1
夫有國有家者,禮儀之用尚矣。 然而歷代損益,每有不同,非務相改,隨時之宜故也。 漢文以人情季薄,國喪革三年之紀; 光武以中興崇儉,七廟有共堂之制; 魏祖以侈惑宜矯,終歛去襲稱之數; 晉武以丘郊不異,二至并南北之祀。 互相即襲,以訖于今,豈三代之典不存哉,取其應時之變而已。 且閔子譏古禮,退而致事; 叔孫創漢制,化流後昆。 由此言之,任己而不師古,秦氏以之致亡,師古而不適用,王莽所以身滅。 然則漢、魏以來,各揆古今之中,以通一代之儀。 司馬彪集後漢眾注,以為禮儀志,校其行事,已與前漢頗不同矣。 況三國鼎峙,歷晉至宋,時代移改,各隨事立。 自漢末剝亂,舊章乖弛,魏初則王粲、衞覬典定眾儀; 蜀朝則孟光、許慈創理制度; 晉始則荀顗、鄭沖詳定晉禮; 江左則荀崧、刁協緝理乖紊。 其間名儒通學,諸所論敍,往往新出,非可悉載。 今抄魏氏以後經國誕章,以備此志云。
For any ruler who holds a state or heads a household, the institution of ritual is of supreme importance. Yet each age has added or trimmed rites in its own way—not from zeal to overturn precedent, but because circumstances demanded it. Emperor Wen, finding popular feeling too frugal for the times, shortened state mourning from the ancient three-year observance; Emperor Guangwu, in reviving the dynasty on austere principles, consolidated the seven ancestral shrines under one roof; Cao Wei’s founding emperor, judging that lavish titles had corrupted custom, curtailed the tiers of posthumous honorifics; Emperor Wu of Jin, holding that the suburban rites at Qiu and the two solstices need not be kept distinct, merged the north and south altar cults at both equinoxes. Such changes have layered one upon another down to our day. The rites of the Three Dynasties are not lost; rulers have merely adapted them to the needs of each age. Min Ziqian once rejected archaic mourning rites and retired to do what he felt right; while Shusun Tong devised the Han court ceremonial, whose influence still reaches later generations. From this it follows: follow only one’s own whim and ignore the ancients, and one ends as the Qin did; cling blindly to antiquity without applying it, and one ends as Wang Mang did. Since Han and Wei times, each court has struck a balance between past and present to establish rites fit for its own age. Sima Biao gathered Later Han annotations into a Treatise on Ritual; comparing practice with Former Han, the divergence is already marked. How much more so after the Three Kingdoms divided the realm and dynasties passed from Jin to Song—each era reshaped its own institutions as events demanded. After the disintegration of late Han, old regulations fell into disorder; early Wei entrusted Wang Can and Wei Jian with codifying court ritual; Shu had Meng Guang and Xu Ci frame its ceremonial system; early Jin had Xun Yi and Zheng Chong draft the Jin ritual code; and in the Eastern Jin southland Xun Song and Diao Xie sorted out confused precedents. Leading scholars of each period debated new points as they arose—too many to record in full here. This account therefore excerpts from Wei onward the founding ritual and administrative ordinances of each regime.
2
魏文帝雖受禪于漢,而以夏數為得天,故黃初元年詔曰:「孔子稱『行夏之時,乘殷之輅,服周之冕,樂則韶舞。』 此聖人集羣代之美事,為後王制法也。 傳曰『夏數為得天』。 朕承唐、虞之美,至於正朔,當依虞、夏故事。 若殊徽號,異器械,制禮樂,易服色,用牲幣,自當隨土德之數。 每四時之季月,服黃十八日,臘以丑,牲用白,其飾節旄,自當赤,但節幡黃耳。 其餘郊祀天地朝會四時之服,宜如漢制。 宗廟所服,一如周禮。」 尚書令桓階等奏:「據三正周復之義,國家承漢氏人正之後,當受之以地正,犧牲宜用白,今從漢十三月正,則犧牲不得獨改。 今新建皇統,宜稽古典先代,以從天命,而告朔犧牲,壹皆不改,非所以明革命之義也。」 詔曰:「服色如所奏。 其餘宜如虞承唐,但臘日用丑耳,此亦聖人之制也。」
Though Emperor Wen of Wei took the throne through Han’s abdication, he held that the Xia calendar possessed Heaven’s mandate; in the first year of Huangchu he therefore proclaimed: “Confucius said, ‘Follow the seasons of Xia, ride the chariots of Yin, wear the caps of Zhou; for music, the Shao and Wu dances.’ ’ The sage thus assembled the finest institutions of every age to establish models for future rulers. Tradition holds that ‘the Xia calendar received Heaven’s favor.’ We have inherited the glory of Tang and Yu; for the calendar we should follow the example of Yu and Xia. Distinct regalia, instruments, ritual music, and dress may vary according to the numerology of our earthly virtue. In the last month of each season, yellow garments should be worn for eighteen days; the year-end sacrifice should fall on a day of the ox, white victims should be used, and while tassels on regalia should be red, the banners themselves should be yellow. All other suburban sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, court assemblies, and seasonal dress should follow Han usage. Vestments for the ancestral temple should conform to Zhou ritual.” Director of the Masters of Writing Huan Jie and others submitted: “By the doctrine of the three orthodoxies and Zhou’s restorations, a state succeeding Han’s human orthodoxy should adopt the earthly orthodoxy and use white victims. Yet if we keep Han’s thirteenth-month calendar, the sacrificial victims cannot be changed in isolation. With a new dynasty founded, we should consult antiquity and follow Heaven’s mandate; yet to leave the monthly proclamation and sacrificial victims wholly unchanged would fail to proclaim the meaning of dynastic change.” The edict replied: “Dress and colors shall follow your memorial. In other respects follow Yu’s succession from Tang, but keep the year-end sacrifice on the ox day—that too is the sage’s ordinance.”
3
明帝即位,便有改正朔之意,朝議多異同,故持疑不決。 久乃下詔曰:「黃初以來,諸儒共論正朔,或以改之為宜,或以不改為是,意取駁異,于今未決。 朕在東宮時聞之,意常以為夫子作春秋,通三統,為後王法。 正朔各從色,不同因襲。 自五帝、三王以下,或父子相繼,同體異德; 或納大麓,受終文祖; 或尋干戈,從天行誅。 雖遭遇異時,步驟不同,然未有不改正朔,用服色,表明文物,以章受命之符也。 由此言之,何必以不改為是邪。」
When Emperor Ming acceded, he wished to reform the calendar, but court opinion was sharply divided and he hesitated. Only after long delay did he decree: “Since Huangchu, scholars have disputed the calendar—some urging reform, others defending the status quo—and the matter remains unresolved. In the Eastern Palace I often reflected that Confucius, in composing the Spring and Autumn Annals, embraced the three orthodoxies to set a model for future rulers. Each orthodoxy has its own color and does not simply inherit the last. From the Five Emperors and Three Kings onward, some reigns were father-and-son succession in one line yet with a new virtue; some received the great regalia and the mandate from a culture-father; some seized power by arms and punished in Heaven’s name. Whatever the path to power, no new ruler failed to reform the calendar, change dress and colors, and display regalia to mark receipt of the mandate. On this ground, why insist that not changing is the only right course?”
4
於是公卿以下博議。 侍中高堂隆議曰:「按自古有文章以來,帝王之興,受禪之與干戈,皆改正朔,所以明天道,定民心也。 易曰:『革,元亨利貞。』 『有孚改命吉。』 『湯武革命,應乎天,從乎人。』 其義曰,水火更用事,猶王者必改正朔易服色也。 易通卦驗曰:『王者必改正朔,易服色,以應天地三氣三色。』 書曰:『若稽古帝舜曰重華,建皇授政改朔。』 初『高陽氏以十一月為正,薦玉以赤繒。 高辛氏以十三月為正,薦玉以白繒。』 尚書傳曰:『舜定鍾石,論人聲,乃及鳥獸,咸變於前。 故更四時,改堯正。』 詩曰:『一之日觱發,二之日栗烈,三之日于耜。』 傳曰:『一之日,周正月,二之日,殷正月,三之日,夏正月。』 詩推度災曰:『如有繼周而王者,雖百世可知。 以前檢後,文質相因,法度相改。 三而復者,正色也,二而復者,文質也。』 以前檢後,謂軒轅、高辛、夏后氏、漢皆以十三月為正; 少昊、有唐、有殷皆以十二月為正; 高陽、有虞、有周皆以十一月為正。 後雖百世,皆以前代三而復也。 禮大傳曰:『聖人南面而治天下,必正度量,考文章,改正朔,易服色,殊徽號。』 樂稽曜嘉曰:『禹將受位,天意大變,迅風雷雨,以明將去虞而適夏也。 是以舜禹雖繼平受禪,猶制禮樂,改正朔,以應天從民。 夏以十三月為正,法物之始,其色尚黑。 殷以十二月為正,法物之牙,其色尚白。 周以十一月為正,法物之萌,其色尚赤。 能察其類,能正其本,則嶽瀆致雲雨,四時和,五稼成,麟皇翔集。』 春秋:『十七年夏六月甲子朔,日有蝕之。』 傳曰:『當夏四月,是謂孟夏。』 春秋元命苞曰:『王者受命,昭然明於天地之理,故必移居處,更稱號,改正朔,易服色,以明天命聖人之寶,質文再而改,窮則相承,周則復始,正朔改則天命顯。』 凡典籍所記,不盡於此,略舉大較,亦足以明也。」
The emperor then ordered a broad debate among the ministers. Attendant-in-Ordinary Gao Tanglong argued: “Since records began, every founding emperor—whether by abdication or by arms—has reformed the calendar to align with Heaven and steady the people’s hearts. The Book of Changes says: ‘Revolution: supreme success, beneficial constancy.’ ’ ‘With sincerity, changing the mandate brings good fortune.’ ’ ‘Tang and Wu made revolution; they answered Heaven and followed the people.’ The meaning is that as water and fire alternate in cosmic office, so kings must reform the calendar and change dress and colors. The Tong Gua Yan of the Changes says: ‘Kings must reform the calendar and change dress and colors to answer Heaven and Earth’s three qi and three colors.’ The Book of Documents says: ‘Examining antiquity, Emperor Shun, called Chonghua, established imperial rule, received the mandate, and reformed the calendar.’ ‘Gaoyang first took the eleventh month as orthodox and offered jade with red silk. Gaoxin took the thirteenth month as orthodox and offered jade with white silk.’ A commentary on the Documents says: ‘Shun set bells and stones, tuned human voices, and even birds and beasts transformed before him. Thus he altered the four seasons and reformed Yao’s calendar.’ The Odes say: ‘On the first day the wind whistles; on the second day bitter cold; on the third day they take up the plow.’ The commentary explains: ‘The first day is Zhou’s new year, the second Yin’s, the third Xia’s.’ The Tui Du Zai of the Odes says: ‘If one who succeeds Zhou should be king, even after a hundred generations it may be known.’ Using the past to test the future, civil and martial modes alternate and institutions change in turn. What returns on the third cycle is orthodox color; what returns on the second is civil and martial quality.’ ‘Using the former to examine the latter’ means Xuanyuan, Gaoxin, Xia, and Han all used the thirteenth month as new year; Shaohao, Tang, and Yin used the twelfth month; Gaoyang, Yu, and Zhou used the eleventh month. A hundred generations later, each still follows the three-cycle rotation of its predecessors. The Great Tradition of the Rites says: ‘The sage faces south and governs the realm; he must rectify measures, examine culture, reform the calendar, change dress and colors, and distinguish emblems and titles.’ The Yue Ji Yao Jia says: ‘When Yu was to receive the throne, Heaven’s intent changed greatly—swift wind, thunder, and rain—to show he was leaving Shun’s house for Xia. Thus though Shun and Yu peacefully received abdication in turn, they still made ritual and music and reformed the calendar to answer Heaven and follow the people. Xia took the thirteenth month as orthodox, marking the beginning of things; its color was black. Yin took the twelfth month, marking the sprouting of things; its color was white. Zhou took the eleventh month, marking the budding of things; its color was red. He who discerns these categories and rectifies their root will bring rain from the mountains and rivers, harmonize the seasons, ripen the five grains, and draw unicorns and phoenixes. The Spring and Autumn Annals records: ‘In summer of the seventeenth year, in the sixth month, on the jiazi first day, there was an eclipse of the sun.’ The commentary says: ‘This was Xia’s fourth month—the first month of summer.’ The Chunqiu Yuan Ming Bao says: ‘When a king receives the mandate, it is manifest in Heaven and Earth’s order; he must move his residence, change his title, reform the calendar, and change dress and colors to show Heaven’s mandate and the sage’s treasure. Civil and martial quality alternates on the second cycle; when one mode is exhausted, the next inherits; when the great cycle completes, it begins again—when the orthodox calendar changes, the mandate is revealed.’ The classics offer far more than this summary, but even this outline suffices to prove the point.”
5
太尉司馬懿、尚書僕射衞臻、尚書薛悌、中書監劉放、中書侍郎刁幹、博士秦靜、趙怡、中候中詔季岐以為宜改; 侍中繆襲、散騎常侍王肅、尚書郎魏衡、太子舍人黃史嗣以為不宜改。
Grand Commandant Sima Yi, Master of Writing Wei Zhen, Master of Writing Xue Ti, Director of the Secretariat Liu Fang, Secretariat Gentleman Diao Gan, Academicians Qin Jing and Zhao Yi, and Palace Attendant Zhonglu Zhong Zhao Yi favored reform; Attendant-in-Ordinary Miao Xi, Regular Palace Attendant Wang Su, Master of Writing Gentleman Wei Heng, and Crown Prince Household Officer Huang Shisi opposed it.
6
青龍五年,山茌縣言黃龍見。 帝乃詔三公曰:
In Qinglong year 5, Shanzhi County reported the appearance of a yellow dragon. The emperor then addressed the Three Excellencies:
7
:昔在庖犧,繼天而王,始據木德,為羣代首。 自茲以降,服物氏號,開元著統者,既膺受命曆數之期,握皇靈遷興之運,承天改物,序其綱紀。 雖炎、黃、少昊,顓頊、高辛,唐、虞、夏后,世系相襲,同氣共祖,猶豫昭顯所受之運,著明天人去就之符,無不革易制度,更定禮樂,延羣后,班瑞信,使之煥炳可述于後也。 至于正朔之事,當明示變改,以彰異代,曷疑其不然哉。
In antiquity Fuxi succeeded Heaven and became king, first taking wood as his virtue and standing at the head of all generations. From then on, every dynasty’s regalia, clan names, and titles—each founder who received the mandate and grasped the imperial fortune—received Heaven, changed institutions, and ordered its ritual framework. Though Yan and Huang, Shaohao, Zhuanxu and Gaoxin, Tang, Yu, and Xia shared lineages and common ancestry, each still proclaimed the fortune it received, marked Heaven and man’s covenant, reformed institutions, reset ritual and music, summoned the feudal lords, distributed jade tokens, and left a brilliant record for posterity. As for the orthodox calendar, the change should be made explicit to distinguish the ages—how can there be doubt?
8
:文皇帝踐阼之初,庶事草創,遂襲漢正,不革其統。 朕在東宮,及臻在位,每覽書籍之林,總公卿之議。 夫言三統相變者,有明文; 云虞、夏相因者,無其言也。 曆志曰:「天統之正在子,物萌而赤; 地統之正在丑,物化而白; 人統之正在寅,物成而黑。」 但含生氣,以微成著。 故太極運三辰五星於上,元氣轉三統五行於下,登降周旋,終則又始,言天地與人所以相通也。 仲尼以大聖之才,祖述堯、舜,範章文、武,制作春秋,論究人事,以貫百王之則。 故於三微之月,每月稱王,以明三正迭相為首。 夫祖述堯、舜,以論三正,則其明義,豈使近在殷、周而已乎。 朕以眇身,繼承洪緒,既不能紹上聖之遺風,揚先帝之休德,又使王教之弛者不張,帝典之闕者未補,亹亹之德不著,亦惡可已乎。
When Emperor Wen first ascended, affairs were newly begun, so he kept Han’s calendar and did not alter its succession. In the Eastern Palace and since taking the throne I have read widely and gathered the ministers’ debates. Those who speak of the three orthodoxies alternating have clear texts; those who say Yu and Xia simply continued one another have no such statement. The Treatise on the Calendar says: “Heaven’s orthodoxy is fixed in zi, when things bud and are red; Earth’s orthodoxy is fixed in chou, when things transform and are white; Man’s orthodoxy is fixed in yin, when things are complete and are black.” Living things contain qi and from the subtle become manifest. Thus the Grand Ultimate moves the three stars and five planets above; primordial qi turns the three orthodoxies and five phases below—ascending and descending in rotation, ending and beginning again—showing how Heaven, Earth, and man communicate. Confucius, with the talent of a great sage, followed Yao and Shun, took Wen and Wu as models, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals to investigate human affairs and thread the rules of a hundred kings. Therefore in the three micro months he styled himself king each month, to show that the three orthodoxies alternate as head. In following Yao and Shun to discuss the three orthodoxies, was his meaning limited to Yin and Zhou alone? We, slight in person, inherit this great succession; we cannot match the supreme sages’ legacy or the former emperors’ virtue, yet royal teaching lies slack and the imperial canon remains incomplete—if diligent virtue is not displayed, how can we desist?
9
:今推三統之次,魏得地統,當以建丑之月為正。 考之羣藝,厥義彰矣。 改青龍五年春三月為景初元年孟夏四月。 服色尚黃,犧牲用白,戎事乘黑首之白馬,建大赤之旗,朝會建大白之旗。 春夏秋冬孟仲季月,雖與正歲不同,至於郊祀迎氣,礿、祀、烝、嘗,巡狩、蒐田,分至啟閉,班宣時令,中氣晚早,敬授民事,諸若此者,皆以正歲斗建為節。 此曆數之序,乃上與先聖合符同契,重規疊矩者也。 今遵其義,庶可以顯祖考大造之基,崇有魏維新之命。
Now following the order of the three orthodoxies, Wei has obtained Earth’s orthodoxy and should take the month established at chou as the new year. Examining the classics, the meaning is clear. Let the third month of spring in Qinglong year 5 become the first month of summer in Jingchu year 1. Dress and colors shall honor yellow; victims shall be white; for military affairs use white horses with black heads; raise great red banners; for court assemblies raise great white banners. Though the seasonal months now differ from the orthodox year, suburban sacrifice, welcoming the qi, seasonal and ancestral rites, imperial tours, hunts, equinoxes and solstices, promulgation of seasonal orders, middle qi timing, and agricultural ordinances shall all follow the Dipper’s establishment at the orthodox year. This calendrical order matches the former sages in sign and tally, rule upon rule. By following this meaning we display our ancestors’ great foundation and exalt the mandate of Wei’s renewal.
10
:於戲! 王公羣后,百辟卿士,靖康厥職,帥意無怠,以永天休。 司徒露布,咸使聞知,稱朕意焉。
Alas! Kings, dukes, and feudal lords; ministers and grandees—secure your offices, lead without slackness, and extend Heaven’s favor. Let the Minister of Works proclaim this so all may know Our intent.
11
案服色尚黃,據土行也。 犧牲旂旗,一用殷禮,行殷之時故也。 周禮巾車職,「建大赤以朝」,「大白以即戎」,此則周以正色之旗朝,以先代之旗即戎。 魏用殷禮,變周之制,故建大白朝,大赤即戎也。 明帝又詔曰:「以建寅之月為正者,其牲用玄; 以建丑之月為正者,其牲用白; 以建子之月為正者,其牲用騂。 此為牲色各從其正,不隨所祀之陰陽也。 祭天不嫌於用玄,則祭地不得獨疑於用白也。 天地用牲,得無不宜異邪? 更議。」 於是議者各有引據,無適可從。 又詔曰:「諸議所依據各參錯,若陽祀用騂,陰祀用黝,復云祭天用玄,祭地用黃,如此,用牲之義,未為通也。 天地至尊,用牲當同以所尚之色,不得專以陰陽為別也。 今祭皇皇帝天、皇皇后地、天地郊、明堂、宗廟,皆宜用白。 其別祭五郊,各隨方色,祭日月星辰之類用騂,社稷山川之屬用玄,此則尊卑方色,陰陽眾義暢矣。」
Dress and colors honor yellow, following the earth phase. Victims, banners, and flags follow Yin ritual, as befits the Yin season. The Zhou Rites’ Chariot Office prescribes: ‘Raise the great red for court,’ ‘the great white for war’—Zhou used its orthodox color at court and a former dynasty’s banner in war. Wei adopted Yin ritual and altered Zhou’s practice, raising the great white banner at court and the great red for war. Emperor Ming further decreed: ‘Those who take the month established at yin as new year use dark victims;’ ‘those who take chou use white victims;’ ‘those who take zi use reddish-brown victims.’ Thus victim color follows the orthodox calendar, not the yin or yang of the rite. If dark victims are acceptable for Heaven, white cannot be ruled out for Earth alone. Should Heaven and Earth not use appropriately different victims? Debate further. The debaters cited conflicting authorities and no single view prevailed. Another edict said: ‘Your citations conflict: if yang rites use reddish-brown and yin rites use dark, yet Heaven uses dark and Earth yellow, the rule for victims is incoherent.’ Heaven and Earth are supreme; their victims should share the honored color and not be split by yin and yang alone. Sacrifices to the August Emperor of Heaven, the August Empress of Earth, suburban Heaven and Earth rites, the Bright Hall, and the ancestral temple shall all use white victims. Separate sacrifices at the five suburbs follow directional colors; sun, moon, and stars use reddish-brown; altars of soil and grain and mountains and rivers use dark—thus rank, color, and yin-yang distinctions are all preserved.
12
三年正月,帝崩,齊王即位。 是年十二月,尚書盧毓奏:「烈祖明皇帝以今年正日棄離萬國,禮,忌日不樂,甲乙之謂也。 烈祖明皇帝建丑之月棄天下,臣妾之情,於此正日,有甚甲乙。 今若以建丑正朝四方,會羣臣,設盛樂,不合於禮。」 博士樂祥議:「正日旦受朝貢,羣臣奉贄; 後五日,乃大宴會作樂。」 太尉屬朱誕議:「今因宜改之際,還修舊則,元首建寅,於制為便。」 大將軍屬劉肇議:「宜過正一日乃朝賀大會,明令天下,知崩亡之日不朝也。」 詔曰:「省奏事,五內斷絕,奈何奈何! 烈祖明皇帝以正日棄天下,每與皇太后念此日至,心有剝裂。 不可以此日朝羣辟,受慶賀也。 月二日會,又非故也。 聽當還夏正月。 雖違先帝通三統之義,斯亦子孫哀慘永懷。 又夏正朔得天數者,其以建寅之月為歲首。」
In the first month of year 3 the emperor died and the Prince of Qi succeeded. In the twelfth month Master of Writing Lu Yu submitted: ‘The August Ancestor Emperor Ming left the realm on this year’s new year day; ritual forbids rejoicing on a taboo day.’ The August Ancestor died in the chou month; on this new year day our grief exceeds any ordinary taboo. To hold the new year court, assemble ministers, and play lavish music on that day would violate ritual. Academician Yue Xiang argued: ‘On new year morning receive tribute and ministers’ gifts;’ after five days hold the great banquet with music. Attendant of the Grand Commandant Zhu Dan argued: ‘Now is the time to restore the old rule and make yin the new year.’ Attendant of the General-in-Chief Liu Zhao argued: ‘Hold court and the great assembly one day after new year, so all know there is no court on the day of death.’ The edict said: ‘Having read your memorials, my heart is torn—alas, alas! The August Ancestor died on new year day; with the Empress Dowager we are torn each time this day returns. We cannot face the ministers and receive congratulations on this day. A gathering on the second of the month is also not custom. Let us return to Xia’s first month. Though this violates the late emperor’s doctrine of the three orthodoxies, it expresses our descendants’ lasting grief. Moreover Xia’s calendar possessed Heaven’s number; let the month established at yin be the year’s head.’
13
晉武帝泰始二年九月,羣公奏:「唐堯、舜、禹不以易祚改制; 至於湯、武,各推行數。 宣尼答為邦之問,則曰行夏之時,輅冕之制,通為百代之言。 蓋期於從政濟治,不繫於行運也。 今大晉繼三皇之蹤,踵舜、禹之迹,應天從民,受禪有魏,宜一用前代正朔服色,皆如有虞遵唐故事,於義為弘。」 奏可。 孫盛曰:「仍舊,非也。 且晉為金行,服色尚赤,考之天道,其違甚矣。」 及宋受禪,亦如魏、晉故事。
In the ninth month of the second year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin, the assembled ministers memorialized: ‘Yao, Shun, and Yu did not reform institutions merely because fortune changed;’ only Tang and Wu each promoted their dynastic number. Confucius, asked how to govern, said to follow Xia seasons; chariot and cap regulations were meant as guidance for all ages. He aimed at good government, not at the turn of dynastic fortune. Great Jin follows the Three August Ones and Shun and Yu, answers Heaven and the people, and received Wei’s abdication—it should keep the former calendar and regalia, as Yu followed Tang; this is magnanimous.’ The memorial was approved. Sun Sheng said: ‘Keeping the old ways was wrong. Jin was the metal phase and should honor red; by Heaven’s reckoning the error was grave.’ When Song received the mandate, it too followed Wei and Jin precedent.
14
魏明帝初,司空王朗議:「古者有年數,無年號,漢初猶然。 或有世而改,有中元、後元。 元改彌數,中、後之號不足,故更假取美名,非古也。 述春秋之事,曰隱公元年,則簡而易知。 載漢世之事,曰建元元年,則後不見。 宜若古稱元而已。」 明帝不從。 乃詔曰:「先帝即位之元,則有延康之號,受禪之初,亦有黃初之稱。 今名年可也。」 於是尚書奏:「易曰:『乾道變化,各正性命。 保合大和,乃利貞。 首出庶物,萬國咸寧。』 宜為太和元年。」 詔 〈闕〉
Early in Emperor Ming’s reign, Minister of Works Wang Lang argued: ‘Antiquity counted years but had no reign titles; early Han did likewise. Sometimes a reign changed mid-course, as with Zhongyuan and Houyuan. Further Yuan reforms multiplied the count; Zhong and Hou no longer sufficed, so they borrowed fine names—this was not ancient practice. The Spring and Autumn Annals say Duke Yin year 1—simple and clear. Han records say the first year of Jianyuan—later ages lose the thread. We should call the era Yuan alone, as antiquity did. Emperor Ming did not agree. He decreed: ‘When the former emperor first ascended there was Yankang; at abdication there was Huangchu. Now we may name the year as well.’ The Masters of Writing submitted: ‘The Changes say: “The Way of Qian transforms; each thing rectifies its nature and fate. Preserving the great harmony brings beneficial constancy. First among the myriad things, the ten thousand states find peace.” Let this be Taihe year 1.’ Edict 〈Text omitted in the source.〉
15
周之五禮,其五為嘉。 嘉□□春秋左氏傳曰:「晉侯問襄公年,季武子對曰:『會于沙隨之歲,寡君以生。』 晉侯曰:『十二年矣,是謂一終。 一星終也。 國君十五而生子。 冠而生子,禮也。 君可以冠矣。 大夫盍為冠具。』 武子對曰:『君冠必以祼享之禮行之,以金石之樂節之,以先君之祧處之。 今君在行,未可具也。 請及兄弟之國而假備焉。』 晉侯許諾。 還及衞,冠于成公之廟,假鍾磬焉,禮也。」 賈、服說皆以為人君禮十二而冠也。 古尚書說武王崩,成王年十三。 推武王以庚辰歲崩,周公以壬午歲出居東,以癸未歲反。 禮周公冠成王,命史祝辭。 辭,告也。 是除喪冠也。 周公居東未反,成王冠弁以開金縢之書,時十六矣。 是成王年十五服除,周公冠之而後出也。 按禮、傳之文,則天子諸侯近十二,遠十五,必冠矣。 周禮雖有服冕之數,而無天子冠文。 儀禮云:「公侯之有冠禮,夏之末造。」 王、鄭皆以為夏末上下相亂,篡弒由生,故作公侯冠禮,則明無天子冠禮之審也。 大夫又無冠禮。 古者五十而後爵,何大夫冠禮之有? 周人年五十而有賢才,則試以大夫之事,猶行士禮也。 故筮日筮賓,冠於阼以著代,醮於客位,三加彌尊。 皆士禮耳。 然漢氏以來,天子諸侯,頗采其議。 志曰「儀從冠禮」是也。 漢順帝冠,又兼用曹襃新禮。 襃新禮今不存。 禮儀志又云:「乘輿初加緇布進賢,次爵弁、武弁,次通天,皆於高廟。 王公以下,初加進賢而已。」 按此文始冠緇布,從古制也,冠於宗廟是也。 魏天子冠一加,其說曰,士禮三加,加有成也。 至於天子諸侯,無加數之文者,將以踐阼臨民,尊極德備,豈得復與士同? 此言非也。 夫以聖人之才,猶三十而立,況十二之年,未及志學,便謂德成,無所勸勉,非理實也。 魏氏太子再加,皇子、王公世子乃三加。 孫毓以為一加再加皆非也。 禮醮詞曰「令月吉日」,又「以歲之正,以月之令」。 魯襄公冠以冬,漢惠帝冠以三月,明無定月也。 後漢以來,帝加元服,咸以正月。 晉咸寧二年秋閏九月,遣使冠汝南王柬,此則晉禮亦有非必歲首也。 禮冠於廟,魏以來不復在廟。 然晉武、惠冠太子,皆即廟見,斯亦擬在廟之儀也。 晉穆帝、孝武將冠,先以幣告廟,訖又廟見也。
Of Zhou’s five rites, the fifth is Jia—the auspicious rites. The Zuozhuan says: ‘The Marquis of Jin asked Duke Xiang’s age; Ji Wuzi replied: “In the year of the meeting at Shasui, our lord was born. The Marquis said: “Twelve years—that is one completion. One cycle of Jupiter. A ruler begets a son at fifteen. To cap and beget a son is ritual. My lord may be capped. Grandees, prepare the capping gear. Wuzi replied: “A lord’s capping requires the unadorned offering, metal and stone music, and the ancestral temple. Our lord is on campaign and this cannot be done. Let us borrow preparation in a brother state. The Marquis agreed. Returning through Wei, he capped in Duke Cheng’s temple, borrowing bells and chimes—this was ritual.” Jia Kui and Fu Qian both hold that a ruler caps at twelve. An ancient commentary on the Documents says King Wu died when King Cheng was thirteen. King Wu died in a gengchen year; the Duke of Zhou went east in renwu and returned in guiwei. By ritual the Duke of Zhou capped King Cheng and ordered the historiographer’s prayer. The prayer is an announcement. This is capping after leaving mourning. Before the Duke of Zhou returned east, King Cheng capped and opened the metal-bound book—then sixteen. When King Cheng was fifteen, his mourning ended; the Duke of Zhou capped him and then departed. Ritual and commentary agree: Son of Heaven and feudal lords cap between twelve and fifteen. The Zhou Rites list coronation robes but give no Son of Heaven capping rite. The Ceremonies say: “Dukes and marquises have capping rites—instituted at Xia’s end. Wang Su and Zheng Xuan hold that late Xia fell into chaos and regicide; the duke and marquis capping rite was made—proving there was no Son of Heaven capping rite. Grandees likewise had no capping rite. Antiquity granted rank only after fifty—why would grandees cap? At fifty a Zhou man of talent might be tried in grandee duties but still followed the scholar’s rite. Thus they divined day and guest, capped at the eastern steps to show succession, toasted at the guest seat, and added honor thrice. All this is the scholar’s rite. From Han onward, however, Son of Heaven and feudal lords largely adopted these practices. The Treatise says ‘ceremonies follow the capping ritual’—meaning this. Emperor Shun’s capping also used Cao Bao’s new ritual. Bao’s new ritual no longer survives. The Treatise on Ritual also says: ‘The emperor first adds dark cloth and the advancement cap; then the cap and martial cap; then communication with Heaven—all at the High Temple. Kings, dukes, and below add only the advancement cap at first. This shows the first cap was dark cloth per antiquity, performed at the ancestral temple. Wei’s Son of Heaven capped with one addition; the explanation says the scholar’s three additions mark completion. For Son of Heaven and feudal lords, lacking a set number of additions, they tread the throne and rule the people—utmost honor and complete virtue—how can they match scholars? This argument is wrong. Even the sage stood firm only at thirty; at twelve, before the will to learn, to call virtue complete without encouragement is unreasonable. Wei’s crown prince received two additions; imperial sons, kings, dukes, and noble heirs received three. Sun Yu argued that neither one addition nor two additions was correct. The capping ritual’s toast prayer reads, ‘On this auspicious month and day,’ and also, ‘In the year’s proper month, at the month’s ordained season.’ Duke Xiang of Lu received his cap in winter, and Emperor Hui of Han in the third month—showing that no fixed month was prescribed. From Later Han on, every emperor’s coming-of-age capping took place in the first month. In the intercalary ninth month of Xianning year 2, Jin sent envoys to cap the Prince of Runan, Sima Jian—proof that Jin practice too did not require the year’s opening. Ritual required capping at the ancestral temple, but from Wei onward the ceremony was no longer held there. Yet when Emperors Wu and Hui capped the crown prince, each immediately paid a temple visit afterward—still approximating the rite of capping in the temple. Before Emperors Mu and Xiao of Jin were capped, they first sent silk offerings to announce the rite at the temple, and afterward visited the temple again.
16
晉惠帝之為太子將冠也,武帝臨軒,使兼司徒高陽王珪加冠,兼光祿勳、屯騎校尉華廙贊冠。 江左諸帝將冠,金石宿設,百僚陪位。 又豫於殿上鋪大牀。 御府令奉冕幘簪導袞服,以授侍中、常侍。 太尉加幘,太保加冕。 將加冕,太尉跪讀祝文曰:「令月吉日,始加元服。 皇帝穆穆,思弘袞職。 欽若昊天,六合是式。 率遵祖考,永永無極。 眉壽惟期,介茲景福。」 加冕訖,侍中繫玄紞。 侍中脫絳紗服,加袞服。 冠事畢,太保率羣臣奉觴上壽,王公以下三稱萬歲,乃退。 按儀注,一加幘冕而已。
When Crown Prince Hui of Jin was to be capped, Emperor Wu presided at the hall and appointed the concurrent Minister of Education, Prince of Gaoyang Sima Gui, to place the cap, with the concurrent Director of Imperial Entertainment and Colonel of the Resolute Cavalry Hua Yi as assistant. When the Eastern Jin emperors were about to be capped, bells and chimes were set out overnight, and the hundred officials took their attendant places. A great couch was also laid out in advance on the hall floor. The Director of the Imperial Wardrobe brought forward the crown, cap-cloth, pin, guide-cap, and ceremonial robe and handed them to the Attendant Within and the Regular Attendant. The Grand Commandant added the cap-cloth; the Grand Tutor added the crown. As the crown was about to be placed, the Grand Commandant knelt and read the prayer: ‘On this auspicious month and day, you begin to receive the cap of adulthood. Solemn and dignified, the emperor seeks to fulfill his sovereign charge. Reverently follow great Heaven; let the six directions be your rule. Following your ancestors and forebears, may you endure forever without end. May long life be yours; receive this splendid blessing. ’ Once the crown was set, the Attendant Within tied the black cord. The Attendant Within removed the crimson gauze robe and put on the ceremonial robe. When the capping was complete, the Grand Tutor led the ministers in raising the cup to wish long life; dukes, princes, and all ranks below thrice shouted ‘Ten thousand years!’ and then withdrew. According to the ritual regulations, there was only one addition—the cap-cloth and crown.
17
宋冠皇太子及蕃王,亦一加也。 官有其注。 晉武帝泰始十年,南宮王承年十五,依舊應冠。 有司議奏:「禮十五成童。 國君十五而生子,以明可冠之宜。 又漢、魏遣使冠諸王,非古典。」 於是制諸王十五冠,不復加命。 元嘉十一年,營道侯將冠。 詔曰:「營道侯義綦可克日冠。 外詳舊施行。」 何楨冠儀約制及王堪私撰冠儀,亦皆家人之可遵用者也。
Song likewise capped the crown prince and territorial princes with a single addition. The relevant offices kept written regulations for it. In the tenth year of Taishi, Prince Nan of the Palace, Cheng, turned fifteen and by established rule was due to be capped. The responsible offices debated and submitted: ‘Ritual holds that fifteen marks adulthood. A feudal lord begets a son at fifteen, showing when capping is appropriate. Moreover, Han and Wei practice of sending envoys to cap princes is not ancient precedent.’ Thereupon a rule was made that princes be capped at fifteen, with no further formal investiture added. In the eleventh year of Yuanjia, the Marquis of Yingdao was to receive his cap. An edict said: ‘The Marquis of Yingdao, Liu Yiqi, may be capped on a day to be fixed. The ministry shall report the old procedure for implementation.’ He Zhen’s abbreviated capping regulations and Wang Kan’s privately drafted capping ritual were also domestic guides that could be followed.
18
魏齊王正始四年,立皇后甄氏,其儀不存。
In Zhengshi year 4 of Wei’s Emperor Qi, Empress Zhen was installed, but the ritual is not preserved.
19
晉武帝咸寧二年,臨軒,遣太尉賈充策立后楊氏,納悼后也。 因大赦,賜王公以下各有差。 百僚上禮。
In Xianning year 2, Emperor Wu of Jin presided at the hall and sent Grand Commandant Jia Chong with the investiture edict to establish Empress Yang, the Empress of Mourning. A general amnesty followed, and dukes, princes, and all ranks below received gifts in varying amounts. The hundred officials presented congratulatory offerings.
20
太康八年,有司奏:「昏禮納徵,大昏用玄纁,束帛加珪,馬二駟; 王侯玄纁,束帛加璧,乘馬; 大夫用玄纁,束帛加羊。 古者以皮馬為庭實,天子加穀珪,諸侯加大璋。 可依周禮改璧用璋,其羊、雁、酒、米、玄纁如故。 諸侯昏禮加納采告期親迎各帛五匹,及納徵馬四匹,皆令夫家自備,唯璋官為具致之。」 尚書朱整議:「按魏氏故事,王娶妃、公主嫁之禮,天子諸侯以皮馬為庭實,天子加以穀珪,諸侯加以大璋。 漢高后制,聘后黃金二百斤,馬十二匹; 夫人金五十斤,馬四匹。 魏聘后、王娶妃、公主嫁之禮,用絹百九十匹。 晉興,故事用絹三百匹。」 詔曰:「公主嫁由夫氏,不宜皆為備物,賜錢使足而已。 唯給璋,餘如故事。」
In Taikang year 8, the responsible offices submitted: ‘For the betrothal-gift rite in marriage, a grand wedding uses dark and crimson silk, bundled silk with a jade tablet, and two teams of four horses; princes and marquises use dark and crimson silk, bundled silk with a bi disc, and riding horses; grandees use dark and crimson silk, bundled silk, and a sheep.’ In antiquity leather and horses served as court gifts; the Son of Heaven added a grain-pattern jade tablet, and feudal lords a great scepter. Zhou ritual may be followed to replace the bi disc with a scepter; sheep, geese, wine, grain, and dark-crimson silk remain unchanged. For feudal lords’ weddings, add five bolts of silk each for formal proposal, date announcement, and escorting the bride, and four horses for betrothal gifts—all supplied by the groom’s family, with only the scepter furnished and delivered by the office. Minister of the Masters of Writing Zhu Zheng argued: ‘By Wei precedent, when a king took a consort or a princess married, the Son of Heaven and feudal lords used leather and horses as court gifts; the Son of Heaven added a grain-pattern jade tablet, and feudal lords a great scepter. Empress Lü of Han decreed that betrothal of an empress required two hundred jin of gold and twelve horses; for a lady, fifty jin of gold and four horses. Wei betrothal of an empress, a king’s consort-taking, and a princess’s marriage used one hundred ninety bolts of silk. When Jin was established, precedent called for three hundred bolts of silk.’ The edict said: ‘When a princess marries, the groom’s house should not furnish everything; grant money to make up the amount. Only the scepter shall be provided; the rest follows precedent.’
21
成帝咸康二年,臨軒,遣使兼太保領軍將軍諸葛恢、兼太尉護軍將軍孔愉六禮備物,拜皇后杜氏。 即日入宮。 帝御太極殿,羣臣畢賀,非禮也。 王者昏禮,禮無其制。 春秋祭公逆王后于紀。 穀梁、左氏說與公羊又不同。 而漢、魏遺事闕略者眾。 晉武、惠納后,江左又無復儀注,故成帝將納杜后,太常華恒始與博士參定其儀。 據杜預左氏傳說主婚,是供其婚禮之幣而已。 又周靈王求婚於齊,齊侯問於晏桓子,桓子對曰:「夫婦所生若而人,姑姊妹則稱先守某公之遺女若而人。」 此則天子之命,自得下達,臣下之答,徑自上通。 先儒以為丘明詳錄其事,蓋為王者婚娶之禮也。 故成帝臨軒遣使稱制拜后。 然其儀注,又不具存。
In Xiankang year 2, Emperor Cheng presided at the hall and sent the concurrent Grand Tutor and General Who Leads the Army Zhuge Hui, and the concurrent Grand Commandant and General Who Protects the Army Kong Yu, with the six marriage rites and full gifts, to invest Empress Du. That same day she entered the palace. The emperor presided at the Hall of Supreme Ultimate while all ministers congratulated him—this was not proper ritual. For a king’s wedding, ritual provides no such form. The Spring and Autumn Annals records Duke Zai escorting the queen home from Ji. The Guliang and Zuozhuan commentaries again disagree with the Gongyang. Many Han and Wei precedents survive only in fragmentary form. After Emperors Wu and Hui of Jin took empresses, Eastern Jin had no restored ritual ordinances; when Emperor Cheng was to take Empress Du, Minister of Ceremonies Hua Heng first worked with academicians to fix the ceremony. Following Du Yu’s Zuozhuan reading, the marriage sponsor merely furnished the wedding gifts. When King Ling of Zhou sought a bride in Qi, the Marquis of Qi asked Yan Huanzi, who answered: ‘For sons born to the couple, so many in number; for paternal aunts and sisters, “the surviving daughter left by Lord So-and-so, so many in number.”’ This shows that the Son of Heaven’s command could be issued downward, and a subject’s reply could pass directly upward. Earlier scholars held that Qiu Ming recorded the matter in detail because it illustrated the king’s marriage ritual. Hence Emperor Cheng presided at the hall and sent envoys acting by imperial command to invest the empress. Yet the ritual ordinances too are not fully preserved.
22
康帝建元元年,納后褚氏。 而儀注陛者不設旄頭。 殿中御史奏:「今迎皇后,依昔成恭皇后入宮御物,而儀注至尊袞冕升殿,旄頭不設,求量處。 又案昔迎恭皇后,唯作青龍旂,其餘皆即御物。 今當臨軒遣使,而立五牛旂旗,旄頭畢罕並出。 即用舊制,今闕。」 詔曰:「所以正法服升太極者,以敬其始,故備其禮也。 今云何更闕所重而撤法物邪? 又恭后神主入廟,先帝詔后禮宜有降,不宜建五牛旗,而今猶復設之邪! 既不設五牛旗,則旄頭畢罕之器易具也。」 又詔曰:「舊制既難準,且於今而備,亦非宜。 府庫之儲,唯當以供軍國之費耳。 法服儀飾粗令舉,其餘兼副雜器,停之。」
In the first year of Jianyuan, Emperor Kang took Empress Chu. Yet the ritual ordinances did not provide for feathered standard bearers at the steps. The Palace Censor submitted: ‘In welcoming the empress today, we follow Empress Chengong’s entry with imperial goods, yet the ordinances have the sovereign ascend the hall in full ceremonial dress without feathered standards—we ask how this is to be handled. Moreover, when Empress Chengong was welcomed, only an Azure Dragon banner was newly made; everything else was existing imperial equipment. Now we are to preside at the hall and send envoys, yet erect five-ox banners with feathered standards and feathered canopies all brought out. The old system should be followed, but it is now incomplete.’ The edict said: ‘The sovereign ascends the Hall of Supreme Ultimate in proper ceremonial dress to honor the beginning of the rite; therefore the full ceremony is observed. How then can we now omit what is most important and withdraw the ritual implements? When Empress Chengong’s spirit tablet entered the temple, the late emperor decreed that empress rites should be reduced and the five-ox banner should not be erected—yet now it is set up again! If the five-ox banner is not erected, the feathered standards and canopy can easily be provided. Another edict said: ‘Since the old system cannot be matched exactly, to prepare everything now is also inappropriate. Treasury stores should be reserved only for military and state expenses. Let ceremonial dress and ritual implements be provided in rough outline; suspend the rest and all duplicate miscellaneous equipment.’
23
及至穆帝升平元年,將納皇后何氏,太常王彪之始更大引經傳及諸故事,以正其禮,深非公羊婚禮不稱主人之義。 又曰:「王者之於四海,無非臣妾。 雖復父兄之親,師友之賢,皆純臣也。 夫崇三綱之始,以定乾坤之儀,安有天父之尊,而稱臣下之命,以納伉儷; 安有臣下之卑,而稱天父之名,以行大禮。 遠尋古禮,無王者此制; 近求史籍,無王者此比。 於情不安,於義不通。 案咸寧二年,納悼皇后時,弘訓太后母臨天下,而無命戚屬之臣為武皇父兄主婚之文。 又考大晉已行之事,咸寧故事,不稱父兄師友,則咸康華恒所上合於舊也。 臣愚謂今納后儀制,宜一依咸康故事。」 於是從之。 華恒所定六禮,云宜依漢舊及大晉已行之制,此恒猶識前事,故王彪之多從咸康,由此也。 惟以取婦之家,三日不舉樂,而咸康羣臣賀為失禮; 故但依咸寧上禮,不復賀也。 其告廟六禮版文等儀,皆彪之所定也。 詳推有典制,其納采版文璽書曰:「皇帝咨前太尉參軍何琦,渾元資始,肇經人倫,爰及夫婦,以奉天地宗廟社稷,謀于公卿,咸以為宜率由舊典。 今使使持節太常彪之、宗正綜以禮納采。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,訪婚陋族,備數采擇。 臣從祖弟故散騎侍郎準之遺女,未閑教訓,衣履若而人,欽承舊章,肅奉典制。 前太尉參軍都鄉侯糞土臣何琦稽首再拜承制詔。」 次問名版文曰:「皇帝曰,咨某官某姓,兩儀配合,承天統物,正位于內,必俟令族,重章舊典。 今使使持節太常某、宗正某,以禮問名。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某到,重宣中詔,問臣名族。 臣族女父母所生先臣故光祿大夫雩婁侯楨之遺玄孫,先臣故豫州刺史關中侯惲之曾孫,先臣故安豐太守關中侯叡之孫,先臣故散騎侍郎準之遺女。 外出自先臣故尚書左丞冑之外曾孫,先臣故侍中關內侯夷之外孫女。 年十七。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次納吉版文曰:「皇帝曰,咨某官某姓,人謀龜從,僉曰貞吉,敬從典禮。 今使持節太常某、宗正某,以禮納吉。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,太卜元吉。 臣陋族卑鄙,憂懼不堪。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次納徵版文:「皇帝曰,咨某官某姓之女,有母儀之德,窈窕之姿,如山如河,宜奉宗廟,永承天祚。 以玄纁皮帛馬羊錢璧,以章典禮。 今使使持節司徒某、太常某,以禮納徵。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,降婚卑陋,崇以上公,寵以典禮,備物典策。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次請期版文:「皇帝曰,咨某官某姓,謀于公卿,大筮元龜,罔有不臧,率遵典禮。 今使使持節太常某、宗正某,以禮請期。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使某重宣中詔,吉日惟某可迎。 臣欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次親迎版文:「皇帝曰,咨某官某姓,歲吉月令,吉日惟某,率禮以迎。 今使使持節太保某、太尉某以迎。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔。 令月吉辰,備禮以迎。 上公宗卿,兼至副介,近臣百兩。 臣蝝蟻之族,猥承大禮,憂懼戰悸,欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 其稽首承詔皆如初答。
When Emperor Mu was to take Empress He in Shengping year 1, Minister of Ceremonies Wang Biao first drew more widely on classics and precedents to rectify the ritual, firmly rejecting the Gongyang view that marriage rites do not name a host. He also said: ‘For a king over the four seas, everyone is subject or consort. Even a father or elder brother by blood, or a teacher or friend of virtue, is wholly a subject. To exalt the foundation of the Three Bonds is to fix the rites of Heaven and Earth—how can Heaven’s fatherly dignity speak in a subject’s command to take a consort; and how can subjectly low estate speak in Heaven’s father’s name to perform the great rite? Searching ancient ritual far back, no king had such an institution; searching recent records, no king had such a parallel. In feeling it is wrong; in principle it cannot stand. In Xianning year 2, when the Empress of Mourning was taken, Empress Dowager Hongxun as mother ruled the realm, yet no document names a kinsman-subject as marriage sponsor for Emperor Wu’s father or brother. Examining what Great Jin had already done, Xianning precedent did not name fathers, elder brothers, teachers, or friends—so Hua Heng’s Xiankang submission accorded with established practice. This subject humbly holds that the present empress-taking ritual should wholly follow Xiankang precedent.’ The court assented. Hua Heng’s six marriage rites held that Han antiquity and Great Jin practice should be followed; Heng still knew earlier precedents, and so Wang Biao largely followed Xiankang—for this reason. Only in one matter—the bride-taking household’s three-day abstention from music—did Xiankang’s ministerial congratulations count as a breach of ritual; therefore they followed only the Xianning congratulatory rite and offered no further congratulations. The temple announcement, six-rite document texts, and other ceremonies were all established by Wang Biao. Examining established precedents in detail, the formal-proposal document bearing the imperial seal read: ‘The emperor inquires of former Staff Officer to the Grand Commandant He Qi: from the primordial beginning human relations were founded; extending to husband and wife, to serve Heaven and Earth, the ancestral temples, and the altars of soil and grain—we consulted dukes and ministers, and all deemed it fit to follow the old canon. We now send the credential-bearing envoy, Minister of Ceremonies Wang Biaozhi and Director of the Imperial Clan Zong Zhen, to perform the formal proposal by ritual. The host said: ‘The emperor’s gracious command seeks marriage in our humble clan; all preparations for selection have been made. My second cousin, the late Gentleman Attendant at the Palace Gate Zhun’s surviving daughter, not yet fully trained in deportment, with garments and shoes in such number—reverently accepting the old statutes, solemnly observing the canonical rites. Former Staff Officer to the Grand Commandant, Marquis of Duxiang, this worthless subject He Qi kowtows twice and receives the imperial command.’ Next, the inquiry-of-name document read: ‘The emperor says: We inquire of such-and-such an official of such-and-such a surname—Heaven and Earth paired in harmony, receiving Heaven’s mandate to govern all things, properly positioned within, must await a worthy clan; We revere the old canon. We now send the credential-bearing envoy, Minister of Ceremonies so-and-so and Director of the Imperial Clan so-and-so, to inquire the name by ritual. The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so has arrived to proclaim the palace edict anew and inquire into our clan's name. As to my clan: I am the daughter of my parents, the surviving great-great-granddaughter of the late Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, Marquis Zhen of Yulou; the great-great-granddaughter of the late Inspector of Yuzhou, Marquis Dun of Guanzhong; the granddaughter of the late Administrator of Anfeng, Marquis Rui of Guanzhong; and the surviving daughter of the late Attendant Gentleman-in-Attendance Zhun. On my mother's side I am the external great-great-granddaughter of the late Left Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing, Zhou; and the external granddaughter of the late Attendant of the Inner, Marquis Yi of Guannei. She is seventeen years of age. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the betrothal-confirmation text: "The emperor says: We consult official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. Counsel and oracle agree; all pronounce the divination auspicious. Let the canonical rites be followed. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Director of Ceremonies So-and-so, and Director of the Imperial Clan So-and-so now perform the betrothal confirmation according to ritual." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so again proclaims the palace edict. The Grand Diviner's oracle is supremely auspicious. Our humble clan is base and lowly; we are anxious and fear we cannot bear so great an honor. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the marriage-gifts text: "The emperor says: We consult the daughter of official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. She has the virtue of a model mother, a graceful bearing, steadfast as mountains and rivers—fit to serve the ancestral temple and perpetually receive Heaven's blessing. With dark-red and crimson silk, leather, silks, horses, sheep, cash, and jade disks—to give full expression to the canonical ritual. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Minister of Ceremonies So-and-so, and Director of Ceremonies So-and-so now present the marriage gifts according to ritual." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, marriage is bestowed upon our humble house, we are honored with a senior duke's presence, favored with canonical ritual, and furnished with the full array of ritual objects and written patents. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the request-for-date text: "The emperor says: We consult official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. Having deliberated with the dukes and ministers, the great divination on the primal tortoise reveals no ill omen—let the canonical ritual be fully followed. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Director of Ceremonies So-and-so, and Director of the Imperial Clan So-and-so now request the wedding date according to ritual." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so again proclaims the palace edict. The auspicious day is such-and-such, when the bride may be received. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the personally-receiving-the-bride text: "The emperor says: We consult official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. The year and month are auspicious; the auspicious day is such-and-such—receive her according to ritual. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Grand Tutor So-and-so, and Grand Commandant So-and-so now go to receive her." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so again proclaims the palace edict. On an auspicious month and day, all preparations are complete to receive the bride. A senior duke and directors of the imperial clan arrive together as deputies, accompanied by a hundred pairs of close ministers. Our clan is no more than ants, yet we unworthily receive this great ritual; anxious and trembling with fear, we respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Their kowtowing and reception of the edict all followed the initial response.
24
孝武納王皇后,其禮亦如之。 其納采、問名、納吉、請期、親迎,皆用白雁白羊各一頭,酒米各十二斛。 唯納徵羊一頭,玄纁用帛三匹,絳二匹,絹二百匹,虎皮二枚,錢二百萬,玉璧一枚,馬六頭,酒米各十二斛,鄭玄所謂五雁六禮也。 其珪馬之制,備物之數,校太康所奏,又有不同,官有其注。
When Emperor Xiaowu took Empress Wang as consort, the ritual was the same. For presenting gifts, inquiring the name, confirming auspiciousness, requesting the date, and personally receiving the bride—each rite used one white wild goose, one white sheep, and twelve pecks each of wine and rice. Only for the marriage gifts: one sheep, three bolts of dark-red and crimson silk, two bolts of deep red silk, two hundred bolts of silk gauze, two tiger skins, two million in cash, one jade disk, six horses, and twelve pecks each of wine and rice—what Zheng Xuan called the five geese and six rites. As for the regulations governing jade scepters and horses and the tally of ritual objects, comparison with the Taikang submission reveals further differences; the offices preserve their own annotations.
25
古者昏、冠皆有醮,鄭氏醮文三首具存。
In antiquity, both marriage and capping ceremonies included libation rites; three of Master Zheng's libation texts survive intact.
26
宋文帝元嘉十五年四月,皇太子納妃,六禮文與納后不異。 百官上禮。 其月壬戌,於太極殿西堂敍宴二宮隊主副、司徒征北鎮南三府佐、揚兗江三州綱、彭城江夏南譙始興武陵廬陵南豐七國侍郎以上,諸二千石在都邑者,並豫會。 又詔今小會可停妓樂,時有臨川曹太妃服。
In the fourth month of the fifteenth year of Yuanjia, Emperor Wen's crown prince took a consort; the texts of the six rites did not differ from those used when taking an empress. The hundred officials presented congratulatory gifts. On day renshen of that month, a banquet was held in the western hall of the Hall of Supreme Ultimate for the squad leaders and deputies of the two palaces, the staff of the Minister of Ceremonies, the Generals Who Pacify the North and South, the superintendents of Yang, Yan, and Jiang provinces, the administrators of Pengcheng, Jiangxia, Nanqiao, Shixing, Wuling, Luling, and Nanfeng at junior attendant rank and above, and all two-thousand-bushel officials in the capital. An edict also directed that musicians and performers be omitted from this smaller gathering, as the Consort Dowager of Linchuan was in mourning.
27
明帝泰始五年十一月,有司奏:「按晉江左以來,太子昏,納徵,禮用玉一,虎皮二,未詳何所準況。 或者虎取其威猛有彬炳,玉以象德而有溫潤。 尋珪璋既玉之美者,豹皮義兼炳蔚,熊羆亦昏禮吉徵,以類取象,亦宜並用,未詳何以遺文。 晉氏江左,禮物多闕,後代因襲,未遑研考。 今法章徽儀,方將大備。 宜憲範經籍,稽諸舊典。 今皇太子昏,納徵,禮合用珪璋豹皮熊羆皮與不? 下禮官詳依經記更正。 若應用者,為各用一? 為應用兩?」 博士裴昭明議:「案周禮,納徵,玄纁束帛儷皮。 鄭玄注云:『束帛〔十端也。 儷,兩也。 兩皮為庭實,鹿皮也。』 晉太子納妃〕儀注,『以虎皮二』。 太元中,公主納徵,以虎豹皮各一具。 豈謂婚禮不辨王公之序,故取虎豹皮以尊革其事乎。 虎豹雖文,而徵禮所不用。 熊羆吉祥,而婚典所不及。 珪璋雖美,或為用各異。 今帝道弘明,徽則光闡,儲皇聘納,宜準經誥。 凡諸僻謬,並合詳裁。 雖禮代不同,文質或異,而鄭為儒宗,既有明說,守文淺見,蓋有惟疑。 兼太常丞孫詵議以為:『聘幣之典,損益惟義,歷代行事,取制士婚。 若珪璋之用,實均璧品,采豹之彰,義齊虎文,熊羆表祥,繁衍攸寄。 今儲后崇聘,禮先訓遠,皮玉之美,宜盡暉備。 禮稱束帛儷皮,則珪璋數合同璧,熊羆文豹,各應用二。』 長兼國子博士虞龢議:『案儀禮納徵,直云玄纁束帛雜皮而已。 禮記郊特牲云虎豹皮與玉璧,非虛作也。 則虎豹之皮,居然用兩,珪璧宜仍舊各一也。』 參詵、龢二議不異,今加珪璋各一,豹熊羆皮各二,以龢議為允。」 詔可。
In the eleventh month of the fifth year of Taishi, Emperor Ming, the relevant offices submitted: "According to Jin practice since the court moved to the south, the crown prince's marriage gifts included one jade and two tiger skins—it is unclear what standard this follows. Perhaps the tiger was chosen for its fierce might and patterned splendor, and jade to symbolize virtue and its warm luster. Since gui and zhang are the finest jades, leopard skin conveys the same sense of patterned splendor, and bear is also an auspicious emblem in marriage rites—choosing symbols by kind, all should be used together; it is unclear why the texts omit them. Under Eastern Jin in the south, many ritual objects were lacking; later generations simply inherited the practice without pausing to investigate. Now statutes and insignia are being fully restored. The classics and commentaries should serve as models, and the old canons should be consulted. For the crown prince's marriage gifts, should gui, zhang, leopard skin, and bear skin be used or not? Let the ritual officers examine the canonical records in detail and correct this. If they should be used, should one of each be employed? Or should two of each be employed?" Doctor Pei Zhaoming submitted: "According to the Rites of Zhou, marriage gifts consist of 'dark silk with paired leather. Zheng Xuan's comment says: 'The silk bundle—[Text missing in source]—ten bolts.' Paired means two. Two pieces of leather serve as the court display goods—deer leather.' The Jin crown prince's consort-taking protocol states, "using two tiger skins."' In the Taiyuan era, when a princess received marriage gifts, one each of tiger and leopard skin was used. Could this mean that marriage ritual does not distinguish the ranks of king and duke, and that tiger and leopard skins were chosen to honor and elevate the ceremony? Though tiger and leopard skins are finely patterned, they are not prescribed for marriage-gift ritual. Bear is an auspicious emblem, yet the marriage canon does not include it. Though gui and zhang are fine jades, their uses may differ. Now the imperial way is broad and enlightened and standards brightly displayed—the crown prince's betrothal should follow the canonical admonitions. All such irregularities should be examined and adjudicated in detail. Though ritual differs from age to age and substance or form may vary, Zheng as patriarch of Ru learning has given clear explanation—shallow adherence to the text alone surely leaves room for doubt. Meanwhile, Vice Director of Ceremonies Sun Shen argued: 'The canon of betrothal gifts may be increased or reduced as duty requires; each generation's practice takes the scholar's marriage as its model.' If gui and zhang are used, they truly equal bi disks in grade; the patterned leopard matches the tiger in meaning; bear displays auspicious signs and symbolizes multiplication. Now the heir's lofty betrothal—ritual puts instruction first and reaches back to distant antiquity—the beauty of leather and jade should be fully displayed. Ritual says 'silk bundle with paired leather'—then the number of gui and zhang should match the bi disk count, and bear and patterned leopard should each be used in pairs. Senior Academician Yu He submitted: 'According to the Ceremonies, the marriage-gift rite simply specifies dark silk with a silk bundle and miscellaneous leather.' The Record of Ritual, Suburban Sacrifices chapter mentions tiger-leopard skin with a jade bi disk—this was not invented without basis. Tiger-leopard leather clearly requires two; gui and bi should each remain one, as before. Comparing Shen's and He's two opinions, they do not differ; now add one each of gui and zhang, and two each of leopard, bear, and bear skin—accepting He's opinion." The edict approved.
28
晉武帝泰始十年,將聘拜三夫人九嬪。 有司奏:「禮,皇后聘以穀珪,無妾媵禮贄之制。」 詔曰:「拜授可依魏氏故事。」 於是臨軒使使持節兼太常拜夫人,兼御史中丞拜九嬪。
In the tenth year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, the court was about to appoint and invest three Ladies and nine Concubines. The relevant offices submitted: "By ritual, the empress is betrothed with a grain-pattern gui; there is no protocol governing gift offerings for concubines and attendants." The edict said: "Investiture may follow Wei precedent." Thereupon, at the imperial gallery, they dispatched the Bearer of the Staff, concurrently serving as Director of Ceremonies, to invest the Ladies, and the Bearer of the Staff, concurrently serving as Imperial Censor, to invest the nine Concubines.
29
漢、魏之禮,公主居第,尚公主者來第成婚。 司空王朗以為不可,其後乃革。
In Han and Wei ritual, the princess resided at her own estate, and the man who married her came to the estate to complete the marriage. Minister of Works Wang Lang held this improper; afterward the practice was changed.
30
凡遣大使拜皇后、三公,及冠皇太子,及拜蕃王,帝皆臨軒。 其儀,太樂令宿設金石四廂之樂於殿前。 漏上二刻,侍中、侍臣、冗從僕射、中謁者、節騎郎、虎賁,旄頭遮列,五牛旗皆入。 虎賁中郎將、羽林監分陛端門內。 侍御史、謁者各一人監端門。 廷尉監、平分陛東、西中華門。 漏上三刻,殿中侍御史奏開殿之殿門、南止車門、宣陽城門。 軍校、侍中、散騎常侍、給事黃門侍郎、散騎侍郎升殿夾御座。 尚書令以下應階者以次入。 治禮引大鴻臚入,陳九賓。 漏上四刻,侍中奏:「外辦。」 皇帝服袞冕之服,升太極殿,臨軒南面。 謁者前北面一拜,跪奏:「大鴻臚臣某稽首言,羣臣就位。 謹具。」 侍中稱制曰:「可。」 謁者贊拜,在位皆再拜。 大鴻臚稱臣一拜,仰奏:「請行事。」 侍中稱制曰:「可。」 鴻臚舉手曰:「可行事。」 謁者引護當使者當拜者入就拜位。 四廂樂作。 將拜,樂止。 禮畢出。 官有其注。
Whenever envoys were dispatched to invest the empress, the Three Dukes, to crown the crown prince, or to invest feudal kings, the emperor always appeared at the imperial gallery. The procedure was as follows: the Director of Music set up stone and metal instruments in the four wings before the hall overnight. At the second quarter of the night watch, palace attendants, attending ministers, supernumerary masters of attendants, palace ushers, staff-bearing cavalry officers, and tiger guards formed ranks; the five-ox flags all entered. The General of Tiger Guards and the Inspector of Forest Guards took positions on either side of the inner gate of the palace steps. One attendant censor and one usher each guarded the palace gate. The prison overseer and vice overseer took positions east and west at the inner China Gate. At the third quarter, the palace attendant censor reported the opening of the hall gate, the south stopping-chariot gate, and the Xuanyang city gate. Military officers, attendants, regular attendants, palace gate attendants, and regular attendants all ascended the hall and flanked the imperial seat. The Director of the Masters of Writing and those entitled to ascend the steps entered in order. The ritual director led the Grand Master of Ceremonies in and arrayed the nine guests. At the fourth quarter, the attendant reported: "External preparations are complete." The emperor donned his sacrificial robe and cap, ascended the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, and faced south at the gallery. The usher advanced, bowed once toward the north, knelt, and reported: "Grand Master of Ceremonies, Minister So-and-so, kowtowing, reports that the assembled ministers are in place. All is ready." The attendant proclaimed the edict: "Approved." The usher announced the bow; all those in attendance bowed twice. The Grand Master of Ceremonies declared himself minister, bowed once, looked up, and reported: "I request permission to proceed with the ceremony." The attendant proclaimed: "Approved." The Grand Master of Ceremonies raised his hand and said: "The ceremony may proceed." The usher led the protecting envoy and those who were to receive investiture to their bowing positions. Music in the four wings began to play. As the investiture was about to take place, the music stopped. When the ritual was complete, they departed. The offices preserve their annotations.
31
舊時歲旦,常設葦茭桃梗,磔雞於宮及百寺門,以禳惡氣。 漢儀,則仲夏之月設之,有桃卯,無磔雞。 案明帝大修禳禮,故何晏禳祭議據雞牲供禳釁之事,磔雞宜起於魏也。 桃卯本漢所以輔,卯金又宜魏所除也,但未詳改仲夏在歲旦之所起耳。 宋皆省,而諸郡縣此禮往往猶存。
In former times at the New Year, reed mats, peachwood, and mugwort were set out, and chickens were dismembered at the palace and at the gates of the hundred temples to expel evil influences. In Han ritual, these were set out in the midsummer month, with peach pegs but without chicken dismemberment. On investigation: Emperor Ming extensively revised the expulsion ritual, and He Yan's discussion of expulsion sacrifice cites chicken victims for blood-sprinkling expiation—chicken dismemberment likely originated in Wei. Peach branches and pegs were originally Han's auxiliary exorcisms, and the mao peg was likewise something Wei was right to remove—but when the rite moved from midsummer to New Year's Day is no longer clear. Song abolished these observances entirely, yet in many commanderies and counties the old rite still lingered.
32
上代聘享之禮,雖頗見經傳,然首尾不全。 叔孫通傳載通所制漢元會儀,綱紀粗舉,施於今,又未周備也。 魏國初建,事多兼闕,故黃初三年,始奉璧朝賀。 何承天云,魏元會儀無存者。 案何楨許都賦曰:「元正大饗,壇彼西南。 旗幕峨峨,檐宇弘深。」 王沈正會賦又曰:「華幄映於飛雲,朱幕張于前庭。 絙青帷於兩階,象紫極之崢嶸。 延百辟于和門,等尊卑而奉璋。」 此則大饗悉在城外,不在宮內也。 臣案魏司空王朗奏事曰:「故事,正月朔,賀。 殿下設兩百華鐙,對於二階之間。 端門設庭燎火炬,端門外設五尺、三尺鐙。 月照星明,雖夜猶晝矣。」 如此,則不在城外也。 何、王二賦,本不在洛京。 何云許都賦,時在許昌也。 王賦又云「朝四國於東巡」,亦賦許昌正會也。
The diplomatic exchange and tribute rituals of earlier ages appear here and there in the classics, but nowhere survive whole from start to finish. Shusun Tong's biography preserves the New Year's court assembly he devised for Han, and its broad outline is known—but even for our own day the rite remains incomplete. When Wei was first established, many ceremonies were combined or left out; only in the third year of Huangchu did the court first receive jade disks in New Year's congratulation. He Chengtian notes that no Wei regulations for the New Year's assembly survive. He Zhen's Rhapsody on the Xu Capital reads: "On New Year's Day the great feast is held, with an altar set up in the southwest. Banners and canopies rise in lofty ranks; eaves and halls stretch wide and deep." Wang Shen's Rhapsody on the Formal Assembly adds: "Flowery pavilions gleam against flying clouds, and crimson curtains are spread before the forecourt. Crimson-green curtains hang at both flights of steps, evoking the towering Purple Pole of Heaven. The hundred ministers gather at the Harmonious Gate, ordering rank by rank as they present their jade tablets." This shows that the great feast was held entirely outside the city walls, not within the palace. Your subject finds in the memorial of Wei's Minister of Works Wang Lang: "By precedent, on the first day of the first month the court receives New Year's congratulations. At the palace hall two hundred flowery lamps are placed, facing one another between the two flights of steps. Court torches blaze at the Main Gate, and outside it lamps of five feet and three feet are set up. Moon and stars shone down; though it was night, the light was as of day." By this account the ceremony was not held outside the city. The rhapsodies of He and Wang were not written for Luoyang in the first place. He titled his work Rhapsody on the Xu Capital, for the court was then at Xuchang. Wang's rhapsody likewise speaks of "receiving the four states on the eastern tour"—again describing the formal assembly at Xuchang.
33
晉武帝世,更定元會注,今有咸寧注是也。 傅玄元會賦曰:「考夏后之遺訓,綜殷、周之典藝,採秦、漢之舊儀,定元正之嘉會。」 此則兼採眾代可知矣。 咸寧注,先正月一日,守宮宿設王公卿校便坐於端門外,大樂鼓吹又宿設四廂樂及牛馬帷閤於殿前。 夜漏未盡十刻,羣臣集到,庭燎起火。 上賀謁報,又賀皇后。 還從雲龍東中華門入謁,詣東閤下便坐。 漏未盡七刻,羣司乘車與百官及受贄郎下至計吏,皆入,詣陛部立。 其陛衞者,如臨軒儀。 漏未盡五刻,謁者僕射、大鴻臚各奏:「羣臣就位定。」 漏盡,侍中奏:「外辦。」 皇帝出。 鍾鼓作,百官皆拜伏。 太常導皇帝升御座。 鍾鼓止。 百官起。 大鴻臚跪奏:「請朝賀。」 治禮郎讚:「皇帝延王登。」 大鴻臚跪讚:「蕃王臣某等奉白璧各一,再拜賀。」 太常報:「王悉登。」 謁者引上殿,當御座。 皇帝興,王再拜。 皇帝坐,復再拜,跪置璧御座前,復再拜。 成禮訖,謁者引下殿,還故位。 治禮郎引公、特進、匈奴南單于子、金紫將軍當大鴻臚西,中二千石、二千石、千石、六百石當大行令西,皆北面伏。 大鴻臚跪讚:「太尉、中二千石等奉璧皮帛羔雁雉,再拜賀。」 太常讚:「皇帝延君登。」 治禮引公至金紫將軍上殿,當御座。 皇帝興,皆再拜。 皇帝坐,又再拜。 跪置璧皮帛御座前,復再拜。 成禮訖,讚者引下殿,還故位。 王公置璧成禮時,大行令並讚,殿下中二千石以下同。 成禮訖,以贄授受贄郎,郎以璧帛付謁者,羔雁雉付太官。 太樂令跪請奏雅樂。 以次作樂。 乘黃令乃出車。 皇帝罷入,百官皆坐。 晝漏上水六刻,諸蠻夷胡客以次入,皆再拜訖,坐。 御入三刻,又出。 鍾鼓作。 謁者僕射跪奏:「請羣臣上。」 謁者引王公至二千石上殿,千石、六百石停本位。 謁者引王詣尊酌壽酒,跪授侍中。 侍中跪置御座前。 王還自酌,置位前。 謁者跪奏:「蕃王臣某等奉觴再拜,上千萬歲壽。」 侍中曰:「觴已上。」 百官伏稱萬歲。 四廂樂作。 百官再拜。 已飲,又再拜。 謁者引諸王等還本位。 陛者傳就席,羣臣皆跪諾。 侍中、中書令、尚書令各於殿上上壽酒,登歌樂升,太官令又行御酒。 御酒升階,太官令跪授侍郎,侍郎跪進御座前。 乃行百官酒。 太樂令跪奏:「奏登歌。」 三。 終,乃降。 太官令跪請御飯到陛,羣臣皆起。 太官令持羹跪授司徒; 持飯跪授大司農; 尚食持案並授侍郎,侍郎跪進御座前。 羣臣就席。 太樂令跪奏:「食。 舉樂。」 太官行百官飯案遍。 食畢,太樂令跪奏:「請進儛。」 儛以次作。 鼓吹令又前跪奏:「請以次進眾伎。」 乃召諸郡計吏前,授敕戒於階下。 宴樂畢,謁者一人跪奏:「請罷退。」 鍾鼓作,羣臣北面再拜出。 江左更隨事立位,大體亦無異也。 宋有天下,多仍舊儀,所損益可知矣。
Under Emperor Wu of Jin the New Year's assembly regulations were revised anew; the Xianning regulations that survive today are those. Fu Xuan's Rhapsody on the New Year's Assembly says: "Drawing on the surviving instructions of Xia, synthesizing the canonical rites of Yin and Zhou, gathering the old ceremonies of Qin and Han, and fixing the splendid assembly of New Year's Day." From this it is clear that the ceremony drew jointly on many dynasties. The Xianning regulations prescribe that on the first day of the first month the palace guard posts overnight folding seats for dukes, marquises, ministers, and commandants outside the Main Gate, while the grand music office and drum-and-pipe band set out the four-side musicians and the ox-and-horse screens and pavilions before the hall. Before the night water-clock had run ten marks, the ministers gathered and the court torches were kindled. The emperor paid his congratulatory visits and received the formal replies, and also congratulated the empress. He then re-entered through the Cloud Dragon Eastern Central Flowery Gate to pay his visits and went to the folding seats beneath the Eastern Pavilion. Before the clepsydra had run seven marks, officials rode in their carriages; the hundred officials, the tribute-receiving gentlemen, and the accounting clerks all entered and took their places at the foot of the steps. The step guards followed the procedure for an imperial audience. Before the clepsydra had run five marks, the Supervisor of Attendants and the Grand Master of Ceremonies each announced: "The ministers are in place." When the clepsydra ran out, the attendant within announced: "All is ready outside." The emperor came forth. Bells and drums sounded, and the hundred officials all bowed prostrate. The Minister of Ceremonies led the emperor up to the imperial throne. The bells and drums fell silent. The hundred officials rose. The Grand Master of Ceremonies knelt and announced: "We request the court congratulation." The Director of Ritual intoned: "The emperor invites the kings to ascend." The Grand Master of Ceremonies knelt and intoned: "The feudal kings, ministers So-and-so and others, each present a white jade disk and bow twice in congratulation." The Minister of Ceremonies replied: "The kings have all ascended. Attendants led them up the hall to stand before the imperial throne. The emperor rose, and the kings bowed twice. When the emperor sat, they bowed twice again, knelt to place the disks before the throne, and bowed twice once more. When the rite was finished, attendants led them down the hall and back to their original places. The Director of Ritual placed the dukes, specially advanced ministers, the son of the Southern Chanyu of the Xiongnu, and the gold-seal and purple-cord generals west of the Grand Master of Ceremonies, and ministers of middle two-thousand-bushel rank, two-thousand-bushel rank, one-thousand-bushel rank, and six-hundred-bushel rank west of the Director of Grand Processions—all facing north and prostrate. The Grand Master of Ceremonies knelt and intoned: "The Grand Commandant, ministers of middle two-thousand-bushel rank, and others present jade disks, leather, silk, lambs, geese, and pheasants, and bow twice in congratulation." The Minister of Ceremonies intoned: "The emperor invites the lords to ascend. The Director of Ritual led the dukes through the gold-seal and purple-cord generals up the hall to stand before the imperial throne. The emperor rose, and all bowed twice. When the emperor sat, they bowed twice again. They knelt to place the jade disks and silk before the throne and bowed twice once more. When the rite was finished, the intoner led them down the hall and back to their original places. As the dukes and kings completed presenting their jade disks, the Director of Grand Processions intoned for each in turn; below the hall, ministers of middle two-thousand-bushel rank and lower followed the same procedure. When each rite was finished, the tribute gifts were handed to the tribute-receiving gentlemen, who passed the jade disks and silk to the attendants and the lambs, geese, and pheasants to the Director of Imperial Sacrifices. The Director of Grand Music knelt and requested that the elegant music be performed. The music was performed in sequence. The Director of the Yellow Carriages then brought out the chariots. The emperor withdrew, and the hundred officials all took their seats. At the sixth mark of the ascending day clepsydra, the various barbarian and foreign guests entered in turn, each bowing twice before taking a seat. Three marks after the emperor had withdrawn, he came forth again. Bells and drums sounded. The Supervisor of Attendants knelt and announced: "We request that the ministers ascend." Attendants led the dukes and kings and ministers up to two-thousand-bushel rank onto the hall, while ministers of one-thousand-bushel and six-hundred-bushel rank remained in place. Attendants led the kings to the place of honor to pour the longevity wine, then knelt and handed the cup to the attendant within. The attendant within knelt and set it before the imperial throne. The kings then poured for themselves and set the cups before their seats. The attendant knelt and announced: "The feudal kings, ministers So-and-so and others, present their cups and bow twice, offering wishes for ten thousand years of life." The attendant within said: "The cups have been presented. The hundred officials prostrated themselves and shouted "Ten thousand years!" The four-side musicians performed. The hundred officials bowed twice. After drinking, they bowed twice again. Attendants led the various kings and the others back to their original places. The step attendants passed down the command to take seats, and the ministers all knelt and assented. The attendant within, Director of the Secretariat, and Director of the Masters of Writing each offered longevity wine in the hall; ascending music sounded as they rose, and the Director of Imperial Sacrifices again circulated the imperial wine. The imperial wine was carried up the steps; the Director of Imperial Sacrifices knelt and handed it to the gentleman attendant, who knelt and presented it before the imperial throne. Wine was then circulated among the hundred officials. The Director of Grand Music knelt and announced: "Perform the ascending song." Three times. When it was finished, they descended. The Director of Imperial Sacrifices knelt and requested that the imperial meal be brought to the steps, and the ministers all rose. The Director of Imperial Sacrifices held the broth, knelt, and handed it to the Minister of Works; held the rice, knelt, and handed it to the Grand Minister of Agriculture; the Director of Imperial Food held the trays together and handed them to the gentleman attendant, who knelt and presented them before the imperial throne. The ministers took their seats. The Director of Grand Music knelt and announced: "Eat. Raise the music." The Director of Imperial Sacrifices circulated the meal trays to the hundred officials throughout the hall. When the meal was finished, the Director of Grand Music knelt and announced: "We request that the dancers advance." The dancers performed in sequence. The Director of Drum-and-Pipe Music again stepped forward, knelt, and announced: "We request that the various entertainments advance in order." Thereupon the accounting clerks of the various commanderies were summoned forward and received edicts and admonitions at the foot of the steps. When the banquet music was finished, one attendant knelt and announced: "We request dismissal." Bells and drums sounded, and the ministers all bowed twice facing north and withdrew. East of the Yangtze positions were again assigned as circumstances required, but the broad outline differed little. Once Song held the realm, it largely kept the old ceremonies; what was added or trimmed is known.
34
晉江左注,皇太子出會者,則在三恪下、王公上。 宋文帝元嘉十一年,升在三恪上。
The Eastern Jin regulations placed the crown prince, when he attended the assembly, below the Three Venerables and above the dukes and kings. In the eleventh year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the crown prince was raised above the Three Venerables.
35
魏制,蕃王不得朝覲。 明帝時有朝者,皆由特恩,不得以為常。 晉泰始中,有司奏:「諸侯之國,其王公以下入朝者,四方各為二番,三歲而周,周則更始。 若臨時有故,却在明年。 來朝之後,更滿三歲乃復,不得從本數。 朝禮執璧如舊朝之制。 不朝之歲,各遣卿奉聘。」 奏可。 江左王侯不之國,其有授任居外,則同方伯刺史二千石之禮,亦無朝聘之制,此禮遂廢。
Under Wei regulations, feudal kings were not permitted to attend court audiences. When some did attend in Emperor Ming's time, it was entirely by special favor and could not be treated as regular practice. During Jin's Taishi reign, the relevant offices submitted a memorial: "Among the feudal states, princes and marquises and all below them who come to court shall be divided into two rotations for each of the four directions; the full round takes three years, and when the cycle is complete it begins anew. If some unforeseen circumstance arises, the visit may be deferred to the following year. After a court audience, another full three years must pass before the next visit; one may not reckon from the original count. The court-audience rite of presenting the bi disk shall follow the regulations of earlier audiences. In years when they do not come to court, each shall dispatch a Minister to present tribute on a diplomatic mission." The memorial was approved. In the Eastern Jin southland, princes and marquises no longer went to their fiefs; when assigned to posts abroad they were treated like regional grandees, provincial governors, and two-thousand-shi prefects, and the court-audience and tribute-mission system was abolished as well—so this rite fell into disuse.
36
正旦元會,設白虎樽於殿庭。 樽蓋上施白虎,若有能獻直言者,則發此樽飲酒。 案禮記,知悼子卒,未葬,平公飲酒,師曠、李調侍,鼓鍾。 杜蕢自外來,聞鍾聲曰:「安在?」 曰:「在寢。」 杜蕢入寢,歷階而升,酌曰:「曠飲斯。」 又酌曰:「調飲斯。」 又酌,堂上北面坐飲之,降,趨而出。 平公呼而進之曰:「蕢,曩者爾心或開予,是以不與爾言。 爾飲曠,何也?」 曰:「子卯不樂,知悼子在堂,斯其為子卯也大矣。 曠也,太師也。 不以詔,是以飲之也。」 「爾飲調,何也?」 曰:「調也,君之褻臣也。 為一飲一食,忘君之疾,是以飲之也。」 「爾飲,何也?」 曰:「蕢也宰夫,唯刀匕是供,又敢與知防,是以飲也。」 平公曰:「寡人亦有過焉。 酌而飲寡人。」 杜蕢洗而揚觶。 公謂侍者曰:「如我死,則必無廢斯爵。」 至于今,既畢獻,斯揚觶,謂之「杜舉」。 白虎樽,蓋杜舉之遺式也。 畫為虎,宜是後代所加,欲令言者猛如虎,無所忌憚也。
At the New Year's Day grand assembly, a White Tiger wine vessel was placed in the palace courtyard. A white tiger was mounted on the vessel's lid; if anyone wished to offer blunt counsel, this vessel was opened and wine was drunk. The Book of Rites records that when Zhi Daozi died and before his burial, Duke Ping was drinking wine with Music Master Kuang and Li Diao in attendance while bells were struck. Du Kui came in from outside, heard the bells, and said, "Where is he?" They answered, "In the inner chamber." Du Kui entered the inner chamber, climbed the steps, poured wine, and said, "Kuang, drink this." He poured again and said, "Diao, drink this." He poured once more, sat facing north in the hall and drank it himself, then descended the steps and hurried out. Duke Ping called him back and said, "Kui, just now your heart may have been trying to open my eyes—that is why I did not speak with you. You made Kuang drink—why?" He replied, "On zi and mao days one does not make music; Zhi Daozi lies in the hall—this is a zi-mao day indeed. Kuang is the Grand Music Master. He failed to admonish you—therefore I made him drink." You made Diao drink—why?" He replied, "Diao is your intimate attendant. For a single cup or meal he forgot your mourning—therefore I made him drink." You drank yourself—why?" He replied, "I am only a cook who supplies knives and ladles—yet I dared concern myself with guarding against wrongdoing; therefore I drank." Duke Ping said, "I too was at fault. Pour and make me drink." Du Kui rinsed the cup and raised it high. The duke told his attendants, "When I die, you must never discard this cup." Down to the present day, after the toasts are finished, this raising of the cup is called "Du's Toast." The White Tiger vessel is probably a surviving form of Du's Toast. The tiger painted on it was likely added by later generations, so that those who spoke would be fierce as tigers and free of all fear or restraint.
37
漢以高帝十月定秦旦為歲首,至武帝雖改用夏正,然朔猶常饗會,如元正之儀。 魏、晉則冬至日受萬國及百僚稱賀,因小會。 其儀亞於歲旦,晉有其注。 宋永初元年八月,詔曰:「慶冬使或遣不,事役宜省,今可悉停。 唯元正大慶,不得廢耳。 郡縣遣冬使詣州及都督府者,亦宜同停。」
Under Han, Gaozu made the day of Qin's submission in the tenth month the year's beginning; though Emperor Wu later adopted the Xia calendar, the winter new-moon day still regularly held feasting assemblies with the same ritual as New Year's Day. Under Wei and Jin, on the winter solstice they received congratulations from all the realm and the hundred officials, followed by a minor assembly. The ceremony ranked below New Year's Day; Jin preserved annotations for it. In Song, in the eighth month of Yongchu year 1, an edict read: "Whether or not to dispatch winter-celebration envoys—the attendant services should be reduced; let them all be suspended for now. Only the grand celebration of New Year's Day may not be abolished. Winter envoys sent from commanderies and counties to provinces and grand-marshal headquarters should likewise be stopped."
38
孫權始都武昌及建業,不立郊兆。 至末年太元元年十一月,祭南郊,其地今秣陵縣南十餘里郊中是也。 晉氏南遷,立南郊於巳地,非禮所謂陽位之義也。 宋孝武大明三年九月,尚書右丞徐爰議:「郊祀之位,遠古蔑聞。 禮記『燔柴於泰壇,祭天也。』 『兆於南郊,就陽位也。』 漢初甘泉河東禋埋易位,終亦徙於長安南北。 光武紹祚,定二郊洛陽南北。 晉氏過江,悉在北。 及郊兆之議,紛然不一。 又南出道狹,未議開闡,遂於東南巳地創立丘壇。 皇宋受命,因而弗改。 且居民之中,非邑外之謂。 今聖圖重造,舊章畢新,南驛開塗,陽路修遠。 謂宜移郊正午,以定天位。」 博士司馬興之、傅郁、太常丞陸澄並同爰議。 乃移郊兆於秣陵牛頭山西,正在宮之午地。 世祖崩,前廢帝即位,以郊舊地為吉祥,移還本處。
When Sun Quan first established his capitals at Wuchang and Jianye, he did not set up suburban altars. In his final years, in the eleventh month of Taixi year 1, he sacrificed at the southern suburb—the site lies some ten-odd li south of Moling county, within the suburban grounds. When the Jin court moved south, it established the southern suburban altar in the si direction—which is not what the rites mean by taking the yang position. In Song, in the ninth month of the third year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, Right Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing Xu Ai submitted a memorial: "The location of suburban sacrifice is unheard of in remote antiquity. The Book of Rites says, "Burn firewood on the grand mound to sacrifice to Heaven." Establish the altar at the southern suburb, taking the yang position." Early Han shifted between Ganquan, Hedong, and the Zhi and Mai rites; in the end the altars were moved to the south and north of Chang'an. When Guangwu restored the throne, he fixed the two suburban altars south and north of Luoyang. When the Jin court crossed the river, all the altars lay to the north. Debates over suburban altars were numerous and unsettled. Moreover the road south was narrow and opening it had not yet been deliberated; so a mound altar was created in the southeast si direction. When august Song received the mandate, it followed suit without change. Moreover "within the inhabited area" does not mean outside the city walls. Now the sacred map is remade and old regulations wholly renewed; the southern post road is opened and the yang road extended far into the distance. We propose moving the suburban altar to the noon direction to fix Heaven's position. Chamberlains for Academic Affairs Sima Xingzhi and Fu Yu, and Vice Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies Lu Cheng, all agreed with Xu's memorial. The suburban altar was moved west of Mount Niutou in Moling—directly in the noon direction from the palace. When Emperor Shizu died and the Former Deposed Emperor succeeded, the old suburban site was deemed auspicious and the altar was moved back to its original location.
39
北郊,晉成帝世始立,本在覆舟山南。 宋太祖以其地為樂游苑,移於山西北。 後以其地為北湖,移於湖塘西北。 其地卑下泥濕,又移於白石邨東。 其地又以為湖,乃移於鍾山北原道西,與南郊相對。 後罷白石東湖,北郊還舊處。
The northern suburban altar was first established in the era of Emperor Cheng of Jin, originally south of Mount Fuzhou. Emperor Taizu of Song made the site into the Leyou Gardens and moved the altar to the northwest of the mountain. Later, when the site became North Lake, the altar was moved to the northwest of the lake embankment. The ground there was low and muddy, so it was moved again to the east of Baishi village. That site too became a lake; the altar was then moved west of the northern high road of Mount Zhong, directly opposite the southern suburb. Later, when East Lake at Baishi was abolished, the northern suburb returned to its original site.
40
南郊,皇帝散齋七日,致齋三日。 官掌清者亦如之。 致齋之朝,御太極殿幄坐。 著絳紗袍,黑介幘,通天金博山冠。 先郊日未晡五刻,夕牲。 公卿京兆尹眾官悉壇東就位,太祝史牽牲入。 到榜,稟犧令跪白:「請省牲。」 舉手曰:「腯。」 太祝令繞牲,舉手曰:「充。」 太祝令牽牲詣庖。 以二陶豆酌毛血,其一奠皇天神座前,其一奠太祖神座前。 郊之日未明八刻,太祝令進饌,郎施饌。 牲用璽栗二頭,羣神用牛一頭。 醴用秬鬯,藉用白茅。 玄酒一器,器用匏陶,以瓦樽盛酒,瓦圩斟酒。 璧用蒼玉。 蒯席各二,不設茵蓐。 古者席藁,晉江左用蒯。 車駕出,百官應齋及從駕填街先置者,各隨申攝從事。 上水一刻,御服龍袞,平天冠,升金根車,到壇東門外。 博士、太常引入到黑攢。 太祝令跪執匏陶,酒以灌地。 皇帝再拜,興。 羣臣皆再拜伏。 治禮曰:「興。」 博士、太常引皇帝至南階,脫舄升壇,詣罍盥。 黃門侍郎洗爵,跪授皇帝。 執樽郎授爵,酌秬鬯授皇帝。 跪奠皇天神座前,再拜,興。 次詣太祖配天神座前,執爵跪奠,如皇天之禮。 南面北向,一拜伏。 太祝令各酌福酒,合置一爵中,跪進皇帝,再拜伏。 飲福酒訖,博士、太常引帝從東階下,還南階。 謁者引太常升壇,亞獻。 謁者又引光祿升壇,終獻。 訖。 各降階還本位。 太祝送神,跪執匏陶,酒以灌地。 興。 直南行出壇門,治禮舉手白,羣臣皆再拜伏。 皇帝盤,治禮曰:「興。」 博士跪曰:「祠事畢,就燎。」 博士、太常引皇帝就燎位,當壇東階,皇帝南向立。 太祝令以案奉玉璧牲體爵酒黍飯諸饌物,登柴壇施設之。 治禮舉手曰:「可燎。」 三人持火炬上。 火發。 太祝令等各下壇。 壇東西各二十人,以炬投壇,火半柴傾。 博士仰白:「事畢。」 皇帝出便坐。 解嚴。 天子有故,則三公行事,而太尉初獻,其亞獻、終獻,猶太常、光祿勳也。 北郊齋、夕牲、進熟,及乘輿百官到壇三獻,悉如南郊之禮; 唯事訖,太祝令牲玉饌物詣埳置牲上訖,又以一牲覆其上。 治禮舉手曰:「可埋。」 二十人俱時下土。 填埳欲半,博士仰白:「事畢。」 帝出。 自魏以來,多使三公行事,乘輿罕出矣。 魏及晉初,儀注雖不具存,所損益漢制可知也。 江左以後,官有其注。
For the southern suburban sacrifice, the emperor observes preliminary abstinence for seven days and strict abstinence for three days. Officials charged with purification do likewise. On the morning of strict abstinence, he sits in the curtained enclosure of the Hall of Supreme Ultimate. He wears a deep-red gauze robe, a black kerchief-cap, and the Through-Heaven golden Boshan crown. On the day before the sacrifice, five quarters before dusk, the evening inspection of victims takes place. Grand Secretaries, the Intendant of Jingzhao, and all officials take their places east of the altar; the Grand Invocator's scribe leads the victim in. Upon reaching the placard, the Director of Sacrificial Victims kneels and announces, "I request to inspect the victim." The inspector raises his hand and says, "Fat." The Grand Invocator circles the victim and raises his hand, saying, "Full." The Grand Invocator leads the victim to the kitchen. Two pottery dou vessels are filled with blood and hair; one is placed before the spirit seat of Supreme Heaven, the other before the spirit seat of the Founding Ancestor. On sacrifice day, eight quarters before dawn, the Grand Invocator presents the offerings and the gentleman-attendants set them out. Victims: two dark bulls for the primary rite; one ox for the host of spirits. Sacrificial wine uses black-millet spirit; the matting uses white thatch grass. One vessel of dark water; the vessel is gourd pottery; wine is held in earthenware jars and poured with earthenware ladles. The bi disk is of green jade. Rush mats, two each; no cushions or bedding are laid. Anciently mats were of straw; in the Eastern Jin southland rush was used. When the imperial procession departs, all officials who should observe abstinence and those who had taken positions filling the streets to accompany the procession each perform their appointed duties. At one quarter after the water mark, he dons the dragon robe and level-heaven cap, mounts the golden-root chariot, and arrives at the eastern gate outside the altar. Chamberlains for Academic Affairs and the Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies lead him in to the black enclosure. The Grand Invocator kneels, holds the gourd pottery vessel, and pours wine to libate the ground. The emperor performs two prostrations and rises. All officials likewise perform two prostrations and prostrate themselves. The Master of Ritual says, "Rise." Chamberlains for Academic Affairs and the Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies lead the emperor to the southern steps; he removes his shoes, ascends the altar mound, and proceeds to the libation basin for hand-washing. The Gentleman-in-Attendance of the Yellow Gate rinses the cup and kneels to present it to the emperor. The cup-bearer presents the vessel; black-millet spirit is poured and presented to the emperor. He kneels and sets it before the spirit seat of Supreme Heaven, performs two prostrations, and rises. Next he proceeds to the Founding Ancestor's seat, where the Founder is paired with Heaven; he holds the cup, kneels, and sets the offering, as in the rite to Supreme Heaven. Facing south with northward orientation, he performs one prostration and prostrates himself. The Grand Invocator pours the blessing wine from each offering, combines them in one cup, kneels, and presents it to the emperor; the emperor performs two prostrations and prostrates himself. When the blessing wine is finished, the Chamberlains for Academic Affairs and the Director lead the emperor down the eastern steps and back to the southern steps. The Usher leads the Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies up the altar for the secondary offering. The Usher again leads the Director of Imperial Clansmen up the altar for the final offering. The rite was complete. Each descends the steps and returns to his original place. The Grand Invocator escorts the spirits' departure; kneeling, he holds the gourd pottery vessel and pours wine to libate the ground. Rise. They walked straight south out through the altar gate. The Director of Ritual raised his hand and announced; all the ministers bowed twice and prostrated themselves. The emperor remained seated. The Director of Ritual said, "Rise." The academicians knelt and said, "The sacrifice is finished. Proceed to the fire offering." The academicians and Grand Master of Ceremonies led the emperor to the fire-offering position at the eastern steps of the altar, where he stood facing south. The Grand Invocator bore on a tray the jade bi, sacrificial flesh, goblet, wine, millet, rice, and all other offerings, ascended the firewood mound, and set them out. The Director of Ritual raised his hand and said, "The fire may be lit." Three men carried torches up. The fire was kindled. The Grand Invocator and the others each descended the altar. Twenty men on each side of the altar cast their torches onto the mound; when the fire was half ablaze the stacked wood gave way. The academicians announced upward, "The rite is complete." The emperor withdrew to the casual seat. Martial vigil was lifted. If the Son of Heaven was prevented from attending, the Three Excellencies performed the rite: the Grand Commandant made the first offering, while the secondary and final offerings were still made by the Grand Master of Ceremonies and the Director of the Imperial Household. At the northern suburb, abstinence, the evening sacrifice of the victim, the presentation of the cooked offering, and the emperor's arrival with officials at the altar for the three offerings all followed the southern suburb rite; Only at the end, the Grand Invocator took the victim, jade, and foods to the pit, laid them on the victim, and covered them with another victim. The Director of Ritual raised his hand and said, "They may be buried." Twenty men shoveled earth at once. When the pit was half filled, the academicians announced upward, "The rite is complete." The emperor withdrew. Since the Wei dynasty, the Three Excellencies often performed the rites in the emperor's stead, and the imperial carriage rarely went out. Under Wei and early Jin, though the full ritual protocols did not survive, the changes made to Han practice can still be traced. After the court moved south of the Yangtze, the offices had written regulations on the matter.
41
魏文帝詔曰:「漢氏不拜日於東郊,而旦夕常於殿下東面拜日,煩褻似家人之事,非事天郊神之道也。」 黃初二年正月乙亥,朝日于東門之外。 按禮,天子以春分朝日於東,秋分夕月於西,今正月,非其時也。 漢郊祀志,帝郊泰畤,平旦出竹宮東向揖日,其夕西向揖月。 此為即用郊日,不俟二分也。 明帝太和元年二月丁亥朔,朝日于東郊,八月己丑,夕月于西郊,此古禮也。 白虎通:「王者父天、母地,兄日、姊月」,此其義也。 尚書大傳,迎日之詞曰:「維某年某月上日。 明光于上下,勤施于四方,旁作穆穆,維予一人。 某敬拜迎日于郊。」 吳時郎陳融奏東郊頌,吳時亦行此禮也。 晉武帝太康二年,有司奏:「春分依舊請車駕祀朝日,寒溫未適,可不親出。」 詔曰:「禮儀宜有常; 如所奏,與故太尉所撰不同,復為無定制。 間者方難未平,故每從所奏。 今戎事弭息,唯此為大。」 案此詔,帝復為親朝日也。 此後廢。
Emperor Wen of Wei issued an edict: "The Han did not worship the sun at the eastern suburb, yet morning and evening they bowed to the sun facing east beneath the palace hall—fussy and familiar, like a family matter, not the proper way to serve Heaven and the spirits of the suburbs. In the second year of Huangchu, on the yihai day of the first month, he worshipped the sun outside the eastern gate. By ritual, the Son of Heaven worships the sun in the east at the spring equinox and the moon in the west at the autumn equinox; the first month was not the proper season. The Han Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices records that at the Tai altar, at dawn the emperor left the bamboo palace and bowed east to the sun, and that evening bowed west to the moon. This meant using the suburban sacrificial day itself, without waiting for the equinoxes. Emperor Ming, in Taihe 1, on the dinghai day—the first of the second month—worshipped the sun at the eastern suburb; on the jichou day of the eighth month he worshipped the moon at the western suburb. This was the ancient rite. The Baihu tong says, "The king has Heaven as father, Earth as mother, the Sun as elder brother, and the Moon as elder sister"—that is the meaning. The Great Commentary on the Documents gives the words for receiving the sun: "In such-and-such year, such-and-such month, on the ascending day. Brilliance above and below, diligent bounty to the four quarters, all works serene—I alone. [Name] reverently bows, receiving the sun at the suburb. Under Wu, Gentleman Chen Rong submitted an Eastern Suburb Eulogy; the Wu court also observed this rite. In Taikang 2, officials memorialized to Emperor Wu of Jin: "At the spring equinox, as before, we request the imperial carriage to worship the sun, but the weather is not yet suitable; the emperor need not attend in person. The edict replied, "Ritual should be constant; as you propose, it differs from what the late Grand Commandant drafted, and again there would be no fixed rule. Recently the realm was still unsettled, so each time we followed the memorial. Now warfare has ceased; this alone matters most. By this edict, the emperor again attended the sun worship in person. Thereafter the rite was abandoned.
42
殷祠,皇帝散齋七日,致齋三日。 百官清者亦如之。 致齋之日,御太極殿幄坐,著絳紗袍,黑介幘,通天金博山冠。 祠之日,車駕出,百官應齋從駕留守填街先置者,各依宣攝從事。 上水一刻,皇帝著平冕龍袞之服,升金根車,到廟北門訖。 治禮、謁者各引太樂、太常、光祿勳、三公等皆入在位。 皇帝降車入廟,脫舄,盥及洗爵,訖,升殿。 初獻,奠爵,樂奏。 太祝令跪讀祝文,訖,進奠神座前,皇帝還本位。 博士引太尉亞獻,訖,謁者又引光祿勳終獻。 凡禘祫大祭,則神主悉出廟堂,為昭穆以安坐,不復停室也。 晉氏又有陰室四殤,治禮引陰室以次奠爵于饌前。 其功臣配饗者,設坐於庭,謁者奠爵于饌前。 皇帝不親祠,則三公行事,而太尉初獻,太常亞獻,光祿勳終獻也。 四時祭祀,亦皆於將祭必先夕牲,其儀如郊。
For the seasonal grand sacrifices, the emperor observed general abstinence for seven days and strict abstinence for three days. Officials observing purity did likewise. On the day of strict abstinence, he sat behind curtains in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, wearing a crimson gauze robe, a black kerchief cap, and the tongtian gold Boshan crown. On the day of sacrifice, when the imperial procession set out, fasting officials who accompanied the carriage and those who remained to guard the streets or had gone ahead each took up their assigned acting duties. One watch into the water hour, the emperor put on the flat crown and dragon robe, mounted the golden-root chariot, and arrived at the north gate of the temple. The Directors of Ritual and the ushers each led the Grand Music Master, Grand Master of Ceremonies, Director of the Imperial Household, the Three Excellencies, and the rest to their positions. The emperor dismounted, entered the temple, removed his shoes, washed his hands and the goblet, and ascended the hall. For the first offering he set down the goblet, and music was played. The Grand Invocator knelt and read the invocation; when he had finished, he advanced and placed the offering before the spirit seat, and the emperor returned to his place. The academicians led the Grand Commandant for the secondary offering; when that was done, the usher led the Director of the Imperial Household for the final offering. For the di and xia grand sacrifices, all spirit tablets were brought out into the main hall and seated in zhao-mu order; they were no longer kept in the side chambers. Under Jin there were also the yin-chamber four child-spirits; the Director of Ritual led the yin-chamber in order to set goblets before the foods. Meritorious ministers who shared in the feast were seated in the courtyard, and ushers set goblets before the foods. If the emperor did not attend in person, the Three Excellencies performed the rite: the Grand Commandant made the first offering, the Grand Master of Ceremonies the secondary offering, and the Director of the Imperial Household the final offering. The four seasonal sacrifices likewise required the evening sacrifice of the victim before the main rite, following the same ceremony as at the suburban altar.
43
晉武帝泰始七年四月,帝將親祠,車駕夕牲,而儀注還不拜。 詔問其故。 博士奏:「歷代相承如此。」 帝曰:「非致敬宗廟之禮也。」 於是實拜而還,遂以為制。 太康中,有司奏議,十一月一日合朔奠、冬烝、夕牲同日,可有司行事。 詔曰:「夕牲而令有司行事,非也。 改擇上旬他日。」 案此則武帝夕牲必躬臨拜,而江左以來復止也。 晉元帝建武元年三月辛卯,即晉王位,行天子殷祭之禮,非常之事也。 孝武太元十一年九月,皇女亡及應烝祠。 中書侍郎范甯奏:「案喪服傳,有死宮中者,三月不舉祭,不別長幼之與貴賤也。 皇女雖在嬰孩,臣竊以為疑。」 於是尚書奏使三公行事。 昔漢靈帝世,立春尚齋迎氣東郊,尚書左丞毆殺陌使於南書寺,於是詔書曰:「議郎蔡邕、博士任敏,問可齋祠不? 得無不宜?」 邕等對曰:「按上帝之祠,無所為廢。 宮室至大,陌使至微,日又寬,可齋無疑。」 甯非不知有此議,然不從也。 魏及晉初,祭儀雖不具存,江左則備矣。 官有其注。
In the seventh year of Taishi, fourth month, Emperor Wu of Jin was to attend the evening sacrifice of the victim in person, but the protocol still prescribed no bow. An edict asked why. The academicians submitted, "Successive generations have done it this way. The emperor said, "This is not the proper way to show reverence to the ancestral temple. Thereupon he actually bowed and returned, and this became the regulation. In the Taikang era, officials memorialized that on the first day of the eleventh month the new-moon offering, the winter sacrifice, and the evening sacrifice of the victim all fell on the same day, and that officials could perform the rite. The edict said, "To have officials perform the evening sacrifice of the victim is wrong. Choose another day in the first ten days of the month. By this account, Emperor Wu personally attended and bowed at the evening sacrifice of the victim, but since the court moved south the practice again ceased. In Jianwu 1, on the xinmao day of the third month, Emperor Yuan of Jin, upon assuming the kingship of Jin, performed the Son of Heaven's seasonal grand sacrifice—an extraordinary event. In Taiyuan 11, ninth month, under Emperor Xiaowu, an imperial daughter died just as the winter sacrifice was due. Fan Ning, Attendant Gentleman of the Secretariat, memorialized: "According to the commentary on mourning dress, when someone dies within the palace, sacrifices are not held for three months, without distinction of age or rank. Though the imperial daughter was still an infant, I privately find this doubtful. Thereupon the Ministry of Writings memorialized that the Three Excellencies should perform the rite. In the reign of Emperor Ling of Han, during the spring establishment rite with abstinence to receive the qi at the eastern suburb, the Left Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Writings beat a street messenger to death at the South Documents Office; an edict then asked, "Gentlemen Consultant Cai Yong and Academician Ren Min—may the abstinence rites proceed? Might it be improper? Cai Yong and the others replied, "In worship of the Supreme Lord, there is no reason to suspend the rite. The palace is vast, the street messenger insignificant, and the day ample; the abstinence rites may proceed without doubt. Fan Ning was not unaware of this precedent, yet he did not follow it. Under Wei and early Jin, though the sacrifice rites were not fully preserved, south of the Yangtze they were complete. The offices had written regulations.
44
祠太社、帝社、太稷,常以歲二月八月二社日祠之。 太祝令夕牲進熟,如郊廟儀。 司空、太常、大司農三獻也。 官有其注。 周禮王親祭,漢以來,有司行事。
The Grand Altars of Soil and Grain were worshipped on the two She days in the second and eighth months of each year. The Grand Invocator performed the evening sacrifice of the victim and the presentation of the cooked offering, following the ceremony used at the suburban altar and ancestral temple. The Minister of Works, Grand Master of Ceremonies, and Grand Minister of Agriculture made the three offerings. The offices had written regulations. The Rites of Zhou say the king sacrifices in person; since Han, officials have performed the rite.
45
漢安帝元初六年,立六宗祠於國西北戌亥地,祠儀比泰社。
In Yuanchu 6 under Emperor An of Han, the Six Di Temple was established in the northwest of the capital at the xu-hai position; the sacrifice followed the ceremony of the Grand Soil altar.
46
日月將交會,太史上合朔。 尚書先事三日,宣攝內外,戒嚴。 摯虞決疑曰:「凡救蝕者,皆著赤幘,以助陽也。 日將蝕,天子素服避正殿,內外嚴警,太史登靈臺,伺候日變。 更伐鼓於門,聞鼓音,侍臣皆著赤幘,帶劍入侍。 三臺令史以上,皆各持劍立其戶前。 衞尉卿馳繞宮,伺察守備,周而復始。 日復常,乃皆罷。」 魯昭公十七年,六月朔,日有蝕之。 祝史請所用幣,叔孫昭子曰:「日有蝕之,天子不舉樂,伐鼓於社; 諸侯用幣於社,伐鼓於朝,禮也。」 又以赤絲為繩繫社,祝史陳辭以責之。 社,勾龍之神,天子之上公,故責之。 合朔,官有其注。
When the sun and moon were about to conjoin, the Grand Astrologer reported the new moon. Three days beforehand the Ministry of Writings announced the matter and put the inner and outer court on alert. Zhi Yu's Resolving Doubts says, "All who respond to an eclipse wear red turbans to bolster the yang. When the sun is about to be eclipsed, the Son of Heaven wears plain dress and avoids the main hall; inside and outside the palace are placed on strict alert; the Grand Astrologer ascends the Spirit Terrace to watch for changes in the sun. Drums are beaten in rotation at the gates; on hearing the drum, attending ministers all wear red turbans and enter service with swords at their sides. Secretaries of the Three Departments and above each stand with a sword before their doors. The Commandant of Guards rides in circuit around the palace, inspecting the defenses, and continues without cease. When the sun returns to normal, all stand down. In the seventeenth year of Duke Zhao of Lu, on the new moon of the sixth month, there was an eclipse of the sun. The invocators asked what silks should be used; Zisun Zhaozi said, "When there is an eclipse of the sun, the Son of Heaven ceases music and beats drums at the soil altar; feudal lords use silks at the altar and beat drums in court—that is ritual. They also bound the soil altar with a rope of red silk, and the invocators recited words of reproach against it. The soil altar is the spirit Gou Long, the supreme lord under the Son of Heaven—hence it was reproached. For the new-moon conjunction, the offices had written regulations.
47
昔漢建安中,將正會,而太史上言正旦當日蝕,朝士疑會不。 共詣尚書令荀文若諮之。 時廣平計吏劉劭在坐,曰:「梓慎、裨竈,古之良史,猶占水火,錯失天時。 禮諸侯旅見天子,入門不得終禮者四,日蝕在一。 然則聖人垂制,不為變異豫廢朝禮者,或災消異伏,或推術謬誤也。」 文若及眾人咸喜而從之,遂朝會如舊,日亦不蝕。 劭由此顯名,魏史美而書之。
In the Jian'an era of Han, just as the New Year's assembly was about to be held, the Grand Astrologer reported that New Year's Day would see an eclipse of the sun; court officials were unsure whether to hold the assembly. Together they went to consult the Minister of Writings Xun Wenruo. Liu Shao, a Guangping accounting clerk, was among those present. He said, "Zizhen and Pizao were the finest historiographers of old, yet even they, when reading fire and water, sometimes mistimed heaven itself. The Rites teach that when feudal lords come in a body to audience with the Son of Heaven, four circumstances may prevent them from finishing the ceremony once they have passed the gate—and a solar eclipse is the first of these. When the sages handed down their institutions, they did not cancel court rites in advance because of portents—either the calamity dissolved and the omen never appeared, or the astrologers' reckoning was simply wrong." Xun Yu and the rest were pleased and assented. The court assembly went forward as always—and in the end the sun was not eclipsed. Liu Shao won fame from this episode, and the historians of Wei praised him and set it down.
48
魏高貴鄉公正元二年三月朔,太史奏日蝕而不蝕。 晉文王時為大將軍,大推史官不驗之負。 史官答曰:「合朔之時,或有日掩月,或有月掩日。 月掩日,則蔽障日體,使光景有虧,故謂之日蝕。 日掩月,則日於月上過,謂之陰不侵陽,雖交無變。 日月相掩必食之理,無術以知,是以嘗禘郊社,日蝕則接祭,是亦前代史官不能審蝕也。 自漢故事,以為日蝕必當於交。 每至其時,申警百官,以備日變。 故甲寅詔有備蝕之制,無考負之法。 古來黃帝、顓頊、夏、殷、周、魯六歷,皆無推日蝕法,但有考課疏密而已。 負坐之條,由本無術可課,非司事之罪。」 乃止。
On the first day of the third month in the second year of Zhengyuan, under the Duke of Gaogui of Wei, the Grand Astrologer predicted a solar eclipse that never came. Sima Zhao, later honored as Wen of Jin, was then Grand General and demanded that the historiographers be punished for their failed prediction. The historiographers answered, "At new-moon conjunction, sometimes the sun passes over the moon, and sometimes the moon passes over the sun. When the moon covers the sun, it veils the solar body and dims its light—this is what we call a solar eclipse. When the sun passes above the moon, it is called yin not violating yang: though the two bodies meet, there is no eclipse. No art can tell in advance whether sun and moon will truly cover one another and produce an eclipse. That is why, at the autumn di and suburban sacrifices, a substitute rite was held whenever an eclipse was expected—it shows that even the historiographers of earlier ages could not reliably foretell eclipses. Han practice held that a solar eclipse must fall at conjunction. Whenever that moment approached, every office was alerted in advance to stand ready for a change in the sun. Hence the jiayin edict laid down provisions against eclipses, but established no penalty for failed predictions. From antiquity onward, the six calendars of Huangdi, Zhuanxu, Xia, Yin, Zhou, and Lu contained no method for calculating solar eclipses—only rules for judging whether their reckonings were tight or loose. The liability statute exists only because there was never a calculable method to test against in the first place. The fault does not lie with those who hold the office." And so the matter was dropped.
49
晉武帝咸寧三年、四年,並以正旦合朔却元會,改魏故事也。
In the third and fourth years of Xianning, Emperor Wu of Jin cancelled the New Year's assembly whenever New Year's Day coincided with new-moon conjunction—a break with Wei precedent.
50
晉元帝太興元年四月合朔,中書侍郎孔愉奏曰:「春秋日有蝕之,天子伐鼓于社,攻諸陰也。 諸侯伐鼓於朝,臣自攻也。 案尚書符,若日有變,便伐鼓於諸門,有違舊典。」 詔曰:「所陳有正義,輒敕外改之。」
In the fourth month of the first year of Taixing, at new-moon conjunction, Vice Director of the Secretariat Kong Yu memorialized: "When the Spring and Autumn Annals says, 'The sun was eclipsed,' the Son of Heaven beats drums at the soil altar to strike at yin. Feudal lords beat drums in the court—that is, ministers striking at themselves. According to current Secretariat orders, any change in the sun triggers drumming at every gate—a departure from the ancient canon." The edict replied, "Your argument is sound. Order the outer offices to change the practice accordingly."
51
至康帝建元元年,太史上元日合朔,朝士復疑應却會與否。 庾冰輔政,寫劉劭議以示八坐,于時有謂劭為不得禮意,荀文若從之,是勝人之一失。 故蔡謨遂著議非之曰:「劭論災消異伏,又以慎、竈猶有錯失,太史上言亦不必審,其理誠然也。 而云聖人垂制,不為變異豫廢朝禮,此則謬矣。 災祥之發,所以譴告人君,王者所重誡。 故素服廢樂,退避正寢,百官降物,用幣伐鼓,躬親而救之。 夫敬誡之事,與其疑而廢之,寧慎而行之。 故孔子、老聃助葬於巷黨,以喪不見星而行,故日蝕而止柩,曰安知其不見星也。 今史官言當蝕,亦安知其不蝕乎? 夫子、老聃豫行見星之防,而劭廢之,是棄聖賢之成規也。 魯桓公壬申有災,而以乙亥嘗祭,春秋譏之。 災事既過,猶追懼未已,故廢宗廟之祭; 況聞天眚將至,行慶樂之會,於禮乖矣。 禮記所云『諸侯入門不得終禮者』,謂日官不豫言,諸侯既入,見蝕乃知耳; 非先聞當蝕,而朝會不廢也。 劭引此,可謂失其義指。 劉劭所執者禮記也; 夫子、老聃巷黨之事,亦禮記所言,復違而反之,進退無據。 荀令所善,漢朝所從,遂使此言至今見稱,莫知其謬。 後來君子,將擬以為式,故正之云爾。」 於是冰從眾議,遂以却會。
By the first year of Jianyuan under Emperor Kang, the Grand Astrologer reported new-moon conjunction on New Year's Day, and court officials again debated whether to cancel the assembly. Yu Bing, then regent, copied out Liu Shao's memorial and showed it to the Eight Excellencies. Some held that Liu Shao had missed the spirit of the rites, and that even a man as wise as Xun Yu had erred in following him. Cai Mo therefore wrote a counter-memorial: "Liu Shao's points—that calamity may vanish and portents fail to appear, that even Zizhen and Pizao could err, that the Grand Astrologer's report need not be trusted—are in themselves reasonable. But to claim that because the sages established institutions one should not cancel court rites in advance on account of portents—that is wrong. Calamities and omens arise to warn the ruler. They are what a king must heed above all. Hence plain dress, music suspended, withdrawal from the principal chamber, officials lowering their ornaments, silks offered and drums beaten—the ruler himself performed the rites of rescue. In matters of reverent warning, it is better to act with caution than to hesitate and abandon the rite. Confucius and Laozi, assisting at a burial in the Lane Party, marched with the coffin because a funeral should not proceed until stars appear. When an eclipse came they halted the bier, saying, "How can we know the stars will not appear?" Now the historiographers say there will be an eclipse—how can we know there will not be one? Confucius and Laozi took precautions lest the stars fail to appear, yet Liu Shao would discard them. That is to abandon the settled rule of the sages. Duke Huan of Lu met with disaster on renshen day, yet on yihai he still offered the seasonal sacrifice. The Spring and Autumn Annals censures him for it. Though the calamity was past, fear had not yet subsided—hence the ancestral sacrifice was cancelled. How much less fitting, then, to hold a festive assembly of music and celebration when heaven's warning is already announced. What the Book of Rites means by 'feudal lords who enter the gate and may not complete the ceremony' applies when the Sun Officer has not foretold the eclipse—the lords enter, see it, and only then learn of it. It does not mean that when an eclipse has been foretold, the court assembly should not be cancelled. Liu Shao's use of this passage misses its true meaning. Liu Shao appeals to the Book of Rites— yet the story of Confucius and Laozi in the Lane Party is also in the Book of Rites. He cites it and then turns against it—advancing and retreating with nothing to stand on. What Minister Xun approved and the Han court adopted has been praised down to our day, its error unnoticed. Later gentlemen may take it as a model. I write to correct that." Yu Bing then followed the majority and cancelled the assembly.
52
至永和中,殷浩輔政,又欲從劉劭議不却會。 王彪之據咸寧、建元故事,又曰:「禮云,諸侯旅見天子,不得終禮而廢者四,自謂卒暴有之,非為先存其事而徼幸史官推術繆錯,故不豫廢朝禮也。」 於是又從彪之,相承至今。
In the Yonghe era, Yin Hao as regent again wished to follow Liu Shao and not cancel the assembly. Wang Biaozhi cited the precedents of Xianning and Jianyuan and said, "The Rites say that when feudal lords come in a body to audience with the Son of Heaven, four circumstances may force them to abandon the ceremony before it is finished. These are sudden, unforeseen events—not a license to keep the assembly in advance while gambling that the astrologers' reckoning is wrong, and therefore not to cancel court rites beforehand." The court again followed Biaozhi, and that practice has continued to the present.
53
耕籍之禮尚矣,漢文帝修之。 及昭帝幼即大位,耕於鈎盾弄田。 明帝永平十五年二月,東巡,耕於下邳。 章帝元和三年正月北巡,耕於懷縣。 魏三祖皆親耕籍。 晉武帝泰始四年,有司奏始耕祠先農,可令有司行事。 詔曰:「夫民之大事,在祀與農。 是以古之聖王,躬耕帝籍,以供郊廟之粢盛,且以訓化天下。 近代以來,耕籍止於數步中,空有慕古之名,曾無供祀訓農之實,而有百官車徒之費。 今修千畝之制,當與羣公卿士,躬稼穡之艱難,以帥先天下。 主者詳具其制,并下河南處田地於東郊之南,洛水之北,平良中水者。 若無官田,隨宜便換,不得侵民人也。」 自此之後,其事便廢。 史注載多有闕。 江左元、哀二帝,將修耕籍,賀循等所上注,及裴憲為胡中所定儀,又未詳允。
The rite of ploughing the sacred field is of long standing. Emperor Wen of Han restored it. When Emperor Zhao succeeded as a child, he ploughed in the Hook-Shield pleasure fields. In the second month of the fifteenth year of Yongping, Emperor Ming toured east and ploughed at Xiapi. In the first month of the third year of Yuanhe, Emperor Zhang toured north and ploughed at Huaixian. All three founding emperors of Wei personally ploughed the sacred field. In the fourth year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin's officials memorialized that the first ploughing and sacrifice to the First Farmer could be performed by subordinates on his behalf. The edict said, "The great affairs of the people are sacrifice and agriculture. Therefore the sage-kings of old personally ploughed the imperial field to supply the grain for suburban and temple offerings, and to instruct and transform all under heaven. In recent times the ploughing rite has amounted to a few paces—a name for revering antiquity, with none of the reality of supplying sacrifices or teaching farming, yet still costing the labor of officials and retinues. Now we shall restore the thousand-acre field and, with the hosts of dukes, ministers, and officers, personally know the hardship of sowing and reaping, leading all under heaven by example. Let those in charge draw up the full regulations, and commission Henan to set aside fields south of the eastern suburb and north of the Luo River, on level fertile ground with good water. If no state land is available, substitute suitable ground as circumstances allow, without encroaching on the people's fields." After this the practice was soon abandoned. The historical commentaries contain many gaps. The emperors Yuan and Ai of the south intended to restore the ploughing rite, but the commentaries submitted by He Xun and others, and the ceremonies fixed by Pei Xian in the north, remained incomplete and unsatisfactory.
54
元嘉二十年,太祖將親耕,以其久廢,使何承天撰定儀注。 史學生山謙之已私鳩集,因以奏聞。 乃下詔曰:「國以民為本,民以食為天。 一夫輟耕,饑者必及。 食廪既實,禮節以興。 自頃在所貧耗,家無宿積,陰陽暫偏,則人懷愁墊; 年或不稔,而病乏比室。 誠由政德未孚,以臻斯弊,抑亦耕桑未廣,地利多遺。 宰守微化導之方,萌庶忘勤分之義。 永言弘濟,明發載懷。 雖制令亟下,終莫懲勸,而坐望滋殖,庸可致乎。 有司其班宣舊條,務盡敦課。 遊食之徒,咸令附業。 考覈勤惰,行其誅賞; 觀察能殿,嚴加黜陟。 古者從時脉土,以訓農功,躬耕帝籍,敬供粢盛。 仰瞻前王,思遵令典,便可量處千畝,考卜元辰。 朕當親率百辟,致禮郊甸。 庶幾誠素,獎被斯民。」 於是斟酌眾條,造定圖注。 先立春九日,尚書宣攝內外,各使隨局從事。 司空、大農、京尹、令、尉,度宮之辰地八里之外,整制千畝,開阡陌。 立先農壇於中阡西陌南,御耕壇於中阡東陌北。 將耕,宿設青幕于耕壇之上。 皇后帥六宮之人出穜稑之種,付籍田令。 耕日,太祝以一太牢告祠先農,悉如祠帝社之儀。 孟春之月,擇上辛後吉亥日,御乘耕根三蓋車,駕蒼駟,青旂,著通天冠,青幘,朝服青袞,帶佩蒼玉。 蕃王以下至六百石皆衣青。 唯三臺武衞不耕,不改服章。 車駕出,眾事如郊廟之儀。 車駕至籍田,侍中跪奏:「尊降車。」 臨壇,大司農跪奏:「先農已享,請皇帝親耕。」 太史令讚曰:「皇帝親耕。」 三推三反。 於是羣臣以次耕,王公五等開國諸侯五推五反,孤卿大夫七推七反,士九推九反。 籍田令率其屬耕,竟畝,灑種,即耰,禮畢。
In the twentieth year of Yuanjia, the Founding Emperor was to plough in person. Because the rite had long fallen into disuse, he ordered He Chengtian to draft the ceremonial regulations. The history student Shan Qianzhi had already privately assembled a compilation, which was submitted to the throne. An edict was issued: "The state rests on the people; the people rest on food. If even one farmer stops ploughing, hunger will reach others. When the granaries are full, ritual and propriety flourish. Lately every district has been drained; households have no stores. When yin and yang fall briefly out of balance, the people sink under sorrow— Some years fail to yield, and want and sickness spread from house to house. This is truly because governing virtue has not yet won the people's trust, bringing us to this pass; yet it is also because ploughing and sericulture have not been widely pursued and much of the land's bounty lies unused. District magistrates have been slack in teaching and guiding; the common folk have forgotten the duty of diligent labor. I dwell constantly on broad deliverance; at dawn my heart is full of it. Though edicts have gone out again and again, none have truly moved hearts or changed conduct—and to sit idle expecting abundance, how can that be achieved? Let the relevant offices publish the old regulations and enforce them to the full. All idlers and wanderers must be made to take up productive work. Assess diligence and sloth, and impose punishments and rewards accordingly. Inspect the ability of district officials and strictly promote or demote them. In antiquity rulers tested the soil according to the season to teach farming; they personally ploughed the imperial field and reverently supplied sacrificial grain. Looking up to the former kings and mindful of following their canon, let the thousand-acre field be surveyed and the auspicious day chosen. I shall personally lead the hundred ministers and perform the rites at the suburban field. In the hope that plain sincerity may encourage and reach this people. Accordingly, weighing various provisions, they devised and fixed the illustrated regulations. Nine days before the Beginning of Spring, the Minister of Writings issued orders throughout inner and outer offices, each department attending to its duties. The Minister of Works, Grand Minister of Agriculture, capital magistrate, district magistrates, and commandants, measuring eight li outward from the palace's earth-altar site, laid out the thousand-acre field and opened its cross-paths. They erected the altar to the First Farmer south of the western cross-path at the center, and the emperor's ploughing altar north of the eastern cross-path at the center. On the eve of ploughing, a green awning was set up on the ploughing altar. The empress, leading the women of the six palaces, brought forth early and late grain seeds and entrusted them to the Director of the Sacred Field. On the day of ploughing, the Grand Invocator offered one great victim in announcement-sacrifice to the First Farmer, entirely according to the rite for the Imperial Soil Altar. In the first month of spring, on an auspicious gai day following the upper xin day, the emperor mounted the three-canopied Gengen carriage, drove teams of blue-gray horses, bore a green banner, wore the Tongtian cap and green headcloth, green brocade court robes, and blue-green jade at his belt. From feudal princes down to officials of six hundred piculs salary, all wore green. Only the three secretariats and the martial guard did not plough and did not change their attire. When the imperial procession departed, all proceedings followed suburban and temple ritual. When the procession reached the sacred field, the Attendant-in-Ordinary knelt and announced, "Your Majesty, descend from the carriage." Approaching the altar, the Grand Minister of Agriculture knelt and announced, "The First Farmer has received the offering. We request that the emperor plough in person." The Grand Astrologer intoned, "The emperor ploughs in person." He pushed the plough three times forward and three times back. Then the ministers ploughed in turn: dukes, kings, and fifth-rank nobles with state fiefs five pushes and five returns; solitary ministers and grandees seven and seven; officers nine and nine. The Director of the Sacred Field led his subordinates in ploughing; when the acre was complete they scattered seed, covered it, and the rite was concluded.
55
魏氏雖天子耕籍,其蕃鎮諸侯,並闕百畝之禮。 晉武帝末,有司奏:「古諸侯耕籍百畝,躬秉耒耜,以奉社稷宗廟,以勸率農功。 今諸王治國,宜修耕籍之義。」 然未施行。 宋太祖東耕後,乃班下州郡縣,悉備其禮焉。
Although the Wei sovereigns ploughed the sacred field, their feudal princes and garrison lords all lacked the hundred-acre rite. Near the end of Emperor Wu of Jin's reign, the relevant offices memorialized, "Anciently feudal lords ploughed the hundred-acre sacred field, personally holding plough and spade, to supply the altars of soil-and-grain and the ancestral temples, and to encourage and lead farming. Today the princes who govern states ought to restore the meaning of the ploughing rite." The memorial was approved—but never put into practice. After Emperor Taizu of Song had performed the eastern plowing, he sent the regulations down to every commandery, prefecture, and county, and the full ceremony was established everywhere.
56
周禮,王后帥內外命婦,蠶於北郊。 漢則東郊,非古也。 魏則北郊,依周禮也。 晉則西郊,宜是與籍田對其方也。 魏文帝黃初七年正月,命中宮蠶于北郊。 按韋誕后蠶頌,則于時漢注已亡,更考撰其儀也。 及至晉氏,先蠶多采魏法。 晉武帝太康六年,散騎常侍華嶠奏:「先王之制,天子諸侯親耕千畝,后夫人躬蠶桑宮。 今陛下以聖明至仁,修先王之緒,皇后體資生之德,合配乾之義,而教道未先,蠶禮尚闕。 以為宜依古式,備斯盛典。」 詔曰:「古者天子親籍以供粢盛,后夫人躬蠶以備祭服。 所以聿遵孝敬,明教示訓也。 今籍田有制,而蠶禮不修。 中間務多,未暇崇備。 今天下無事,宜修禮以示四海。 其詳依古典及近代故事,以參今宜。 明年施行。」 於是使侍中成粲草定其儀。 皇后采桑壇在蠶室西,帷宮中門之外,桑林在其東,先蠶壇在宮外門之外而東南。 取民妻六人為蠶母。 蠶將生,擇吉日,皇后著十二笄,依漢魏故事,衣青衣,乘油蓋雲母安車,駕六馬。 女尚書著貂蟬,佩璽,陪乘,載筐鉤。 公主、三夫人、九嬪、世婦、諸太妃、公太夫人、公夫人,及縣鄉君、郡公侯特進夫人、外世婦、命婦,皆步搖、衣青,各載筐鉤從。 蠶桑前一日,蠶宮生蠶著薄上。 躬桑日,太祝令以一太牢祠先蠶。 皇后至西郊,升壇,公主以下陪列壇東。 皇后東面躬桑,采三條; 諸妃公主各采五條; 縣鄉君以下各采九條。 悉以桑授蠶母。 還蠶室。 事訖,皇后還便坐,公主以下以次就位,設饗賜絹各有差。 宋孝武大明四年,又修此禮。
The Rites of Zhou prescribe that the empress lead the titled ladies of the inner and outer palace in sericulture at the Northern Suburb. Under Han the ceremony was held at the Eastern Suburb, which was not the ancient practice. Wei held it at the Northern Suburb, in accordance with the Rites of Zhou. Jin held it at the Western Suburb, presumably so that the site would stand opposite the sacred plowing field. In the first month of the seventh year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen of Wei ordered the empress to conduct sericulture at the Northern Suburb. Wei Dan's Eulogy on the Empress's Sericulture shows that by that time Han ritual texts were already lost, and the ceremony had to be reconstructed from fresh research. Under Jin, the early sericulture rites largely followed Wei precedent. In Taikang 6, Palace Attendant Hua Qiao submitted a memorial: "By the institutions of the ancient kings, the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords personally plow a thousand mu, and the empress and consorts personally raise silkworms at the Silkworm Palace. Your Majesty, with sage brilliance and supreme benevolence, carries on the work of the ancient kings; the empress embodies the virtue that nurtures life and the principle of harmonizing with Heaven—yet moral instruction has not been placed first, and the sericulture rite still stands incomplete. We believe it would be fitting to follow the ancient pattern and complete this great ceremony. The edict replied: "In antiquity the Son of Heaven personally worked the sacred field to supply sacrificial grain, and the empress and consorts personally raised silkworms to provide robes for sacrifice. By this reverence and filial duty were upheld, and moral instruction was set forth for all to see. Today the sacred-field rite has its regulations, yet the sericulture ceremony is not maintained. In the meantime pressing affairs have multiplied, and we have not had leisure to honor and complete it. Now that the realm is at peace, the rites should be restored to show all within the Four Seas. Let the details follow the ancient canon and recent precedents, weighed against what is appropriate today. Put it into effect next year." Attendant-at-Court Cheng Can was then ordered to draft the protocol. The empress's mulberry-picking altar stood west of the Silkworm Palace, with the screened pavilion outside the inner palace gate; the mulberry grove lay to its east, and the altar to the First Silkworm stood southeast of the outer palace gate. Six commoners' wives were chosen as silkworm attendants. When the silkworms were about to hatch, an auspicious day was chosen; the empress wore twelve hairpins and, following Han and Wei precedent, dressed in green and rode in an oiled-canopy carriage lined with mica, drawn by six horses. The Chief Female Secretary wore the diaochan headdress, carried the seal, rode in attendance, and bore the mulberry basket and hook. Princesses, the three ladies of highest rank, the nine concubines, palace women, imperial grandees' wives, marquises' wives, county and district ladies, ladies of distinguished fiefs, wives of specially advanced honor, outer palace women, and all titled ladies wore step-shakers, dressed in green, and each carried a mulberry basket and hook in attendance. On the day before the personal mulberry ceremony, newly hatched silkworms were placed on thin matting in the Silkworm Palace. On the day of personal mulberry-picking, the Grand Invocator offered a Grand Sacrifice to the First Silkworm. The empress reached the Western Suburb and ascended the altar; princesses and all below took their places east of the altar. Facing east, the empress personally picked three mulberry sprigs; each imperial consort and princess picked five sprigs apiece; county and district ladies and all below picked nine sprigs apiece. All the mulberry was handed to the silkworm attendants. They then returned to the Silkworm Palace. When the rite was complete, the empress returned to her regular seat; princesses and all below took their places in order, and a feast was set with gifts of silk allotted according to rank. In the fourth year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, this rite was restored once more.
57
漢獻帝建安二十二年,魏國作泮宮于鄴城南。 魏文帝黃初五年,立太學於洛陽。 齊王正始中,劉馥上疏曰:「黃初以來,崇立太學,二十餘年,而成者蓋寡。 由博士選輕,諸生避役,高門子弟,恥非其倫,故無學者。 雖有其名,而無其實,雖設其教,而無其功。 宜高選博士,取行為人表,經任人師者,掌教國子。 依遵古法,使二千石以上子孫,年從十五,皆入太學。 明制黜陟,陳榮辱之路。」 不從。 晉武帝泰始八年,有司奏:「太學生七千餘人,才任四品,聽留。」 詔:「已試經者留之,其餘遣還郡國。 大臣子弟堪受教者,令入學。」 咸寧二年,起國子學,蓋周禮國之貴遊子弟所謂國子,受教於師氏者也。 太康五年,修作明堂、辟雍、靈臺。
In Jian'an 22 under Emperor Xian of Han, the state of Wei built a Pan Palace south of Ye. In the fifth year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen of Wei established the Imperial Academy at Luoyang. During the Zhengshi reign of the Qi king, Liu Fu submitted a memorial: "Since Huangchu the Imperial Academy has been honored and maintained for more than twenty years, yet those who have completed their studies are very few. This is because erudites have been chosen too lightly, students dodge corvée duty, and sons of great families are ashamed to be ranked with common scholars—so there are scarcely any learners. The institution has a name but no substance; teaching is set up but achieves nothing. Erudites should be chosen with the greatest care—men whose conduct is a model to others and whose mastery of the classics makes them fit to instruct—who shall teach the sons of the realm. Following the ancient law, sons and grandsons of officials of two thousand shi and above, from the age of fifteen onward, should all enter the Imperial Academy. Let promotion and demotion be clearly defined, and the path of honor and disgrace be plainly set forth. The proposal was rejected. In the eighth year of Taishi, the relevant offices memorialized: "Of the Imperial Academy's more than seven thousand students, those competent for fourth-rank appointment may remain." An edict replied: "Those who have passed the examination of the classics may remain; the rest shall be sent back to their commanderies and states. Sons and grandsons of great ministers fit for instruction were ordered to enter school." In Xianning 2 the National University was established—the sons of the realm's noble scions in the Rites of Zhou, who received instruction from the Grand Tutor's office. In Taikang 5 the Hall of Enlightenment, the Imperial College, and the Spirit Tower were built and restored.
58
孫休永安元年,詔曰:「古者建國,教學為先。 所以導世治性,為時養器也。 自建興以來,時事多故,吏民頗以目前趨務,棄本就末,不循古道。 夫所尚不淳,則傷化敗俗。 其按舊置學官,立五經博士,覈取應選,加其寵祿。 科見吏之中及將吏子弟有志好者,各令就業。 一歲課試,差其品第,加以位賞。 使見之者樂其榮,聞之者羨其譽。 以淳王化,以隆風俗。」 於是立學。
In Yong'an 1, Sun Xiu issued an edict: "In antiquity, when a state was founded, education came first. By this the age is guided, character is ordered, and talent is nurtured for the times. Since the Jianxing era the times have brought many troubles, and officials and common people have largely chased present gain, abandoning the root for the branch and failing to follow the ancient Way. When what is honored lacks purity, transformation is injured and custom corrupted. Let the old schools be restored; appoint erudites for the Five Classics, examine and select those who qualify, and increase their stipends and honors. Among serving officials and among sons and grandsons of generals and officials who have the will and love of learning, let each be sent to pursue his studies. Test them once each year, grade their rank by merit, and reward them with office and emolument. Let those who see this rejoice in its glory; let those who hear of it envy its renown. Thus refine royal transformation and elevate the customs of the age. Schools were then established.
59
元帝為晉王,建武初,驃騎將軍王導上疏:
When Emperor Yuan was still Prince of Jin, at the opening of the Jianwu reign, General of Agile Cavalry Wang Dao submitted a memorial:
60
:夫治化之本,在於正人倫。 人倫之正,存乎設庠序。 庠序設而五教明,則德化洽通,彝倫攸敍,有恥且格也。 父子兄弟夫婦長幼之序順,而君臣之義固矣。 易所謂正家而天下定者也。 故聖王蒙以養正,少而教之,使化沾肌骨,習以成性,有若自然,日遷善遠罪,而不自知。 行成德立,然後裁之以位。 雖王之嫡子,猶與國子齒,使知道而後貴。 其取才用士,咸先本之于學。 故周禮,鄉大夫「獻賢能之書于王,王拜而受之」。 所以尊道而貴士也。 人知士之所貴,由乎道存。 則退而修其身,修其身以及其家,正家以及於鄉,學於鄉以登於朝。 反本復始,各求諸己,敦素之業著,浮偽之道息,教使然也。 故以之事君則忠,用之莅下則仁,即孟軻所謂「未有仁而遺其親,義而後其君者也」。
The root of governance and moral transformation lies in rectifying human relations. The rectification of human relations rests on establishing schools. Once schools are established and the five teachings made clear, moral transformation spreads in harmony, the great bonds are put in order, and people feel shame as well as restraint. When the ordering of father and son, elder and younger brother, husband and wife, and senior and junior is settled, the bond between ruler and subject is likewise made firm. This is what the Changes means when it says, "Rectify the family, and the realm is settled." Therefore the sage kings nurtured with moral influence while character was still being formed, and taught from youth, so that transformation soaked into bone and flesh and habit became second nature—as though it were innate; day by day one moves toward goodness and away from wrongdoing, without even knowing it. Only when conduct is formed and virtue established are rank and office applied as the final measure. Even the king's own eldest son is ranked with the sons of the realm, so that he first learns the Way and only afterward is held in honor. In taking talent and employing scholars, they always looked first to what had been rooted in learning. So the Rites of Zhou have the district grandee "present the record of the worthy and capable to the king, and the king bows and receives it." By this the Way was honored and scholars esteemed. When men know that scholars are honored because the Way endures, they withdraw and cultivate themselves; cultivating themselves, they extend it to their families; rectifying their families, they extend it to their districts; learning in the district, they rise to court office. Returning to the root and beginning again, each seeks within himself; plain sincerity stands forth, flashy falsity is stilled—such is the power of teaching. Thus in serving the ruler one is loyal; in presiding below one is benevolent—this is what Mencius meant: "Never has there been one who was benevolent yet abandoned his kin, nor one who was righteous yet put his lord last."
61
:自頃皇綱失統,禮教陵替,頌聲不興,于今二紀。 傳曰「三年不為禮,禮必壞; 三年不為樂,樂必崩」。 而況如此其久者乎? 先進漸忘揖讓之容,後生唯聞金革之響,干戈日尋,俎豆不設,先王之道彌遠,華偽之風遂滋,非所以習民靖俗,端本抑末之謂也。 殿下以命世之資,屬當傾危之運,禮樂征伐,翼成中興,將滌穢蕩瑕,撥亂反正。 誠宜經綸稽古,建明學校,闡揚六蓺,以訓後生,使文武之道,墜而復興。 方今小雅盡廢,戎虜扇熾,節義陵遲,國恥未雪。 忠臣義士,所以扼腕拊心,禮樂政刑,當並陳以俱濟者也。 苟禮義膠固,純風載洽,則化之所陶者廣,而德之所被者大,義之所屬者深,而威之所震者遠矣。 由斯而進,則可朝服濟河,使帝典闕而復補,王綱弛而更張,饕餮改情,獸心革面,揖讓而蠻夷服,緩帶而天下從,得乎其道者,豈難也哉。 故有虞舞干戚而三苗化,魯僖作泮宮而淮夷平,桓、文之霸,皆先教而後戰。 今若聿遵前典,興復教道,使朝之子弟,並入于學,立德出身者咸習之而後通。 德路開而偽塗塞,則其化不肅而成,不嚴而治矣。 選明博修禮之士以為之師,隆教貴道,化成俗定,莫尚於斯也。
Of late the royal net has lost its coherence, ritual and teaching have collapsed, and commendatory songs have not been raised—for nearly two reigns now. The tradition says, "If for three years rites are not performed, rites must crumble; if for three years music is not performed, music must collapse." How much more so when neglect has lasted this long? The senior and advanced gradually forget the bearing of courtesy and yielding; those born later hear only the clash of arms and armor. War is pursued day by day, yet the ritual vessels are not set out; the Way of the ancient kings grows ever more remote, and the wind of showy falsity daily spreads. This is not what is meant by habituating the people, settling custom, making the root upright, and checking the branch. Your Highness, with a world-forming endowment, stands at a time when the realm is tipping toward ruin; in ritual, music, punitive expedition, and governance you have aided the restoration—and you mean to cleanse filth and scour away blemishes, set order amid chaos, and return to the correct Way. It is truly fitting to plan by consulting antiquity, to establish and clarify schools, to unfold the Six Arts, and instruct those to come, so that the civil and martial Ways, fallen, may rise again. Today the Lesser Odes are wholly abandoned, barbarian enemies blaze abroad, integrity and duty lie in ruin, and the national shame is not yet washed away. For this loyal ministers and righteous men clench their fists and beat their breasts—ritual, music, governance, and punishment ought all to be set forth together and brought into joint effect. If ritual and righteousness hold firm and the pure wind spreads in fullness, then what transformation molds will be broad, what virtue covers will be great, what righteousness binds will be deep, and what majesty awakens will reach far. Proceeding hence, one might cross the river in court robes and restore what the imperial canon lacks, tighten again what the kingly net has slackened, transform the gluttonous in heart and change the beastly in face, until through courtesy and yielding the barbarians submit and with loosened girdle all under Heaven follows. For one who holds the Way, is this so hard? Thus Emperor Shun by dancing with shield and axe transformed the Three Miao; Duke Xi of Lu by building the Pan Palace pacified the Huai Yi; in the hegemony of Duke Huan and Duke Wen, teaching always came before warfare. If now we sincerely follow the former canon and restore teaching, causing the court's sons and younger brothers all to enter schools, and those who take up office through virtue to complete their training before advancing— when the path of virtue is opened and the false road blocked, transformation will be achieved without severity and order maintained without harshness. Select learned and broad scholars versed in ritual to serve as teachers; to exalt teaching and honor the Way, transforming custom and settling the age—nothing surpasses this.
62
散騎常侍戴邈又上表曰:
Gentleman Attendant at the Palace Gate Dai Miao submitted a memorial as well:
63
:臣聞天道之所運,莫大於陰陽; 帝王之至務,莫重於禮學。 是以古之建國,教學為先。 國有明堂辟雍之制,鄉有庠序黌校之儀,皆所以抽導幽滯,啟廣才思。 蓋以六四有困蒙之吝,君子大養正之功也。 昔仲尼列國之大夫耳,興禮修學於洙、泗之間,四方髦俊,斐然向風,受業身通者七十餘人。 自茲以來,千載寂漠,豈天下小於魯國,賢哲乏於曩時,厲與不厲故也。
I have heard that in the workings of Heaven and Earth, nothing is greater than yin and yang; among the supreme tasks of emperors and kings, nothing weighs more heavily than ritual and learning. Thus in antiquity, when a state was founded, teaching came first. The state had the Hall of Enlightenment and the Imperial College; the countryside had district schools and academies—all to draw forth what lies hidden and blocked, and to open and broaden talent and thought. For in the sixth and fourth lines of the hexagram there is the regret of the ignorant and untaught, while in the gentleman there is the great work of nurturing what is correct. Formerly Confucius was merely a grandee of the feudal states; he raised ritual and established learning between the Zhu and Si rivers, and eminent men from the four quarters gloriously turned toward his teaching; more than seventy received his instruction and mastered the Way in person. Since then, for a thousand years there has been silence—is the realm smaller than the state of Lu, and are worthies and sages fewer than in former times? It all depends on whether the effort is made.
64
:自頃遭無妄之禍,社稷有綴旒之危,寇羯飲馬於長江,凶狡虎步於萬里,遂使神州蕭條,鞠為茂草,四海之內,人跡不交。 霸主有旰食之憂,黎民懷荼毒之痛,戎首交并于中原,何遽籩豆之事哉! 然「三年不為禮,禮必壞; 三年不為樂,樂必崩」。 況曠載累紀,如此之久邪! 今末進後生,目不覩揖讓升降之禮,耳不聞鐘鼓管弦之音,文章散滅胡馬之足,圖讖無復孑遺於世。 此蓋聖達之所深悼,有識之所咨嗟也。 夫治世尚文,遭亂尚武,文武迭用,久長之道。 譬之天地,昏明之迭,自古以來,未有不由之者也。 今或以天下未壹,非興禮學之時,此言似是而非。 夫儒道深奧,不可倉卒而成,古之俊乂,必三年而通一經,比須寇賊清夷,天下平泰,然後修之,則功成事定,誰與制禮作樂者哉! 又貴遊之子,未必有斬將搴旗之才,亦未有從軍征戍之役,不及盛年講肄道義,使明珠加瑩磨之功,荊、隨發采琢之美,不亦良可惜乎。
Of late we have suffered the calamity without cause; the altars and temples stand in peril as though the jade pendant were dangling loose; invader barbarians water their horses at the Yangtze, and the fierce and cunning tread like tigers across ten thousand li—so that the divine land lies desolate, beaten into wasteland of tall grass, and within the Four Seas the traces of men do not cross. The hegemon lord eats late into the evening with worry; the common people bear bitter poison; the barbarian chiefs converge upon the Central Plains—why so hastily trouble ourselves with ritual vessels and stands? Yet as the saying runs, 'If ritual goes unpracticed for three years, it must fall to ruin; if music goes unpracticed for three years, it must collapse.' How much more when whole years and piled-up decades have passed—so long as this! Today's youngest generation has never witnessed the rites of bowing, yielding, ascending, and descending; never heard bells, drums, strings, or pipes; writings lie scattered and trampled beneath barbarian horses; not a chart or prophecy survives intact in the world. This is what sages and enlightened men deeply mourn, and what men of understanding sigh over. In settled ages culture is honored; in troubled ages martial prowess is honored—civil and military arts in turn: that is the way to endure. It is like Heaven and Earth, the alternation of dusk and dawn—from antiquity no age has ever stood outside this principle. Some now hold that with the realm not yet unified, this is no time to revive ritual and learning—a view that sounds plausible yet misses the mark. Confucian teaching is profound; it cannot be mastered overnight. The finest men of old needed three years to grasp a single classic. If we must wait until bandits are cleared and the realm is wholly at peace before we begin—when all is settled and done, who will be left to compose ritual and make music? Moreover, sons of noble houses may lack the talent to behead generals and seize banners, and are not yet called to campaign—if in their prime they do not study moral principle, so that bright pearls go unpolished and Jing and Sui jade never receive the lapidary's art, is that not a grievous waste?
65
:愚以世喪道久,民情玩於所習,純風日去,華競日彰,猶火之消膏而莫之覺也。 今天地造始,萬物權輿,聖朝以神武之德,值革命之運,蕩近世之流弊,繼千載之絕軌,篤道崇儒,創立大業。 明主唱之於上,宰輔篤之於下,夫上之所好,下必有過之者焉。 是故雙劍之節崇,而飛白之俗成; 挾琴之容飾,而赴曲之和作。 君子之德風,小人之德草,實在所以感之而已。 臣以闇淺,不能遠識格言,謂宜以三時之隙,漸就經始。
This subject humbly holds that the world has long lost the Way; the people have grown complacent in habit; pure custom daily recedes while ostentatious rivalry daily spreads—like fire consuming tallow, yet none seem to notice. Now Heaven and Earth stand at a new beginning, the myriad things at their first sprouting; the sacred court, endowed with divine martial virtue, meets a revolutionary age, sweeping away recent abuses, inheriting a thousand-year broken tradition, earnestly honoring the Way and exalting Confucian learning, and founding a great enterprise. The enlightened ruler leads from above, chief ministers earnestly follow below—what those above cherish, those below will surely outdo. Thus when the paired-sword ceremony was honored, the fashion of flying-white calligraphy took hold; when the bearing of lute-in-arm was cultivated, the harmony of matching melody to motion arose. The noble man's virtue is wind; the petty man's virtue is grass—it all comes down to what moves them. This subject, dull and shallow, cannot see far into noble maxims; I hold that in the intervals of the three agricultural seasons we should gradually lay the groundwork.
66
太興初,議欲修立學校,唯周易王氏、尚書鄭氏、古文孔氏、毛詩周官禮記論語孝經鄭氏、春秋左傳杜氏、服氏,各置博士一人。 其儀禮公羊穀梁及鄭易,皆省不置博士。 太常荀崧上疏曰:
At the opening of the Taixing era, officials debated restoring schools: the Wang school on the Changes, Zheng on the Documents, the ancient-text Kong school, the Mao Odes, the Rites of Zhou, the Record of Rites, the Analects, the Classic of Filial Piety in Zheng's recension, Du's Zuozhuan, and Fu's commentary were each to receive one erudite. The Ceremonies, Gongyang, Guliang, and Zheng's Changes were all omitted, with no erudites appointed. Minister of Ceremonies Xun Song submitted a memorial, saying:
67
:臣聞孔子有云,「才難,不其然乎」。 自喪亂以來,經學尤寡。 儒有席上之珍,然後能弘明道訓。 今處學則闕朝廷之秀,仕朝則廢儒學之美。 昔咸寧、太康、元康、永嘉之中,侍中、常侍、黃門之深博道奧,通洽古今,行為世表者,領國子博士。 一則應對殿堂,奉酬顧問; 二則參訓門子,以弘儒學; 三則祠、儀二曹,及太常之職,以得藉用質疑。 今皇朝中興,美隆往初,宜憲章令軌,祖述前典。
This subject has heard Confucius say, 'Talent is hard to find—is it not so?' Since the disorders, classical learning has grown especially scarce. A Confucian must possess treasures at his mat before he can broadly expound the teaching of the Way. Now those who remain to study deprive the court of its finest minds, while those who serve the court abandon the beauty of Confucian learning. Formerly, during Xianning, Taikang, Yuankang, and Yongjia, Palace Attendants, Regular Attendants, and Yellow Gate officials of profound learning who mastered ancient and modern lore and whose conduct was a model for the age held posts as National University erudites. First, to respond in the hall and attend to imperial counsel; second, to assist in instructing gate pupils and expand Confucian learning; third, in the Sacrifice and Ritual bureaus and in the Minister of Ceremonies' duties, to be available for resolving doubts. Now that the imperial court has revived, its glory rivaling the first flourishing, we should take present regulations as law and emulate the former canon.
68
:世祖武皇帝聖德欽明,應運登禪,受終于魏。 崇儒興學,治致升平。 經始明堂,營建辟雍,告朔班政,鄉飲大射,西閤東序,圖書禁籍,臺省有宗廟太府金墉故事,太學有石經古文。 先儒典訓,賈、馬、鄭、杜、服、孔、王、何、顏、尹之徒,章句傳注眾家之學,置博士十九人。 九州之中,師徒相傳,學士如林,猶是選張華、劉寔居太常之官,以重儒教。
Emperor Wu the Founding Ancestor, of sacred virtue and reverent wisdom, mounted the throne by Heaven's mandate and received the abdication from Wei. He honored Confucianism and revived learning, governing until the realm rose to peace. He began the Bright Hall, built the Imperial Academy, performed the first-month audience and distribution of governance, district drinking and grand archery; established the Western Pavilion and Eastern School, libraries and forbidden archives; the ministries preserved precedents of ancestral temples and the Jinyong granary; the Imperial University held stone classics in ancient script. The canonical teachings of earlier scholars—Jia, Ma, Zheng, Du, Fu, Kong, Wang, He, Yan, Yin, and their like—the chapter-and-verse traditions of many schools—received nineteen erudites. Throughout the Nine Provinces, masters and pupils transmitted learning; scholars stood thick as a forest—yet they still chose Zhang Hua and Liu Shi to hold the Minister of Ceremonies' post, to give Confucian teaching its full weight.
69
:傳稱「孔子沒而微言絕,七十子終而大義乖」。 自頃中夏殄瘁,講誦遏密,斯文之道,將墜于地。 陛下聖哲龍飛,闡弘祖烈,申命儒術,恢崇道教,樂正雅、頌,於是乎在。 江、揚二州,先漸聲教,學士遺文,於今為盛; 然方之疇昔,猶千之一也。 臣學不章句,才不弘道,階緣光寵,遂忝非服,方之華、寔,儒風邈遠,思竭駑駘,庶增萬分,願斯道隆於百代之上,搢紳詠於千載之下。
Tradition says: 'When Confucius died, subtle words ceased; when the seventy disciples passed, the great meaning diverged.' Recently the central land has been devastated; lectures and recitations cut off and silenced; this cultural tradition is about to fall to earth. Your Majesty, sagely and wise, has risen like a dragon, extending the ancestral glory, reappointing Confucian arts, restoring and honoring the teaching of the Way—setting music right to the Hymns and Eulogies; here indeed they stand. In the two provinces of Jiang and Yang, sound teaching came first; surviving writings of scholars remain most abundant even now; yet compared with former times, they are still only one part in a thousand. This subject's learning does not reach chapter and verse; my talent does not broadly carry the Way. By steps of favor I have undeservedly filled an unfitting post; compared with Hua and Shi, the Confucian wind is far off. Thinking to exhaust this hack's strength, I hope to add the smallest increment—I pray that this Way may rise above a hundred generations, and girdled officials sing of it a thousand years hence.
70
:伏聞節省之制,皆三分置二,博士舊員十有九人,今五經合九人。 準古計今,猶未中半。 九人以外,猶宜增四。 願陛下萬機餘暇,時垂省覽。 周易一經,有鄭玄注,其書根源,誠可深惜,宜為鄭易博士一人。 儀禮一經,所謂曲禮,鄭玄於禮特明,皆有證據,宜置鄭儀禮博士一人。 春秋公羊,其書精隱,明於斷獄,宜置博士一人。 穀梁簡約隱要,宜存於世,置博士一人。 昔周之衰,下陵上替,臣弒其君,子弒其父,上無天子,下無方伯,善者誰賞,惡者誰罰,綱紀亂矣。 孔子懼而作春秋,諸侯諱妬,懼犯時禁,是以微辭妙旨,義不顯明,故曰「知我者其唯春秋,罪我者其唯春秋」。 時左丘明、子夏造膝親受,無不精究。 孔子既沒,微言將絕,於是丘明退撰所聞而為之傳。 其書善禮,多膏腴美辭,張本繼末,以發明經意,信多奇偉,學者好之。 儒者稱公羊高親受子夏,立於漢朝,辭義清俊,斷決明審,多可採用,董仲舒之所善也。 穀梁赤師徒相傳,暫立於漢,時劉向父子,漢之名儒、猶執一家,莫肯相從。 其書文清義約,諸所發明,或是左氏、公羊所不載,亦足有所訂正,是以三傳並行於先代,通才未能孤廢。 今去聖久遠,斯文將墜,與其過廢,寧過而立也。 臣以為三傳雖同一春秋,而發端異趣。 案如三家異同之說,此乃義則戰爭之場,辭亦劍戟之鋒,於理不可得共。 博士宜各置一人,以傳其學。
I have heard that economy regulations retain only two-thirds: erudites formerly numbered nineteen; now the Five Classics account for nine. Measured against antiquity, we still fall short of half. Beyond the nine, four more should still be added. I pray Your Majesty, amid the myriad tasks of state, will from time to time deign to review this. The Classic of Changes has Zheng Xuan's commentary—its roots are truly worth cherishing; a Zheng-Changes erudite should be appointed. The Ceremonies classic—the Detailed Rites—Zheng Xuan was especially clear on ritual, all with textual evidence; a Zheng-Ceremonies erudite should be appointed. Gongyang on the Annals—the work is subtle and hidden, clear on adjudicating cases; an erudite should be appointed. Guliang is concise and subtle in essentials—it should be preserved in the world; appoint one erudite. When Zhou declined, the lower abused the upper; ministers killed their lords, sons killed their fathers; above there was no Son of Heaven, below no regional overlord—who would reward the good, who punish the wicked? The bonds of order collapsed. Confucius in fear composed the Spring and Autumn; feudal lords were jealous and secretive, fearing to violate the prohibitions of the age—hence subtle language and exquisite meaning, the point never openly shown. Hence he said: 'Those who understand me—it can only be through the Spring and Autumn; those who blame me—it can only be through the Spring and Autumn.' At that time Zuo Qiuming and Zixia drew near at the knee and received it directly—both mastered it thoroughly. Once Confucius had died and subtle words were about to cease, Qiuming withdrew and compiled what he had heard into a commentary. His book excels in ritual, abounds in rich and beautiful phrasing, sets forth the root and follows to the end to illumine the classic's meaning—truly wondrous; scholars love it. Confucians say Gongyang Gao received directly from Zixia; established in the Han, its language and meaning are clear and lofty, its judgments bright and careful, much of it applicable—what Dong Zhongshu prized. Guliang Chi passed it master to pupil; briefly established in Han—yet Liu Xiang and his son, famous Han scholars, each clung to one school and would not follow another. Its text is clear and meaning concise; what it elucidates is sometimes not recorded in Zuoshi or Gongyang, yet sufficient to make corrections—thus all three commentaries ran in parallel in earlier ages; a broadly gifted man could not dismiss any one alone. Now distant from the sage, this tradition is falling—better to err by establishing than by abolishing. This subject holds that though the three commentaries share one Spring and Autumn, their starting points diverge in aim. Considering the differing views of the three schools—this is a battlefield of meaning, language like clashing swords; in principle they cannot be merged. Each erudite should be appointed separately, to transmit its learning.
71
元帝詔曰:「崧表如此,皆經國大務,而為治所由。 息馬投戈,猶可講藝。 今雖日不暇給,豈忘本而遺存邪。 可共博議之。」 有司奏宜如崧表。 詔曰:「穀梁膚淺,不足立博士。 餘如所奏。」 會王敦之難,事不施行。
Emperor Yuan's edict said: 'Song's memorial is as stated—all are great affairs of governing the state, the source from which good order proceeds. Even with horses at rest and weapons cast down, one may still lecture on the arts. Though days now leave no spare time, shall We forget the root and let survival slip away? Deliberate on this broadly.' The relevant offices memorialized that it should follow Song's memorial. The edict said: 'Guliang is superficial—not sufficient to establish an erudite. The rest as memorialized.' But when Wang Dun's rebellion occurred, the matter was not carried out.
72
成帝咸康三年,國子祭酒袁瓌、太常馮懷又上疏曰:
In Xiankang year 3 of Emperor Cheng, Chancellor of the National University Yuan Yuan and Minister of Ceremonies Feng Huai again submitted a memorial, saying:
73
:臣聞先王之教也,崇典訓,明禮學,以示後生,道萬物之性,暢為善之道也。 宗周既興,文史載煥,端委治於南蠻,頌聲逸於四海。 故延州入聘,聞雅音而嗟咨,韓起適魯,觀易象而歎息。 何者? 立人之道,於此為首也。 孔子恂恂,道化洙、泗,孟軻皇皇,誨誘無倦。 是以仁義之聲,于今猶存,禮讓之風,千載未泯。
This subject has heard that the teaching of the ancient kings exalted canonical instruction and clarified ritual learning, to show the younger generation the nature of all things and open the way of goodness. When the Zhou of the Founder's line rose, literature and records blazed bright; with draped robes governing the southern barbarians, hymn-praise flowed to the four seas. Thus Yanzhou on a mission heard elegant tones and sighed; Han Ji going to Lu viewed the Changes' diagrams and breathed deep. Why? The way of establishing the human person starts here. Confucius, courteous and earnest, taught along the Zhu and Si; Mencius, urgent and tireless, instructed without weariness. Therefore the sound of benevolence and righteousness survives until today; the wind of ritual yielding has not perished in a thousand years.
74
:疇昔陵替,喪亂屢臻,儒林之教暫頹,庠序之禮有闕,國學索然,墳卷莫啟,有心之徒,抱志無由。 昔魏武身親介冑,務在武功,猶尚息鞍披覽,投戈吟詠,以為世之所須者,治之本宜崇。 況今陛下以聖明臨朝,百官以虔恭莅事,朝野無虞,江外靜謐。 如之何泱泱之風,漠焉無聞,洋洋之美,墜於聖世乎。 古人有言,詩書義之府,禮樂德之則。 實宜留心經籍,闡明學義,使諷頌之音,盈於京室,味道之賢,是則是詠,豈不盛哉!
In times past decline piled up; disorder repeatedly arrived; Confucian teaching briefly collapsed; the rites of schools were wanting; the national study stood empty; classic tomes were not opened; men of purpose embraced ambition with no path. Formerly Emperor Wu of Wei personally donned armor, bent on martial achievement—yet he still cherished resting the saddle to unfold scrolls, casting aside weapons to chant verses, holding that what the age requires—the root of governance—should be honored. How much more now, when Your Majesty with sagely brilliance holds court, all officials with reverence discharge their duties, court and countryside are secure, and beyond the Yangtze all is tranquil. How then can the vast and flowing wind be heard no more, the abundant and perfect beauty fall in this sage age? The ancients had a saying: Poetry and Documents are the treasury of rightness; ritual and music are the norm of virtue. One truly should fix the mind on the classics, clarify the meaning of learning, so that chanting and praise fill the capital halls, and worthies who savor the flavor sing in approval—would that not be magnificent!
75
疏奏,帝有感焉。 由是議立國學,徵集生徒,而世尚莊、老,莫肯用心儒訓。 穆帝永和八年,殷浩西征,以軍興罷遣,由此遂廢。
The memorial was submitted; the emperor was moved. From this deliberation arose to establish the national study and gather pupils—but the age favored Zhuangzi and Laozi, and none would apply the mind to Confucian instruction. In Yonghe year 8 of Emperor Mu, Yin Hao's western campaign, citing military mobilization, dismissed them—and from this it was abandoned.
76
征西將軍庾亮在武昌,開置學官。 教曰:
General Who Conquers the West Yu Liang, at Wuchang, opened and established school officers. An instruction read:
77
:人情重交而輕財,好逸而惡勞,學業致苦,而祿答未厚,由捷徑者多,故莫肯用心。 洙、泗邈遠,風、雅彌替,後生放任,不復憲章典謨。 臨官宰政者,務目前之治,不能閑以典誥。 遂令詩、書荒塵,頌聲寂漠,仰瞻俯省,能弗歎慨。 自胡夷交侵,殆三十年矣。 而未革面嚮風者,豈威武之用盡,抑文教未洽,不足綏之邪? 昔魯秉周禮,齊不敢侮; 范會崇典,晉國以治。 楚、魏之君,皆阻帶山河,憑城據漢,國富民殷,而不能保其強大,吳起、屈完所以為歎也。 由此言之,禮義之固,孰與金城湯池? 季路稱攝乎大國之間,加之以師旅,因之以饑饉,為之三年,猶欲行其義方。 況今江表晏然,王道隆盛,而不能弘敷禮樂,敦明庠序,其何以訓彝倫而來遠人乎! 魏武帝於馳騖之時,以馬上為家,逮于建安之末,風塵未弭,然猶留心遠覽,大學興業,所謂顛沛必於是,真通才也。
Human nature values friendship and scants wealth, loves ease and hates labor; study brings hardship, yet salary and reward are not generous—because shortcuts are many, none will apply the mind. The Zhu and Si are far away; the Odes of State and Court Odes further decay; the younger generation indulge freely and no longer take the canon and compendia as their model. Those who hold office and govern affairs pursue only present administration and cannot spare time for canonical documents. Thus the Poetry and Documents lie dust-choked, praise-songs stand silent—to look up and look within, who can fail to sigh? Since barbarians and aliens have mutually invaded, it has been nearly thirty years. Yet those who have not turned their faces to the wind—is it that martial majesty has exhausted its use, or that cultural teaching has not spread enough to pacify them? In antiquity Lu held fast to Zhou ritual, and Qi did not dare insult them; Fan Hui honored the canon, and Jin was governed thereby. The lords of Chu and Wei both blocked rivers and mountains, relied on ramparts and held the Han—states rich and people abundant—yet could not preserve their strength; this is what made Wu Qi and Qu Wan sigh. From this it follows: what fortress is stronger than ritual and righteousness? Zilu said that amid great states, with armies added and famine following—governing for three years—he still wished to practice righteous governance. How much more now, when the lands south of the Yangtze are tranquil and the kingly Way flourishes—yet we cannot broadly spread ritual and music, earnestly clarify schools—how then shall we instruct human relations and draw the distant? The Martial Emperor of Wei, even while racing in pursuit, made the saddle his home; down to the end of the Jian'an era, when the dust of war had not stilled—yet he still fixed his mind on far-reaching study and revived the Great Learning—what they call holding fast in distress; truly a man of universal talent.
78
:今使三時既務,五教並修,軍旅已整,俎豆無廢,豈非兼善者哉! 便處分安學校處所,籌量起立講舍。 參佐大將子弟,悉令入學,吾家子弟,亦令受業。 四府博學識義通涉文學經綸者,建儒林祭酒,使班同三署,厚其供給,皆妙選邦彥,必有其宜者,以充此舉。 近臨川、臨賀二郡,並求修復學校,可下聽之。 若非束脩之流,禮教所不及,而欲階緣免役者,不得為生。 明為條制,令法清而人貴。
Now that the three seasons' work is in hand, the five teachings are jointly pursued, the army stands ready, and the sacrificial vessels are not neglected—is this not excellence on both fronts! Let places for schools be designated at once, and lecture halls planned and erected. The sons and younger brothers of aides and great generals shall all enter school; my own family's sons and younger brothers shall receive instruction as well. For men in the four bureaus who are broadly learned, understand principle, and are versed in letters and statecraft, establish a Libationer of the Confucian Grove with rank equal to the Three Offices and generous provisions. Choose the state's finest talent for the post—there must be men fit for the task. The commanderies of Linchuan and Linhe have both lately asked to restore their schools; let their requests be approved. Anyone outside the proper student body—those whom ritual instruction does not reach yet who seek connections to escape corvée—shall not be enrolled. Set the regulations plainly, so that the law is lucid and learning is held in honor.
79
又繕造禮器俎豆之屬,將行大射之禮。 亮尋薨,又廢。
Ritual vessels—stands, dishes, and the like—shall also be repaired, in preparation for the grand archery ceremony. Yu Liang soon died, and the project was abandoned once more.
80
孝武帝太元九年,尚書謝石又陳之曰:
In the ninth year of the Taixuan era of Emperor Xiaowu, Minister of the Interior Xie Shi submitted another memorial:
81
:立人之道,曰仁與義。 翼善輔性,唯禮與學。 雖理出自然,必須誘導。 故洙、泗闡弘道之風,詩、書垂軌教之典。 敦詩悅禮,王化以斯而隆; 甄陶九流,羣生於是乎穆。 世不常治,道亦時亡。 光武投戈而習誦,魏武息馬以修學,懼墜斯文,若此之至也。 大晉受命,值世多阻,雖聖化日融,而王道未備,庠序之業,或廢或興。 遂令陶鑄闕日用之功,民性靡素絲之益,亹亹玄緒,翳焉莫抽,臣所以遠尋伏念,寤寐永歎者也。
The way to form human beings is called benevolence and righteousness. To nurture goodness and shape character, nothing serves like ritual and learning. Though principle springs from nature, it must be drawn out by instruction. Hence the schools of Zhu and Si spread the wind of the Way; the Odes and Documents handed down the canon of instruction. Honoring the Odes and delighting in ritual—through these royal transformation ascends; Shaping and refining the nine currents, all living beings find harmony therein. Ages are not always well governed, and the Way too sometimes dies away. Emperor Guangwu laid down his weapons and took up the classics; Cao Cao reined in his horses and turned to learning—such was their dread of losing this culture. Great Jin received the mandate in an age of many obstacles. Though sagely influence deepened day by day, the royal Way remained incomplete—schools were now abandoned, now revived. Shaping and refining lost their daily effect; the people missed the benefit of the unbleached silk. The thread of profound learning lay hidden, and none could draw it forth—this is why your subject, searching far and brooding deeply, sighs waking and sleeping.
82
:今皇威遐震,戎車方靜,將灑玄風於四區,導斯民於至德。 豈可不弘敷禮樂,使煥乎可觀。 請興復國學,以訓冑子; 班下州郡,普修鄉校。 雕琢琳琅,和寶必至,大啟羣蒙,茂茲成德。 匪懈于事,必由之以通,則人競其業,道隆學備矣。
Now imperial majesty resounds to the four quarters; the war-chariots have just fallen still. You will spread the dark wind across the realm and lead this people to utmost virtue. How can ritual and music not be broadly spread, made glorious and visible to all? I ask that the National Academy be restored to train the sons of the heir apparent; and that orders go out to the provinces and commanderies to restore village schools everywhere. Carve and polish jade and gems, and worthy talent will surely come; open wide the ignorance of the masses and flourish this completed virtue. If the work is pursued without slackness and carried through to completion, men will vie in their studies, the Way will rise high, and learning will be complete.
83
烈宗納其言。 其年,選公卿二千石子弟為生,增造廟屋一百五十五間。 而品課無章,士君子恥與其列。 國子祭酒殷茂言之曰:
Emperor Liezong accepted his proposal. That year, sons of ministers and two-thousand-shi officials were selected as students, and one hundred fifty-five additional academy rooms were built. But grading and assessment lacked proper rules, and gentlemen were ashamed to be counted among the students. Academician Libationer Yin Mao submitted a memorial:
84
:臣聞弘化正俗,存乎禮教,輔性成德,必資於學。 先王所以陶鑄天下,津梁萬物,閑邪納善,潛被於日用者也。 故能疏通玄理,窮綜幽微,一貫古今,彌綸治化。 且夫子稱回,以好學為本,七十希仰,以善誘歸宗。 雅、頌之音,流詠千載,聖賢之淵範,哲王所同風。
Your subject has heard that to expand transformation and rectify custom depends on ritual instruction, and that to assist character and complete virtue requires learning. This is how former kings shaped and refined all under Heaven, bridged the myriad things, warded off evil and received goodness—permeating daily life without show. Thus they could open and connect profound principles, exhaust the subtle, run through past and present, and comprehensively cover governance and transformation. The Master praised Hui for making love of learning his foundation; at seventy he still looked upward, returning to the root through good guidance. The tones of the Hymns and Eulogies have flowed in song for a thousand years—the deep model of sages and worthies, the style wise kings share.
85
:自大晉中興,肇基江左,崇明學校,修建庠序,公卿子弟,並入國學。 尋值多故,訓業不終。 陛下以聖德玄一,思隆前美,順通居方,導達物性,興復儒肆,僉與後生。 自學建彌年,而功無可名。 憚業避役,就存者無幾,或假託親疾,真偽難知,聲實渾亂,莫此之甚。 臣聞舊制,國子生皆冠族華冑,比列皇儲。 而中者混雜蘭艾,遂令人情恥之。 子貢去朔之餼羊,仲尼猶愛其禮,況名實兼喪,面牆一世者乎。 若以當今急病,未遑斯典,權宜停廢者,別一理也。 若其不然,宜依舊準。 竊謂羣臣內外,清官子姪,普應入學,制以程課。 今者見生,或年在扞格,方圓殊趣,宜聽其去就,各從所安。 所上謬合,乞付外參議。
Since the revival of Great Jin, when the dynasty founded its base east of the River—honoring schools, building and repairing academies—sons of ministers all entered the National Academy. Soon troubles multiplied, and instruction was never completed. Your Majesty, with sage virtue unified and profound, seeks to exalt former excellence, accommodate the proper positions, guide the nature of things, and revive the Confucian academy—all in fellowship with the later-born. The academy has stood for years, yet there is no achievement to name. Students dread their work and dodge corvée; few remain enrolled. Some feign relatives' illness—true and false are hard to tell. Confusion of name and reality has never been worse. Your subject has heard that by old regulations, National Academy students were all from eminent clans and noble lineage, ranked alongside the imperial heirs. But now orchid and mugwort are mixed among them, and gentlemen are ashamed of the company. When Zigong wanted to abolish the first-of-the-month sacrificial sheep, Confucius still upheld the rite—how much more when name and reality are both lost, and a generation faces the wall in ignorance! If present urgent troubles leave no leisure for this institution and it must be provisionally suspended—that is another matter. If not, the old standards should be followed. Your subject privately holds that sons and nephews of ministers within and without, and of upright officials, should all enter school under a fixed course of study. Among present students, some are at an age that resists instruction and differ greatly in capacity; let them go or stay as each prefers. What is submitted above may be mistaken; I beg that it be sent out for deliberation.
86
烈宗下詔褒納,又不施行。 朝廷及草萊之人有志於學者,莫不發憤歎息。
Emperor Liezong issued an edict praising and accepting the proposal, yet again did not carry it out. Those in court and in the wilds who aspired to learning all vented their frustration and sighed.
87
清河人李遼又上表曰:「臣聞教者,治化之本,人倫之始,所以誘達羣方,進德興仁,譬諸土石,陶冶成器。 雖復百王殊禮,質文參差,至於斯道,其用不爽。 自中華湮沒,闕里荒毀,先王之澤寢,聖賢之風絕,自此迄今,將及百年。 造化有靈,否終以泰,河、濟夷徙,海、岱清通,黎庶蒙蘇,鳬藻奮化。 而典訓弗敷,雅、頌寂蔑,久凋之俗,大弊未改。 非演迪斯文,緝熙宏猷,將何以光贊時邕,克隆盛化哉。 事有如賒而急,實此之謂也。 亡父先臣回,綏集邦邑,歸誠本朝。 以太元十年,遣臣奉表。 路經闕里,過覲孔廟,庭宇傾頓,軌式頹弛,萬世宗匠,忽焉淪廢,仰瞻俯慨,不覺涕流。 既達京輦,表求興復聖祀,修建講學。 至十四年十一月十七日,奉被明詔,采臣鄙議,敕下兗州魯郡,準舊營飾。 故尚書令謝石令臣所須列上,又出家布,薄助興立。 故鎮北將軍譙王恬版臣行北魯縣令,賜許供遣。 二臣薨徂,成規不遂。 陛下體唐堯文思之美,訪宣尼善誘之勤,矜荒餘之凋昧,愍聲教之未浹。 愚謂可重符兗州刺史,遂成舊廟,蠲復數戶,以供掃灑。 并賜給六經,講立庠序,延請宿學,廣集後進,使油然入道,發剖琢之功。 運仁義以征伐,敷道德以服遠,何招而不懷,何柔而不從。 所為者微,所弘甚大。 臣自致身輦轂,于今八稔,違親轉積,夙夜匪寧。 振武將軍何澹之今震扞三齊,臣當隨反。 裴回天邑,感戀罔極。 乞臣表付外參議。」 又不見省。 宋高祖受命,詔有司立學,未就而崩。 太祖元嘉二十年,復立國子學,二十七年廢。
Li Liao of Qinghe submitted another memorial: "Your subject has heard that instruction is the root of governance and transformation, the beginning of human relations—it guides the multitude, advances virtue, and raises benevolence, like earth and stone shaped in the kiln into vessels. Though the hundred kings have differed in rite, substance and ornament varying, the use of this Way does not fail. Since the Central Kingdom was overrun, Confucius's village lies in ruins; the former kings' bounty sleeps, the sages' and worthies' wind is cut off—from then until now, nearly a hundred years. Creation has spirit—after denial comes peace. The Yi have been moved from the Yellow and Ji rivers; the sea and Mount Tai are cleared and connected. The common people receive renewal, and the duckweed flourishes in transformation. Yet canonical instruction is not spread; the Hymns and Eulogies lie silent. Long-declining custom, great corruption—not yet reformed. Unless we spread and enlighten this culture, gather and brighten the great plan—how shall we glorify the harmonious age and replicate the flourishing transformation? Matters sometimes seem distant yet are urgent—this is truly the case. My deceased father, the former minister Hui, pacified and gathered our district and returned in loyalty to this court. In the tenth year of Taixuan he sent your subject to submit a memorial. Passing through Confucius's village on the road, I visited his temple—the halls and courtyards toppled, models and forms decayed. The craftsman of ten thousand generations had suddenly fallen into ruin. Looking up I grieved; looking down I sighed—tears came unawares. On reaching the capital, I memorialized requesting restoration of the sage's sacrifice and the building and repair of lecture halls. On the seventeenth day of the eleventh month of the fourteenth year I received a bright edict adopting my humble proposal—orders sent down to Yanzhou and Lu commandery to restore and adorn the temple according to old standards. The late Minister of the Interior Xie Shi had your subject's requirements listed and submitted, and also contributed household cloth to assist in the work. The late General Who Pacifies the North, Prince of Qiao Wang Tian, commissioned your subject as acting Magistrate of North Lu county and granted approval for supplies and dispatch. Both ministers died, and the completed plan was never fulfilled. Your Majesty embodies the literary thought of Tang Yao, inquires into Confucius's diligent guidance, pities the barren remnant's dimness, and grieves that sound instruction has not yet saturated the land. Your humble servant considers that orders should again be sent to the Inspector of Yanzhou to complete the old temple and exempt several households for sweeping and sprinkling. Grant the Six Classics as well, establish lectures and an academy, invite long-studied scholars, and broadly gather the later-born—making them smoothly enter the Way and unleashing the work of carving and polishing. Wield benevolence and righteousness in campaigns, spread virtue and the Way to win the distant—what would you summon and not come? What would you soften and not win? What is done is small; what is spread is very great. Your subject has served at the capital hub for eight years now—separation from parents mounting, day and night without peace. General Who Quells Martiality He Danzhi now pacifies and guards the three Qi; your subject should follow him in returning. Returning to the heavenly capital, my feeling of attachment knows no limit. I beg that your subject's memorial be sent out for deliberation." Again it received no attention. When Emperor Gao of Song received the mandate, he ordered the relevant offices to establish schools—but died before the work was finished. In the twentieth year of Yuanjia, Emperor Taizu restored the National Academy; in the twenty-seventh year he abolished it.
88
魏高貴鄉公甘露三年,車駕親率羣司行養老之禮於太學。 於是王祥為三老,鄭小同為五更。 今無其注,然漢禮具存也。
In the third year of Ganlu, the Noble Village Duke of Wei personally led the multitude of officials to perform the elderly-nourishment rite at the Grand Academy. Thereupon Wang Xiang served as the Elder and Zheng Xiaotong as the Fifth Night-Watcher. The annotations for this no longer survive, yet the Han rites remain complete.
89
晉武帝泰始六年十二月,帝臨辟雍,行鄉飲酒之禮。 詔曰:「禮儀之廢久矣,乃今復講肄舊典。 賜太常絹百匹,丞、博士及學生牛酒。」 咸寧三年,惠帝元康九年,復行其禮。
In the twelfth month of the sixth year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin attended at the Bright Hall and performed the district drinking rite. An edict read: "Ritual and ceremony have long been abandoned—now at last we again lecture and drill in the old canon. Grant the Grand Minister of Ceremonies a hundred bolts of silk, and wine and oxen for the assistants, academicians, and students." In the third year of Xianning and the ninth year of Yuanhang of Emperor Hui, the rite was performed again.
90
魏齊王正始中,齊王每講經遍,輒使太常釋奠先聖先師於辟雍,弗躬親。 晉惠帝、明帝之為太子,及愍懷太子講經竟,並親釋奠於太學,太子進爵於先師,中庶子進爵於顏淵。 元帝詔曰:「吾識太子此事,祠訖便請王公以下者,昔在洛時,嘗豫清坐也。」 成、穆、孝武三帝,亦皆親釋奠。 孝武時,以太學在水南懸遠,有司議依升平元年,於中堂權立行太學。 于時無復國子生,有司奏:「應須二學生百二十人。 太學生取見人六十,國子生權銓大臣子孫六十人,事訖罷。」 奏可。 釋奠禮畢,會百官六品以上。 元嘉二十二年,太子釋奠,采晉故事,官有其注。 祭畢,太祖親臨學宴會,太子以下悉豫。
In the Zhengshi era of the Qi King of Wei, whenever the Qi King finished lecturing on the classics he had the Grand Minister of Ceremonies perform the libation to the Former Sage and Former Teacher at the Bright Hall—not in person. When Emperor Hui, Emperor Ming, and Crown Prince Minhuai finished lecturing on the classics, they all personally performed the libation at the Grand Academy—the crown prince advancing rank to the Former Teacher, the Household Superintendent advancing rank to Yan Yuan. Emperor Yuan's edict: "I know the crown prince in this matter—when the sacrifice is done he invites kings, dukes, and those below. In the old days at Luoyong I too once shared in the quiet session." The three emperors Cheng, Mu, and Xiaowu all likewise performed the libation in person. In Xiaowu's time, because the Grand Academy south of the river was remote, the relevant offices proposed following the first year of Shengping to provisionally establish a traveling Grand Academy in the central hall. At that time there were again no National Academy students. The relevant offices memorialized: "One hundred twenty students from both academies are required. Sixty Grand Academy students taken from present men; sixty National Academy students provisionally selected from ministers' grandsons and sons—when the affair is done, disband." The memorial was approved. When the libation rite was complete, officials of the sixth rank and above were assembled. In the twenty-second year of Yuanjia the crown prince performed the libation, following Jin precedents—the office had annotations for it. When the sacrifice was complete, Emperor Taizu personally attended the academy feast; the crown prince and all below participated.
91
兵者,守國之備。 孔子曰:「以不教民戰,是謂棄之。」 兵,凶事,不可空設,因蒐狩而習之。 而凡師出曰治兵,入曰振旅,皆戰陳之事,辨鼓鐸鐲鐃之用,以教坐作進退疾徐疏數之節,遂以蒐田。 獻禽以祭社。 仲夏教茇舍,如振旅之陳,遂以苗田,如蒐之法。 獻禽以享礿。 仲秋教治兵,如振旅之陳,遂以獮田,如蒐之法。 致禽以祀方。 仲冬教大閱,遂以狩田。 獻禽以享蒸。 蒐者,蒐索取其不孕者也。 苗者,為苗除害而已。 獮者,殺也。 從秋氣所殺多也。 狩者,冬物畢成,獲則取之,無所擇也。
The army is the preparation for guarding the state. Confucius said: "To send the people to war without teaching them is to abandon them." Arms are an ill omen—military instruments cannot stand idle. They are practiced through the seasonal hunts. When the army goes out it is called "ordering troops"; when it enters, "shaking the ranks"—both are matters of battle array. Drums, large bells, cymbals, and gongs teach the rhythms of sitting, rising, advancing, retreating, fast and slow, sparse and dense—then the force proceeds to the sou hunt. The captured game is presented in sacrifice to the soil god. In midsummer they teach setting up camp, arrayed as in the shaking of ranks; then they proceed to the miao hunt, following the methods of the sou hunt. The captured game is presented in the yue sacrifice. In mid-autumn they teach ordering troops, arrayed as in the shaking of ranks; then they proceed to the xian hunt, following the methods of the sou hunt. The captured game is presented in sacrifice at the directional altar. In mid-winter they teach the grand review; then they proceed to the shou hunt. The captured game is presented in the zheng sacrifice. Sou means to gather and take those that are not pregnant. Miao means merely to remove harm from the seedlings. Xian means to kill. Following the qi of autumn, what is killed is many. Shou means that winter's creatures are all complete—what is caught is taken, without choosing.
92
漢儀,立秋日,郊禮畢,始揚威武,斬牲於郊,以薦陵廟,名曰貙劉。 其儀,乘輿御戎路,白馬朱鬣,躬執弩射牲。 太宰令以獲車送陵廟。 於是乘輿還宮,遣使以束帛賜武官,肄孫、吳兵法戰陳之儀,率以為常。 至獻帝建安二十一年,魏國有司奏:「古四時講武,皆於農隙。 漢西京承秦制,三時不講,唯十月都試。 今兵革未偃,士民素習,可無四時講武。 但以立秋擇吉日大朝車騎,號曰治兵。 上合禮名,下承漢制。」 奏可。 是冬,治兵。 魏王親金鼓以令進退。
Han ritual: on Beginning of Autumn, when the suburban sacrifice is complete, martial prowess is first displayed. Victims are beheaded in the suburbs and presented to the tombs and ancestral temples—this is called bao liu. In the ritual, the imperial carriage mounts the war chariot—a white horse with a red mane. The emperor personally holds the crossbow and shoots the victim. The Grand Steward orders the capture cart to convey the quarry to the tombs and ancestral temples. The imperial carriage then returns to the palace. Envoys are sent with bolts of silk to reward military officers, and the battle-array methods of Sun and Wu are drilled—this became the constant practice. By the twenty-first year of Jian'an of Emperor Xian, the Wei relevant offices memorialized: "In antiquity military drill in the four seasons was all conducted in the intervals of farming. The Western Han followed Qin institutions—three seasons had no drill; only the tenth month had the capital review. Now arms are not yet laid down, and soldiers and people are well practiced—four-season drill is unnecessary. But on Beginning of Autumn choose an auspicious day for the great assembly of chariots and horsemen, called "ordering troops." Above it matches the ritual name; below it inherits Han institutions." The memorial was approved. That winter, the ordering-of-troops rite was performed. The Wei king personally used bells and drums to command advance and retreat.
93
延康元年,魏文帝為魏王,是年六月立秋,治兵于東郊,公卿相儀。 王御華蓋,親令金鼓之節。
In the first year of Yankang, Wei Wendi was Wei king. In the sixth month of that year, on Beginning of Autumn, troops were ordered at the eastern suburb; ministers and dukes attended in ritual capacity. The king mounted the flowered canopy and personally commanded the rhythms of bells and drums.
94
明帝太和元年十月,治兵于東郊。
In the tenth month of the first year of Taidhe of Emperor Ming, troops were ordered at the eastern suburb.
95
晉武帝泰始四年、九年、咸寧元年、太康四年、六年冬,皆自臨宣武觀,大習眾軍。 然不自令進退也。 自惠帝以後,其禮遂廢。
In the fourth and ninth years of Taishi, the first year of Xianning, and the fourth and sixth years of Taikang of Emperor Wu of Jin—all in winter—he personally attended Xuanyong Watchtower and greatly drilled the multitude of armies. Yet he did not personally command advance and retreat. From Emperor Hui onward, this rite was abandoned.
96
元帝太興四年,詔左右衞及諸營教習,依大習儀作雁羽仗。 成帝咸和中,詔內外諸軍戲兵於南郊之場,故其地因名鬭場。 自後蕃鎮桓、庾諸方伯,往往閱習,然朝廷無事焉。
In the fourth year of Daxing of Emperor Yuan, an edict ordered the Left and Right Guards and all camps to drill, making goose-feather arms according to the great-drill ritual. In the Xianhe era of Emperor Cheng, an edict ordered the inner and outer armies to drill troops at the southern-suburb field; the place therefore came to be called the Drill Ground. Afterward frontier lords such as Huan and Yu often held reviews, yet the court had no such affair.
97
太祖在位,依故事肄習眾軍,兼用漢、魏之禮。 其後以時講武於宣武堂。 元嘉二十五年閏二月,大蒐於宣武場,主司奉詔列奏申攝,克日校獵,百官備辦。 設行宮殿便坐武帳於幕府山南岡。 設王公百官便坐幔省如常儀,設南北左右四行旌門。 建獲旗以表獲車。 殿中郎一人典獲車。 主者二人收禽。 吏二十四人配獲車。 備獲車十二兩。 校獵之官著袴褶。 有帶武冠者。 脫冠者上纓。 二品以上擁刀,備槊、麾幡,三品以下帶刀。 皆騎乘。 將領部曲先獵一日,遣屯布圍。 領軍將軍一人督右甄; 護軍一人督左甄; 大司馬一人居中,董正諸軍,悉受節度。 殿中郎率獲車部曲,在司馬之後。 尚書僕射、都官尚書、五兵尚書、左右丞、都官諸曹郎、都令史、都官諸曹令史幹、蘭臺治書侍御史令史、諸曹令史幹,督攝糾司,校獵非違。 至日,會於宣武場,列為重圍。 設留守填街位於雲龍門外內官道北,外官道南,以西為上。 設從官位於雲龍門內大官階北,小官階南,以西為上。 設先置官位於行止車門外內官道西,外官道東,以北為上。 設先置官還位於廣莫門外道之東西,以南為上。 校獵日平旦,正直侍中奏嚴。 上水一刻,奏:「搥一鼓。」 為一嚴。 上水二刻,奏:「搥二鼓。」 為再嚴。 殿中侍御史奏開東中華雲龍門,引仗為小駕鹵簿。 百官非校獵之官,著朱服,集列廣莫門外。 應還省者還省。 留守填街後部從官就位; 前部從官依鹵簿; 先置官先行。 上水三刻,奏:「搥三鼓。」 為三嚴。 上水四刻,奏:「外辦。」 正次直侍中、散騎常侍、給事黃門侍郎、軍校劍履進夾上閤。 正直侍郎負璽,通事令史帶龜印中書之印。 上水五刻,皇帝出。 著黑介幘單衣,乘輦。 正直侍中負璽陪乘,不帶劍。 殿中侍御史督攝黃麾以內。 次直侍中、次直黃門侍郎護駕在前。 又次直侍中佩信璽、行璽,與正直黃門侍郎從護駕在後。 不鳴鼓角,不得諠譁,以次引出,警蹕如常儀。 車駕出,騶讚,陛者再拜。 皇太子入守。 車駕將至,威儀唱:「引先置前部從官就位。」 再拜。 車駕至行殿前回輦,正直侍中跪奏:「降輦。」 次直侍中稱制曰:「可。」 正直侍中俛伏起。 皇帝降輦登御坐,侍臣升殿。 直衞靸戟虎賁,旄頭文衣,鶡尾,以次列階。 正直侍中奏:「解嚴。」 先置從駕百官還便坐幔省。
While Emperor Taizu was on the throne, he drilled the multitude of armies according to precedent, combining Han and Wei rites. Afterward military drill was conducted at Xuanyong Hall according to the seasons. In the intercalary second month of the twenty-fifth year of Yuanjia, a great sou hunt was held at Xuanyong Field. The presiding offices received the edict, listed and submitted the schedule, fixed the day for the regimented hunt, and all officials made preparations. A traveling palace hall with convenient seats and a military tent was set on the southern hill of the Mufu camp. Curtain pavilions with convenient seats for kings, dukes, and the hundred officials were arranged according to ordinary ritual; four rows of banner gates were set—north, south, left, and right. A capture banner was erected to mark the capture cart. One Palace Gentleman supervised the capture cart. Two stewards collected game. Twenty-four clerks were assigned to the capture cart. Twelve capture carts were prepared. Officials of the regimented hunt wore trousers and short jackets. Some wore the military cap with belt. Those who removed the cap wore the cap tassel on top. Those of the second rank and above carried swords at the side, with spears and command banners prepared; those of the third rank and below wore swords at the belt. All rode on horseback. The generals' troops hunted one day in advance, sending detachments to deploy the encirclement. One General of the Guards supervised the right wing; one Protector General supervised the left wing; one Grand Marshal stood at the center, supervising and correcting all armies—all under his command. The Palace Gentleman led the capture-cart detachment behind the Marshal. The Vice Director of the Masters of Writing, Director of the Masters of Writing for the Palace, Director of the Masters of Writing for the Five Troops, Left and Right Assistants, Masters of Writing gentlemen of all bureaus, chief clerks, bureau clerks, Orchid Terrace Director of Writing Attendant Censor clerks, and clerks of all bureaus supervised and corrected violations at the regimented hunt. On the day, they assembled at Xuanyong Field and formed a heavy encirclement. Positions for the garrison filling the streets were set outside Yunlong Gate—inner official road north, outer official road south, west being upper. Positions for attendant officials were set inside Yunlong Gate—great official steps north, lesser official steps south, west being upper. Positions for advance-placed officials were set outside the Traveling-Halt Gate—inner official road west, outer official road east, north being upper. Positions for advance-placed officials returning were set east and west of the road outside Guangmo Gate—south being upper. On the regimented-hunt day at dawn, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced the curfew. At the first quarter after midnight, he announced: "Strike one drum." This was the first curfew. At the second quarter after midnight, he announced: "Strike two drums." This was the second curfew. The Palace Attendant Censor announced opening the East Central Hua and Yunlong Gates and led the guard as the small imperial procession. Officials not participating in the regimented hunt wore vermilion robes and assembled outside Guangmo Gate. Those who should return to their bureaus did so. The rear contingent of attendant officials for the garrison filling the streets took position; the front contingent of attendant officials followed the imperial procession; advance-placed officials went first. At the third quarter after midnight, he announced: "Strike three drums." This was the third curfew. At the fourth quarter after midnight, he announced: "The outer preparations are complete." The Direct and Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, Gentlemen Attendants of the Yellow Gate, and military officers with sword and shoes advanced flanking the upper pavilion. The Direct Attendant Gentleman bore the seal; the Chief Clerk of Communications carried the tortoise seal of the Masters of Writing. At the fifth quarter after midnight, the emperor emerged. He wore a black kerchief cap and unlined robe and mounted the palanquin. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bore the seal and accompanied him, without carrying a sword. The Palace Attendant Censor supervised and corrected those within the yellow banners. The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant and Next-Direct Gentleman Attendant of the Yellow Gate escorted the carriage in front. Again the Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant wore the trust seal and traveling seal and, with the Direct Gentleman Attendant of the Yellow Gate, followed escorting the carriage from behind. Drums, horns, and gongs were not sounded; no clamor was permitted. They were led out in order, with the imperial guard as in ordinary ritual. When the imperial carriage emerged, the outriders announced; those on the steps bowed twice. The crown prince entered to stand guard. When the imperial carriage was about to arrive, the guard of honor announced: "Lead the advance-placed front contingent of attendant officials to position." They bowed twice. When the imperial carriage reached the traveling hall and turned the palanquin, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant knelt and announced: "Descend from the palanquin." The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant proclaimed the edict: "You may." The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bowed low and rose. The emperor descended from the palanquin and ascended the imperial seat; attendant ministers ascended the hall. Direct guards with halberds drawn, tiger guards with yak-tail headdresses, patterned robes, and pheasant tails were arrayed on the steps in order. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced: "Lift the curfew." Advance-placed attendant officials of the imperial escort returned to the convenient-seat curtain pavilions.
98
帝若躬親射禽,變御戎服,內外從官以及虎賁悉變服,如校獵儀。 靸戟抽鞘,以備武衞。 黃麾內官,從入圍裏。 列置部曲,廣張甄圍,旗鼓相望,銜枚而進。 甄周圍會,督甄令史奔騎號法施令曰:「春禽懷孕,蒐而不射; 鳥獸之肉不登於俎,不射; 皮革齒牙骨角毛羽不登於器,不射。」 甄會。 大司馬鳴鼓蹙圍,眾軍鼓譟警角,至宣武場止。 大司馬屯北旌門; 二甄帥屯左右旌門; 殿中中郎率獲車部曲入次北旌門內之右。 皇帝從南旌門入射禽。 謁者以獲車收載,還陳於獲旗北。 王公以下以次射禽,各送詣獲旗下,付收禽主者。 事畢。 大司馬鳴鼓解圍復屯,殿中郎率其屬收禽,以實獲車,充庖厨。 列言統曹正厨,置尊酒俎肉于中逵,以犒饗校獵眾軍。 至晡,正直侍中量宜奏嚴,從官還著朱服,靸戟復鞘。 再嚴,先置官先還。 三嚴後二刻,正直侍中奏:「外辦。」 皇帝著黑介幘單衣。 正次直侍中、散騎常侍、給事黃門侍郎、軍校進夾御坐。 正直侍中跪奏:「還宮。」 次直侍中稱制曰:「可。」 正直侍中俛伏起。 乘輿登輦還,衞從如常儀。 大司馬鳴鼓散屯,以次就舍。 車駕將至,威儀唱:「引留守填街先置前部從官就位。」 再拜。 車駕至殿前回輦,正直侍中跪奏:「降輦。」 次直侍中稱制曰:「可。」 正直侍中俛伏起。 乘輿降入。 正直次直侍中、散騎常侍、給事黃門侍郎、散騎侍郎、軍校從至閤,亦如常儀。 正直侍中奏:「解嚴。」 內外百官拜表問訊如常儀,訖,罷。
If the emperor personally shot game, he changed to military dress; inner and outer attendant officials and tiger guards all changed dress, as in the regimented-hunt ritual. Halberds were drawn from scabbards to prepare military guard. Inner officials of the yellow banners followed into the encirclement. Troops were arrayed, the wing-encirclement widely deployed; flags and drums faced one another; they advanced with gags in their mouths. When the wings joined the encirclement, the supervising wing clerk galloped and proclaimed the law: "Spring birds are pregnant—gather but do not shoot; the flesh of birds and beasts not destined for the sacrificial stand—do not shoot; hide, teeth, bone, horn, hair, and feathers not destined for vessels—do not shoot." The wings joined. The Grand Marshal sounded the drum to close the encirclement; the multitude of armies beat drums, clamored, and sounded warning horns, stopping at Xuanyong Field. The Grand Marshal encamped at the north banner gate; the two wing commanders encamped at the left and right banner gates; the Central Palace Gentleman led the capture-cart detachment to enter and encamp inside the north banner gate to the right. The emperor entered from the south banner gate to shoot game. Usher officials loaded the quarry on capture carts and returned to display them north of the capture banner. Kings, dukes, and those below shot game in turn, each sending quarry to below the capture banner and delivering it to the stewards who collected game. When this was complete, the Grand Marshal sounded the drum to release the encirclement and re-encamp. The Palace Gentleman led his subordinates to collect game, filling the capture carts to supply the kitchens. They reported to the Chief Steward's central kitchen and set out wine and sacrificial meat in the central path to feast and reward the armies of the regimented hunt. At dusk, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant as appropriate announced the curfew. Attendant officials again wore vermilion robes; halberds were re-sheathed. At the second curfew, advance-placed officials returned first. Two quarters after the third curfew, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced: "The outer preparations are complete." The emperor wore a black kerchief cap and unlined robe. The Direct and Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, Gentlemen Attendants of the Yellow Gate, and military officers advanced flanking the imperial seat. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant knelt and announced: "Return to the palace." The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant proclaimed the edict: "You may." The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bowed low and rose. The imperial carriage mounted the palanquin and returned; guards and attendants followed ordinary ritual. The Grand Marshal sounded the drum to disperse the encampments; they returned to quarters in order. When the imperial carriage was about to arrive, the guard of honor announced: "Lead the garrison filling the streets and advance-placed front contingent of attendant officials to position." They bowed twice. When the imperial carriage reached the hall and turned the palanquin, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant knelt and announced: "Descend from the palanquin." The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant proclaimed the edict: "You may." The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bowed low and rose. The imperial carriage descended and entered. Direct and Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, Gentlemen Attendants of the Yellow Gate, Regular Palace Attendants, and military officers followed to the pavilion, also as in ordinary ritual. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced: "Lift the curfew." Inner and outer officials submitted memorials of inquiry according to ordinary ritual; when finished, the rite was dismissed.