Volume 417 Biographies 176: Qiao Xingjian, Fan Zhong, You Si, Zhao Kui, Xie Fangshu

喬行簡範鍾遊似趙葵〈（兄範）〉謝方叔

Qiao Xingjian, Fan Zhong, You Si, and Zhao Kui (elder brother Fan) Xie Fangshu

喬行簡，字壽朋，婺州東陽人。學於呂祖謙之門。登紹熙四年進士第。曆官知通州，條上便民事。主管戶部架閣，召試館職，為秘書省正字兼樞密院編修官。升秘書郎，為淮西轉運判官，知嘉興府。改淮南轉運判官兼淮西提點刑獄、提舉常平。言金有必亡之形，中國宜靜以觀變。因列上備邊四事。會近臣有主戰者，師遂出，金人因破蘄、黃。移浙西提點刑獄兼知鎮江府。遷起居郎兼國子司業，兼國史編修、實錄檢討，兼侍講。尋遷宗正少卿、秘書監，權工部侍郎，皆任兼職。

Qiao Xingjian, styled Shoupeng, was from Dongyang in Wuzhou. He studied under Lü Zuqian. He passed the jinshi examinations in the fourth year of the Shaoxi era (1193). In successive posts he served as prefect of Tongzhou, where he submitted memorials outlining measures to benefit the people. He oversaw the Ministry of Revenue archives, was summoned for the drafting examination, and was appointed Secretariat rectifier and compiler at the Bureau of Military Affairs. Promoted to secretary gentleman, he served as Huaixi transport intendant and as prefect of Jiaxing. He was reassigned as Huainan transport intendant, concurrently serving as Huaixi judicial commissioner and grain intendant. He argued that the Jin state showed clear signs of impending collapse, and that the Song should hold still and watch how events unfolded. He went on to submit a four-point plan for border defense. Just then certain close ministers were urging war; troops were dispatched, and the Jin seized Qi and Huang prefectures in response. He was transferred to Zhexi judicial commissioner and concurrent prefect of Zhenjiang. He was promoted to diarist-in-attendance, concurrently serving as vice-director of the Directorate of Education, national history compiler and veritable records examiner, and lecturer-in-waiting. He was soon promoted to vice-director of the Imperial Clan Directorate and supervisor of the Secretariat, with acting appointment as vice-minister of Works, all held concurrently.

理宗即位，行簡貽書丞相史彌遠，請帝法孝宗行三年喪。應詔上疏曰：

When Emperor Lizong ascended the throne, Xingjian wrote to Chancellor Shi Miyuan urging the emperor to follow Emperor Xiaozong's precedent of observing three years of mourning. In response to an imperial edict he submitted a memorial:

求賢、求言二詔之頒，果能確守初意，深求實益，則人才振而治本立，國威張而奸宄銷。臣竊觀近事，似或不然。夫自侍從至郎官凡幾人，自監司至郡守凡幾人，今其所舉賢能才識之士又不知其幾人也，陛下蓋嚐摭其一二欲召用之矣。凡內外小大之臣囊封來上，或直或巽，或切或泛，無所不有，陛下亦嚐摭其一二見之施行且褒賞之矣。而天下終疑陛下之為具文。

If Your Majesty can truly hold to the original intent of the two edicts calling for worthies and for candid counsel, and earnestly pursue their practical benefit, then talent will flourish and the foundations of governance will be secured, national prestige will rise, and treachery will be rooted out. Yet in recent affairs, I have observed what seems to be otherwise. From attendant ministers down to bureau officials, how many are there? From surveillance commissioners down to prefects, how many again? Of the worthy and capable men they have recommended, who can say how many? Your Majesty has surely singled out one or two for summons and appointment. Memorials sealed and submitted by officials within and without the court, great and small, have been forthright or oblique, pointed or broad in every variety; Your Majesty has surely selected one or two for implementation and reward. Yet the realm still suspects that Your Majesty's actions are mere formality.

蓋以所召者，非久無宦情決不肯來之人，則年已衰暮決不可來之人耳。彼風節素著、持正不阿、廉介有守、臨事不撓者，論薦雖多，固未嚐收拾而召之也。其所施行褒賞者，往往皆末節細故，無關於理亂，粗述古今，不至於抵觸，然後取之以示吾有聽受之意。其間亦豈無深憂遠識高出眾見之表，忠言至計有補聖聽之聰者，固未聞采納而用之也。

For those summoned are either men who have long been free of official ambition and are resolved never to serve, or men already in the decline of age who cannot possibly come. Men of established integrity, unyielding rectitude, incorruptible principle, and steadfast resolve in office have been recommended again and again, yet never gathered in and summoned. What is implemented and rewarded is often trivial detail, bearing no relation to order or chaos—rough sketches of ancient and modern affairs, carefully inoffensive, chosen only to show a willingness to listen. Surely among them are far-sighted judgments surpassing common opinion, and loyal counsel that would sharpen the imperial ear—yet none of these has been adopted and put to use.

自陛下臨禦至今，班行之彥，麾節之臣，有因論列而去，有因自請而歸。其人或以職業有聞，或以言語自見，天下未知其得罪之由，徒見其置散投閑，倏來驟去，甚至廢罷而鐫褫，削奪而流竄，皆以為陛下黜遠善士，厭惡直言。去者遂以此而得名，朝廷乃因是而致謗，其亦何便於此。夫賢路當廣而不當狹，言路當開而不當塞，治亂安危，莫不由此。

Since Your Majesty began to rule, eminent court officials and frontier commanders have left office after remonstrating, or returned home at their own request. Some were known for their competence, others for outspoken counsel; the realm knows not why they fell from favor, but sees them cast into idle posts, coming and going in sudden turns, even dismissed, degraded, stripped of rank, or exiled—all taking it as proof that Your Majesty rejects good men and despises frank counsel. Those who leave gain repute for their integrity, while the court reaps slander in consequence—what advantage lies in this? The path for worthies should be wide, not narrow; the path for remonstrance should be open, not closed—on this depends whether the state stands in order or chaos, safety or peril.

又言：“敬天命，伸士氣。 ”時帝移禦清燕殿，行簡奏“願加畏謹”，且言：“群賢方集，願勿因濟王議異同，致有渙散。 ”升兼侍讀，兼國子祭酒、吏部侍郎，權禮部尚書。權刑部尚書，拜端明殿學士、同簽書樞密院事，進簽書樞密院事。

He also wrote: "Revere Heaven's mandate and uphold the morale of the scholar-official class. " At that time the emperor moved his residence to the Clear Serenity Hall. Xingjian memorialized, "I pray that Your Majesty add to your reverence and caution," and added: "Worthy men are now assembled; I beg that disputes over the Prince of Ji not cause them to scatter. " He was promoted to concurrent lecturer-in-waiting, director of the Directorate of Education, vice-minister of Personnel, and acting minister of Rites. He served as acting minister of Punishments, was appointed academician of the Hall of Enlightenment and co-signatory of the Bureau of Military Affairs, and was then promoted to full co-signatory of the Bureau of Military Affairs.

太后崩，疏言：

When the empress dowager died, he submitted a memorial:

向者，陛下內廷舉動，皆有稟承。小人縱有蠱惑幹求之心，猶有所忌憚而不敢發，今者，安能保小人之不萌是心？陛下又安能保聖心之不無少肆？陛下為天下君，當懋建皇極，一循大公，不應私徇小人為其所誤。

Formerly, Your Majesty's conduct within the inner court was always subject to oversight and approval. Even petty men bent on manipulation and solicitation still had reason to fear and dared not act; now, who can guarantee that such men will not take heart? And how can Your Majesty guarantee that the imperial mind will not slacken even slightly? Your Majesty is sovereign of the realm; you should vigorously uphold the supreme standard, adhere always to the public good, and not privately indulge petty men and be led astray by them.

凡為此者，皆戚畹肺肝之親，近習貴幸之臣，奔走使令之輩。外取貨財，內壞綱紀。上以罔人君之聰明，來天下之怨謗；下以撓官府之公道，亂民間之曲直。縱而不已，其勢必至於假采聽之言而傷動善類，設眾人之譽而進拔憸人，借納忠效勤之意而售其陰險巧佞之奸。日積月累，氣勢益張，人主之威權，將為所竊弄而不自知矣。

All who do this are consort kin of the closest ties, favored intimates of the inner court, and the runners who carry out their orders. Outwardly they seize wealth; inwardly they corrode law and discipline. Above, they cloud the sovereign's judgment and draw the realm's resentment and reproach; below, they subvert official justice and confound right and wrong among the people. Left unchecked, they will inevitably borrow the language of loyal counsel to strike at good men, manufacture popular praise to advance the cunning, and cloak treacherous designs in the guise of devoted service. Month upon month their power grows; the sovereign's authority will be usurped and manipulated before he even knows it.

陛下衰絰在身，愈當警戒，宮庭之間既無所嚴憚，嬪禦之人又視昔眾多，以春秋方富之年，居聲色易縱之地，萬一於此不能自製，必於盛德大有虧損。願陛下常加警省。

Your Majesty is still in mourning; you should be all the more vigilant. Within the palace there is no longer anyone to inspire strict restraint, and the number of consorts and attendants has grown. In the prime of youth, dwelling where sensual temptation easily leads to excess—if Your Majesty cannot restrain yourself now, your great virtue will suffer grave harm. I pray that Your Majesty remain ever vigilant and self-reflective.

又論火災求言，乞取其切者付外行之。又論許國不當換文資，其當慮者有五；鄭損不當帥蜀。

He also addressed the call for remonstrance after the fire, asking that the most pointed memorials be sent out for implementation. He also argued that Xu Guo should not be transferred to a civil appointment, citing five grounds for concern; and that Zheng Sun was unfit to command Sichuan.

又言：“時青者，以官則國家之節度，以人則邊陲之大將，一旦遽為李全所戕，是必疑其終為我用，慮變生肘腋，故先其未發驅除之。竊意軍中必有憤激思奮之人，莫若乘勢就淮陰一軍拔其尤者以護其師，然後明指殺青者之姓名，俾之誅戮，加贈恤之典於青，則其勢自分，而吾得籍此以製之，則可折其奸心而存吾之大體。不然，跋扈者專殺而不敢誅，有功者見殺而不敢訴，彼知朝廷一用柔道而威斷不施，烏保其不遞相視效？則其所當慮者，不獨李全一人而已。”

He also wrote: "Shi Qing was by rank a state commissioner and by stature a frontier commander; yet he was suddenly murdered by Li Quan. Li Quan must have doubted that Qing would remain loyal, feared trouble at his side, and therefore struck before rebellion could break out. I believe there are men in the ranks burning with indignation; better to seize the moment, take the Huaiyin army, promote its best to lead the rest, publicly name Qing's killers for execution, and grant Qing posthumous honors—then their factions will split, and we can use that leverage to break their treachery while preserving the larger principle. Otherwise the overbearing will kill at will while none dares punish them; men of merit will see comrades slain and none will dare protest. Once they know the court relies on conciliation alone and never acts with decisive force, who can say they will not follow one another's example? Then the concern is not Li Quan alone.

又言：“山陽民散財殫，非凶賊久安之地，當日夜為鴟張之計。揚州城堅勢壯，足以坐製全淮，此曹未必無窺伺之心，或為所入，則淮東俱非我有，不可不先為之慮也。 ”又請屯駐重兵海道，內為吳、越之捍蔽，外為南北之限製。

He also wrote: "The people of Shanyang are dispersed and their wealth exhausted; it is no place where violent bandits can long remain secure. They must be planning day and night to spread their power. Yangzhou's walls are strong and its position commanding, enough to dominate the entire Huai basin; these men surely harbor designs upon it. If they take the city, all of Huaidong will be lost—we cannot afford to ignore the danger. " He also requested that heavy forces be stationed along the sea routes, shielding Wu and Yue within and forming the barrier between north and south without.

又論：“李全攻圍泰州，剿除之兵今不可已。此賊氣貌無以逾人，未必有長算深謀，直剽捍勇決，能長雄於其黨耳，況其守泗之西城則失西城，守下邳則失下邳，守青社則失青社，既又降北，此特敗軍之將。十年之內，自白丁至三孤，功薄報豐，反背義忘恩，此天理人情之所共憤，惟決意行之。 ”後皆如行簡所料。拜參知政事兼知樞密院事。時議收復三京，行簡在告，上疏曰：

He also argued: "Li Quan is besieging Taizhou; the campaign to destroy him cannot now be halted. This bandit is no greater in stature or mien than other men; he lacks long-range strategy and relies only on raw ferocity and daring to dominate his followers. He lost the western wall of Si while holding it, lost Xiapi while holding it, lost Qingshe while holding it, and then surrendered to the north—he is nothing but a defeated commander. Within ten years he rose from common soldier to one of the three highest ministers, rewarded far beyond his merit; then he betrayed loyalty and forgot past grace—a thing that Heaven and men alike condemn. Only firm resolve will suffice. " Events afterward unfolded exactly as Xingjian had predicted. He was appointed vice grand councilor and concurrent director of the Bureau of Military Affairs. When the court debated recovering the Three Capitals, Xingjian was on sick leave and submitted a memorial:

八陵有可朝之路，中原有可復之機，以大有為之資，當有可為之會，則事之有成，固可坐而策也。臣不憂出師之無功，而憂事力之不可繼。有功而至於不可繼，則其憂始深矣。夫自古英君，必先治內而後治外。陛下視今日之內治，其已舉乎，其未舉乎？向未攬權之前，其敝凡幾？今既親政之後，其已更新者凡幾？欲用君子，則其誌未盡伸；欲去小人，則其心未盡革。上有厲精更始之意，而士大夫之苟且不務任責者自若。朝廷有禁包苴、戒貪墨之令，而州縣之黷貨不知盈厭者自如。欲行楮令，則外郡之新券雖低價而莫售；欲平物價，則京師之百貨視舊直而不殊。紀綱法度，多頹弛而未張；賞刑號令，皆玩視而不肅。此皆陛下國內之臣子，猶令之而未從，作之而不應，乃欲闔辟乾坤，混一區宇，製奸雄而折戎狄，其能盡如吾意乎？此臣之所憂者一也。

The eight imperial tombs lie within reach of pilgrimage; the Central Plain offers a chance for recovery. With the resources of a great undertaking and a moment when action is possible, success can be planned from one's seat. I do not fear that the campaign will fail outright; I fear that our strength cannot be sustained. Initial success that cannot be sustained will bring worry far deeper than failure. Since antiquity, enlightened rulers have always put internal order first and external conquest second. Your Majesty, consider the state of internal governance today—is it complete, or is it not? Before you personally assumed rule, how many abuses were there? Since you began to govern in person, how much has truly been renewed? If you wish to employ worthy men, their aims have not yet fully been realized; if you wish to remove petty men, their hearts have not yet fully been changed. Above, Your Majesty shows the will to renew the state, yet among scholar-officials the perfunctory and irresolute remain as they were. The court has forbidden bribery and warned against corruption, yet prefects and magistrates still grasp for gain without surfeit. If you wish to enforce the paper-money decree, new notes in the outer prefectures sell at a discount and still find no takers; if you wish to stabilize prices, goods in the capital remain no different from their old levels. Statutes and discipline are largely collapsed and not yet restored; rewards, punishments, and orders are treated lightly and not enforced with rigor. These are Your Majesty's own ministers and subjects, yet they disobey your commands and ignore your initiatives—and you would open the realm, unify the empire, subdue traitors, and break the northern foe: can this fully accord with your intent? This is my first concern.

自古帝王，欲用其民者，必先得其心以為根本。數十年來，上下皆懷利以相接，而不知有所謂義。民方憾於守令，緩急豈有效死勿去之人；卒不愛其將校，臨陳豈有奮勇直前之士。蓄怨含憤，積於平日，見難則避，遇敵則奔，惟利是顧，皇恤其他。人心如此，陛下曾未有以轉移固結之，遽欲驅之北鄉，從事於鋒鏑，忠義之心何由而發？況乎境內之民，困於州縣之貪刻，厄於勢家之兼並，饑寒之氓常欲乘時而報怨，茶鹽之寇常欲伺間而竊發，蕭牆之憂凜未可保。萬一兵興於外，綴於強敵而不得休，潢池赤子，復有如江、閩、東浙之事，其將奈何？夫民至愚而不可忽，內郡武備單弱，民之所素易也。往時江、閩、東浙之寇，皆藉邊兵以製之。今此曹猶多竄伏山谷，窺伺田裏，彼知朝廷方有事於北方，其勢不能以相及，寧不又動其奸心？此臣之所憂者二也。

Since antiquity, rulers who wished to mobilize the people had first to win their hearts and make that the foundation. For decades, high and low have dealt with one another solely for profit, heedless of righteousness. The people resent their magistrates; in crisis, who will die rather than flee? Soldiers do not love their officers; on the battlefield, who will charge forward with courage? Resentment stored up over ordinary days means that when hardship comes men shrink back, and when they meet the enemy they flee, caring for profit alone and nothing else. Such is the temper of the people; Your Majesty has done nothing to turn and bind their hearts, yet would suddenly drive them north to face sword and spear—how can loyalty and righteousness be awakened? Moreover, the people within our borders suffer under greedy magistrates and powerful families that swallow their lands; the hungry and cold would seize any chance for revenge, and salt and tea smugglers watch for any opening to rise in rebellion—trouble within the palace walls cannot be ruled out. If war abroad bogs down against a strong enemy, the common folk—restive as the 'red children' of old—may again erupt as in Jiang, Min, and eastern Zhe: what then? The people are easily underestimated, yet must not be neglected; the inner prefectures are thinly defended—something the people have always known. Past rebellions in Jiang, Min, and eastern Zhe were suppressed only with frontier troops. Many of these men still lurk in mountain valleys, watching the countryside; knowing the court is occupied in the north and cannot reach them, will they not again stir up treachery? This is my second concern.

自古英君，規恢進取，必須選將練兵，豐財足食，然後舉事。今邊麵遼闊，出師非止一途，陛下之將，足當一面者幾人？勇而能鬥者幾人？智而善謀者幾人？非屈指得二三十輩，恐不足以備驅馳。陛下之兵，能戰者幾萬？分道而趣京、洛者幾萬？留屯而守淮、襄者幾萬？非按籍得二三十萬眾，恐不足以事進取。借曰帥臣威望素著，以意氣招徠，以功賞激勸，推擇行伍即可為將，接納降附即可為兵，臣實未知錢糧之所從出也。興師十萬，日費千金，千里饋糧，士有饑色。今之饋餉，累日不已，至於累月，累月不已，至於累歲，不知累幾千金而後可以供其費也。今百姓多垂罄之室，州縣多赤立之帑，大軍一動，厥費多端，其將何以給之？今陛下不愛金幣以應邊臣之求，可一而不可再，可再而不可三。再三之後，兵事未已，欲中輟則廢前功，欲勉強則無事力。國既不足，民亦不堪。臣恐北方未可圖，而南方已先騷動矣。中原蹂踐之餘，所在空曠，縱使東南有米可運，然道裏遼遠，寧免乏絕，由淮而進，縱有河渠可通，寧無盜賊邀取之患？由襄而進，必須負載二十鍾而致一石，亦恐未必能達。若頓師千里之外，糧道不繼，當此之時，孫、吳為謀主，韓、彭為兵帥，亦恐無以為策。他日運糧不繼，進退不能，必勞聖慮，此臣之所憂者三也。願陛下堅持聖意，定為國論，以絕紛紛之說。

Since antiquity, rulers planning recovery and conquest have first chosen generals, trained troops, filled treasuries and granaries, and only then acted. The frontier is vast; a campaign requires more than one route—how many of Your Majesty's generals can hold a front alone? How many are brave enough to fight? How many are wise and skilled in strategy? Unless you can count twenty or thirty such men on your fingers, I fear there are not enough to command in the field. How many of Your Majesty's troops can actually fight? How many would march by separate routes toward Kaifeng and Luoyang? How many would stay behind to hold the Huai and Xiang lines? Unless the registers yield two or three hundred thousand men, I fear there will not be enough for a campaign of conquest. Even if frontier commanders of established renown could rally men by force of will and reward, pluck generals from the ranks and turn surrendering bands into armies at once—I still do not see where the money and grain would come from. An army of one hundred thousand costs a thousand in gold each day; haul grain a thousand li, and even your soldiers wear hunger on their faces. Supplies now drain day after day without end, mounting to months and then years—who knows how many thousands in gold must pile up before the expense can be met? Many households are already emptied to the last coin; many county treasuries stand bare. Once the main army moves, costs multiply on every side—how will they be paid? Your Majesty is spending gold and silver freely to meet frontier commanders' demands—but that can be done once, perhaps twice, not a third time. After the third round, war still drags on; halt midway and earlier gains are lost; press on by force and there is nothing left to sustain it. The state is already exhausted, and the people can bear no more. I fear the north may prove unattainable while the south erupts first. The Central Plain, trampled underfoot, lies empty and abandoned. Even if grain can be shipped from the southeast, the distances are vast and shortages inevitable. Advance along the Huai, and even with canals open, bandits will intercept supplies. An advance through Xiang would require twenty zhong hauled for every shi delivered—and even that may never arrive. If the army camps a thousand li away and supply lines fail, not even Sun Wu plotting and Han Xin and Peng Yue leading troops could save the situation. When grain runs out and the army can neither advance nor retreat, Your Majesty's mind will be sorely burdened—this is my third concern. I pray Your Majesty will hold firm to your intent, fix the policy of the state, and silence the clamor of opposing views.

不果從。進知樞密院事。

The court did not adopt his advice. He was promoted to head the Bureau of Military Affairs.

時議禦閱不果，反驟汰之，殿司軍哄，為之黜主帥，罷都司官，給黃榜撫存，軍愈呼噪。行簡以聞，戮為首者二十餘人，眾乃帖息。尋拜右丞相，言“三京撓敗之餘，事與前異，但當益修戰守之備。襄陽失守，請急收復。 ”或又陳進取之計，行簡奏：“今內外事勢可憂而不可恃者七。 ”言甚懇切，師得不出。

When an imperial troop review fell through and the court abruptly purged the ranks instead, the Palace Guard mutinied. The chief commander was dismissed, the metropolitan staff abolished, and yellow placards posted to reassure the men—but the uproar only grew. Xingjian reported the matter; more than twenty ringleaders were executed, and the troops quieted. Soon he was appointed right grand councilor, saying: "After the shattering of the Three Capitals, affairs differ from before; we should strengthen our defenses for war. Xiangyang has been lost—it must be recovered at once. " Others again urged offensive plans. Xingjian submitted a memorial: "Present conditions at home and abroad offer seven grounds for worry and none for complacency. " He argued with such urgency that the campaign was not launched.

行簡曆練老成，識量弘遠，居官無所不言。好薦士，多至顯達，至於舉錢時、吳如愚，又皆當時隱逸之賢者。所著有《周禮總說》、《孔山文集》。

Xingjian was seasoned and far-sighted; in office he held back nothing. He liked to recommend talent, many of whom rose to high office; among them Qian Shi and Wu Ruyu were reclusive worthies of the day. His writings include General Exposition of the Rites of Zhou and the Kongshan Collection.

範鍾，字仲和，婺州蘭溪人。嘉定二年，舉進士。曆官調武學博士，添差通判太平州，知徽州。召赴闕，遷刑部郎官，又遷尚右郎官兼崇政殿說書。進對，帝曰：“仁宗時甚多事。 ”鍾對曰：“仁宗始雖多事，乃以憂勤致治。徽宗始雖無事，餘患至於今日。 ”帝悅。尋遷吏部郎中兼說書，又遷秘書少監、國子司業兼國史編修、實祿檢討。拜起居郎兼祭酒，權兵部侍郎兼同修國史、實祿同修撰。遷兵部侍郎兼給事中，權兵部尚書兼侍講，尋兼侍讀。嘉熙三年，拜端明殿學士、簽書樞密院事。四年，授參知政事。淳祐元年，乞歸田裏，不許。四年，知樞密院事，乞歸田裏。五年，特拜左丞相兼樞密使，封東陽郡公，再乞歸田裏，不許。六年，復請，許之。加觀文殿大學士、醴泉觀使兼侍讀，辭不拜，以保晚節，乃提舉洞霄宮。九年正月，薨。

Fan Zhong, styled Zhonghe, was from Lanxi in Wuzhou. He passed the jinshi examinations in the second year of the Jiading era (1209). In successive posts he served as doctorate of the Military Academy, added-duty vice prefect of Taizhou, and prefect of Huizhou. Summoned to court, he was made a bureau director in the Ministry of Justice, then in the Ministry of Revenue with concurrent appointment as lecturer at the Chongzheng Hall. At an audience the Emperor said: "In Emperor Renzong's reign there was no end of business. " Zhong replied: "Renzong began with much to manage, yet through anxious diligence brought the realm to order. Huizong began with little to manage, yet the troubles he left reach down to our own day. " The Emperor was pleased. Soon he was made bureau director in the Ministry of Personnel and lecturer, then vice director of the Secretariat and vice director of the Directorate of Education, concurrently compiling the national history and examining the veritable records. He was appointed diarist of attendance and director of the Directorate of Education, acting vice-minister of War and co-compiler of the national history and veritable records. He became vice-minister of War and supervising censor, then acting minister of War and lecturer-in-waiting, soon adding reader-in-waiting. In the third year of Jiaxi (1239) he was appointed academician of the Duanming Hall and deputy director of the Bureau of Military Affairs. The following year he was appointed vice grand councilor. In the first year of Chunyou (1241) he asked to retire to his home village; the request was denied. In the fourth year he became director of the Bureau of Military Affairs and again asked to retire. In the fifth year he was specially appointed left grand councilor and commissioner of the Bureau of Military Affairs, enfeoffed as Duke of Dongyang, and again asked to retire; again the request was denied. In the sixth year he asked once more and was permitted to retire. He was promoted to grand academician of the Guanwen Hall and commissioner of the Liquan Abbey with concurrent appointment as reader-in-waiting; he declined, wishing to preserve his reputation in old age, and took appointment as administrator of the Tongxiao Palace instead. In the first month of the ninth year he died.

鍾為相，直清守法，重惜名器，雖無赫赫可稱，而清德雅量，與杜範、李宗勉齊名。贈少師，諡文肅。所著書有《禮記解》。

As chief minister, Zhong was upright and law-abiding and guarded official titles jealously; though he won no spectacular renown, in pure conduct and generous bearing he stood with Du Fan and Li Zongmian. He was posthumously enfeoffed as Junior Preceptor with the posthumous title Wensu. His writings include Exposition of the Book of Rites.

遊似，字景仁，利路提點刑獄仲鴻之子。嘉定十四年進士，曆官為大理司直，升大理寺丞，遷太常丞兼權兵部郎官。遷秘書丞兼權考功郎中、直秘閣、夔路轉運判官，移潼川提點刑獄兼提舉常平。請封諡田錫，從之。遷軍器監、宗正少卿兼權樞密都承旨。

You Si, styled Jingren, was the son of You Zhonghong, judicial commissioner of the Lizhou Circuit. A jinshi of 1221, he rose through the Court of Judicial Review to assistant director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and acting bureau director in the Ministry of War. He became assistant director of the Secretariat and acting bureau director in the Ministry of Personnel, member of the Privy Repository, Kuizhou transport intendant, then Tongchuan judicial commissioner and grain intendant. He memorialized for posthumous honors for Tian Xi; the request was granted. He was made director of the Directorate of Armaments and vice director of the Court of the Imperial Clan, concurrently acting chief secretary of the Bureau of Military Affairs.

時暫兼權禮部侍郎兼侍講、權禮部侍郎。有事於明堂，似上疏言：“欲盡事天之禮，當盡敬天之心。心存則政事必適其宜，言動必當其理，雨蛇菴循其序，夷夏必安其生。 ”兼同修國史、實錄院同修撰，權禮部尚書兼侍讀。言：“軍賞冒濫，請給告之製，奏功者書填真命付之，候從軍十年，別能立功，升至統領已上，方許從所屬保明申朝廷，立名給告，則冒濫者革，功勞者勸。”

For a time he also held concurrent appointment as acting vice-minister of Rites and lecturer-in-waiting. When the Bright Hall rites were performed, Si submitted a memorial: "To fulfill the rites of serving Heaven, one must fully devote the heart that reveres Heaven. With the heart truly present, governance will be fitting, words and deeds will accord with reason, rain and sunshine will follow their seasons, and both Chinese and barbarians will live in peace. " He was concurrently co-compiler of the national history and veritable records, acting minister of Rites and reader-in-waiting. He wrote: "Military rewards are dispensed too freely. I propose a patent system: when merit is reported, a written commission should be issued on the spot; only after ten years of service, with further merit and promotion to commander or above, should superiors certify the record to the court and a formal patent be granted—then abuse would cease and merit would be rewarded.

遷禮部尚書兼給事中兼修國史、實錄院修撰，權工部侍郎，充四川宣撫司參讚軍事兼給事中。遷吏部尚書，入侍經幄。帝問：“唐太宗貞觀治效何速如是？ ”似對曰：“人主一念之烈，足以旋乾轉坤。或謂霸圖速而王道遲，不知一日歸仁，期月而可，王道曷嚐不速。一念有時間斷，則無以挽回天下之大勢。至於憂勤，既切宸念，而佐理非人，亦何以布宣九重之實。 ”乃摭太宗事以陳，且謂：“太宗矜心易啟，漸弗克終，僅止貞觀之治。陛下嗣服十有五年，艱危之勢滋甚，回視太宗治效敏速、相越乃爾。意者親儒而從諫，敬畏以檢身，未若貞觀之超卓乎？節用以致愛，選廉以共理，未若貞觀之切至乎？願陛下益加聖心。”

He became minister of Rites and supervising censor, compiler of the national history and veritable records, acting vice-minister of Works, and staff officer on the Sichuan Pacification Commission with concurrent appointment as supervising censor. He was made minister of Personnel and attended the classics mat in the inner court. The Emperor asked: "How did Emperor Taizong achieve the results of the Zhenguan reign so swiftly? " Si replied: "A single resolute thought in a ruler's heart can turn Heaven and Earth. Some say hegemony comes quickly while the kingly Way comes slowly; yet benevolence may be restored in a day and established in a month—the kingly Way has never been slow. But let that thought lapse for even a moment, and the great momentum of the realm cannot be recovered. Anxious diligence may fill the imperial mind, yet if the wrong men assist in governance, how can the truth within the palace be made real? " He then cited Taizong's example and said: "Taizong's heart was easily opened to self-congratulation; he could not sustain his effort to the end, and good order stopped with the Zhenguan reign. Your Majesty has reigned more than fifteen years, and peril grows ever worse. Compared with Taizong's swift achievement of good order, the distance is vast. In honoring scholars and heeding remonstrance, in reverence and self-discipline—are you as surpassing as in the Zhenguan reign? In frugality to extend care to the people, in selecting the incorrupt to govern together—are you as pressing and thorough as in the Zhenguan reign? I pray Your Majesty will strengthen your resolve still further.

嘉熙三年正月，拜端明殿學士、同簽書樞密院事，封南充縣伯。八月，拜參知政事。四年閏月，知樞密院事兼參知政事。淳祐四年，提舉萬壽觀兼侍讀，仍奉朝請，授知樞密院事兼參知政事，進爵郡公。五年，拜右丞相兼樞密使。十上章，乞歸田裏，帝不許。七年，特授觀文殿大學士、醴泉觀使兼侍讀，進爵國公。十一年，轉兩官致仕，薨。特贈少師。

In the first month of the third year of Jiaxi (1239) he was appointed academician of the Duanming Hall and deputy director of the Bureau of Military Affairs, enfeoffed as Earl of Nanchong. In the eighth month he was appointed vice grand councilor. In the intercalary month of the fourth year he became director of the Bureau of Military Affairs and vice grand councilor. In the fourth year of Chunyou (1244) he became administrator of the Wanshou Abbey and reader-in-waiting, still attending court, then director of the Bureau of Military Affairs and vice grand councilor, and was promoted to duke. In the fifth year he was appointed right grand councilor and commissioner of the Bureau of Military Affairs. Ten times he memorialized asking to retire; the Emperor refused. In the seventh year he was specially appointed grand academician of the Guanwen Hall and commissioner of the Liquan Abbey with concurrent appointment as reader-in-waiting, and promoted to state duke. In the eleventh year he was advanced two ranks, retired, and died. He was specially posthumously enfeoffed as Junior Preceptor.

趙葵，字南仲，京湖製置使方之子。初生時，或夢南嶽神降其家。方在襄陽，命葵專督飲食共養之事。與兄範俱有誌事功，方器之，聘鄭清之、全子才為之師。又遣從南康李燔為有用之學。每聞警報，與諸將偕出，遇敵則深入死戰，諸將惟恐失製置子，盡死救之，屢以此獲捷。一日，方賞將士，恩不償勞，軍欲為變。葵時十二三，覺之，亟呼曰：“此朝廷賜也，本司別有賞齎。 ”軍心賴一言而定，人服其機警。

Zhao Kui, styled Nanzhong, was the son of Zhao Fang, commissioner of the Jinghu Pacification Commission. At his birth someone dreamed that the god of Mount Heng descended upon the household. When Fang was at Xiangyang, he put Kui in charge of provisions and daily supplies. He and his elder brother Fan both burned to achieve something; Fang valued them and engaged Zheng Qingzhi and Quan Zicai as their tutors. He also sent Kui to study under Li Fan of Nankang, pursuing practical learning. Whenever alarms sounded he rode out with the generals; when they met the enemy he plunged into the thick of battle. The generals, fearing for the pacification commissioner's son, fought desperately to save him—and again and again victory came of it. One day Fang rewarded his officers, but the gifts did not match their service and the army was on the verge of mutiny. Kui was twelve or thirteen; sensing trouble, he cried out: "This is the court's gift; our command has separate rewards besides. " That single sentence steadied the troops; all marveled at his quick wit.

嘉定十年，金將高琪、烏古論慶壽犯襄陽，圍棗陽。時邊烽久熄，金兵猝至，人情震懼。方帥範、葵往戰，敗走之。十三年，方遣葵及都統扈再興攻金人至高頭。高頭，金人必守之處也，出勁兵拒戰，葵率先鋒奮擊，再興繼進殲之。翼日，進次鄧州，金人阻沘河以拒。葵麾軍進擊，楊義諸將繼至，金兵亦大出合戰，大破之，俘斬及降者幾二萬，獲萬戶而下十數人，奪馬八百，逐北直傅城下而還。

In the tenth year of Jiading (1217) the Jin generals Heshilie Gui and Wugulun Qingshou invaded Xiangyang and besieged Zaoyang. The frontier had long been quiet; the Jin army came suddenly and the people were stricken with fear. Fang led Fan and Kui into battle and routed the enemy. In the thirteenth year Fang sent Kui and commander-in-chief Hu Zaixing to attack the Jin as far as Gaotou. Gaotou was a place the Jin were certain to hold; they sent crack troops to resist. Kui led the vanguard in a fierce assault, Zaixing followed, and the enemy was destroyed. The next day they advanced to Dengzhou, where the Jin blocked the Bi River to resist. Kui led the attack; generals including Yang Yi joined the fight. The Jin came out in force; in the general engagement they were routed. Nearly twenty thousand were killed, captured, or surrendered; more than ten officers of ten-thousand-household rank and below were taken, eight hundred horses seized, and the pursuit pressed to the city walls before they withdrew.

十四年，金人犯蘄州，葵與範攻唐、鄧。方命之曰：“不克敵，毋相見也。 ”三月丁亥，至唐州，薄城而陳。金大將阿海引兵出戰，葵帥精騎赴敵，再興從之，大捷，斬馘萬餘。金人閉門不出。時金人陷蘄州者至久長，數十騎出山椒，葵帥楊大成以十四騎逐之。金騎漸益至數百，葵力戰連破之，而金步騎大集。會範、再興軍合戰，至夜分始解。庚寅，官軍分二陣，範將左，再興將右，葵帥突騎左右策應。金人背山亦分為二以相當，而不先動。範曰：“金人必復謀夜戰以幸勝，乃預備大鼓，令軍中聞疊鼓聲始動，若彼未至五十步內而輒動者斬。未幾，金兵稍下山，再興遽衝之，果為敵所乘，遂逼範軍。範疊鼓麾軍突鬥，葵繼進，殲金兵數千。敵並力向再興，葵率土豪祝文蔚等以精騎橫衝之，金人僵屍相屬。復相持至夜分，金人雖斂，而陣如故。範、葵急會將校，選死士數千，黎明四面奮擊，喚聲撼山谷。金人走，乘勝逐北，斬首數千級，副統軍投戈降，拔所掠子女萬餘，得輜重器械山積。補葵承務郎、知棗陽軍，範授安撫司內機。

In the fourteenth year the Jin invaded Qizhou; Kui and Fan attacked Tang and Deng. Fang gave them their orders: "If you fail to defeat the enemy, do not come back to face me. " In the third month, on day dinghai, they reached Tangzhou, drew up before the walls, and formed battle lines. The Jin grand general Ahhai led his troops out to fight. Kui took elite cavalry to meet them, Zaixing followed, and they won a great victory, killing more than ten thousand. The Jin shut the city gates and refused to come out. The Jin had held Qizhou for a long time. Several dozen horsemen came down from the hills; Kui led Yang Dacheng and fourteen riders in pursuit. Jin horsemen swelled to several hundred. Kui fought hard and broke them again and again, but Jin foot and horse forces were massing in strength. Fan's and Zaixing's forces joined the fight, and battle did not break off until well past nightfall. On day gengyin the government forces split into two lines—Fan on the left, Zaixing on the right—while Kui led shock cavalry to support both wings. The Jin, backed by the mountain, likewise split into two formations to meet them, but held their ground and did not strike first. Fan said: "The Jin will surely try a night attack again, hoping for a lucky victory. Prepare large drums and order the men not to move until they hear repeated drum rolls. Anyone who moves before the enemy is within fifty paces will be executed. Before long Jin troops began descending the slope. Zaixing charged prematurely, the enemy turned it against him, and Fan's line was driven back. Fan rolled the drums and led a sudden charge; Kui pressed forward after him and cut down several thousand Jin troops. The enemy concentrated against Zaixing. Kui led local leaders including Zhu Wenwei with elite cavalry in a flanking charge, and Jin dead piled up in unbroken rows. The two sides locked in stalemate again until deep night. The Jin pulled back slightly, but their formation held firm. Fan and Kui hastily assembled their officers, picked several thousand shock troops, and at dawn attacked on every side; their war cries shook the valleys. The Jin broke and ran. Pressing the pursuit, they took several thousand heads. The deputy commander threw down his weapons and surrendered. More than ten thousand captives were freed, and wagons, gear, and weapons were captured in mountainous heaps. Kui was appointed registrar and prefect of Zaoyang garrison; Fan was made internal officer of the pacification commission.

方卒，十五年，起復直秘閣、通判廬州，進大理司直、淮西安撫參議官。十七年，李全往青州，淮東製置使許國檄葵議兵。葵至曰：“君侯欲圖賊，而坐賊阱中，悔已無及，惟有重帳前兵，猶足製之爾。 ”國曰：“兵不能集，集不能精，奈何？ ”曰：“葵請視兩路之兵，別其精銳，君侯留三萬帳前，賊不敢動矣。 ”國曰：“不若集淮兵來閱，而君董之，既足示眾，亦可選銳。 ”葵曰：“有兵之郡，必當衝要，守將豈可空壁以從製使命耶？必將力爭於朝，分留自衛。一得朝命，必匿其強壯，遣老弱以備數。本欲選銳，適得其鈍，本欲示眾，適示單弱，徒啟戎心。 ”國不聽，卒敗。

After Fang died, in the fifteenth year Kui returned from mourning as direct attache of the Secret Pavilion and vice-prefect of Luzhou, then was promoted to rectifier of the Court of Judicial Review and planning officer on the Huai West Pacification Commission. In the seventeenth year Li Quan went to Qingzhou. Xu Guo, commissioner of the Huai East Pacification Commission, summoned Kui to consult on military affairs. When Kui arrived he said: "You mean to destroy the rebels, yet you sit in their trap. Regret will come too late. Strengthen the troops at your headquarters, and you can still keep them in check. " Guo said: "Troops won't assemble, and even if they do they won't be any good. What then? " Kui replied: "Let me inspect the forces on both circuits and pick out the best. Keep thirty thousand at headquarters, and the rebels won't dare stir. " Guo said: "Better to assemble the Huai troops for inspection under your direction. That would impress everyone and let us pick the best. " Kui said: "Every garrisoned prefecture holds a critical post. How can its commander strip his walls bare to obey the pacification commissioner? They will fight it at court and hold troops back for their own defense. Once the court order comes, they will hide their best men and send the old and weak to fill the rolls. You mean to pick elites and will get dregs instead; you mean to show strength and will display weakness—nothing but an invitation to the enemy. " Guo would not listen and was defeated in the end.

寶慶元年，範知揚州，乞調葵以強勇、雄邊軍五千屯寶應備賊。葵在廬州，數費私錢會諸將球射，與製置使曾式中不合，葵去之。言者以為擅，遂奉祠。三年，起為將作監丞。

In the first year of Baoqing (1225) Fan became prefect of Yangzhou and asked that Kui be transferred with five thousand men from the Qiangyong and Xiongbian armies to hold Baoying against the rebels. At Luzhou Kui often spent his own money entertaining the generals with ball games and archery. He fell out with pacification commissioner Zeng Shizhong and left the post. Critics called it overreach, and he was given a sinecure temple appointment. In the third year he was recalled as assistant director of the Directorate of Palace Buildings.

全造舟益急，葵復致書史彌遠曰：“李全既破鹽城，反稱陳知縣自棄城，蓋欲欺朝廷以款討罪之師，彼得一意修舟楫，造器械，窺伺城邑，或直浮海以搗腹心，此其奸謀，明若觀火。葵自聞鹽城失守，日夕延頸以俟製帥之設施，今乃聞遣王節入鹽城祈哀於逆。葵又聞遣二吏入山陽，請命於賊婦。堂堂製閫，如此舉措，豈不墮賊計，貽笑天下、貽笑外夷乎？又聞張國明前此出山陽，已知賊將舉鹽城之兵，今若聽國明言，更從闊略，則自此人心解體，萬事渙散，社稷之憂有不可勝諱者。葵非欲張皇生事啟釁，李全決非忠臣，非孝子。丞相苟聽葵之言，翻然改圖，發兵討叛，則豈獨可以強國勢安社稷，葵父子世受國恩，亦庶幾萬一之報。使丞相不聽葵言，不發兵討賊，則豈特不可以強國勢安社稷，而葵亦不知死所，不復可報君相之恩矣。一安一危，一治一亂，係朝廷之討叛與不討爾。淮東安則江南安，江南安則社稷安，社稷安則丞相安，丞相安則凡為國之臣子、為丞相之門人弟子莫不安矣。”

Quan redoubled his shipbuilding. Kui wrote again to Shi Miyuan: "Li Quan has taken Yancheng, yet claims Magistrate Chen abandoned it on his own— plainly to deceive the court and stall the punitive expedition while he builds ships, forges weapons, scouts our cities, or even sails straight across the sea to strike the heartland. His treachery is clear as daylight. From the day Yancheng fell I have waited eagerly for action from the pacification commander. Now I hear Wang Jie was sent into Yancheng to plead with the rebel. I also hear two clerks were sent to Shanyang to take orders from the rebel's wife. For a frontier command of such standing to act this way—does it not play into the rebels' hands and make us a laughingstock at home and abroad? I also hear that when Zhang Guoming left Shanyang he already knew the rebels meant to march from Yancheng. If his counsel is followed and leniency prevails again, morale will collapse, order will unravel, and the danger to the realm will be beyond hiding. I do not mean to alarm the court or manufacture a quarrel. Li Quan is no loyal subject and no filial son. If Your Excellency heeds me, changes course, and sends troops against the rebel, you will not only strengthen the realm and secure the altars of state—my father and I, who owe the dynasty a lifetime of favor, may at last repay it in some small way. If Your Excellency refuses and sends no troops, you will not only fail to strengthen the realm—you will leave me with no place to die and no way left to repay the grace of throne and minister. Security or peril, order or chaos—all hinge on whether the court moves against the rebel. Secure Huai East and Jiangnan is secure; secure Jiangnan and the realm is secure; secure the realm and Your Excellency is secure; secure Your Excellency and every subject and every man in your circle is secure.

又言於朝曰：“葵父子兄弟，世受國恩，每見外夷、盜賊侵侮國家，未嚐不為忠憤所激。今大逆不道，邈視朝廷，負君相卵翼之恩，無如李全。前此畔逆未彰，猶可言也，今已破蕩城邑，略無忌憚，若朝廷更從隱忍，則將何以為國？欲望特發剛斷，名其為賊，即日命將遣師，水陸並進，誅鋤此逆，以安社稷，以保生靈。葵雖不才，願身許朝廷；如或不然，乞將葵早賜處分，以安邊鄙，以便國事。”

He also memorialized the court: "My father, brothers, and I have received the dynasty's favor for generations. Whenever barbarians or bandits insult the realm, loyal outrage has never failed to move us. Today no one surpasses Li Quan in treason, in contempt for the court, or in betraying the sheltering grace of throne and minister. While his rebellion was still hidden, forbearance had some excuse. Now he has sacked cities without restraint. If the court indulges him further, what will remain of the state? I beg the court to act with firm resolve: name him a rebel, dispatch generals and armies that very day by land and sea, destroy this traitor, secure the altars of state, and protect the people. Though I am unworthy, I offer my person to the court; if not, I beg that I be dealt with at once, so the frontier may be settled and state business proceed.

彌遠猶未欲興討，參知政事鄭清之讚決之。乃加葵直寶章閣、淮東提點刑獄兼知滁州。範刻日約葵，葵帥雄勝、寧淮、武定、強勇步騎萬四千，命王鑒、扈斌、胡顯等將之，以葵兼參議官。顯，穎之兄也，拳力絕人，方在襄陽，每出師必使顯及葵各領精銳分道赴戰，摧堅陷陣，聚散離合，前無勁敵，以功至檢校太尉。

Miyuan still hesitated to launch a campaign, but Vice Grand Councilor Zheng Qingzhi endorsed the decision. Kui was then made direct attache of the Baozhang Pavilion, Huai East intendant of judicial inspection, and concurrent prefect of Chuzhou. Fan fixed a date and joined Kui. Kui led fourteen thousand foot and horse from the Xiongsheng, Ninghuai, Wuding, and Qiangyong armies, with Wang Jian, Hu Bin, Hu Xian, and others as commanders and Kui as concurrent planning officer. Xian was Ying's elder brother, a man of superhuman strength. At Xiangyang Fang always sent Xian and Kui each with elite troops by separate routes—breaking lines, shattering formations, wheeling and regrouping with no worthy foe before them. For his service Xian rose to acting Grand Commandant.

已而，全攻揚州東門，葵親出搏戰。賊將張友呼城門請葵出，及出，全在隔壕立馬相勞苦。左右欲射全，葵止之，問全來何為？全曰：“朝廷動見猜疑，今復絕我糧餉，我非背叛，索錢糧耳。 ”葵曰：“朝廷資汝錢糧，寵汝官職，蓋不貲矣。待汝以忠臣孝子，而乃反戈攻陷城邑，朝廷安得不絕汝錢糧。汝雲非叛，欺人乎？欺天乎？ ”切責之言甚多，全無以對，彎弓抽矢向葵而去。於是數戰皆捷。四年正月壬寅，遂殺全。事見《全傳》。進葵福州觀察使、左驍衛上將軍，葵辭不受。八月，召封樞密院稟議，受寶章閣待制、樞密副都承旨，依舊職仍落起復，尋進兵部侍郎。

Before long Quan attacked Yangzhou's east gate. Kui went out in person to fight. The rebel general Zhang You called at the gate for Kui. When Kui came out, Quan sat his horse across the moat and spoke to him with feigned cordiality. His attendants wanted to shoot Quan, but Kui stopped them and asked why he had come. Quan said: "The court is always suspicious of me. Now you've cut off my supplies. I'm not rebelling—I only want money and grain. " Kui said: "The court has lavished money, grain, and rank on you beyond counting. It treated you as a loyal subject and filial son, yet you turned your blade and seized cities. How could the court keep feeding you? You say you're not rebelling—do you mean to fool men? Or Heaven? " He heaped rebuke upon rebuke. Quan had no answer, strung his bow, nocked an arrow, and galloped at Kui. After that they won battle after battle. In the first month of the fourth year, on day renyin, Quan was killed. The full account appears in the Li Quan biography. Kui was promoted to observer of Fuzhou and senior general of the Left Xiaowei Guard, but he declined the appointment. In the eighth month he was summoned to the Bureau of Military Affairs, accepted appointment as Baozhang Pavilion academician-in-waiting and deputy chief receptionist of the Bureau of Military Affairs, kept his former posts while shedding mourning recall status, and was soon promoted to vice-minister of War.

六年十一月，詔授淮東製置使兼知揚州，入對，帝曰：“卿父子兄弟，宣力甚多，卿在行陣又能率先士卒，捐身報國，此尤儒臣之所難，朕甚嘉之。 ”葵頓首謝曰：“臣不佞，忠孝之義，嚐奉教於君子，世受國恩，當捐軀以報陛下。”

In the eleventh month of the sixth year he was appointed commissioner of the Huai East Pacification Commission and concurrent prefect of Yangzhou. At audience the Emperor said: "Your father, brothers, and you have served the realm well. In battle you lead from the front and risk your life for the state—rare even among scholar-officials. I commend you highly. " Kui bowed and replied: "I am unworthy. Gentlemen have taught me loyalty and filial piety. My family has received the dynasty's favor for generations. I should give my life to repay Your Majesty.

端平元年，朝議收復三京，葵上疏請出戰，乃授權兵部尚書、京河製置使，知應天府、南京留守兼淮東製置使。時盛暑行師，汴堤破決，水潦泛溢，糧運不繼，所復州郡，皆空城，無兵食可因。未幾，北兵南下，渡河，發水閘，兵多溺死，遂潰而歸。範上表劾葵，詔與全子才各降一秩，授兵部侍郎、淮東製置使，移司泗州。

In the first year of Duanping (1234) the court debated retaking the Three Capitals. Kui memorialized asking to take the field and was appointed acting minister of War, commissioner of the Jing-He Pacification Commission, prefect of Yingtian, Nanjing regent, and concurrent Huai East pacification commissioner. They marched in the height of summer. The Bian dike broke, floods spread, supplies failed, and every city they retook was empty—no troops, no grain to sustain them. Before long northern troops came south, crossed the river, and opened the sluice gates. Many men drowned, the army broke, and they retreated. Fan impeached Kui. An edict demoted him and Quan Zicai each one rank, reappointed him vice-minister of War and Huai East pacification commissioner, and moved his headquarters to Sizhou.

嘉熙元年，以寶章閣學士知揚州，依舊制置使。二年，以應援安豐捷，奏拜刑部尚書，進端明殿學士，特予執政恩例，復兼本路屯田使。葵前後留揚八年，墾田治兵，邊備益飭。淳祐二年，進大學士、知潭州、湖南安撫使，改福州。

In the first year of Jiaxi (1237) he became Baozhang Pavilion academician and prefect of Yangzhou, keeping his pacification commission. In the second year, for the victory at Anfeng, he was promoted to minister of Justice and academician of the Duanming Hall, granted chief-councilor privileges, and again made concurrent intendant of agriculture for the circuit. Kui spent eight years at Yangzhou in all, opening land and drilling troops until frontier defenses were thoroughly restored. In the second year of Chunyou (1242) he was made grand academician, prefect of Tanzhou, and Hunan pacification commissioner, then transferred to Fuzhou.

三年，葬其母，乞追服終製，不允。葵上疏曰：“移忠為孝，臣子之通誼；教孝求忠，君父之至仁。忠孝一原，並行不悖。故曰忠臣以事其君，孝子以事其親，其本一也。臣不佞，戒謹持循，惟恐先墜。往歲叨當事任，服在戎行，偕同氣以率先，冒萬死而不顧，捐軀戡難，效命守封，是以孝事君之充也。陛下昭示顯揚，優崇寵數，使為人子者感恩，為人親者知勸矣。臣昨於草土，被命起家，勉從權製，先國家之急而後親喪也。今釋位去官，已追服居廬，乞從彝製。 ”又不許。再上疏曰：“臣昔者奉詔討逆，適丁家難，閔然哀疚之中，命以驅馳之事，移孝為忠，所不敢辭。是臣嚐先國家之急，而效臣子之義矣。親恩未報，浸逾一紀，食稻衣錦，俯仰增愧。且臣業已追衰麻之製，伸苫塊之哀，負土成墳，倚廬待盡，喪事有進而無退，固不應數月而除也。 ”乃命提舉洞霄宮，不拜。

In the third year he buried his mother and asked to resume full mourning; the request was denied. Kui memorialized: "To shift loyalty into filial duty is the common obligation of a subject; to teach filial piety in order to win loyalty is the deepest kindness of ruler and father. Loyalty and filial piety share one root and need not conflict. As the saying goes, the loyal minister serves his ruler and the filial son serves his parent—the root is the same. I am unworthy. I have tried to live carefully, fearing only to fall short. In past years I held office and served in the field, marching with my brothers at the fore, risking death without hesitation, giving my body to quell disaster and my life to guard the frontier—that was filial service to the throne in full. Your Majesty has honored this openly with generous favor, so that sons feel gratitude and parents take heart. When I was still in mourning dust I was ordered back to office. I accepted the exceptional rule and put the state's urgency before my grief. Now I have left office, resumed mourning, and dwell in the mourning hut. I beg to follow the proper rites. " Again the request was denied. He memorialized again: "When I was ordered to punish rebellion, a family calamity struck. In grief I was sent on urgent service—shifting filial duty into loyal service, I did not dare refuse. I have already put the state first and done a subject's duty. My parents' grace remains unrepaid. More than twelve years have passed while I eat fine rice and wear brocade—every moment fills me with shame. Moreover I have resumed hemp mourning, grieved upon the mourning mat, carried earth to raise the tomb, and dwell in the hut awaiting death's end. Mourning moves forward and never back—it cannot rightly end after only a few months. " He was then appointed intendant of the Dongxiao Palace but declined.

淳祐四年，授同知樞密院事。疏奏：“今天下之事，其大者有幾？天下之才，其可用者有幾？吾從其大者而講明之，疏其可用者而任使之。有勇略者治兵，有心計者治財，寬厚者任牧養，剛正者持風憲。為官擇人，不為人而擇官。用之既當，任之既久，然後可以責其成效。 ”又乞“亟與宰臣講求規畫，凡有關於宗社安危治亂之大計者條具以聞，審其所先後緩急以圖籌策，則治功可成，外患不足畏”。又乞“創遊擊軍三萬人以防江”。詔從之。十二月，拜知樞密院事兼參知政事。又特授樞密使兼參知政事、督視江、淮、京西、湖北軍馬，封長沙郡公。尋知建康府、行宮留守、江東安撫使。

In the fourth year of Chunyou (1244) he was appointed vice-director of the Bureau of Military Affairs. In a memorial he wrote: "Of all affairs under Heaven today, how many are truly great? Of all talent under Heaven, how much is truly usable? Let us clarify the greatest matters and appoint the usable men. Men of courage and strategy should command armies; men of shrewd planning should manage finances; the generous should govern and nurture the people; the upright should uphold the law. Choose men to fit the office, not offices to fit the men. Only when men are rightly appointed and kept in post long enough can their performance be judged. " He also asked the court to "consult urgently with the chief ministers on overall planning—list every major policy affecting the dynasty's survival, weigh priorities and urgency in forming strategy, and governing success will follow while external threats need not be feared." He also asked to raise a mobile force of thirty thousand to defend the Yangzi. The court approved his requests. In the twelfth month he was made director of the Bureau of Military Affairs and vice grand councilor. He was also specially made commissioner of military affairs and vice grand councilor, with oversight of forces in the Jiang, Huai, Jingxi, and Hubei regions, and enfeoffed as Duke of Changsha. Soon he became prefect of Jiankang, regent of the traveling palace, and Jiang East pacification commissioner.

九年，特授光祿大夫、右丞相兼樞密使，封信國公。四上表力辭，言者以宰相須用讀書人，罷為觀文殿學士，充醴泉觀使兼侍讀，仍奉朝請。尋判潭州、湖南安撫使，加特進。寶祐二年，宜撫廣西。三年，改鎮荊湖，城荊門及郢州。改授湖南路安撫使、判潭州，再辭，依舊職醴泉觀使。五年，進少保、寧遠軍節度使，進封魏國公、醴泉觀使兼侍讀。四辭，免。開慶元年，判慶元府、沿海製置使，尋授沿江、江東宣撫使，置司建康府，任責隆興府、饒州江州徽州兩界防拓調遣，時暫兼判建康府、行宮留守，尋授江東西宣撫使，節製調遣饒、信、袁、臨江、撫、吉、隆興官軍民兵。訪問百姓疾苦，罷行黜陟，並許便宜從事。

In the ninth year he was specially made Grandee of Splendid Happiness, right chief councilor and commissioner of military affairs, and enfeoffed as Duke of Xinguo. He submitted four memorials forcefully declining. Critics argued that a chief councilor must be a scholar-official, so he was removed to academician of the Guanwen Hall, made intendant of the Liquan Abbey and reader-in-attendance, and retained court audience privileges. Soon he was assigned to Tanzhou as Hunan pacification commissioner and granted special advancement in rank. In the second year of Baoyou (1254) he was made pacification commissioner of Guangxi. In the third year he was transferred to command the Jinghu region and fortified Jingmen and Yingzhou. He was reassigned as Hunan pacification commissioner and prefect of Tanzhou, declined again, and kept his post as intendant of the Liquan Abbey. In the fifth year he was promoted to Junior Guardian and military governor of the Ningyuan Army, further enfeoffed as Duke of Wei, and made intendant of the Liquan Abbey and reader-in-attendance. He declined four times and the appointments were withdrawn. In the first year of Kaiqing (1259) he was assigned to Qingyuan and made coastal pacification commissioner. Soon he became riverine and Jiang East pacification commissioner with headquarters at Jiankang, charged with frontier defense and deployment between Longxing, Raozhou, Jiangzhou, and Huizhou. For a time he also served as prefect of Jiankang and regent of the traveling palace. He was then made pacification commissioner of Jiang East and West, with authority over regular and militia forces in Rao, Xin, Yuan, Linjiang, Fu, Ji, and Longxing. He was to inquire into the people's hardships, suspend routine promotions and demotions, and act at his discretion as needed.

範字武仲，少從父軍中。嘉定十三年，嚐與弟葵殲金人於高頭。十四年，出師唐、鄧，範與葵監軍。孟宗政時知棗陽，憚於供億，使人問曰：“金人在蘄、黃，而君攻唐、鄧，何也？ ”範曰：“不然，徹襄陽之備以救蘄、黃，則唐、鄧必將躡吾後。且蘄、黃之寇正銳，曷若先搗唐、鄧以示有餘，唐、鄧應我之不暇，則吾圉不守而自固，寇在蘄、黃師日以老，然後回師蹙之，可勝敵而無後患。 ”又敗金人於久長，與弟葵俱授製置安撫司內機，事具《葵傳》。

Fan, courtesy name Wuzhong, followed his father into the army from youth. In the thirteenth year of Jiading (1220) he and his younger brother Kui annihilated Jin forces at Gaotou. In the fourteenth year the army marched on Tang and Deng; Fan and Kui served as army supervisors. Meng Zongzheng, then prefect of Zaoyang, feared the supply burden and sent someone to ask: "The Jin are at Qi and Huang—why are you attacking Tang and Deng? " Fan replied: "Not so. If we strip Xiangyang's defenses to save Qi and Huang, Tang and Deng will strike at our rear. Besides, the enemy at Qi and Huang is at peak strength. Better to hit Tang and Deng first to show we still have reserves. When Tang and Deng must respond and cannot spare forces, our defenses will hold themselves. The Qi-Huang enemy will wear down day by day, and then we can turn and crush them—victory without lingering danger. " He again defeated Jin forces at Jiuchang. He and his brother Kui were both made internal planners of the pacification commission. The full account appears in the Kui biography.

十五年，丁父憂，起復直秘閣、通判揚州。十六年，為軍器監丞，以直秘閣知光州。十七年，入為知大宗正丞、刑部侍郎、試將作監兼權知鎮江府。進直徽猷閣、知揚州、淮東安撫副使。劉全、王文信二軍老幼留揚州，範欲修軍政，懼其徒漏泄兵機，乃時饋勞。二家既大喜，範即遺徐晞稷書，令教二人挈家歸楚，二人從之，範厚賚以遣。有孫海者，其眾亦八百。範並請抽還楚州，又請創馬軍三千，招遊手之強壯者及籍牢城重役人充之。別籍民為半年兵，春夏在田，秋冬教閱。官免建砦而私不廢農。

In the fifteenth year, after his father's death, he was recalled from mourning as direct attache of the Secretariat Pavilion and vice-prefect of Yangzhou. In the sixteenth year he became assistant director of the Directorate of Armaments and, as direct attache of the Secretariat Pavilion, prefect of Guangzhou. In the seventeenth year he entered the capital as director of the Court of the Imperial Clan, vice-minister of Justice, acting director of the Directorate of Palace Buildings, and acting prefect of Zhenjiang. He was promoted to direct attache of the Huiyou Pavilion, prefect of Yangzhou, and deputy Huai East pacification commissioner. The armies of Liu Quan and Wang Wenxin, with their families, remained at Yangzhou. Fan wanted to reform military administration but feared their men would leak military secrets, so he sent periodic gifts and rewards. When both families were well pleased, Fan wrote to Xu Xiji instructing the two commanders to move their families back to Chu. They complied, and Fan rewarded them generously and sent them off. One Sun Hai also had eight hundred followers. Fan also asked to withdraw Sun Hai to Chuzhou and requested three thousand new cavalry, recruiting strong idlers and men on heavy fortress corvée to fill the ranks. He registered civilians as half-year soldiers who farmed in spring and summer and drilled in autumn and winter. The state need not build camps, and farming was not disrupted.

彭義斌使統領張士顯見範，請合謀討李全。範告於製置使趙善湘曰：“以義斌蹙全，如山壓卵；然必請而後討者，知有朝廷也。失此不右，而右凶徒，則權綱解紐矣。萬一義斌無朝命而成大勳，是又唐藩鎮之事，非計之得也。莫若移揚州增戍之兵往盱眙，而四總管兵各留半以備金人，餘皆起發，擇一能將統之，命葵摘淮西精銳萬人與會於楚州，出許浦海道，五十艘入淮，以斷賊歸路，密約義斌自北攻之，事無不濟。四總管權位相侔，劉卓雖能得其歡心，而不能製其死命。如用卓，須令親履行陣，指蹤四人，不可止坐籌帷幄也。 ”不報。

Peng Yibin sent his commander Zhang Shixian to Fan to propose a joint campaign against Li Quan. Fan told Pacification Commissioner Zhao Shanxiang: "Yibin pressing Quan would be like a mountain crushing an egg; yet he asks permission before attacking—he knows there is a court above him. If we fail to support this and instead back the villain, the bonds of authority will unravel. If Yibin wins a great victory without court orders, we will have another Tang-style warlord on our hands—not a sound plan. Better to shift Yangzhou's reinforcements to Xuyi, have each of the four commanders-in-chief keep half his force against the Jin and send the rest, choose one capable general to lead them, order Kui to bring ten thousand Huai West elites to Chuzhou, send fifty ships from Xupu into the Huai to cut the rebels' retreat, and secretly have Yibin attack from the north—nothing would fail. The four commanders are equals in rank. Liu Zhuo may win their goodwill but cannot command their absolute obedience. If Zhuo is chosen, he must lead in person on the field and direct all four commanders—not merely sit planning in the tent. " No reply was given.

範又曰：“國家討賊則自此中興，否則自此不振。若朝廷不欲張皇，則範乃提刑，職在捕盜，但令範以本路兵措置楚州鹽賊，範當調時青、張惠兩軍之半，及其船數百，徑薄楚城，以遏賊路，調夏全、範成進之半，據漣、海而守之，又移揚州之戍以戍盱眙。然得親提精銳雄勝、強勇等就時青於城外，示賊以形勢，諭賊以禍福，賊必自降。若猶拒守，則南北軍民雜處，必有內應者矣。別約義斌攻之於北，山陽下則進駐漣、海以應之，撫歸附家屬以離其黨，不出半月，此賊必亡。若是，則不調許浦水軍，但得趙葵三千人亦足矣。若朝廷憚費，則全有預買軍需錢二十萬在真州，且漣、楚積聚，多自足用。”

Fan added: "If the state punishes these rebels, the dynasty revives from this moment; if not, it never recovers. If the court does not want a large show of force, Fan is only a judicial intendant whose duty is to capture bandits. Order Fan to deploy this circuit's troops against the Chuzhou salt rebels. Fan would mobilize half the forces of Shi Qing and Zhang Hui with their several hundred ships to press Chu city and block the rebels' route, half the forces of Xia Quan and Fan Chengjin to hold Lian and Hai, and shift Yangzhou's garrison to Xuyi. Then Fan would personally lead elite Xiongsheng and Qiangyong troops to join Shi Qing outside the walls, show the rebels the situation, and warn them of the consequences—they would surely surrender. If they still resist, with northern and southern troops and civilians mixed together, there will surely be collaborators within. Arrange for Yibin to attack from the north; advance below Shanyang to Lian and Hai in support; win over the families of defectors to split their faction—and within half a month the rebels will be destroyed. In that case there is no need for the Xupu navy—even three thousand men under Zhao Kui would suffice. If the court fears expense, Quan has two hundred thousand in advance military funds at Zhenzhou, and Lian and Chu have ample stores on hand.

丞相史彌遠報範書，令諭四總管各享安靖之福。範所遣計議官聞之，曰：“但恐禍根轉深，不得安靖爾。 ”各揮涕而歸。會全且至，範又獻計曰：“撫機不發，事已無及。侯景困喪河南，致毒蕭氏；今逆全不得誌於義斌，而復慮四總管應之，歸據舊巢，其謀必急。然蹙之於喪敗之餘者易，圖之於休息之後者難；矧四總管合謀章露，必難遂已。但事機既變，局麵不同。若廟算果定，不欲出教令，但得密賜指授，範一切伏藏不動，隻約義斌，使自彼攻其所必救，則機會在我，而前日之策可用矣。 ”還報，戒範無出位專兵。

Chief Councilor Shi Miyuan wrote back to Fan instructing him to tell the four commanders-in-chief to enjoy their peace and quiet. The planning officer Fan had sent, hearing this, said: "I fear the root of disaster will only grow deeper, and there will be no peace. " Each wiped away tears and returned. When Quan was about to arrive, Fan offered another plan: "The moment for conciliation was missed—it is already too late. Hou Jing, defeated in Henan, brought ruin upon the Liang; now the rebel Quan, thwarted by Yibin and fearing the four commanders will respond, will return to his old base—his scheming will be desperate. Yet it is easy to crush him while he is still reeling from defeat, and hard to strike after he has recovered; moreover the four commanders' joint plot is now exposed in writing—it cannot easily be undone. But circumstances have changed and the situation is different. If the court's plan is settled and you do not wish to issue a public order, but will secretly instruct me, Fan will keep everything concealed and only coordinate with Yibin to attack what Quan must rescue—then the initiative will be ours and yesterday's plan can still work. " The reply came back warning Fan not to overstep his authority and take independent command of troops.

範乃為書謝廟堂，且決之曰：“今上自一人，下至公卿百執事，又下至士民軍吏，無不知禍賊之必反。雖先生之心，亦自知其必反也。眾人知之則言之，先生知而獨不言，不言誠是也。內無臥薪嚐膽之誌，外無戰勝攻取之備，先生隱忍不言而徐思所以製之，此廟謨所以為高也。然以撫定責之晞稷，而以鎮守責之範。責晞稷者函人之事也，責範者矢人之事也。既責範以惟恐不傷人之事，又禁其為傷人之痛，惡其為傷人之言，何哉？其禍賊見範為備，則必忌而不得以肆其奸，他日必將指範為首禍激變之人，劫朝廷以去範。先生始未之信也，左右曰可，卿大夫曰可，先生必將曰：‘是何惜一趙範而不以紓禍哉？ ’必將縛範以授賊，而範遂為宋晁錯。雖然，使以範授賊而果足以紓國禍，範死何害哉？諺曰：‘護家之狗，盜賊所惡。 ’故盜賊見有護家之狗，必將指斥於主人，使先去之，然後肆穿窬之奸而無所忌。然則殺犬固無益於弭盜也。欲望矜憐，別與閑慢差遣。 ”彌遠得書，為之動心。

Fan then wrote to thank the court and declared: "From the Emperor down through every official and clerk, and on to gentry, commoners, and military officers—everyone knows this villain will rebel. Even Your Excellency knows in your heart that he will rebel. When others know, they speak out. Your Excellency knows yet alone stays silent—and silence is indeed the wiser course. There is no resolve within to endure hardship for revenge, nor preparation without for victory in battle. Your Excellency bears it in silence and slowly considers how to control him—this is why the court's strategy is so lofty. Yet pacification is Xiji's responsibility, while defense is Fan's. Charging Xiji is the coffin-maker's task; charging Fan is the arrow-maker's task. You charge Fan with ensuring no one is hurt, yet forbid him to inflict pain, and hate his words about hurting anyone—why? When the villain sees Fan preparing against him, he will resent it and be unable to act freely. One day he will denounce Fan as the man who first stirred trouble and incited rebellion, and coerce the court into removing Fan. Your Excellency will not believe it at first. Your attendants will say yes, the ministers will say yes, and Your Excellency will surely say: 'Why spare one Zhao Fan when surrendering him would avert disaster? 'You will bind Fan and hand him to the rebels, and Fan will become the Song dynasty's Chao Cuo. Even so, if surrendering Fan would truly avert national disaster, what harm in Fan's death? As the proverb says: 'The dog that guards the house is what thieves hate. 'When thieves see a guard dog, they denounce it to the master and make him remove it first—then they can break in without fear. Killing the dog does nothing to stop the theft. I beg for your compassion and a separate, less demanding appointment. " Miyuan received the letter and was moved.

二年春，奉祠。三年，知安慶府，未行，改知池州，繼兼江東提舉常平。彌遠訪將材於葵，葵以範對。進範直敷文閣、淮東提點刑獄兼知滁州。範曰：“弟而薦兄，不順。 ”以母老辭。乃上書彌遠曰：“淮東之事，日異日新。然有淮則有江，無淮則長江以北，港氵義蘆葦之處，敵人皆可潛師以濟，江麵數千里，何從而防哉。今或謂巽辭厚惠可以啖賊，而不知陷彼款兵之計。或謂斂兵退屯可以緩賊，而不知成彼深入之謀。或欲行清野以嬰城，或欲聚烏合而浪戰，或以賊詞之乍順乍逆而為喜懼，或以賊兵之乍進乍退而為寬緊，皆失策也。失策則失淮，失淮則失江，而其失有不可勝諱者矣。夫有遏寇之兵，有遊擊之兵，有討賊之兵。今寶應之逼山陽，天長之逼盱眙，須各增戍兵萬人，遣良將統之，賊來則堅壁以挫其鋒，不來則耀武以壓其境；而又觀釁伺隙，時遣偏師掩其不備，以示敢戰，使雖欲深入而畏吾之搗其虛，此遏寇之兵也。盱眙之寇，素無儲蓄，金人亦無以養之，不過分兵擄掠而食；當量出精兵，授以勇校，募土豪，出奇設伏以剿殺之，此遊擊之兵也。惟揚、金陵、合肥，各聚二三萬人，人物必精，將校必勇，器械必利，教閱必熟，紀律必嚴，賞罰必公，其心術念慮必人人思親其上而死其長；信能行此，半年而可以強國，一年而可討賊矣。賊既不能深入，擄掠復無所獲，而又懷見討之恐，則必反而求贍於金；金無餘力及此，則必怨之怒之，吾於是可以嫁禍於金人矣。或謂揚州不可屯重兵，恐連賊禍，是不然。揚州者，國之北門，一以統淮，一以蔽江，一以守運河，豈可無備哉。善守者，敵不知所攻。今若設寶應、天長二屯以扼其衝，復重二三帥閫以張吾勢，賊將不知所攻，而敢犯我揚州哉？設使賊不知兵勢而犯揚州，是送死矣。 ”朝廷乃召範稟議，復令知池州。

In the spring of the second year he received a temple stipend. In the third year he was appointed prefect of Anqing; before taking up the post he was transferred to Chizhou and made concurrent Jiang East intendant of the Ever-Normal Granaries. Miyuan asked Kui to recommend military talent; Kui named Fan. Fan was promoted to direct attache of the Fuwén Pavilion, Huai East intendant of judicial inspection, and concurrent prefect of Chuzhou. Fan said: "For a younger brother to recommend his elder brother is improper. " He declined on grounds that his mother was elderly. He then wrote to Miyuan: "Affairs in Huai East change by the day. With the Huai the Yangzi holds; without the Huai, the enemy can cross anywhere north of the Yangzi—every inlet, creek, and reed marsh offers a hidden crossing. The river front stretches thousands of li—how can it be defended? Some say soft words and generous favors can appease the rebels, not seeing that this plays into their plan to lull our troops. Some say withdrawing garrisons can ease the rebels, not seeing that this enables their plan for deep penetration. Some want scorched earth and walled defense; others want to gather rabble and fight recklessly; some rejoice or fear as rebel words shift between compliance and defiance; others relax or panic as rebel troops advance and retreat—all are losing strategies. Lose the strategy and you lose the Huai; lose the Huai and you lose the Yangzi—and the losses will be beyond hiding. There are blocking forces, mobile forces, and punitive forces. Baoying now presses Shanyang and Tianchang presses Xuyi—each needs ten thousand more garrison troops under capable generals. When rebels come, hold the walls and blunt their attack; when they do not, display force to pressure their territory; watch for openings and send detachments to strike where they are unprepared, showing readiness to fight so that even if they wish to penetrate deeply they will fear raids on their rear—this is the blocking force. The Xuyi rebels have no stores; the Jin cannot sustain them—they can only send detachments to plunder for food; deploy elite troops under brave officers, recruit local strongmen, and use ambushes to hunt and kill them—this is the mobile force. Only at Yangzhou, Jinling, and Hefei should we gather twenty or thirty thousand men each—elite troops, brave officers, sharp weapons, thorough drilling, strict discipline, fair rewards and punishments, and every man resolved to love his commander and die for his leader; If this is truly done, in half a year the state will be strengthened; in one year the rebels can be destroyed. If the rebels cannot penetrate deeply, gain nothing from plunder, and live in fear of punishment, they will turn back to seek support from the Jin; When the Jin lack the strength to support them, they will resent and rage at the rebels—and then we can shift the blame onto the Jin. Some say Yangzhou must not hold heavy garrisons, fearing it will draw rebel disaster upon us—this is wrong. Yangzhou is the realm's northern gate—commanding the Huai, shielding the Yangzi, guarding the Grand Canal—how can it go undefended? Skilled defense leaves the enemy unsure where to strike. If we now garrison Baoying and Tianchang to choke their advance and assign two or three senior commanders to display our strength, the rebels will not know where to strike—how would they dare attack Yangzhou? If the rebels, ignorant of our strength, attack Yangzhou, they will be marching to their deaths. " The court then summoned Fan for consultation and again appointed him prefect of Chizhou.

紹定元年，試將作監、知鎮江府。三年，丁母憂，求解官，不許。起復直徽猷閣、淮東安撫副使。尋轉右文殿修撰，賜章服金帶。不得已，卒哭復視事。又為書告廟堂：“請罷調停之議，一請檄沿江製置司，調王明本軍駐泰興港以扼泰州下江之捷徑；一請檄射陽湖人為兵，屯其半高郵以製賊後，屯其半瓜州以扼賊前；一請速調淮西兵合滁陽、六合諸軍圖救江麵。不然，範雖死江皋無益也。 ”朝旨乃許範刺射陽湖兵毋過二萬人，就聽節製。

In the first year of Shaoding (1228) he served as acting director of the Directorate of Palace Buildings and prefect of Zhenjiang. In the third year, after his mother's death, he requested release from office; the request was denied. He was recalled from mourning as direct attache of the Huiyou Pavilion and deputy Huai East pacification commissioner. Soon he was transferred to compiler at the Hall of Right Culture and granted golden belt and formal robes. With no choice, after the end-of-mourning rites he resumed his duties. He again wrote to the court: "I request that mediation be abandoned. First, order the riverine pacification commission to move Wang Ming's main force to Taixing Harbor to block the shortcut downstream from Taizhou on the Yangzi; second, draft the people of Sheyang Lake as soldiers, station half at Gaoyou to check the rebels' rear and half at Guazhou to block them in front; third, urgently transfer Huai West troops to combine with the Chuyang, Liuhe, and other armies to save the river front. Otherwise, even if Fan dies on the riverbank, it will be of no use. " The court then permitted Fan to draft no more than twenty thousand troops from Sheyang Lake, subject to his command.

範又遺善湘書，曰：“今日與宗社同休戚者，在內惟丞相，在外惟製使與範及範弟葵耳。賊若得誌，此四家必無存理。 ”於是討賊之謀遂決，遂戮全。進範兵部侍郎、淮東安撫使兼知揚州兼江淮製置司參謀官，以次復淮東。加吏部侍郎，進工部尚書、沿江製置副使，權移司兼知黃州，尋兼淮西製置副使。未幾，為兩淮製置使、節製巡邊軍馬，仍兼沿江製置副使。

Fan wrote again to Shanxiang: "Today those who share weal and woe with the altars of state—in the capital only the chief councilor, abroad only the commissioner, Fan, and Fan's younger brother Kui. If the rebels succeed, these four households will surely have no hope of survival. " Thereupon the plan to destroy the rebels was settled, and Quan was executed. Fan was promoted to vice-minister of War, Huai East pacification commissioner and concurrent prefect of Yangzhou and planning officer on the Jiang-Huai Pacification Commission; step by step Huai East was recovered. He was further made vice-minister of Personnel, then vice-minister of Works and deputy riverine pacification commissioner, with headquarters temporarily moved and concurrent prefect of Huangzhou; soon he also served as deputy Huai West pacification commissioner. Before long he became dual-Huai pacification commissioner with authority over frontier patrol forces, still concurrently deputy riverine pacification commissioner.

又進端明殿學士，京河關陝宣撫使、知開封府、東京留守兼江、淮製置使。入洛之師大潰，乃授京湖安撫製置使兼知襄陽府。範至，則倚王旻、樊文彬、李伯淵、黃國弼數人為腹心，朝夕酣狎，了無上下之序。民訟邊防，一切廢馳。屬南北軍將交爭，範失於撫禦。於是北軍王旻內叛，李伯淵繼之，焚襄陽北去；南軍大將李虎不救焚，不定變，乃因之劫掠。城中官民尚四萬七千有奇，錢糧在倉庫者無慮三十萬，弓矢器械二十有四庫，皆為敵有。蓋自岳飛收復百三十年，生聚繁庶，城高池深，甲於西陲，一旦灰燼，禍至慘也。言者劾範，降三官落職，依舊制置使。尋奉祠，以言罷；論者未已，再降兩官，送建寧府居住。嘉熙三年，敘復官職，與宮觀。四年，知靜江府，後卒於家。

He was again promoted to academician of the Duanming Hall, Jinghe-Guanxi pacification commissioner, prefect of Kaifeng, Eastern Capital regent, and concurrent Jiang-Huai pacification commissioner. When the army sent into Luoyang routed in disaster, he was appointed Jing-Hu pacification commissioner and concurrent prefect of Xiangyang. When Fan arrived, he relied on Wang Min, Fan Wenbin, Li Boyuan, Huang Guobi, and several others as his inner circle, carousing day and night with no regard for rank. Lawsuits and border defense were entirely neglected. When northern and southern army officers clashed, Fan failed to pacify and control them. Thereupon the northern army officer Wang Min rebelled from within, Li Boyuan followed, and they burned Xiangyang and fled north; the southern army great general Li Hu did not fight the fires, failed to quell the disturbance, and took the opportunity to plunder. Officials and commoners still in the city numbered more than forty-seven thousand; grain and money in the warehouses came to no less than three hundred thousand, with bows, arrows, and weapons in twenty-four storehouses—all fell to the enemy. For one hundred thirty years since Yue Fei recovered it, the city had grown populous and prosperous, with high walls and deep moats, foremost on the western frontier—yet in a single day it was ash; the disaster was appalling. Memorialists impeached Fan; he was demoted three ranks and stripped of office, retaining only his pacification commission. Soon he received a temple stipend and was dismissed on account of criticism; critics still unsatisfied, he was demoted two more ranks and sent to reside at Jianning Prefecture. In the third year of Jiaxi (1239) his offices were restored by seniority and he was given a Taoist abbey post. In the fourth year he was appointed prefect of Jingjiang and later died at home.

謝方叔，字德方，威州人。嘉定十六年進士，曆官監察御史。疏奏：“秉剛德以回上帝之心，奮威斷以回天下之勢，或者猶恐前習便嬖之人，有以私陛下之聽而悅陛下之心，則前日之畏者怠，憂者喜，慮者玩矣。左右前後之人，進憂危恐懼之言者，是納忠於上也；進燕安逸樂之言者，是不忠於上也。凡有水旱盜賊之奏者，必忠臣也；有諂諛蒙蔽之言者，必佞臣也。陛下享玉食珍羞之奉，當思兩淮流莩轉壑之可矜；聞管弦鍾鼓之聲，當思西蜀白骨如山之可念。 ”又言：“崇儉德以契天理，儲人才以供天職，恢遠略以需天討，行仁政以答天意。 ”帝悅。差知衡州，除宗正少卿，又除太常少卿兼國史編修、實錄檢討。

Xie Fangshu, styled Defang, was from Weizhou. He passed the jinshi examinations in the sixteenth year of Jiading (1223) and served successively as surveillance censor. In a memorial he submitted: "Uphold firm virtue to turn Heaven's heart; rouse decisive authority to turn the realm's momentum—or perhaps one still fears that those accustomed to flattery will privately sway Your Majesty's ear and delight your heart, so that those who were fearful grow lax, those who were worried rejoice, and those who were cautious grow careless. Of those around and before Your Majesty, those who speak of peril, fear, and dread are loyal to the throne; those who speak of ease, comfort, and pleasure are disloyal to the throne. Whenever there are memorials on flood, drought, or banditry, the submitter must be a loyal minister; whenever there are words of flattery, deception, and concealment, the speaker must be a sycophant. When Your Majesty enjoys jade dishes and rare delicacies, you should think of the pitiable refugees of the two Huai, corpses filling the ditches; when you hear strings, pipes, bells, and drums, you should think of the white bones of western Shu piled like mountains. " He also said: "Honor frugal virtue to accord with Heaven's principle, store talent for Heaven's offices, restore far-reaching strategy to await Heaven's punishment, and practice benevolent government to answer Heaven's intent. " The Emperor was pleased. He was assigned to Hengzhou, appointed vice-director of the Court of the Imperial Clan, then vice-director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices with concurrent appointment as national history compiler and veritable records examiner.

時劉漢弼、杜範、徐元傑相繼死，方叔言：“元傑之死，陛下既為命官鞫獄，立賞捕奸，罪人未得，忠冤未伸。陛下苟不始終主持，將恐紀綱掃地，而國無以為國矣。 ”遷殿中侍御史，進對，言：“操存本於方寸，治亂係於天下。人主宅如法宮蠖之邃，朝夕親近者左右近習承意伺旨之徒，往往覘上之所好，不過保恩寵、希貨利而已。而冥冥之中，或有遊揚之說，潛伏而莫之覺。防微杜漸，實以是心主之。 ”又言：“今日為兩淮謀者有五：一曰明間諜，二曰修馬政，三曰營山水砦，四曰經理近城之方田，五曰加重遏絕遊騎及救奪擄掠之賞罰。 ”請行限田，請錄朱熹門人胡安定、呂燾、蔡模，詔皆從之。

At the time Liu Hanbi, Du Fan, and Xu Yuanjie died in succession. Fangshu said: "In Yuanjie's death, Your Majesty has already ordered officials to investigate and set rewards to capture the villains—yet the guilty have not been found and loyal innocence has not been vindicated. If Your Majesty does not see this through from beginning to end, I fear the pillars of government will be swept away and the state will cease to be a state. " He was transferred to palace censor, and in an audience said: "Self-mastery lies in the heart; order and disorder depend on the realm. The ruler dwells deep as in a silkworm chamber; those close at hand morning and evening—the attendants and favorites who read his will—often watch what the sovereign likes, seeking nothing beyond preserving favor and profit. Yet in the hidden depths there may be roaming persuasions, lurking unnoticed. To guard against the subtle and stop the gradual—this truly depends on the heart's mastery. " He also said: "Today those who plan for the two Huai have five points: first, clarify espionage; second, restore horse administration; third, build mountain-and-water stockades; fourth, manage the square fields near the cities; fifth, increase rewards and punishments for blocking roaming cavalry and rescuing captives. " He requested implementation of land limits and requested recording of Zhu Xi's disciples Hu Anding, Lü Yan, and Cai Mo; the edicts all granted these.

權刑部侍郎兼權給事中，升兼侍講，正授刑部侍郎，權國史編修、實錄檢討。拜端明殿學士、簽書樞密院事、參知政事。淳祐九年，拜參知政事，封永康郡侯。十一年，特授知樞密院事兼參知政事，尋拜左丞相兼樞密使，進封惠國公。勸帝以愛身育德。

He served as acting vice-minister of Punishments and acting drafter, was promoted to concurrent lecturer-in-waiting, was formally appointed vice-minister of Punishments with acting appointment as national history compiler and veritable records examiner. He was appointed academician of the Duanming Hall, deputy director of the Bureau of Military Affairs, and participant in governance. In the ninth year of Chunyou (1249) he was appointed participant in governance and enfeoffed as Marquis of Yongkang Commandery. In the eleventh year he was specially appointed director of the Bureau of Military Affairs and participant in governance; soon he was appointed left chief councilor and director of the Bureau of Military Affairs, advanced to Duke of Huiguo. He urged the Emperor to cherish his person and cultivate virtue.

屬監察御史洪天錫論宦者盧允升、董宋臣，疏留中不下，大宗正寺丞趙崇璠移書方叔云：“閹寺驕恣特甚，宰執不聞正救，台諫不敢誰何，一新入孤立之察官，乃銳意出身攻之，此豈易得哉？側耳數日，寂無所聞，公議不責備他人，而責備於宰相。不然，倉卒出御筆，某人授少卿，亦必無可遏之理矣，丞相不可謂非我責也。丞相得君最深，名位已極。倘言之勝，宗社賴之；言之不勝，則去。去則諸君必不容不爭，是勝亦勝，負亦勝，況未必去耶。 ”方叔得書，有赧色。

When surveillance censor Hong Tiansi memorialized against eunuchs Lu Yunshang and Dong Songchen, the memorial was retained without action. Grand Imperial Clan Court registrar Zhao Chongli wrote to Fangshu: "The palace eunuchs are insolent beyond measure; the chief ministers offer no upright rescue, the censors and remonstrators dare not challenge them, and a newly appointed isolated censor is boldly risking himself to attack them—is this easily come by? For days on end one listens and hears nothing—public opinion does not blame others but blames the chief councilor. Otherwise, if the Emperor should suddenly issue a brush edict appointing someone vice minister, there would be no stopping it—the chief councilor cannot say this is not his responsibility. The chief councilor enjoys the deepest favor of the sovereign and has reached the summit of rank. If your words prevail, the altars of state will rely on you; if they do not prevail, then resign. If you resign, the others will surely not fail to contest—win or lose, you win either way, and you may not resign at all. " Fangshu received the letter and showed embarrassment.

翼日，果得御筆授天錫大理少卿，而天錫去國。於是太學生池元堅、太常寺丞趙崇潔、左史李昴英皆論擊允升、宋臣。而讒者又曰：“天錫之論，方叔意也。 ”及天錫之去，亦曰：“方叔意也。 ”方叔上疏自解，於是監察御史朱應元論方叔，罷相。既罷，允升、宋臣猶以為未快，厚賂太學生林自養，上書力詆天錫、方叔，且曰：“乞誅方叔，使天下明知宰相台諫之去，出自獨斷，於內侍初無預焉。 ”書既上，學舍惡自養黨奸，相與鳴鼓攻之，上書以聲其罪。乃授方叔觀文殿大學士、提舉洞霄宮。復以監察御史李衢兩劾，褫職罷祠。後依舊職，與祠，起居郎召澤、中書舍人林存劾罷；監察御史章士元請更與降削，竄廣南。景定二年，請致仕，乃敘復官職。

The next day an imperial brush edict indeed appointed Tiansi vice minister of the Court of Judicial Review, and Tiansi left the court. Thereupon Imperial Academy student Chi Yuanjian, Court of Imperial Sacrifices registrar Zhao Chongjie, and left recorder Li Angying all criticized Yunshang and Songchen. But slanderers also said: "Tiansi's memorial was Fangshu's idea. " And when Tiansi left, they also said: "It was Fangshu's idea. " Fangshu submitted a memorial in self-defense; thereupon surveillance censor Zhu Yingyuan memorialized against Fangshu and he was dismissed as chief councilor. After dismissal, Yunshang and Songchen still thought it insufficient; they bribed Imperial Academy student Lin Ziyang to submit a memorial vigorously denouncing Tiansi and Fangshu, further saying: "I beg that Fangshu be executed so the realm may clearly know that the departure of chief councilor and censor originated in the sovereign's independent decision and had no connection with the inner attendants at all. " After the memorial was submitted, the student quarters detested Lin Ziyang as a partisan of villains and together beat drums to attack him, submitting memorials to proclaim his crimes. Fangshu was then appointed grand academician of the Guanwen Hall and intendant of the Dongxiao Palace. Again impeached twice by surveillance censor Li Qu, his office was stripped and his abbey post revoked. Later his former offices were restored and he was given an abbey post; but when attendant gentleman Zhao Ze and drafting official Lin Cun memorialized for his dismissal, he was removed; surveillance censor Zhang Shiyuan requested further demotion and banishment to the far south. In the second year of Jingding (1261) he requested retirement; his offices were then restored by seniority.

度宗即位，方叔以一琴、一鶴、金丹一粒來進。丞相賈似道恐其希望，諷權右司郎官盧越、左司諫趙順孫、給事中馮夢得、右正言黃鏞相繼請奪方叔官職封爵，製置使呂文德願以己官贖其罪。鹹淳七年，詔敘復致仕。八年卒。特贈少師，方叔在相位，子弟幹政，若讒餘玠之類是也。

When Emperor Duzong ascended the throne, Fangshu came to present a zither, a crane, and one golden elixir pill. Chief Councilor Jia Sidao, fearing he sought favor, insinuated to the right director of the Department of State Affairs Lu Yue, left remonstrating officer Zhao Shunsun, drafter Feng Mengde, and right rectifier Huang Yong in succession to request stripping Fangshu's offices and titles; pacification commissioner Lü Wende offered his own office to redeem Fangshu's guilt. In the seventh year of Xianchun (1271) an edict restored his retirement status. In the eighth year he died. He was specially posthumously enfeoffed as Junior Preceptor. While Fangshu was chief councilor, his sons and younger brothers interfered in government affairs—slandering Yu Jie was one example.

論曰：喬行簡弘深好賢，論事通諫。範鍾、遊似同在相位，皆謹飭自將，而意見不侔。趙方預計二子後當若何，而葵、範所立，皆如所言，所謂知子莫若父也。然宋自端平以來，捍禦淮、蜀兩邊者，非葵材館之士，即其偏裨之將。朝廷倚之，如長城之勢。及其筋力既老，而衛國之誌不衰，亦曰壯哉！謝方叔相業無過人者，晚困於權臣，至以玩好丹劑為人主壽，坐是貶削，有愧金鏡多矣！

The historians comment: Qiao Xingjian was magnanimous and profound, fond of talent; in counsel he spoke with forthright remonstrance. Fan Zhong and You Si both held the chief councilor's post, each strict and self-restrained, yet their views did not agree. Zhao Fang foresaw how his two sons would fare, and what Kui and Fan achieved matched what he said—as the proverb has it, no one knows a son like his father. Yet since the Duanping era, those who defended the Huai and Shu frontiers were none other than Kui and his staff officers, or his subordinate generals. The court relied on them like the Great Wall itself. When their strength was already spent, yet their resolve to guard the state did not fade—one must also say, how vigorous! Xie Fangshu's ministerial achievements were nothing extraordinary; in his late years he was trapped by powerful ministers, even offering curios and elixirs to prolong the sovereign's life—for this he suffered demotion, falling far short of the golden mirror indeed!

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