat. Since it was called provisional, rectification should have been clear. An edict approved this.
22
閏十月，權禮部侍郎許及之言：「僖、順、翼、宣四祖，為太祖之祖考，所遷之主，恐不得藏於子孫之廟。 今順、翼二祖藏於西夾室，實居太廟太祖之右。 遇祫享，則於夾室之前，設位以昭穆焉。」 於是詔有司集議，吏部尚書兼侍讀鄭僑等言：「僖祖當用唐興聖之制，立為別廟，順祖、翼祖、宣祖之主皆祔藏焉。 如此，則僖祖自居別廟之尊，三祖不祔子孫之廟。 自漢、魏以來，太祖而上，毀廟之主皆不合食，今遇祫，則即廟而享，於禮尤稱。」 諸儒如樓鑰、陳傅良皆以為可，詔從之。
In the intercalary tenth month, Acting Vice Minister Xu Jizhi stated: "Emperors Xi, Shun, Yi, and Xuan, as Taizu's forebears—their removed tablets probably ought not be stored in descendants' temples. Emperors Shun and Yi are now stored in the western side chamber, actually to Taizu's right in the Imperial Ancestral Temple. At the xiá, seats are set before the side chamber according to zhao and mu. An edict ordered deliberation. Zheng Qiao, Minister of Personnel and Imperial Reader, and others stated: "Emperor Xi should follow the Tang system for Emperor Xingsheng as a separate temple, with Emperors Shun, Yi, and Xuan enshrined there. Thus Emperor Xi would hold separate-temple dignity while the three ancestors would not be enshrined in descendants' temples. Since Han and Wei, dismantled ancestors above Taizu have not shared the feast; now at the xiá they would be honored at their own temple—especially fitting. Scholars Lou Yue and Chen Fuliang approved, and an edict followed.
23
時朱熹在講筵，獨入議狀，條其不可者四，大略云：「準尚書吏部牒，集議四祖祧主宜有所歸。 今詳群議雖多，而皆有可疑。 若曰藏之夾室，則是以祖宗之主下藏於子孫之夾室。 至於祫祭，設幄於夾室之前，則亦不得謂之祫。 欲別立一廟，則喪事即遠，有毀無立。 欲藏之天興殿，則宗廟、原廟不可相雜。 議者皆知其不安，特以其心欲尊奉太祖三年一袷時暫東向之故，其實無益於太祖之尊，而徒使僖祖、太祖兩朝威靈，相與校強弱於冥冥之中。 今但以太祖當日追尊帝號之令而默推之，則知今日太祖在天之靈，必有所不忍而不敢當矣。 又況僖祖祧主遷於治平，不過數年，神宗復奉以為始祖，已為得禮之正而合於人心，所謂『有其舉之，莫敢廢者』。」 又言：「當以僖祖為始祖，如周之後稷，太祖如周之文王，太宗如周之武王，與仁宗之廟，皆萬世不祧； 昭穆而次，以至高宗之廟亦萬世不祧。」 又言：「元祐大儒程頤以為王安石言『僖祖不當祧』，復立廟為得禮。 竊詳頤之議論與安石不同，至論此事則深服之，足以見義理人心之所同，固有不約而合者。 特以司馬光、韓維之徒皆是大賢，人所敬信，其議偶不出此，而安石乃以變亂穿鑿得罪於公議，故欲堅守二賢之說，並安石所當取者而盡廢之。 今以程頤之說考之，則是非可判矣。」
Zhu Xi, then at the lecture throne, alone submitted objections in four points, stating in substance: "According to the Ministry dispatch, deliberation is sought on where the four removed ancestral tablets should be placed. Though deliberations are many, all have doubtful points. Storing them in the side chamber places ancestors' tablets below in descendants' side chambers. Setting enclosures before the side chamber at the xiá still cannot be called a xiá. Building a separate temple fails because mourning is remote—there is dismantling without establishment. Storing them in the Hall of Heavenly Prosperity mixes ancestral and original temples improperly. Deliberators know this is unsound, yet wish Taizu to face east temporarily every three years—this does not enhance Taizu's dignity but sets Emperors Xi and Taizu against each other in the unseen realm. Inferring from the day Taizu received his posthumous imperial title, his spirit in Heaven today would surely be unable to bear this. Emperor Xi's tablet was removed in Zhiping, yet Shenzong soon restored him as founding ancestor—already correct ritual accordant with hearts; 'when someone undertakes it, none dare abolish it.' He further stated: "Emperor Xi should be founding ancestor like Zhou's Hou Ji; Taizu like King Wen; Taizong like King Wu; with Renzong's temple—all never removed; zhao and mu in sequence down to Gaozong's temple also never removed. He further stated: "Great scholar Cheng Yi of Yuanyou held that Anshi's view that Emperor Xi ought not be removed and restoring a temple obtained ritual. Yi differed from Anshi on most matters yet deeply approved this—showing principle and human hearts converge. Because Guang, Wei, and others were trusted worthies whose view happened not to take this course, while Anshi was condemned for forced interpretation, one wishes to adhere to the worthies and abolish even what Anshi rightly held. Examined by Cheng Yi's view, right and wrong can be judged."
24
時宰臣趙汝愚既以安石之論為非，異議者懼其軋己，藉以求勝，事竟不行。 熹時以得罪，遺汝愚書曰：「相公以宗子入輔王室，而無故輕納妄議，拆祖宗之廟以快其私，欲望神靈降歆，垂休錫羨，以永國祚於無窮，其可得乎？」 時太廟殿已為十二室，故孝宗升祔，而東室尚虛。 熹以為非所以祝延壽康之意，深不然之，因自劾不堪言語侍從之選，乞追奪待制，不許。 及光宗祔廟，遂復為九世十二室。 蓋自昌陵祔廟，逾二百年而後正太祖之位。 慶元二年四月，禮部太常寺言：「已於太廟之西，別建僖祖廟，及告遷僖、順、翼、宣帝後神主詣僖祖廟奉安。 所有今年孟冬祫享，先詣四祖廟室行禮，次詣太廟，逐幄次行禮。」
Chief Councilor Zhao Ruyu already held Anshi's theory wrong; dissenters, fearing overpowering, seized on this to win, and the matter failed. Xi, then under censure, wrote Ruyu: "You entered as an imperial clansman to assist the throne, yet lightly accepted reckless deliberation, dismantling ancestral temples for private ends—can spirits descend and extend the nation's fortune forever?" The temple hall already had twelve shrines; when Xiaozong was installed, the eastern shrine remained vacant. Xi held this not conducive to prayers for longevity, deeply disapproved, and requested removal from attendance—asking revocation of his academician title; this was refused. When Guangzong's tablet was installed, it again became nine generations and twelve shrines. In all, more than two hundred years passed from installation at Changling until Taizu's seat was finally rectified. In the fourth month of the second year of Qingyuan, the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported: "A separate temple for Emperor Xi has been built west of the Imperial Ancestral Temple, and the tablets of Emperors Xi, Shun, Yi, and Xuan have been escorted there for installation. For this year's winter xiá offering, rites shall first be performed at the four ancestral shrines, then at the Imperial Ancestral Temple in sequence at each enclosure."
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理宗紹定四年九月丙戌，京師大火，延及太廟。 太常少卿度正言：「伏見近世大儒侍講朱熹詳考古禮，尚論宗廟之制，畫而為圖，其說甚備。 然其為製，務效於古而頗更本朝之制，故學士大夫皆有異論，遂不能行。 今天降災異，火發民家，延及宗廟，舉而行之，莫此時為宜。 臣於向來備聞其說，今備員禮寺，適當此變，若遂隱默，則為有負，謹為二說以獻。 其一，純用朱熹之說，謂本朝廟製未合於古，因畫為圖，謂僖祖如周後稷，當為本朝始祖。 夫尊僖祖以為始祖，是乃順太祖皇帝之孝心也。 始祖之廟居於中，左昭右穆各為一廟，門皆南向，位皆東向。 祧廟之主藏於始祖之廟夾室，昭常為昭，穆常為穆，自不相亂。 三年合食，則並出祧廟之主，合享於始祖之廟。 始祖東向，群昭之主皆位北而南向，群穆之主皆位南而北向。 昭穆既分，尊卑以定。 其說合於古而宜於今，盡美盡善。 舉而行之，祖宗在天之靈必歆享於此，而垂祐於無窮也。 其一說，則因本朝之制，而參以朱熹之說。 蓋本朝廟製，神宗嘗命禮官陸佃討論，欲復古制，未及施行。 渡江以來，稽古禮文之事，多所未暇。 今欲驟行更革，恐未足以成其事，而徒為紛紛。 或且仍遵本朝之制，自西徂東，並為一列。 惟於每室之後，量展一間，以藏祧廟之主。 每室之前，量展二間，遇三年袷享，則以帷幄幕之，通為一室，盡出諸廟主及祧廟主並為一列，合食其上。 前乎此廟為一室，凡遇袷享，合祭於其室，名為袷享，而實未嘗合。 今量展此三間，後有藏祧主之所，前有祖宗合食之地，於本朝之制，初無大段更革，而頗已得三年大袷之義。 今來朝廷若能舉行朱熹前議，固無以加； 如其不然，姑從後說，亦為允當，不失禮意。 然宗廟之禮，倘無其故，何敢妄議？ 今因大火之後，若加損益，亦惟其時，乞賜詳議。」 有旨，令侍從、禮部、太常集議，後竟不行。
On the ninth day of the ninth month, bingxu, of the fourth year of Shaoding, a great fire broke out in the capital and spread to the Imperial Ancestral Temple. Vice Director Du Zheng stated: "The great Ru scholar Zhu Xi, lecturer of recent times, examined ancient ritual in detail, discussed ancestral temple institutions, illustrated them in diagrams, and his exposition was very complete. Yet his design strove to follow antiquity and altered our dynasty's institutions; scholar-officials differed, and it could not be carried out. Now Heaven sends this calamity—fire among the people spread to the ancestral temple—and there is no better time to implement it. Having long heard his theory and now serving in the ritual office at this crisis, silence would be failure of duty; I respectfully offer two proposals. The first wholly adopts Zhu Xi's theory, holding our temple design uncanonical; in his diagram Emperor Xi, like Zhou's Hou Ji, should be founding ancestor. Honoring Emperor Xi as founding ancestor follows Taizu's filial intent. The founding ancestor's temple stands at the center; zhao left and mu right each form a temple, gates south and seats east. Removed-branch tablets are stored in the founding ancestor's side chambers; zhao remains zhao and mu mu, never confused. Every three years at the combined feast, removed-branch tablets are brought out to share the feast at the founding ancestor's temple. The founding ancestor faces east; all zhao to the north facing south, all mu to the south facing north. With zhao and mu divided, rank is fixed. This accords with antiquity and suits the present—utterly complete. If carried out, the ancestors in Heaven will rejoice and bestow endless blessing. The second follows our institutions while incorporating Zhu Xi's theory. Our temple design—Shenzong once ordered Lu Dian and ritual officials to deliberate on restoring antiquity, but it was not implemented in time. Since crossing south, examination of ancient ritual has mostly been left undone. Sudden reform may not accomplish the matter and would only create turmoil. Perhaps our institutions may still be followed, arranged in one row from west to east. Only behind each shrine, extend one bay to store removed-branch tablets. Before each shrine extend two bays; at the three-year xiá, enclose with curtains into one hall, bring out all shrine and removed-branch tablets in one row, and feast together. Before this the temples formed one hall; xiá was performed there in name, yet never truly combined. Extending these three bays—storage behind, combined feasting before—requires no great change yet largely obtains the three-year great xiá. If the court can implement Zhu Xi's former proposal, nothing could be better; if not, the latter proposal is also acceptable and does not depart from ritual intent. Yet in ancestral temple rites, without proper cause who would dare deliberate rashly? Now after the great fire, revision is timely; we beg detailed deliberation. An order directed attendants, the Ministry of Rites, and Court of Imperial Sacrifices to deliberate; in the end it was not carried out.