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宗廟之制
Regulations Governing the Imperial Ancestral Temples
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建隆元年，有司請立宗廟，詔下其議。 兵部尚書張昭等奏：「謹案堯、舜、禹皆立五廟，蓋二昭二穆與其始祖也。 有商建國，改立六廟，蓋昭穆之外，祀契與湯也。 周立七廟，蓋親廟之外，祀太祖與文王、武王也。 漢初立廟，悉不如禮。 魏、晉始復七廟之制，江左相承不改。 然七廟之室，隋文但立高、曾、祖、禰四廟而已。 唐因立親廟，梁氏而下，不易其法。 稽古之道，斯為折衷。 伏請追尊高、曾四代，崇建廟室。」 於是判太常寺竇儼奏上皇高祖文安府君曰文獻皇帝，廟號僖祖； 皇曾祖中丞府君曰惠元皇帝，廟號順祖； 皇祖驍衛府君曰簡恭皇帝，廟號翼祖； 皇考武清府君曰昭武皇帝，廟號宣祖； 皇高祖妣崔氏曰文懿皇后； 皇曾祖妣桑氏曰惠明皇后； 皇祖妣京兆郡太夫人劉氏曰簡穆皇后。 太祖禦崇元殿，備禮冊四親廟，奉安神主，行上諡之禮。 二年十月，祔明憲皇后杜氏於宣祖室。
In 960, the relevant officials petitioned to establish the imperial ancestral temple, and the emperor ordered the proposal debated. Zhang Zhao, Minister of War, and others submitted: "We find that Yao, Shun, and Yu each maintained five ancestral shrines—two zhao, two mu, and the founding ancestor. When the Shang established their dynasty, they expanded to six shrines, adding Qi and Tang beyond the usual zhao-mu pairs. The Zhou arranged seven shrines, honoring the Grand Ancestor together with Kings Wen and Wu in addition to the direct-line temples. The Han founders' temples, from the outset, failed to conform to proper ritual. The Wei and Jin dynasties revived the seven-shrine system, and the southern courts preserved it unchanged. In practice, however, Emperor Wen of Sui built only four ancestral chambers—for four generations of immediate forebears. The Tang followed with direct-line ancestral shrines, and from the Liang through the Five Dynasties the practice held steady. Measured against ancient precedent, this represents a sound compromise. We respectfully urge posthumous enshrinement of four generations of ancestors and construction of the corresponding temple halls." Dou Yan, acting director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, then proposed posthumous titles: the emperor's great-great-grandfather, Lord Wen'an, as Emperor Wenxian (temple name Xizu); the great-grandfather, Lord Zhongcheng, as Emperor Huiyuan (temple name Shunzu); the grandfather, Lord of the Valiant Cavalry Guard, as Emperor Jiangong (temple name Yizu); the father, Lord Wuqing, as Emperor Zhaowu (temple name Xuanzu); the great-great-grandmother, Lady Cui, as Empress Wenyi; the great-grandmother, Lady Sang, as Empress Huiming; and the grandmother, Grand Lady Liu of Jingzhao, as Empress Jianmu. Taizu presided in the Chongyuan Hall, conducted the full enshrinement rites for the four ancestral shrines, installed the spirit tablets, and bestowed posthumous titles. In the tenth month of the following year, Empress Mingxian (née Du) was associated with the shrine of Xuanzu.
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太平興國二年，有司言：「唐制，長安太廟，凡九廟，同殿異室。 其制：二十一間皆四柱，東西夾室各一，前後麵各三階，東西各二側階。 本朝太廟四室，室三間。 今太祖升祔，共成五室，請依長安之制，東西留夾室外，餘十間分為五室，室二間。」 從之。 四月己卯，奉神主祔廟，以孝明皇后王氏配。
In 977, officials reported: "Under Tang practice, the Chang'an ancestral temple held nine shrines in a single hall with separate chambers. The layout comprised twenty-one four-pillared bays, with one flanking chamber on each side, three steps at front and rear, and two side staircases on east and west. The present ancestral temple has four chambers of three bays each. With Taizu's enshrinement there are now five chambers. We propose following the Chang'an model: retain the flanking chambers on east and west and divide the remaining ten bays into five two-bay chambers." The emperor approved. On the jimao day of the fourth month, the spirit tablets were installed in the temple, with Empress Xiaoming (née Wang) enshrined alongside.
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至道三年十一月甲子，奉太宗神主祔廟，以懿德皇后符氏配。 咸平元年，判太常禮院李宗訥等言：「僖祖稱曾高祖，太祖稱伯； 文懿、惠明、簡穆、昭憲皇后並稱祖妣，孝明、孝惠、孝章皇后並稱伯妣。 按《爾雅》有考妣、王父母、曾祖王父母、高祖王父母及世父之別。 以此觀之，唯父母得稱考妣。 今請僖祖止稱廟號，順祖而下，即依《爾雅》之文。」 事下尚書省議，戶部尚書張齊賢等言：「《王制》『天子七廟』。 謂三昭三穆與太祖之廟而七。 前代或有兄弟繼及，亦移昭穆之列，是以《漢書》『為人後者為之子』，所以尊本祖而重正統也。 又《禮》云：『天子絕期喪。』 安得宗廟中有伯氏之稱乎？ 其唐及五代有所稱者，蓋禮官之失，非正典也。 請自今有事於太廟，則太祖並諸祖室，稱孝孫、孝曾孫嗣皇帝； 太宗室，稱孝子嗣皇帝。 其《爾雅》『考妣』、『王父』之文，本不為宗廟言也。 歷代既無所取，於今亦不可行。」
On the jiazi day of the eleventh month of 997, Taizong's spirit tablet was installed in the temple, with Empress Yide (née Fu) enshrined alongside. In 998, Li Zong'e and others of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices argued: "In ritual address, Xizu is called great-great-grandfather and great-grandfather, while Taizu is called elder uncle; Empresses Wenyi, Huiming, Jianmu, and Zhaoxian are all styled ancestral grandmothers, while Empresses Xiaoming, Xiaohui, and Xiaozhang are styled elder uncles' consorts. The Erya distinguishes father and mother, royal grandparents, great-grandparents, great-great-grandparents, and father's elder brother. On this reading, only one's own parents may properly be called father and mother. We propose that Xizu be addressed only by temple name, and that from Shunzu downward the Erya's terms be used." The matter went to the Department of State Affairs. Zhang Qixian, Minister of Revenue, and others argued: "The Royal Regulations state that the Son of Heaven maintains seven temples. This means three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's shrine—seven in all. When brothers succeeded one another in earlier dynasties, the zhao-mu arrangement shifted accordingly; hence the Book of Han's rule that an heir is treated as a son—honoring the original line and affirming legitimate succession. The Rites also state that the Son of Heaven ends mourning at one year. How then can the ancestral temple include an address of elder uncle? Where Tang and the Five Dynasties used such terms, it reflected ritual officials' errors, not canonical precedent. We propose that henceforth, at rites in the ancestral temple, before Taizu and the earlier ancestral shrines the emperor be styled Filial Grandson, Filial Great-Grandson, and Heir Emperor; and before Taizong's shrine, Filial Son and Heir Emperor. The Erya's terms for father, mother, and royal grandfather were never meant for ancestral-temple address. No dynasty properly adopted them, and they cannot be implemented now."
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詔下禮官議。 議曰：「按《春秋正義》『躋魯僖公』云：『禮，父子異昭穆，兄弟昭、穆同。』 此明兄弟繼統，同為一代。 又魯隱、桓繼及，皆當穆位。 又《尚書》盤庚有商及王，《史記》雲陽甲至小乙兄弟四人相承，故不稱嗣子而曰及王，明不繼兄之統也。 又唐中、睿皆處昭位，敬、文、武昭穆同為一世。 伏請僖祖室止稱廟號，後曰祖妣，順祖室曰高祖，後曰高祖妣，翼祖室曰曾祖，後曰曾祖妣，祝文皆稱孝曾孫。 宣祖室曰皇祖考，後曰皇祖妣，祝文稱孝孫。 太祖室曰皇伯考妣，太宗室曰皇考妣。 每大祭，太祖、太宗昭、穆同位，祝文並稱孝子。 其別廟稱謂，亦請依此。」
The emperor ordered the ritual officials to deliberate. They replied: "The Correct Meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals, on elevating Duke Xi of Lu, states that by ritual father and son occupy different zhao and mu, while brothers share the same zhao and mu. This shows that when brothers succeed one another, they count as one generation. When Duke Yin and Duke Huan of Lu succeeded each other, both occupied the mu position. The Book of Documents' Pan Geng section speaks of Shang kings who succeeded one another; Sima Qian notes that from Yang Jia to Xiao Yi four brothers ruled in succession and were styled kings who succeeded rather than heir sons—showing they did not inherit a brother's line. Tang's Zhongzong and Ruizong both occupied zhao positions, while Gaozu, Wen, and Wu shared zhao and mu as one generation. We propose: the Xizu shrine addressed only by temple name, the consort as ancestral grandmother; Shunzu as great-great-grandfather, the consort as great-great-grandmother; Yizu as great-grandfather, the consort as great-grandmother—with all prayer texts styled Filial Great-Grandson. The Xuanzu shrine as Imperial Grandfather, the consort as Imperial Grandmother, prayer texts styled Filial Grandson. The Taizu shrine as Imperial Elder Uncle and Consort; the Taizong shrine as Imperial Father and Mother. At each great sacrifice, Taizu and Taizong share zhao and mu in the same position, with prayer texts uniformly styled Filial Son. Separate-shrine designations should follow the same rule."
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詔都省復集議，曰：「古者，祖有功，宗有德，皆先有其實而後正其名。 今太祖受命開基，太宗纘承大寶，則百世不祧之廟矣。 豈有祖宗之廟已分二世，昭穆之位翻為一代？ 如臣等議，禮『為人後者為之子』，以正父子之道，以定昭、穆之義，則無疑也。 必若同為一代，則太宗不得自為世數，而何以得為宗乎？ 不得為宗，又何以得為百世不祧之主乎？ 《春秋正義》亦不言昭。 穆不可異，此又不可以為證也。 今若序為六世，以一昭一穆言之，則上無毀廟之嫌，下有善繼之美，於禮為大順，於時為合宜，何嫌而謂不可乎？」 翰林學士宋湜言：「三代而下，兄弟相繼則多，昭、穆異位，未之見也。 今詳都省所議，皇帝於太祖室稱孫，竊有疑焉。」
The emperor ordered the Imperial Secretariat to reconvene, arguing: "In antiquity, zu honored merit and zong honored virtue—substance came first, title afterward. Taizu received the Mandate and founded the dynasty; Taizong continued the great inheritance—they are shrines never to be displaced for a hundred generations. How can the ancestral temples already span two generations, yet the zhao-mu arrangement be collapsed into one? As we see it, the ritual rule that an heir is treated as a son rectifies the father-son relationship and fixes zhao and mu—leaving no doubt. If they count as one generation, Taizong cannot constitute his own generation—how then can he be a zong? If he cannot be a zong, how can he be a lord never displaced for a hundred generations? The Correct Meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals also does not say that zhao and mu cannot differ—this too cannot serve as evidence. If we arrange six generations with one zhao and one mu, there is no suspicion of destroying temples above and the merit of orderly succession below—greatly compliant with ritual and fitting for the times. What objection can there be? Hanlin Academician Song Wo objected: "Since the Three Dynasties, brotherly succession has been common, but zhao and mu in different positions—this we have never seen. Reviewing the Secretariat's proposal that the emperor be styled grandson before Taizu's shrine, I have serious doubts."
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詔令禮官再議。 禮官言：「按《祭統》曰：『祭有昭、穆者，所以別父子遠近長幼親疏之序而無亂也。』 《公羊傳》，公孫嬰齊為兄歸父之後，《春秋》謂之仲嬰齊。 何休云：『弟無後兄之義，為亂昭穆之序，失父子之親，故不言仲孫，明不以子為父孫。』 晉賀循議兄弟不合繼位昭穆云：『商人六廟，親廟四，並契、湯而六，比有兄弟四人相襲為君者，便當上毀四廟乎？ 如此，四世之親盡，無復祖禰之神矣。』 溫嶠議兄弟相繼、藏主夾室之事云：『若以一帝為一世，則當不得祭於禰，乃不及庶人之祭也。』 夫兄弟同世，於恩既順，於義無否。 玄宗朝禘袷，皇伯考中宗、皇考睿宗同列於穆位。 德宗亦以中宗為高伯祖。 晉王導、荀崧議『大宗無子，則立支子』，又曰『為人後者為之子』，無兄弟相為之文。 所以舍至親取遠屬者，蓋以兄弟一體，無父子之道故也。 竊以七廟之制，百王是尊。 至於祖有功，宗有德，則百世不遷之廟也； 父為昭，子為穆，則千古不刊之典也。 今議者引《漢書》曰：『為人後者為之子。』 殊不知弟不為兄後，子不為父孫，《春秋》之深旨。 父謂之昭，子謂之穆，《禮記》之明文也。 又按太宗享祀太祖二十有二載，稱曰『孝弟』，此不易之制，又安可追改乎？ 唐玄宗謂中宗為皇伯考，德宗謂中宗為高伯祖，則伯氏之稱，復何不可？ 臣等參議：自今合祭日，太祖、太宗依典禮同位異坐，皇帝於太祖仍稱孝子，餘並遵舊制。」
The emperor ordered the ritual officials to deliberate again. The ritual officials replied: "The Record of Sacrifices states that sacrifices employ zhao and mu to distinguish the order of father and son, near and far, elder and younger, close and distant, without confusion. The Gongyang Commentary notes that Gongsun Yingqi became heir to his elder brother Gui Fu; the Spring and Autumn Annals calls him Zhong Yingqi. He Xiu explains that a younger brother has no right to succeed an elder brother—it disrupts zhao-mu and loses the father-son bond; hence the text does not say Zhongsun, making clear that a son is not treated as father and grandson." Jin He Xun argued that brothers should not succeed in zhao-mu positions: 'The Shang had six temples—four direct-line plus Qi and Tang. If four brothers ruled in succession, should the four upper temples be destroyed? If so, affection for four generations would be exhausted and the spirits of ancestors and fathers would be lost. Wen Jiao, on brotherly succession and storing tablets in flanking chambers, argued: 'If each emperor counts as one generation, one could not sacrifice to one's father—falling short even of a commoner's rites.'" Brothers in the same generation accord with affection and violate no principle of right. At the di and xia sacrifices under Xuanzong, Imperial Elder Uncle Zhongzong and Imperial Father Ruizong were ranked together in the mu position. Dezong likewise addressed Zhongzong as great-great-grand elder uncle. Jin Wang Dao and Xun Song held that if the major line has no son, a branch son is established, and that an heir is treated as a son—nowhere do they authorize brother succeeding brother. They set aside the closest kin for a distant collateral because brothers are one body and lack the father-son bond. The seven-temple system has been honored by a hundred kings. Zu honors merit and zong honors virtue—these are shrines never moved for a hundred generations; father as zhao, son as mu—this is the canon never altered for a thousand ages. Those who argue now cite the Book of Han: 'One who becomes another's heir is considered his son.' They overlook the Spring and Autumn Annals' deep teaching: a younger brother does not succeed an elder brother, and a son is not father and grandson. Father is called zhao, son is called mu—the explicit text of the Record of Rites. Moreover, Taizong sacrificed to Taizu for twenty-two years as 'Filial Younger Brother'—an established institution that cannot be retroactively altered. Tang Xuanzong called Zhongzong Imperial Elder Uncle; Dezong called him great-great-grand elder uncle—why then cannot the address of elder uncle be used? We jointly recommend: at combined sacrifices from this day forward, Taizu and Taizong shall share the same position with separate seats per canonical ritual; the emperor before Taizu shall still be styled Filial Son; all else shall follow former regulations."
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乾興元年十月，奉真宗神主祔廟，以章穆皇后郭氏配。 康定元年，直秘閣趙希言奏：「太廟自來有寢無廟，因堂為室，東西十六間，內十四間為七室，兩首各一夾室。 按禮，天子七廟，親廟五、祧廟二。 據古則僖、順二神當遷。 國家道觀佛寺，並建別殿，奉安神御，豈若每主為一廟一寢。 或前立一廟，以今十六間為寢，更立一祧廟，逐室各題廟號。 釦寶神御物，宜銷毀之。」 同判太常寺宋祁言：「周制有廟有寢，以象人君前有朝後有寢也。 廟藏木主，寢藏衣冠。 至秦乃出寢於墓側，故陵上更稱寢殿，後世因之。 今宗廟無寢，蓋本於茲。 鄭康成謂周制立二昭二穆，與太祖、文、武共為七廟，此一家之說，未足援正。 自荀卿、王肅等皆云天子七廟，諸侯五，大夫三，士一，降殺以兩。 則國家七世之數，不用康成之說也。 僖祖至真宗方及六世，不應便立祧廟。 自周、漢每帝各立廟，晉、宋以來多同殿異室，國朝以七室代七廟，相承已久，不可輕改。 《周禮》：『天府掌祖廟之守藏。』 寶物世傳者皆在焉。 其神御法物、寶盝、釦床，請別為庫藏之。」 自是室題廟號，而建神御庫焉。
In the tenth month of 1022, Zhenzong's spirit tablet was installed in the temple, with Empress Zhangmu (née Guo) enshrined alongside. In 1040, Zhao Xiyan of the Direct Secretariat memorialized: "The ancestral temple has always had a rest hall but no separate temple hall, with chambers carved from the main hall—sixteen bays east and west, fourteen forming seven chambers, with one flanking chamber at each end. By ritual, the Son of Heaven maintains seven temples—five direct-line and two distant-line. By ancient rule, the spirits of Xi and Shun should be moved. State Daoist abbeys and Buddhist temples each build separate halls for imperial spirit images—how much better if each sovereign had one temple and one rest hall. Or build a temple hall in front, use the present sixteen bays as the rest hall, and erect a separate distant-line temple, inscribing each chamber with its temple name. Spirit-image treasures and objects should be destroyed." Song Qi, acting director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, replied: "Under Zhou regulations there were both temple and rest hall, symbolizing the ruler's court in front and private quarters behind. The temple stored wooden spirit tablets; the rest hall stored robes and caps. Only under Qin was the rest hall moved beside the tomb; hence mausoleum mounds came to be called rest halls, and later ages followed suit. That today's ancestral temple has no rest hall derives from this. Zheng Xuan held that Zhou practice placed two zhao and two mu together with the Grand Ancestor, King Wen, and King Wu as seven temples—one school's opinion, insufficient as authority. From Xunzi and Wang Su onward, all hold that the Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five, grandees three, officers one—descending by twos. Thus the state's count of seven generations does not follow Zheng Kangcheng's theory. From Xizu to Zhenzong there are only six generations; a distant-line temple should not yet be established. From Zhou and Han each emperor had his own temple; from Jin and Song onward most used one hall with separate chambers. Our dynasty substitutes seven chambers for seven temples—a practice long established that cannot lightly be changed. The Rites of Zhou states that the Celestial Repository oversees the ancestral temple's stored treasures. Treasures handed down through the ages are all kept there. The spirit-image ritual objects, treasure cases, and inlaid beds should be stored in a separate repository. Thereafter each chamber was inscribed with its temple name, and the Spirit-Image Repository was established.
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嘉祐年，仁宗將祔廟，修奉太廟使蔡襄上八室圖，為十八間。 初，禮院請增廟室，孫抃等以為：「七世之廟，據父子而言，兄弟則昭、穆同，不得以世數之。 廟有始祖、有太祖、有太宗、有中宗。 若以一君為一世，則小乙之祭不及其父。 故晉之廟十一室而六世，唐之廟十一室而九世。 國朝太祖之室，太宗稱孝弟，真宗稱孝子，大行稱孝孫。 而《禘袷圖》：太祖、太宗同居昭位，南向； 真宗居穆位，北向。 蓋先朝稽用古禮，著之祀典。 大行神主祔廟，請增為八室，以備天子事七世之禮。」 盧士宗、司馬光以為：「太祖已上之主，雖屬尊於太祖，親盡則遷。 故漢元之世，太上廟主瘞於寢園； 魏明之世，處士廟主遷於園邑； 晉武祔廟，遷征西府君； 惠帝祔廟，遷豫章府君。 自是以下，大抵過六世則遷。 蓋太祖未正東向，故上祀三昭三穆； 巳正東向，則並昭、穆為七世。 唐初祀四世，太宗增祀六世。 及太宗祔廟，則遷弘農府君，高宗祔廟，又遷宣帝，皆祀六世，前世成法也。 玄宗立九室祀八世，事不經見。 若以太祖、太宗為一世，則大行祔廟，僖祖親盡，當遷夾室，祀三昭三穆，於先王典禮及近世之制，無不符合。」 抃等復議曰：「自唐至周，廟製不同，而皆七世。 自周以上，所謂太祖，非始受命之主，特始封之君而已。 今僖祖雖非始封之君，要為立廟之祖，方廟數未過七世，遂毀其廟，遷其主，考之三代，禮未有此。 漢、魏及唐一時之議，恐未合先王制禮之意。」 乃存僖祖室以備七室。
During the Jiayou period, as Renzong was about to be enshrined, Cai Xiang, commissioner for the ancestral temple, submitted a plan for eight chambers in eighteen bays. Initially the Court of Ritual requested additional chambers. Sun Bian and others argued that the seven-generation temple is reckoned by father and son; brothers share zhao and mu and are countless by generation number. Temples distinguish a founding ancestor, a Grand Ancestor, a Great Ancestor, and a Central Ancestor. If each ruler counts as one generation, Xiao Yi's sacrifices would not reach his father. Hence Jin's temple had eleven chambers spanning six generations; Tang's had eleven chambers spanning nine. In our dynasty, before Taizu's shrine Taizong was styled Filial Younger Brother, Zhenzong Filial Son, and the late emperor Filial Grandson. Yet the Diagram of Di and Xia Sacrifices shows Taizu and Taizong sharing the zhao position, facing south; with Zhenzong in the mu position, facing north. The former court had examined ancient ritual and recorded it in the sacrificial canon. When the late emperor's tablet is installed, we request expansion to eight chambers to fulfill the Son of Heaven's rite of seven generations. Lu Shizong and Sima Guang argued that lords above Taizu, though senior in rank, are moved when affection is exhausted. In Emperor Yuan of Han's time, Supreme Temple tablets were buried in the rest-hall garden; in Emperor Ming of Wei's time, Commoner Temple tablets were moved to the garden settlement; when Emperor Wu of Jin enshrined tablets, the Lord of the Western Campaign was moved; when Emperor Hui enshrined tablets, the Lord of Yuzhang was moved. From this point onward, generally beyond six generations tablets were moved. Because the Grand Ancestor had not yet faced east, three zhao and three mu were sacrificed above; once he faced east, zhao and mu together constituted seven generations. Early Tang sacrificed to four generations; Taizong increased it to six. When Taizong was enshrined, the Lord of Hongnong was moved; when Gaozong was enshrined, Emperor Xuan was moved again—all sacrificing to six generations, the established law of former ages. Xuanzong established nine chambers for eight generations—a practice without precedent. If Taizu and Taizong count as one generation, when the late emperor is enshrined Xizu's affection is exhausted and he should move to a flanking chamber, sacrificing to three zhao and three mu—in full accord with ancient canonical ritual and recent practice. Bian and others rebutted that from Tang to Zhou temple systems differed, yet all maintained seven generations. Before Zhou, Grand Ancestor meant not the first to receive the Mandate but merely the first enfeoffed lord. Although Xizu was not the first enfeoffed lord, he is the ancestor who established the temple. The count has not yet exceeded seven generations, yet his temple would be destroyed and his tablet moved—nothing like this appears in the Three Dynasties. The deliberations of Han, Wei, and Tang at particular moments likely do not accord with the former kings' intent in establishing ritual. Xizu's chamber was therefore retained to complete seven chambers.
10
治平四年，英宗將祔廟，太常禮院請以神主祔第八室，祧藏僖祖及文懿皇后神主於西夾室。 自仁宗而上，以次遞遷。 翰林承旨張方平等議：「同堂八室，廟製已定，僖祖當祧，合於典禮。」 乃於九月奉安八室神主，祧僖祖及後，祔英宗，罷僖祖諱及文懿皇后忌日。
In 1067, as Yingzong was about to be enshrined, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices requested installation in the eighth chamber and distant-line storage of Xizu and Empress Wenyi's tablets in the west flanking chamber. From Renzong upward, each shrine was shifted in succession. Hanlin Academician Recipient Zhang Fangping and others held that with eight chambers in one hall the system was fixed, Xizu should move to distant-line status, and this accorded with canonical ritual. In the ninth month the eight-chamber tablets were installed; Xizu and his consort were moved to distant-line status; Yingzong was enshrined; and taboo on Xizu's name and Empress Wenyi's death anniversary were discontinued.
11
熙寧五年，中書門下言：「僖祖以上世次，不可得而知，則僖祖有廟，與商周契、稷疑無以異。 今毀其廟而藏主夾室，替祖考之尊而下祔於子孫，殆非所以順祖宗孝心、事亡如存之義。 請以所奏付兩製議，取其當者。」 時王安石為相，不主祧遷之說，故復有是請。
In 1072, the Secretariat argued that generations above Xizu cannot be known, and that Xizu having a temple scarcely differs from Shang and Zhou honoring Qi and Ji. To destroy his temple and store the tablet in a flanking chamber, displacing the grandfather's honor and installing him below descendants, scarcely accords with filial intent toward ancestors or treating the dead as if living. We request referral to the Two Academies for deliberation, adopting what is correct. Wang Anshi was then chief councilor and did not uphold distant-line movement; hence this request was renewed.
12
翰林學士元絳等上議曰：「自古受命之王，既以功德享有天下，皆推其本統以尊事其祖。 故商、周以契、稷有功於唐、虞之際，故謂之祖有功，若必以有功而為祖，則夏後氏不郊鯀矣。 今太祖受命之初，立親廟，自僖祖以上世次，既不可知，則僖祖之為始祖無疑矣。 儻謂僖祖不當比契、稷為始祖，是使天下之人不復知尊祖，而子孫得以有功加其祖考也。 《傳》曰：『毀廟之主，陳於太祖； 未毀廟之主，皆升，合食於太祖。』 今遷僖祖之主，藏於太祖之室，則是四祖袷祭之日，皆降而合食也。 請以僖祖之廟為太祖，則合於先王禮意。」 翰林學士韓維議曰：「昔先王有天下，跡其基業之所起，奉以為太祖。 故子夏序《詩》，稱文、武之功起於後稷。 後世有天下者，特起無所因，故遂為一代太祖。 太祖皇帝功德卓然，為宋太祖，無少議者。 僖祖雖為高祖，然仰跡功業，未見所因，上尋世係，又不知所以始，若以所事契、稷奉之，竊恐於古無考，而於今亦所未安。 今之廟室與古殊製，古者每廟異宮，今祖宗同處一室，則西夾室在順祖之右，考之尊卑之次，似亦無嫌。」
Hanlin Academician Yuan Jiang and others argued that from antiquity, Mandate-receiving kings who enjoyed the realm through merit and virtue all traced their original line to honor their ancestor. Shang and Zhou honored Qi and Ji as ancestors of merit for their service in the age of Tang and Yu; but if merit alone made one an ancestor, the Xia would not have sacrificed at the border to Gun. When Taizu first received the Mandate and established direct-line temples, generations above Xizu could not be known—Xizu as founding ancestor is beyond doubt. To deny Xizu comparison with Qi and Ji as founding ancestor would make all under Heaven cease to honor ancestors properly, and let descendants add merit to their forebears at will. The Commentary states that tablets of destroyed temples are displayed before the Grand Ancestor; and tablets of temples not yet destroyed all ascend and share food with the Grand Ancestor. Moving Xizu's tablet into Taizu's chamber means that on the four ancestors' xia sacrifice day, all descend and share food together. We propose making Xizu's temple the Grand Ancestor temple, in accord with the former kings' ritual intent. Hanlin Academician Han Wei argued that when former kings possessed the realm, they traced where their enterprise arose and honored it as Grand Ancestor. Hence Zixia, ordering the Odes, said the achievements of Wen and Wu arose from Hou Ji. Later rulers who possessed the realm arose without precedent and themselves became their generation's Grand Ancestor. Taizu Emperor's merit and virtue were outstanding; as Song's Grand Ancestor, none dispute this. Although Xizu was great-great-grandfather, tracing upward reveals no enterprise on which to rely and no known beginning to the lineage. To honor him as Qi and Ji were honored lacks ancient warrant and seems unsettling today. Today's chambers differ from antiquity, when each temple had its own palace; today ancestors share one chamber. The west flanking chamber is to Shunzu's right—examining senior and junior order, there seems no objection.
13
天章閣待制孫固請：「特為僖祖立室，由太祖而上，親盡迭毀之主皆藏之。 當禘袷時，以僖祖權居東向之位，太祖順昭穆之列而從之，取毀廟之主而合食，則僖祖之尊自有所申。 以僖祖立廟為非，則周人別廟薑原，不可謂非禮。」 秘閣校理王介請依《周官》守祧之制，創祧廟以奉僖祖，庶不下祔子孫夾室，以替遠祖之尊。
Awaited Gentleman Sun Gu of the Hall of Heavenly Patterns proposed a special chamber for Xizu, storing from Taizu upward all tablets whose affection is exhausted through successive destruction. At di and xia sacrifices, let Xizu provisionally face east while Taizu follows the zhao-mu ranks; combine food from destroyed temples—then Xizu's honor is naturally expressed. If a separate temple for Xizu is wrong, then the Zhou's separate temple for Jiang Yuan cannot be called unritual. Secretariat Collator Wang Jie proposed following the Rites of Zhou's system of guarding distant-line shrines, creating a distant-line temple for Xizu rather than installing him below descendants in a flanking chamber and displacing the remote ancestor's honor.
14
帝以維之說近是，而安石以維言夾室在右為尊為非理，帝亦然之。 又安石以尊僖祖為始祖，則郊祀當以配天，若宗祀明堂，則太祖、太宗當迭配帝。 又疑明堂以英宗配天，與僖祖為非始祖之說。 遂下禮官詳定。
The emperor found Wei's view nearly correct, but Wang Anshi rejected Wei's claim that the right flanking chamber was senior; the emperor agreed with Wang. Wang Anshi also held that honoring Xizu as founding ancestor meant border sacrifice should pair him with Heaven, and that at the Bright Hall Taizu and Taizong should alternate as God's consorts. He also doubted pairing Yingzong with Heaven at the Bright Hall, which conflicted with denying Xizu as founding ancestor. The emperor ordered ritual officials to deliberate in detail.
15
同判太常寺兼禮儀事張師顏等議：「昔商、周之興，本於契、稷，故奉之為太祖。 後世受命之君，功業特起，不因先代，則親廟迭毀，身自為祖。 鄭玄雲『夏五廟無太祖，禹與二昭二穆而已』，張薦雲『夏後以禹始封，遂為不遷之祖』是也。 若始封世近，上有親廟，則擬祖上遷，而太祖不毀。 魏祖武帝則處士迭毀，唐祖景帝則弘農迭毀，此前世祖其始封之君，以法契、稷之明例也。 唐韓愈有言：『事異商、周，禮從而變。』 晉琅邪王德文曰：『七廟之義，自由德厚流光，享祀及遠，非是為太祖申尊祖之祀。』 其說是也。 禮，天子七廟，而太祖之遠近不可以必，但雲三昭三穆與太祖之廟而七，未嘗言親廣之首，必為始祖也。 國家以僖祖親盡而祧之，奉景祐之詔，以太祖為帝者之祖，是合於禮矣。 張昭、任徹之徒，不能遠推隆極之制，因緣近比，請建四廟，遂使天子之禮下同諸侯。 若使廟數備六，則更當上推兩世，而僖祖次在第三，亦未可謂之始祖也。 謹按建隆四年，親郊崇配不及僖祖。 開國以來，大祭虛其東向，斯乃祖宗已行之意。 請略仿《周官》守祧之制，築別廟以藏僖祖神主，大祭之歲，祀於其室。 太廟則一依舊制，虛東向之位。 郊配之禮，則仍其舊。」
Acting director Zhang Shiyan of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and Ritual Affairs argued that Shang and Zhou arose from Qi and Ji and hence honored them as Grand Ancestor. Later Mandate-receiving rulers whose enterprise arose without continuing a prior age had direct-line temples successively destroyed and themselves became ancestor. Zheng Xuan held that Xia's five temples had no Grand Ancestor—only Yu with two zhao and two mu; Zhang Jian held that Xia took Yu at first enfeoffment as the ancestor never moved—and this is correct. If the first enfeoffment was recent and direct-line temples existed above, the putative ancestor was moved upward while the Grand Ancestor was not destroyed. Wei ancestor Emperor Wu had the Commoner successively destroyed; Tang ancestor Emperor Jing had Hongnong successively destroyed—these former ages honored their first enfeoffed lords, following Qi and Ji's clear precedent. Han Yu of Tang said that when affairs differ from Shang and Zhou, ritual changes accordingly. Jin's Prince Dewen of Langye said that the meaning of seven temples arises from deep virtue and far-reaching radiance, sacrifice reaching the remote—not to extend Grand Ancestor worship to honor ancestors. This theory is correct. By ritual the Son of Heaven has seven temples, but the Grand Ancestor's remoteness cannot be fixed; ritual only says three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple make seven—it never requires the head of the direct line to be founding ancestor. The state moved Xizu to distant-line status when affection was exhausted, following the Jingyou edict making Taizu the emperor's ancestor—in full accord with ritual. Zhang Zhao, Ren Che, and their kind could not extend the system of supreme elevation; drawing on recent comparison they requested four temples, reducing the Son of Heaven's ritual to that of feudal lords. If temples reached six, one must push two generations further up, and Xizu would rank third—he still could not be called founding ancestor. We note that in 963, at the border sacrifice the elevated pairing did not reach Xizu. Since the founding, great sacrifices have left the east-facing position vacant—the intent our ancestors already enacted. We propose roughly following the Rites of Zhou's system of guarding distant-line shrines, building a separate temple for Xizu's tablet and worshiping there in years of great sacrifice. The ancestral temple should follow former regulations entirely, leaving the east-facing position vacant. Border-sacrifice pairing should remain as before.
16
同知太常禮院蘇棁請：「即景靈宮祔僖祖，即與唐祔獻、懿二祖於興聖、明德廟，禮意無異。」 同判禮院周孟陽等言：「自僖祖而上，世次莫知，則僖祖為始祖無疑，宜以僖祖配感生帝。」 章衡請：「尊僖祖為始祖，而次祧順祖，以合子為父屈之義。 推僖祖侑感生之祀，而罷宣祖配位，以合祖以孫尊之義，餘且如舊制。」 而馮京欲以太祖正東向之位，安石力主元絳初議，遂從之。 帝問：「配天孰始？」 安石曰：「宣祖見配感生帝，欲改以僖祖配。」 帝然之。 於是請奉僖祖神主為始祖，遷順祖神主夾室，以僖祖配感生帝祀。 詔下太常禮院詳定儀注。 安石本議以僖祖配天，帝不許，故更以配感生帝焉。
Associate director Su Chuo of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices proposed enshrining Xizu at Jingling Palace—no different in ritual intent from Tang enshrining the Xian and Yi ancestors at the Xingsheng and Mingde temples. Acting head Zhou Mengyang of the Court of Ritual argued that generations above Xizu are unknown, Xizu as founding ancestor is beyond doubt, and he should be paired with the Life-Giving Emperor. Zhang Heng proposed honoring Xizu as founding ancestor and next moving Shunzu to distant-line status, in accord with the principle that the son bends for the father. Advance Xizu to assist at the Life-Giving Emperor sacrifice and discontinue Xuanzu's pairing, honoring the ancestor through the grandson; the rest should follow former regulations. Feng Jing wished Taizu to occupy the correct east-facing position, but Wang Anshi strongly upheld Yuan Jiang's initial proposal, and this was adopted. The emperor asked who first paired with Heaven. Wang Anshi replied that Xuanzu was presently paired with the Life-Giving Emperor and they wished to change this so Xizu was paired. The emperor approved. They then requested installing Xizu's tablet as founding ancestor, moving Shunzu's tablet to a flanking chamber, and pairing Xizu with the Life-Giving Emperor at sacrifice. An edict ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to fix the ritual regulations in detail. Wang Anshi had originally proposed pairing Xizu with Heaven; the emperor did not permit this, so Xizu was paired with the Life-Giving Emperor instead.
17
元豐元年，詳定郊廟禮文所圖上八廟異宮之制，以始祖居中，分昭穆為左右。 自北而南，僖祖為始祖； 翼祖、太祖、太宗、仁宗為穆，在右； 宣祖、真宗、英宗為昭，在左。 皆南面北上。 陸佃言：「太祖之廟百世不遷，三昭三穆，親盡則迭毀。 如周以後稷為太祖，王季為昭，文王為穆，武王為昭，成王為穆，康王為昭，昭王為穆，其後穆王入廟，王季親盡而遷，則文王宜居昭位，武王宜居穆位，成王、昭王宜居昭位，康王、穆王宜居穆位，所謂父昭子穆是也。 說者以昭常為昭，穆常為穆，則尊卑失序。」 復圖上八廟昭穆之制，以翼祖、太祖、太宗、仁宗為昭，在左； 宣祖、真宗、英宗為穆，在右。 皆南面北上。
In 1078, the office for fixing border and temple ritual submitted a plan for eight temples in separate palaces, with the founding ancestor centered and zhao and mu divided left and right. From north to south, Xizu as founding ancestor; Yizu, Taizu, Taizong, and Renzong as mu, on the right; Xuanzu, Zhenzong, and Yingzong as zhao, on the left. All faced south, ascending toward the north. Lu Dian stated that Taizu's temple is never moved for a hundred generations, while three zhao and three mu are successively destroyed when affection is exhausted. As Zhou took Hou Ji as Grand Ancestor: King Ji as zhao, King Wen as mu, King Wu as zhao, King Cheng as mu, King Kang as zhao, King Zhao as mu—when King Mu entered and King Ji was moved, King Wen should occupy zhao, King Wu mu, King Cheng and King Zhao zhao, King Kang and King Mu mu—father zhao, son mu. Those who explain that zhao is always zhao and mu always mu would make senior and junior lose order. They resubmitted a diagram of the eight-temple zhao-mu system: Yizu, Taizu, Taizong, and Renzong as zhao, on the left; Xuanzu, Zhenzong, and Yingzong as mu, on the right. All faced south, ascending toward the north.
18
何洵直圖上八廟異宮，引熙寧儀：僖祖正東向之位，順祖、宣祖、真宗、英宗南面為昭，翼祖、太祖、太宗、仁宗北面為穆，正得祖宗繼序、德厚流光之本意。 又以晉孫毓、唐賈公彥言「始祖居中，三昭在左，南面西上； 三穆在右，南面東上。」 為兩圖上之。 又援《祭法》，言：「翼祖、宣祖在二祧之位，猶同祖禰之廟，皆月祭之，與親廟一等，無親疏遠近之殺。 順祖實去祧之主，若有四時祈禱，猶當就壇受祭。 請自今二祧神主，殺於親廟，四時之祭，享嘗乃止，不及大烝，不薦新物。 去祧神主，有禱則為壇而祭，庶合典禮。」 又請建新廟於始祖之西，略如古方明壇製。 有詔，俟廟製成日取旨。
He Xunzhi submitted a plan for eight temples in separate palaces, citing Xining regulations: Xizu east-facing; Shunzu, Xuanzu, Zhenzong, and Yingzong south as zhao; Yizu, Taizu, Taizong, and Renzong north as mu—capturing the intent of orderly succession and enduring virtue. He also cited Jin's Sun Yu and Tang's Jia Gongyan: the founding ancestor is centered; three zhao are on the left, facing south ascending west; three mu are on the right, facing south ascending east. He submitted both diagrams. He also cited the Record of Sacrifices: Yizu and Xuanzu occupy the two distant-line positions yet, like grandfather and father, receive monthly sacrifice equal to direct-line temples, without gradation of close and distant. Shunzu is in fact a lord moved to distant-line status; for seasonal prayers he should still receive sacrifice at the altar. We propose that henceforth the two distant-line tablets be reduced below direct-line temples: seasonal sacrifices stop at offering and tasting, not reaching the great xia, with no new produce presented. For lords moved to distant-line status, when prayer is needed an altar should be made for sacrifice—in accord with canonical ritual. He also proposed building a new temple west of the founding ancestor, roughly following the ancient square-bright altar design. An edict ordered awaiting completion of the temple system before taking imperial decision.
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三年，禮文所言：「古者宗廟為石室以藏主，謂之宗祏。 夫婦一體，同幾共牢。 一室之中，有左主、右主之別，正廟之主，各藏廟室西壁之中； 遷廟之主，藏於太祖太室北壁之中，其埳去地六尺一寸。 今太廟藏主之室，帝後異處，遷主仍藏西夾室，求之於禮，有所未合。 請新廟成，並遵古制。」 從之。 二月，慈聖光獻皇后祔廟，前二日，告天地、社稷、太廟、皇后廟如故事。 至日，奉神主先詣僖祖室，次翼祖室，次宣祖室，次太祖室，次太宗室。 次太宗與懿德皇後、明德皇后同一祝，次享元德皇后。 慈聖光獻皇后，異饌位、異祝，行祔謁禮。 次真宗室，次仁宗室，次英宗室。 禮畢，奉神主歸仁宗室。
In the third year, the ritual regulations stated that in antiquity ancestral temples used stone chambers to store tablets, called the ancestral tablet repository. Husband and wife are one body, sharing the same offering table and sacrificial pen. Within one chamber there is distinction of left tablet and right tablet; main-temple tablets are each stored in the center of the chamber's west wall; moved tablets are stored in the center of the north wall of the Grand Ancestor's great chamber, the niche six feet one inch from the ground. Today the ancestral temple separates emperor and empress in storage, and moved tablets remain in the west flanking chamber—something does not accord with ritual. We request that when the new temple is completed, all follow the ancient system. This was approved. In the second month, Empress Cisheng Guangxian was enshrined in the temple; two days before, Heaven and Earth, the altars of soil and grain, the ancestral temple, and the empress temple were notified according to precedent. On the day, the spirit tablets were first brought to the Xizu chamber, then Yizu, Xuanzu, Taizu, and Taizong chambers. Next Taizong shared one prayer with Empresses Yide and Mingde; next the Primordial Virtue Empress was honored. Empress Cisheng Guangxian had a separate offering station and prayer, performing the enshrinement visitation rite. Next the Zhenzong chamber, then Renzong, then Yingzong. When the rites were complete, the spirit tablets were returned to the Renzong chamber.
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元豐六年六月，孝惠、孝章、淑德、章懷四後升祔，準章獻明肅、章懿二後，升祔禮畢，遞享太廟，止行升祔享禮及祭七祀，權罷孟冬薦享，仍以配繼先後為序。 八年，禮部太常寺言：「詔書定七世八室之制。 今神宗皇帝崇祔，翼祖在七世之外，與簡穆皇后祧藏於西夾室，置石室中。」 十一月丁酉，祔神宗神主於第八室。 自英宗上至宣祖以次升遷。 紹聖元年二月，祔宣仁聖烈皇后於太廟。
In the sixth month of 1083, Empresses Xiaohui, Xiaozhang, Shude, and Zhanghuai were elevated and enshrined; following Empresses Zhangxian Mingsu and Zhangyi, after the rites they proceeded through the ancestral temple, performing only the elevation-enshrinement honoring rite and sacrifice to the seven household spirits, provisionally suspending the mid-winter offering, ordered by consort succession. In the eighth year, the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported that the edict had fixed the system of seven generations and eight chambers. With Emperor Shenzong solemnly enshrined, Yizu lies beyond the seven generations and is stored in distant-line fashion with Empress Jianmu in the west flanking chamber's stone chamber. On the dingyou day of the eleventh month, Shenzong's spirit tablet was installed in the eighth chamber. From Yingzong upward to Xuanzu, each shrine was shifted in succession. In the second month of 1094, Empress Xuanren Shengle was enshrined in the ancestral temple.
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元符三年，禮部太常寺言：「哲宗升祔，宜如晉成帝故事，於太廟殿增一室，候祔廟日，神主祔第九室。」 詔下侍從官議，皆如所言。 蔡京議：「以哲宗嗣神宗大統，父子相承，自當為世。 今若不祧遠祖，不以哲宗為世，則三昭四穆與太祖之廟而八。 宜深考載籍，遷祔如禮。」 陸佃、曾肇等議：「國朝自僖祖而下始備七廟，故英宗祔廟，則遷順祖，神宗祔廟，則遷翼祖。 今哲宗於神宗，父子也，如禮官議，則廟中當有八世。 況唐文宗即位則遷肅宗，以敬宗為一世，故事不遠。 哲宗祔廟，當以神宗為昭，上遷宣祖，以合古三昭三穆之義。」 先是，李清臣為禮部尚書，首建增室之議，侍郎趙挺之等和之。 會清臣為門下侍郎，論者多從其議，惟京、佃等議異。 二議既上，清臣辯說甚力，帝迄從焉。
In 1100, the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices proposed that Zhezong's elevation and enshrinement follow Emperor Cheng of Jin's precedent—add one chamber to the temple hall and install the tablet in the ninth chamber on the enshrinement day. An edict ordered attendant officials to deliberate; all agreed. Cai Jing argued that Zhezong succeeded Shenzong's great succession; father and son continued in line—they naturally constitute one generation. If we do not move the remote ancestor to distant-line status and do not count Zhezong as a generation, there will be three zhao, four mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple—eight in all. We should deeply examine the records and move and enshrine according to ritual. Lu Dian, Zeng Zhao, and others argued that our dynasty from Xizu downward first completed seven temples; when Yingzong was enshrined, Shunzu was moved; when Shenzong was enshrined, Yizu was moved. Zhezong and Shenzong are father and son; if we follow the ritual officials' proposal, the temple should have eight generations. When Tang's Wenzong took the throne, Suzong was moved and Emperor Jing counted as one generation—the precedent is not remote. When Zhezong is enshrined, Shenzong should be zhao and Xuanzu moved upward—in accord with three zhao and three mu. Earlier, Li Qingchen as Minister of Rites first proposed adding a chamber; Vice Minister Zhao Tingzhi and others concurred. When Qingchen became Vice Director of the Secretariat, most debaters followed his proposal; only Cai Jing, Lu Dian, and others differed. When both proposals were submitted, Qingchen argued vigorously, and the emperor ultimately followed him.
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六月，禮部請用太廟東夾室奉安哲宗神主。 太常少卿孫傑言：「先帝神主，錯之夾室，即是不得祔於正廟，與前詔增建一室之議不同。 昨用嘉祐故事，專置使修奉，請以夾室奉安神主，亦與元置使之意相違。 請如太常前議，增建一室。」 尚書省以廟室未備，行禮有期，權宜升祔，隨即增修，比之前代設幄行事者，不為不至。 詔依初旨行之，乃祔哲宗神主於夾室。
In the sixth month, the Ministry of Rites proposed using the ancestral temple's east flanking chamber to install Zhezong's spirit tablet. Vice Director Sun Jie of Imperial Sacrifices argued that placing the late emperor's tablet in a flanking chamber means he cannot be enshrined in the main temple—contrary to the earlier edict to add a chamber. We used the Jiayou precedent and appointed a maintenance commissioner; installing the tablet in a flanking chamber also contradicts the original intent. We request following the Court of Imperial Sacrifices' earlier proposal to add a chamber. The Department of State Affairs held that chambers were not ready and the rite had a fixed date; provisional enshrinement with immediate repair was not less thorough than former ages' practice of erecting tents for the rites. An edict ordered following the original intent; Zhezong's spirit tablet was enshrined in a flanking chamber.
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崇寧二年，祧宣祖與昭憲皇后神主藏西夾室，居翼祖、簡穆皇后石室之次。 五年，詔曰：「去古既遠，諸儒之說不同。 鄭氏謂：『太祖及文、武不祧之廟與親廟四，為七。』 是不祧之宗，在七廟之內。 王氏謂：『非太祖而不毀，不為常數。』 是不祧之宗，在七廟之外。 本朝今已五宗，則七廟當祧者，二宗而已。 遷毀之禮，近及祖考，殆非先王尊祖之意，宜令有司復議。」 禮官言：「先王之制，廟止於七，後王以義起禮，乃有增置九廟者。」 禮部尚書徐鐸又言：「唐之獻祖、中宗、代宗與本朝僖祖，皆嘗祧而復。 今存宣祖於當祧之際，復翼祖於已祧之後，以備九廟，禮無不稱。」 乃命鐸為修奉使，增太廟殿為十室。 四年十二月，復翼祖、宣祖廟，行奉安禮，惟不用前期誓戒及亞、終獻之樂舞焉。
In 1103, Xuanzu and Empress Zhaoxian's tablets were moved to distant-line status and stored in the west flanking chamber, next to Yizu and Empress Jianmu's stone chamber. In the fifth year, an edict stated that we are far from antiquity and the various Confucians' theories differ. Master Zheng held that the Grand Ancestor and the temples of Wen and Wu never moved to distant-line status, together with four direct-line temples, make seven. The ancestors never moved to distant-line status are within the seven temples. Master Wang held that those not the Grand Ancestor yet not destroyed are not a constant rule. The ancestors never moved to distant-line status are outside the seven temples. Our dynasty now has five zong; of the seven temples, only two should be moved to distant-line status. The rite of moving and destroying now reaches nearly to grandfather and father—scarcely accord with the former kings' intent to honor ancestors. The responsible officials should deliberate again. The ritual officials stated that the former kings fixed temples at seven; later kings, establishing ritual by principle, added nine temples. Minister of Rites Xu Duo also noted that Tang's Xianzu, Zhongzong, and Daizong and our dynasty's Xizu were all once moved to distant-line status and restored. To retain Xuanzu when he should be moved to distant-line status and restore Yizu after he was already moved, to complete nine temples—nothing improper in ritual. Xu Duo was appointed maintenance commissioner, and the ancestral temple hall was expanded to ten chambers. In the twelfth month of the fourth year, the temples of Yizu and Xuanzu were restored and the installation rite performed, only without the prior oath of abstinence and the secondary and final offerings' music and dance.
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高宗建炎二年，奉太廟神主於揚州壽寧寺。 三年，幸杭州，奉安於溫州。 紹興五年，司封郎中林待聘言：「太廟神主宜在國都。 今新邑未奠，當如古行師載主之義，遷之行闕，以彰聖孝。」 於是始建太廟於臨安，奉迎安置。
In 1128, under Gaozong, the ancestral temple spirit tablets were brought to Shouning Temple in Yangzhou. In the following year, the emperor visited Hangzhou and the tablets were installed in Wenzhou. In 1135, Lin Daiping, Director of the Bureau of Enfeoffment, argued that the ancestral temple spirit tablets should be in the capital. The new capital is not yet settled; we should follow antiquity's principle of carrying tablets when the army marches, moving them to the traveling palace to display imperial filial piety. The ancestral temple was first built at Lin'an, and the tablets were welcomed and installed.