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卷十四 志第四 禮一

Volume 14 Treatises 4: Rituals 1

Chapter 14 of 宋書 · Book of Song
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1
退
For any ruler who holds a state or heads a household, the institution of ritual is of supreme importance. Yet each age has added or trimmed rites in its own way—not from zeal to overturn precedent, but because circumstances demanded it. Emperor Wen, finding popular feeling too frugal for the times, shortened state mourning from the ancient three-year observance; Emperor Guangwu, in reviving the dynasty on austere principles, consolidated the seven ancestral shrines under one roof; Cao Wei’s founding emperor, judging that lavish titles had corrupted custom, curtailed the tiers of posthumous honorifics; Emperor Wu of Jin, holding that the suburban rites at Qiu and the two solstices need not be kept distinct, merged the north and south altar cults at both equinoxes. Such changes have layered one upon another down to our day. The rites of the Three Dynasties are not lost; rulers have merely adapted them to the needs of each age. Min Ziqian once rejected archaic mourning rites and retired to do what he felt right; while Shusun Tong devised the Han court ceremonial, whose influence still reaches later generations. From this it follows: follow only one’s own whim and ignore the ancients, and one ends as the Qin did; cling blindly to antiquity without applying it, and one ends as Wang Mang did. Since Han and Wei times, each court has struck a balance between past and present to establish rites fit for its own age. Sima Biao gathered Later Han annotations into a Treatise on Ritual; comparing practice with Former Han, the divergence is already marked. How much more so after the Three Kingdoms divided the realm and dynasties passed from Jin to Song—each era reshaped its own institutions as events demanded. After the disintegration of late Han, old regulations fell into disorder; early Wei entrusted Wang Can and Wei Jian with codifying court ritual; Shu had Meng Guang and Xu Ci frame its ceremonial system; early Jin had Xun Yi and Zheng Chong draft the Jin ritual code; and in the Eastern Jin southland Xun Song and Diao Xie sorted out confused precedents. Leading scholars of each period debated new points as they arose—too many to record in full here. This account therefore excerpts from Wei onward the founding ritual and administrative ordinances of each regime.
2
Though Emperor Wen of Wei took the throne through Han’s abdication, he held that the Xia calendar possessed Heaven’s mandate; in the first year of Huangchu he therefore proclaimed: “Confucius said, ‘Follow the seasons of Xia, ride the chariots of Yin, wear the caps of Zhou; for music, the Shao and Wu dances.’ ’ The sage thus assembled the finest institutions of every age to establish models for future rulers. Tradition holds that ‘the Xia calendar received Heaven’s favor.’ We have inherited the glory of Tang and Yu; for the calendar we should follow the example of Yu and Xia. Distinct regalia, instruments, ritual music, and dress may vary according to the numerology of our earthly virtue. In the last month of each season, yellow garments should be worn for eighteen days; the year-end sacrifice should fall on a day of the ox, white victims should be used, and while tassels on regalia should be red, the banners themselves should be yellow. All other suburban sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, court assemblies, and seasonal dress should follow Han usage. Vestments for the ancestral temple should conform to Zhou ritual.” Director of the Masters of Writing Huan Jie and others submitted: “By the doctrine of the three orthodoxies and Zhou’s restorations, a state succeeding Han’s human orthodoxy should adopt the earthly orthodoxy and use white victims. Yet if we keep Han’s thirteenth-month calendar, the sacrificial victims cannot be changed in isolation. With a new dynasty founded, we should consult antiquity and follow Heaven’s mandate; yet to leave the monthly proclamation and sacrificial victims wholly unchanged would fail to proclaim the meaning of dynastic change.” The edict replied: “Dress and colors shall follow your memorial. In other respects follow Yu’s succession from Tang, but keep the year-end sacrifice on the ox day—that too is the sage’s ordinance.”
3
便
When Emperor Ming acceded, he wished to reform the calendar, but court opinion was sharply divided and he hesitated. Only after long delay did he decree: “Since Huangchu, scholars have disputed the calendar—some urging reform, others defending the status quo—and the matter remains unresolved. In the Eastern Palace I often reflected that Confucius, in composing the Spring and Autumn Annals, embraced the three orthodoxies to set a model for future rulers. Each orthodoxy has its own color and does not simply inherit the last. From the Five Emperors and Three Kings onward, some reigns were father-and-son succession in one line yet with a new virtue; some received the great regalia and the mandate from a culture-father; some seized power by arms and punished in Heaven’s name. Whatever the path to power, no new ruler failed to reform the calendar, change dress and colors, and display regalia to mark receipt of the mandate. On this ground, why insist that not changing is the only right course?”
4
The emperor then ordered a broad debate among the ministers. Attendant-in-Ordinary Gao Tanglong argued: “Since records began, every founding emperor—whether by abdication or by arms—has reformed the calendar to align with Heaven and steady the people’s hearts. The Book of Changes says: ‘Revolution: supreme success, beneficial constancy.’ ’ ‘With sincerity, changing the mandate brings good fortune.’ ’ ‘Tang and Wu made revolution; they answered Heaven and followed the people.’ The meaning is that as water and fire alternate in cosmic office, so kings must reform the calendar and change dress and colors. The Tong Gua Yan of the Changes says: ‘Kings must reform the calendar and change dress and colors to answer Heaven and Earth’s three qi and three colors.’ The Book of Documents says: ‘Examining antiquity, Emperor Shun, called Chonghua, established imperial rule, received the mandate, and reformed the calendar.’ ‘Gaoyang first took the eleventh month as orthodox and offered jade with red silk. Gaoxin took the thirteenth month as orthodox and offered jade with white silk.’ A commentary on the Documents says: ‘Shun set bells and stones, tuned human voices, and even birds and beasts transformed before him. Thus he altered the four seasons and reformed Yao’s calendar.’ The Odes say: ‘On the first day the wind whistles; on the second day bitter cold; on the third day they take up the plow.’ The commentary explains: ‘The first day is Zhou’s new year, the second Yin’s, the third Xia’s.’ The Tui Du Zai of the Odes says: ‘If one who succeeds Zhou should be king, even after a hundred generations it may be known.’ Using the past to test the future, civil and martial modes alternate and institutions change in turn. What returns on the third cycle is orthodox color; what returns on the second is civil and martial quality.’ ‘Using the former to examine the latter’ means Xuanyuan, Gaoxin, Xia, and Han all used the thirteenth month as new year; Shaohao, Tang, and Yin used the twelfth month; Gaoyang, Yu, and Zhou used the eleventh month. A hundred generations later, each still follows the three-cycle rotation of its predecessors. The Great Tradition of the Rites says: ‘The sage faces south and governs the realm; he must rectify measures, examine culture, reform the calendar, change dress and colors, and distinguish emblems and titles.’ The Yue Ji Yao Jia says: ‘When Yu was to receive the throne, Heaven’s intent changed greatly—swift wind, thunder, and rain—to show he was leaving Shun’s house for Xia. Thus though Shun and Yu peacefully received abdication in turn, they still made ritual and music and reformed the calendar to answer Heaven and follow the people. Xia took the thirteenth month as orthodox, marking the beginning of things; its color was black. Yin took the twelfth month, marking the sprouting of things; its color was white. Zhou took the eleventh month, marking the budding of things; its color was red. He who discerns these categories and rectifies their root will bring rain from the mountains and rivers, harmonize the seasons, ripen the five grains, and draw unicorns and phoenixes. The Spring and Autumn Annals records: ‘In summer of the seventeenth year, in the sixth month, on the jiazi first day, there was an eclipse of the sun.’ The commentary says: ‘This was Xia’s fourth month—the first month of summer.’ The Chunqiu Yuan Ming Bao says: ‘When a king receives the mandate, it is manifest in Heaven and Earth’s order; he must move his residence, change his title, reform the calendar, and change dress and colors to show Heaven’s mandate and the sage’s treasure. Civil and martial quality alternates on the second cycle; when one mode is exhausted, the next inherits; when the great cycle completes, it begins again—when the orthodox calendar changes, the mandate is revealed.’ The classics offer far more than this summary, but even this outline suffices to prove the point.”
5
Grand Commandant Sima Yi, Master of Writing Wei Zhen, Master of Writing Xue Ti, Director of the Secretariat Liu Fang, Secretariat Gentleman Diao Gan, Academicians Qin Jing and Zhao Yi, and Palace Attendant Zhonglu Zhong Zhao Yi favored reform; Attendant-in-Ordinary Miao Xi, Regular Palace Attendant Wang Su, Master of Writing Gentleman Wei Heng, and Crown Prince Household Officer Huang Shisi opposed it.
6
In Qinglong year 5, Shanzhi County reported the appearance of a yellow dragon. The emperor then addressed the Three Excellencies:
7
: 使
In antiquity Fuxi succeeded Heaven and became king, first taking wood as his virtue and standing at the head of all generations. From then on, every dynasty’s regalia, clan names, and titles—each founder who received the mandate and grasped the imperial fortune—received Heaven, changed institutions, and ordered its ritual framework. Though Yan and Huang, Shaohao, Zhuanxu and Gaoxin, Tang, Yu, and Xia shared lineages and common ancestry, each still proclaimed the fortune it received, marked Heaven and man’s covenant, reformed institutions, reset ritual and music, summoned the feudal lords, distributed jade tokens, and left a brilliant record for posterity. As for the orthodox calendar, the change should be made explicit to distinguish the ages—how can there be doubt?
8
: 使 使
When Emperor Wen first ascended, affairs were newly begun, so he kept Han’s calendar and did not alter its succession. In the Eastern Palace and since taking the throne I have read widely and gathered the ministers’ debates. Those who speak of the three orthodoxies alternating have clear texts; those who say Yu and Xia simply continued one another have no such statement. The Treatise on the Calendar says: “Heaven’s orthodoxy is fixed in zi, when things bud and are red; Earth’s orthodoxy is fixed in chou, when things transform and are white; Man’s orthodoxy is fixed in yin, when things are complete and are black.” Living things contain qi and from the subtle become manifest. Thus the Grand Ultimate moves the three stars and five planets above; primordial qi turns the three orthodoxies and five phases below—ascending and descending in rotation, ending and beginning again—showing how Heaven, Earth, and man communicate. Confucius, with the talent of a great sage, followed Yao and Shun, took Wen and Wu as models, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals to investigate human affairs and thread the rules of a hundred kings. Therefore in the three micro months he styled himself king each month, to show that the three orthodoxies alternate as head. In following Yao and Shun to discuss the three orthodoxies, was his meaning limited to Yin and Zhou alone? We, slight in person, inherit this great succession; we cannot match the supreme sages’ legacy or the former emperors’ virtue, yet royal teaching lies slack and the imperial canon remains incomplete—if diligent virtue is not displayed, how can we desist?
9
: 礿
Now following the order of the three orthodoxies, Wei has obtained Earth’s orthodoxy and should take the month established at chou as the new year. Examining the classics, the meaning is clear. Let the third month of spring in Qinglong year 5 become the first month of summer in Jingchu year 1. Dress and colors shall honor yellow; victims shall be white; for military affairs use white horses with black heads; raise great red banners; for court assemblies raise great white banners. Though the seasonal months now differ from the orthodox year, suburban sacrifice, welcoming the qi, seasonal and ancestral rites, imperial tours, hunts, equinoxes and solstices, promulgation of seasonal orders, middle qi timing, and agricultural ordinances shall all follow the Dipper’s establishment at the orthodox year. This calendrical order matches the former sages in sign and tally, rule upon rule. By following this meaning we display our ancestors’ great foundation and exalt the mandate of Wei’s renewal.
10
: 使
Alas! Kings, dukes, and feudal lords; ministers and grandees—secure your offices, lead without slackness, and extend Heaven’s favor. Let the Minister of Works proclaim this so all may know Our intent.
11
Dress and colors honor yellow, following the earth phase. Victims, banners, and flags follow Yin ritual, as befits the Yin season. The Zhou Rites’ Chariot Office prescribes: ‘Raise the great red for court,’ ‘the great white for war’—Zhou used its orthodox color at court and a former dynasty’s banner in war. Wei adopted Yin ritual and altered Zhou’s practice, raising the great white banner at court and the great red for war. Emperor Ming further decreed: ‘Those who take the month established at yin as new year use dark victims;’ ‘those who take chou use white victims;’ ‘those who take zi use reddish-brown victims.’ Thus victim color follows the orthodox calendar, not the yin or yang of the rite. If dark victims are acceptable for Heaven, white cannot be ruled out for Earth alone. Should Heaven and Earth not use appropriately different victims? Debate further. The debaters cited conflicting authorities and no single view prevailed. Another edict said: ‘Your citations conflict: if yang rites use reddish-brown and yin rites use dark, yet Heaven uses dark and Earth yellow, the rule for victims is incoherent.’ Heaven and Earth are supreme; their victims should share the honored color and not be split by yin and yang alone. Sacrifices to the August Emperor of Heaven, the August Empress of Earth, suburban Heaven and Earth rites, the Bright Hall, and the ancestral temple shall all use white victims. Separate sacrifices at the five suburbs follow directional colors; sun, moon, and stars use reddish-brown; altars of soil and grain and mountains and rivers use dark—thus rank, color, and yin-yang distinctions are all preserved.
12
便
In the first month of year 3 the emperor died and the Prince of Qi succeeded. In the twelfth month Master of Writing Lu Yu submitted: ‘The August Ancestor Emperor Ming left the realm on this year’s new year day; ritual forbids rejoicing on a taboo day.’ The August Ancestor died in the chou month; on this new year day our grief exceeds any ordinary taboo. To hold the new year court, assemble ministers, and play lavish music on that day would violate ritual. Academician Yue Xiang argued: ‘On new year morning receive tribute and ministers’ gifts;’ after five days hold the great banquet with music. Attendant of the Grand Commandant Zhu Dan argued: ‘Now is the time to restore the old rule and make yin the new year.’ Attendant of the General-in-Chief Liu Zhao argued: ‘Hold court and the great assembly one day after new year, so all know there is no court on the day of death.’ The edict said: ‘Having read your memorials, my heart is torn—alas, alas! The August Ancestor died on new year day; with the Empress Dowager we are torn each time this day returns. We cannot face the ministers and receive congratulations on this day. A gathering on the second of the month is also not custom. Let us return to Xia’s first month. Though this violates the late emperor’s doctrine of the three orthodoxies, it expresses our descendants’ lasting grief. Moreover Xia’s calendar possessed Heaven’s number; let the month established at yin be the year’s head.’
13
In the ninth month of the second year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin, the assembled ministers memorialized: ‘Yao, Shun, and Yu did not reform institutions merely because fortune changed;’ only Tang and Wu each promoted their dynastic number. Confucius, asked how to govern, said to follow Xia seasons; chariot and cap regulations were meant as guidance for all ages. He aimed at good government, not at the turn of dynastic fortune. Great Jin follows the Three August Ones and Shun and Yu, answers Heaven and the people, and received Wei’s abdication—it should keep the former calendar and regalia, as Yu followed Tang; this is magnanimous.’ The memorial was approved. Sun Sheng said: ‘Keeping the old ways was wrong. Jin was the metal phase and should honor red; by Heaven’s reckoning the error was grave.’ When Song received the mandate, it too followed Wei and Jin precedent.
14
Early in Emperor Ming’s reign, Minister of Works Wang Lang argued: ‘Antiquity counted years but had no reign titles; early Han did likewise. Sometimes a reign changed mid-course, as with Zhongyuan and Houyuan. Further Yuan reforms multiplied the count; Zhong and Hou no longer sufficed, so they borrowed fine names—this was not ancient practice. The Spring and Autumn Annals say Duke Yin year 1—simple and clear. Han records say the first year of Jianyuan—later ages lose the thread. We should call the era Yuan alone, as antiquity did. Emperor Ming did not agree. He decreed: ‘When the former emperor first ascended there was Yankang; at abdication there was Huangchu. Now we may name the year as well.’ The Masters of Writing submitted: ‘The Changes say: “The Way of Qian transforms; each thing rectifies its nature and fate. Preserving the great harmony brings beneficial constancy. First among the myriad things, the ten thousand states find peace.” Let this be Taihe year 1.’ Edict 〈Text omitted in the source.〉
15
輿 便 使
Of Zhou’s five rites, the fifth is Jia—the auspicious rites. The Zuozhuan says: ‘The Marquis of Jin asked Duke Xiang’s age; Ji Wuzi replied: “In the year of the meeting at Shasui, our lord was born. The Marquis said: “Twelve years—that is one completion. One cycle of Jupiter. A ruler begets a son at fifteen. To cap and beget a son is ritual. My lord may be capped. Grandees, prepare the capping gear. Wuzi replied: “A lord’s capping requires the unadorned offering, metal and stone music, and the ancestral temple. Our lord is on campaign and this cannot be done. Let us borrow preparation in a brother state. The Marquis agreed. Returning through Wei, he capped in Duke Cheng’s temple, borrowing bells and chimes—this was ritual.” Jia Kui and Fu Qian both hold that a ruler caps at twelve. An ancient commentary on the Documents says King Wu died when King Cheng was thirteen. King Wu died in a gengchen year; the Duke of Zhou went east in renwu and returned in guiwei. By ritual the Duke of Zhou capped King Cheng and ordered the historiographer’s prayer. The prayer is an announcement. This is capping after leaving mourning. Before the Duke of Zhou returned east, King Cheng capped and opened the metal-bound book—then sixteen. When King Cheng was fifteen, his mourning ended; the Duke of Zhou capped him and then departed. Ritual and commentary agree: Son of Heaven and feudal lords cap between twelve and fifteen. The Zhou Rites list coronation robes but give no Son of Heaven capping rite. The Ceremonies say: “Dukes and marquises have capping rites—instituted at Xia’s end. Wang Su and Zheng Xuan hold that late Xia fell into chaos and regicide; the duke and marquis capping rite was made—proving there was no Son of Heaven capping rite. Grandees likewise had no capping rite. Antiquity granted rank only after fifty—why would grandees cap? At fifty a Zhou man of talent might be tried in grandee duties but still followed the scholar’s rite. Thus they divined day and guest, capped at the eastern steps to show succession, toasted at the guest seat, and added honor thrice. All this is the scholar’s rite. From Han onward, however, Son of Heaven and feudal lords largely adopted these practices. The Treatise says ‘ceremonies follow the capping ritual’—meaning this. Emperor Shun’s capping also used Cao Bao’s new ritual. Bao’s new ritual no longer survives. The Treatise on Ritual also says: ‘The emperor first adds dark cloth and the advancement cap; then the cap and martial cap; then communication with Heaven—all at the High Temple. Kings, dukes, and below add only the advancement cap at first. This shows the first cap was dark cloth per antiquity, performed at the ancestral temple. Wei’s Son of Heaven capped with one addition; the explanation says the scholar’s three additions mark completion. For Son of Heaven and feudal lords, lacking a set number of additions, they tread the throne and rule the people—utmost honor and complete virtue—how can they match scholars? This argument is wrong. Even the sage stood firm only at thirty; at twelve, before the will to learn, to call virtue complete without encouragement is unreasonable. Wei’s crown prince received two additions; imperial sons, kings, dukes, and noble heirs received three. Sun Yu argued that neither one addition nor two additions was correct. The capping ritual’s toast prayer reads, ‘On this auspicious month and day,’ and also, ‘In the year’s proper month, at the month’s ordained season.’ Duke Xiang of Lu received his cap in winter, and Emperor Hui of Han in the third month—showing that no fixed month was prescribed. From Later Han on, every emperor’s coming-of-age capping took place in the first month. In the intercalary ninth month of Xianning year 2, Jin sent envoys to cap the Prince of Runan, Sima Jian—proof that Jin practice too did not require the year’s opening. Ritual required capping at the ancestral temple, but from Wei onward the ceremony was no longer held there. Yet when Emperors Wu and Hui capped the crown prince, each immediately paid a temple visit afterward—still approximating the rite of capping in the temple. Before Emperors Mu and Xiao of Jin were capped, they first sent silk offerings to announce the rite at the temple, and afterward visited the temple again.
16
使祿 宿 殿 退
When Crown Prince Hui of Jin was to be capped, Emperor Wu presided at the hall and appointed the concurrent Minister of Education, Prince of Gaoyang Sima Gui, to place the cap, with the concurrent Director of Imperial Entertainment and Colonel of the Resolute Cavalry Hua Yi as assistant. When the Eastern Jin emperors were about to be capped, bells and chimes were set out overnight, and the hundred officials took their attendant places. A great couch was also laid out in advance on the hall floor. The Director of the Imperial Wardrobe brought forward the crown, cap-cloth, pin, guide-cap, and ceremonial robe and handed them to the Attendant Within and the Regular Attendant. The Grand Commandant added the cap-cloth; the Grand Tutor added the crown. As the crown was about to be placed, the Grand Commandant knelt and read the prayer: ‘On this auspicious month and day, you begin to receive the cap of adulthood. Solemn and dignified, the emperor seeks to fulfill his sovereign charge. Reverently follow great Heaven; let the six directions be your rule. Following your ancestors and forebears, may you endure forever without end. May long life be yours; receive this splendid blessing. ’ Once the crown was set, the Attendant Within tied the black cord. The Attendant Within removed the crimson gauze robe and put on the ceremonial robe. When the capping was complete, the Grand Tutor led the ministers in raising the cup to wish long life; dukes, princes, and all ranks below thrice shouted ‘Ten thousand years!’ and then withdrew. According to the ritual regulations, there was only one addition—the cap-cloth and crown.
17
使
Song likewise capped the crown prince and territorial princes with a single addition. The relevant offices kept written regulations for it. In the tenth year of Taishi, Prince Nan of the Palace, Cheng, turned fifteen and by established rule was due to be capped. The responsible offices debated and submitted: ‘Ritual holds that fifteen marks adulthood. A feudal lord begets a son at fifteen, showing when capping is appropriate. Moreover, Han and Wei practice of sending envoys to cap princes is not ancient precedent.’ Thereupon a rule was made that princes be capped at fifteen, with no further formal investiture added. In the eleventh year of Yuanjia, the Marquis of Yingdao was to receive his cap. An edict said: ‘The Marquis of Yingdao, Liu Yiqi, may be capped on a day to be fixed. The ministry shall report the old procedure for implementation.’ He Zhen’s abbreviated capping regulations and Wang Kan’s privately drafted capping ritual were also domestic guides that could be followed.
18
In Zhengshi year 4 of Wei’s Emperor Qi, Empress Zhen was installed, but the ritual is not preserved.
19
In Xianning year 2, Emperor Wu of Jin presided at the hall and sent Grand Commandant Jia Chong with the investiture edict to establish Empress Yang, the Empress of Mourning. A general amnesty followed, and dukes, princes, and all ranks below received gifts in varying amounts. The hundred officials presented congratulatory offerings.
20
使
In Taikang year 8, the responsible offices submitted: ‘For the betrothal-gift rite in marriage, a grand wedding uses dark and crimson silk, bundled silk with a jade tablet, and two teams of four horses; princes and marquises use dark and crimson silk, bundled silk with a bi disc, and riding horses; grandees use dark and crimson silk, bundled silk, and a sheep.’ In antiquity leather and horses served as court gifts; the Son of Heaven added a grain-pattern jade tablet, and feudal lords a great scepter. Zhou ritual may be followed to replace the bi disc with a scepter; sheep, geese, wine, grain, and dark-crimson silk remain unchanged. For feudal lords’ weddings, add five bolts of silk each for formal proposal, date announcement, and escorting the bride, and four horses for betrothal gifts—all supplied by the groom’s family, with only the scepter furnished and delivered by the office. Minister of the Masters of Writing Zhu Zheng argued: ‘By Wei precedent, when a king took a consort or a princess married, the Son of Heaven and feudal lords used leather and horses as court gifts; the Son of Heaven added a grain-pattern jade tablet, and feudal lords a great scepter. Empress Lü of Han decreed that betrothal of an empress required two hundred jin of gold and twelve horses; for a lady, fifty jin of gold and four horses. Wei betrothal of an empress, a king’s consort-taking, and a princess’s marriage used one hundred ninety bolts of silk. When Jin was established, precedent called for three hundred bolts of silk.’ The edict said: ‘When a princess marries, the groom’s house should not furnish everything; grant money to make up the amount. Only the scepter shall be provided; the rest follows precedent.’
21
使 殿 使
In Xiankang year 2, Emperor Cheng presided at the hall and sent the concurrent Grand Tutor and General Who Leads the Army Zhuge Hui, and the concurrent Grand Commandant and General Who Protects the Army Kong Yu, with the six marriage rites and full gifts, to invest Empress Du. That same day she entered the palace. The emperor presided at the Hall of Supreme Ultimate while all ministers congratulated him—this was not proper ritual. For a king’s wedding, ritual provides no such form. The Spring and Autumn Annals records Duke Zai escorting the queen home from Ji. The Guliang and Zuozhuan commentaries again disagree with the Gongyang. Many Han and Wei precedents survive only in fragmentary form. After Emperors Wu and Hui of Jin took empresses, Eastern Jin had no restored ritual ordinances; when Emperor Cheng was to take Empress Du, Minister of Ceremonies Hua Heng first worked with academicians to fix the ceremony. Following Du Yu’s Zuozhuan reading, the marriage sponsor merely furnished the wedding gifts. When King Ling of Zhou sought a bride in Qi, the Marquis of Qi asked Yan Huanzi, who answered: ‘For sons born to the couple, so many in number; for paternal aunts and sisters, “the surviving daughter left by Lord So-and-so, so many in number.”’ This shows that the Son of Heaven’s command could be issued downward, and a subject’s reply could pass directly upward. Earlier scholars held that Qiu Ming recorded the matter in detail because it illustrated the king’s marriage ritual. Hence Emperor Cheng presided at the hall and sent envoys acting by imperial command to invest the empress. Yet the ritual ordinances too are not fully preserved.
22
殿殿 使
In the first year of Jianyuan, Emperor Kang took Empress Chu. Yet the ritual ordinances did not provide for feathered standard bearers at the steps. The Palace Censor submitted: ‘In welcoming the empress today, we follow Empress Chengong’s entry with imperial goods, yet the ordinances have the sovereign ascend the hall in full ceremonial dress without feathered standards—we ask how this is to be handled. Moreover, when Empress Chengong was welcomed, only an Azure Dragon banner was newly made; everything else was existing imperial equipment. Now we are to preside at the hall and send envoys, yet erect five-ox banners with feathered standards and feathered canopies all brought out. The old system should be followed, but it is now incomplete.’ The edict said: ‘The sovereign ascends the Hall of Supreme Ultimate in proper ceremonial dress to honor the beginning of the rite; therefore the full ceremony is observed. How then can we now omit what is most important and withdraw the ritual implements? When Empress Chengong’s spirit tablet entered the temple, the late emperor decreed that empress rites should be reduced and the five-ox banner should not be erected—yet now it is set up again! If the five-ox banner is not erected, the feathered standards and canopy can easily be provided. Another edict said: ‘Since the old system cannot be matched exactly, to prepare everything now is also inappropriate. Treasury stores should be reserved only for military and state expenses. Let ceremonial dress and ritual implements be provided in rough outline; suspend the rest and all duplicate miscellaneous equipment.’
23
使使 使使 使 祿 使 使 姿 使使 使使 使 使使 使
When Emperor Mu was to take Empress He in Shengping year 1, Minister of Ceremonies Wang Biao first drew more widely on classics and precedents to rectify the ritual, firmly rejecting the Gongyang view that marriage rites do not name a host. He also said: ‘For a king over the four seas, everyone is subject or consort. Even a father or elder brother by blood, or a teacher or friend of virtue, is wholly a subject. To exalt the foundation of the Three Bonds is to fix the rites of Heaven and Earth—how can Heaven’s fatherly dignity speak in a subject’s command to take a consort; and how can subjectly low estate speak in Heaven’s father’s name to perform the great rite? Searching ancient ritual far back, no king had such an institution; searching recent records, no king had such a parallel. In feeling it is wrong; in principle it cannot stand. In Xianning year 2, when the Empress of Mourning was taken, Empress Dowager Hongxun as mother ruled the realm, yet no document names a kinsman-subject as marriage sponsor for Emperor Wu’s father or brother. Examining what Great Jin had already done, Xianning precedent did not name fathers, elder brothers, teachers, or friends—so Hua Heng’s Xiankang submission accorded with established practice. This subject humbly holds that the present empress-taking ritual should wholly follow Xiankang precedent.’ The court assented. Hua Heng’s six marriage rites held that Han antiquity and Great Jin practice should be followed; Heng still knew earlier precedents, and so Wang Biao largely followed Xiankang—for this reason. Only in one matter—the bride-taking household’s three-day abstention from music—did Xiankang’s ministerial congratulations count as a breach of ritual; therefore they followed only the Xianning congratulatory rite and offered no further congratulations. The temple announcement, six-rite document texts, and other ceremonies were all established by Wang Biao. Examining established precedents in detail, the formal-proposal document bearing the imperial seal read: ‘The emperor inquires of former Staff Officer to the Grand Commandant He Qi: from the primordial beginning human relations were founded; extending to husband and wife, to serve Heaven and Earth, the ancestral temples, and the altars of soil and grain—we consulted dukes and ministers, and all deemed it fit to follow the old canon. We now send the credential-bearing envoy, Minister of Ceremonies Wang Biaozhi and Director of the Imperial Clan Zong Zhen, to perform the formal proposal by ritual. The host said: ‘The emperor’s gracious command seeks marriage in our humble clan; all preparations for selection have been made. My second cousin, the late Gentleman Attendant at the Palace Gate Zhun’s surviving daughter, not yet fully trained in deportment, with garments and shoes in such number—reverently accepting the old statutes, solemnly observing the canonical rites. Former Staff Officer to the Grand Commandant, Marquis of Duxiang, this worthless subject He Qi kowtows twice and receives the imperial command.’ Next, the inquiry-of-name document read: ‘The emperor says: We inquire of such-and-such an official of such-and-such a surname—Heaven and Earth paired in harmony, receiving Heaven’s mandate to govern all things, properly positioned within, must await a worthy clan; We revere the old canon. We now send the credential-bearing envoy, Minister of Ceremonies so-and-so and Director of the Imperial Clan so-and-so, to inquire the name by ritual. The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so has arrived to proclaim the palace edict anew and inquire into our clan's name. As to my clan: I am the daughter of my parents, the surviving great-great-granddaughter of the late Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, Marquis Zhen of Yulou; the great-great-granddaughter of the late Inspector of Yuzhou, Marquis Dun of Guanzhong; the granddaughter of the late Administrator of Anfeng, Marquis Rui of Guanzhong; and the surviving daughter of the late Attendant Gentleman-in-Attendance Zhun. On my mother's side I am the external great-great-granddaughter of the late Left Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing, Zhou; and the external granddaughter of the late Attendant of the Inner, Marquis Yi of Guannei. She is seventeen years of age. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the betrothal-confirmation text: "The emperor says: We consult official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. Counsel and oracle agree; all pronounce the divination auspicious. Let the canonical rites be followed. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Director of Ceremonies So-and-so, and Director of the Imperial Clan So-and-so now perform the betrothal confirmation according to ritual." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so again proclaims the palace edict. The Grand Diviner's oracle is supremely auspicious. Our humble clan is base and lowly; we are anxious and fear we cannot bear so great an honor. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the marriage-gifts text: "The emperor says: We consult the daughter of official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. She has the virtue of a model mother, a graceful bearing, steadfast as mountains and rivers—fit to serve the ancestral temple and perpetually receive Heaven's blessing. With dark-red and crimson silk, leather, silks, horses, sheep, cash, and jade disks—to give full expression to the canonical ritual. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Minister of Ceremonies So-and-so, and Director of Ceremonies So-and-so now present the marriage gifts according to ritual." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, marriage is bestowed upon our humble house, we are honored with a senior duke's presence, favored with canonical ritual, and furnished with the full array of ritual objects and written patents. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the request-for-date text: "The emperor says: We consult official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. Having deliberated with the dukes and ministers, the great divination on the primal tortoise reveals no ill omen—let the canonical ritual be fully followed. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Director of Ceremonies So-and-so, and Director of the Imperial Clan So-and-so now request the wedding date according to ritual." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so again proclaims the palace edict. The auspicious day is such-and-such, when the bride may be received. We respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Next came the personally-receiving-the-bride text: "The emperor says: We consult official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. The year and month are auspicious; the auspicious day is such-and-such—receive her according to ritual. Let the Bearer of the Staff, Grand Tutor So-and-so, and Grand Commandant So-and-so now go to receive her." The host replied: "By the emperor's gracious command, Envoy So-and-so again proclaims the palace edict. On an auspicious month and day, all preparations are complete to receive the bride. A senior duke and directors of the imperial clan arrive together as deputies, accompanied by a hundred pairs of close ministers. Our clan is no more than ants, yet we unworthily receive this great ritual; anxious and trembling with fear, we respectfully receive the ancient statutes and solemnly observe the canonical regulations." Their kowtowing and reception of the edict all followed the initial response.
24
When Emperor Xiaowu took Empress Wang as consort, the ritual was the same. For presenting gifts, inquiring the name, confirming auspiciousness, requesting the date, and personally receiving the bride—each rite used one white wild goose, one white sheep, and twelve pecks each of wine and rice. Only for the marriage gifts: one sheep, three bolts of dark-red and crimson silk, two bolts of deep red silk, two hundred bolts of silk gauze, two tiger skins, two million in cash, one jade disk, six horses, and twelve pecks each of wine and rice—what Zheng Xuan called the five geese and six rites. As for the regulations governing jade scepters and horses and the tally of ritual objects, comparison with the Taikang submission reveals further differences; the offices preserve their own annotations.
25
In antiquity, both marriage and capping ceremonies included libation rites; three of Master Zheng's libation texts survive intact.
26
殿西
In the fourth month of the fifteenth year of Yuanjia, Emperor Wen's crown prince took a consort; the texts of the six rites did not differ from those used when taking an empress. The hundred officials presented congratulatory gifts. On day renshen of that month, a banquet was held in the western hall of the Hall of Supreme Ultimate for the squad leaders and deputies of the two palaces, the staff of the Minister of Ceremonies, the Generals Who Pacify the North and South, the superintendents of Yang, Yan, and Jiang provinces, the administrators of Pengcheng, Jiangxia, Nanqiao, Shixing, Wuling, Luling, and Nanfeng at junior attendant rank and above, and all two-thousand-bushel officials in the capital. An edict also directed that musicians and performers be omitted from this smaller gathering, as the Consort Dowager of Linchuan was in mourning.
27
鹿
In the eleventh month of the fifth year of Taishi, Emperor Ming, the relevant offices submitted: "According to Jin practice since the court moved to the south, the crown prince's marriage gifts included one jade and two tiger skins—it is unclear what standard this follows. Perhaps the tiger was chosen for its fierce might and patterned splendor, and jade to symbolize virtue and its warm luster. Since gui and zhang are the finest jades, leopard skin conveys the same sense of patterned splendor, and bear is also an auspicious emblem in marriage rites—choosing symbols by kind, all should be used together; it is unclear why the texts omit them. Under Eastern Jin in the south, many ritual objects were lacking; later generations simply inherited the practice without pausing to investigate. Now statutes and insignia are being fully restored. The classics and commentaries should serve as models, and the old canons should be consulted. For the crown prince's marriage gifts, should gui, zhang, leopard skin, and bear skin be used or not? Let the ritual officers examine the canonical records in detail and correct this. If they should be used, should one of each be employed? Or should two of each be employed?" Doctor Pei Zhaoming submitted: "According to the Rites of Zhou, marriage gifts consist of 'dark silk with paired leather. Zheng Xuan's comment says: 'The silk bundle—[Text missing in source]—ten bolts.' Paired means two. Two pieces of leather serve as the court display goods—deer leather.' The Jin crown prince's consort-taking protocol states, "using two tiger skins."' In the Taiyuan era, when a princess received marriage gifts, one each of tiger and leopard skin was used. Could this mean that marriage ritual does not distinguish the ranks of king and duke, and that tiger and leopard skins were chosen to honor and elevate the ceremony? Though tiger and leopard skins are finely patterned, they are not prescribed for marriage-gift ritual. Bear is an auspicious emblem, yet the marriage canon does not include it. Though gui and zhang are fine jades, their uses may differ. Now the imperial way is broad and enlightened and standards brightly displayed—the crown prince's betrothal should follow the canonical admonitions. All such irregularities should be examined and adjudicated in detail. Though ritual differs from age to age and substance or form may vary, Zheng as patriarch of Ru learning has given clear explanation—shallow adherence to the text alone surely leaves room for doubt. Meanwhile, Vice Director of Ceremonies Sun Shen argued: 'The canon of betrothal gifts may be increased or reduced as duty requires; each generation's practice takes the scholar's marriage as its model.' If gui and zhang are used, they truly equal bi disks in grade; the patterned leopard matches the tiger in meaning; bear displays auspicious signs and symbolizes multiplication. Now the heir's lofty betrothal—ritual puts instruction first and reaches back to distant antiquity—the beauty of leather and jade should be fully displayed. Ritual says 'silk bundle with paired leather'—then the number of gui and zhang should match the bi disk count, and bear and patterned leopard should each be used in pairs. Senior Academician Yu He submitted: 'According to the Ceremonies, the marriage-gift rite simply specifies dark silk with a silk bundle and miscellaneous leather.' The Record of Ritual, Suburban Sacrifices chapter mentions tiger-leopard skin with a jade bi disk—this was not invented without basis. Tiger-leopard leather clearly requires two; gui and bi should each remain one, as before. Comparing Shen's and He's two opinions, they do not differ; now add one each of gui and zhang, and two each of leopard, bear, and bear skin—accepting He's opinion." The edict approved.
28
使使
In the tenth year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, the court was about to appoint and invest three Ladies and nine Concubines. The relevant offices submitted: "By ritual, the empress is betrothed with a grain-pattern gui; there is no protocol governing gift offerings for concubines and attendants." The edict said: "Investiture may follow Wei precedent." Thereupon, at the imperial gallery, they dispatched the Bearer of the Staff, concurrently serving as Director of Ceremonies, to invest the Ladies, and the Bearer of the Staff, concurrently serving as Imperial Censor, to invest the nine Concubines.
29
In Han and Wei ritual, the princess resided at her own estate, and the man who married her came to the estate to complete the marriage. Minister of Works Wang Lang held this improper; afterward the practice was changed.
30
使 宿殿 西 殿殿殿 殿 殿 使
Whenever envoys were dispatched to invest the empress, the Three Dukes, to crown the crown prince, or to invest feudal kings, the emperor always appeared at the imperial gallery. The procedure was as follows: the Director of Music set up stone and metal instruments in the four wings before the hall overnight. At the second quarter of the night watch, palace attendants, attending ministers, supernumerary masters of attendants, palace ushers, staff-bearing cavalry officers, and tiger guards formed ranks; the five-ox flags all entered. The General of Tiger Guards and the Inspector of Forest Guards took positions on either side of the inner gate of the palace steps. One attendant censor and one usher each guarded the palace gate. The prison overseer and vice overseer took positions east and west at the inner China Gate. At the third quarter, the palace attendant censor reported the opening of the hall gate, the south stopping-chariot gate, and the Xuanyang city gate. Military officers, attendants, regular attendants, palace gate attendants, and regular attendants all ascended the hall and flanked the imperial seat. The Director of the Masters of Writing and those entitled to ascend the steps entered in order. The ritual director led the Grand Master of Ceremonies in and arrayed the nine guests. At the fourth quarter, the attendant reported: "External preparations are complete." The emperor donned his sacrificial robe and cap, ascended the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, and faced south at the gallery. The usher advanced, bowed once toward the north, knelt, and reported: "Grand Master of Ceremonies, Minister So-and-so, kowtowing, reports that the assembled ministers are in place. All is ready." The attendant proclaimed the edict: "Approved." The usher announced the bow; all those in attendance bowed twice. The Grand Master of Ceremonies declared himself minister, bowed once, looked up, and reported: "I request permission to proceed with the ceremony." The attendant proclaimed: "Approved." The Grand Master of Ceremonies raised his hand and said: "The ceremony may proceed." The usher led the protecting envoy and those who were to receive investiture to their bowing positions. Music in the four wings began to play. As the investiture was about to take place, the music stopped. When the ritual was complete, they departed. The offices preserve their annotations.
31
In former times at the New Year, reed mats, peachwood, and mugwort were set out, and chickens were dismembered at the palace and at the gates of the hundred temples to expel evil influences. In Han ritual, these were set out in the midsummer month, with peach pegs but without chicken dismemberment. On investigation: Emperor Ming extensively revised the expulsion ritual, and He Yan's discussion of expulsion sacrifice cites chicken victims for blood-sprinkling expiation—chicken dismemberment likely originated in Wei. Peach branches and pegs were originally Han's auxiliary exorcisms, and the mao peg was likewise something Wei was right to remove—but when the rite moved from midsummer to New Year's Day is no longer clear. Song abolished these observances entirely, yet in many commanderies and counties the old rite still lingered.
32
西 殿
The diplomatic exchange and tribute rituals of earlier ages appear here and there in the classics, but nowhere survive whole from start to finish. Shusun Tong's biography preserves the New Year's court assembly he devised for Han, and its broad outline is known—but even for our own day the rite remains incomplete. When Wei was first established, many ceremonies were combined or left out; only in the third year of Huangchu did the court first receive jade disks in New Year's congratulation. He Chengtian notes that no Wei regulations for the New Year's assembly survive. He Zhen's Rhapsody on the Xu Capital reads: "On New Year's Day the great feast is held, with an altar set up in the southwest. Banners and canopies rise in lofty ranks; eaves and halls stretch wide and deep." Wang Shen's Rhapsody on the Formal Assembly adds: "Flowery pavilions gleam against flying clouds, and crimson curtains are spread before the forecourt. Crimson-green curtains hang at both flights of steps, evoking the towering Purple Pole of Heaven. The hundred ministers gather at the Harmonious Gate, ordering rank by rank as they present their jade tablets." This shows that the great feast was held entirely outside the city walls, not within the palace. Your subject finds in the memorial of Wei's Minister of Works Wang Lang: "By precedent, on the first day of the first month the court receives New Year's congratulations. At the palace hall two hundred flowery lamps are placed, facing one another between the two flights of steps. Court torches blaze at the Main Gate, and outside it lamps of five feet and three feet are set up. Moon and stars shone down; though it was night, the light was as of day." By this account the ceremony was not held outside the city. The rhapsodies of He and Wang were not written for Luoyang in the first place. He titled his work Rhapsody on the Xu Capital, for the court was then at Xuchang. Wang's rhapsody likewise speaks of "receiving the four states on the eastern tour"—again describing the formal assembly at Xuchang.
33
宿便宿殿 便 殿 殿 西西 殿 殿 殿 殿 殿 退
Under Emperor Wu of Jin the New Year's assembly regulations were revised anew; the Xianning regulations that survive today are those. Fu Xuan's Rhapsody on the New Year's Assembly says: "Drawing on the surviving instructions of Xia, synthesizing the canonical rites of Yin and Zhou, gathering the old ceremonies of Qin and Han, and fixing the splendid assembly of New Year's Day." From this it is clear that the ceremony drew jointly on many dynasties. The Xianning regulations prescribe that on the first day of the first month the palace guard posts overnight folding seats for dukes, marquises, ministers, and commandants outside the Main Gate, while the grand music office and drum-and-pipe band set out the four-side musicians and the ox-and-horse screens and pavilions before the hall. Before the night water-clock had run ten marks, the ministers gathered and the court torches were kindled. The emperor paid his congratulatory visits and received the formal replies, and also congratulated the empress. He then re-entered through the Cloud Dragon Eastern Central Flowery Gate to pay his visits and went to the folding seats beneath the Eastern Pavilion. Before the clepsydra had run seven marks, officials rode in their carriages; the hundred officials, the tribute-receiving gentlemen, and the accounting clerks all entered and took their places at the foot of the steps. The step guards followed the procedure for an imperial audience. Before the clepsydra had run five marks, the Supervisor of Attendants and the Grand Master of Ceremonies each announced: "The ministers are in place." When the clepsydra ran out, the attendant within announced: "All is ready outside." The emperor came forth. Bells and drums sounded, and the hundred officials all bowed prostrate. The Minister of Ceremonies led the emperor up to the imperial throne. The bells and drums fell silent. The hundred officials rose. The Grand Master of Ceremonies knelt and announced: "We request the court congratulation." The Director of Ritual intoned: "The emperor invites the kings to ascend." The Grand Master of Ceremonies knelt and intoned: "The feudal kings, ministers So-and-so and others, each present a white jade disk and bow twice in congratulation." The Minister of Ceremonies replied: "The kings have all ascended. Attendants led them up the hall to stand before the imperial throne. The emperor rose, and the kings bowed twice. When the emperor sat, they bowed twice again, knelt to place the disks before the throne, and bowed twice once more. When the rite was finished, attendants led them down the hall and back to their original places. The Director of Ritual placed the dukes, specially advanced ministers, the son of the Southern Chanyu of the Xiongnu, and the gold-seal and purple-cord generals west of the Grand Master of Ceremonies, and ministers of middle two-thousand-bushel rank, two-thousand-bushel rank, one-thousand-bushel rank, and six-hundred-bushel rank west of the Director of Grand Processions—all facing north and prostrate. The Grand Master of Ceremonies knelt and intoned: "The Grand Commandant, ministers of middle two-thousand-bushel rank, and others present jade disks, leather, silk, lambs, geese, and pheasants, and bow twice in congratulation." The Minister of Ceremonies intoned: "The emperor invites the lords to ascend. The Director of Ritual led the dukes through the gold-seal and purple-cord generals up the hall to stand before the imperial throne. The emperor rose, and all bowed twice. When the emperor sat, they bowed twice again. They knelt to place the jade disks and silk before the throne and bowed twice once more. When the rite was finished, the intoner led them down the hall and back to their original places. As the dukes and kings completed presenting their jade disks, the Director of Grand Processions intoned for each in turn; below the hall, ministers of middle two-thousand-bushel rank and lower followed the same procedure. When each rite was finished, the tribute gifts were handed to the tribute-receiving gentlemen, who passed the jade disks and silk to the attendants and the lambs, geese, and pheasants to the Director of Imperial Sacrifices. The Director of Grand Music knelt and requested that the elegant music be performed. The music was performed in sequence. The Director of the Yellow Carriages then brought out the chariots. The emperor withdrew, and the hundred officials all took their seats. At the sixth mark of the ascending day clepsydra, the various barbarian and foreign guests entered in turn, each bowing twice before taking a seat. Three marks after the emperor had withdrawn, he came forth again. Bells and drums sounded. The Supervisor of Attendants knelt and announced: "We request that the ministers ascend." Attendants led the dukes and kings and ministers up to two-thousand-bushel rank onto the hall, while ministers of one-thousand-bushel and six-hundred-bushel rank remained in place. Attendants led the kings to the place of honor to pour the longevity wine, then knelt and handed the cup to the attendant within. The attendant within knelt and set it before the imperial throne. The kings then poured for themselves and set the cups before their seats. The attendant knelt and announced: "The feudal kings, ministers So-and-so and others, present their cups and bow twice, offering wishes for ten thousand years of life." The attendant within said: "The cups have been presented. The hundred officials prostrated themselves and shouted "Ten thousand years!" The four-side musicians performed. The hundred officials bowed twice. After drinking, they bowed twice again. Attendants led the various kings and the others back to their original places. The step attendants passed down the command to take seats, and the ministers all knelt and assented. The attendant within, Director of the Secretariat, and Director of the Masters of Writing each offered longevity wine in the hall; ascending music sounded as they rose, and the Director of Imperial Sacrifices again circulated the imperial wine. The imperial wine was carried up the steps; the Director of Imperial Sacrifices knelt and handed it to the gentleman attendant, who knelt and presented it before the imperial throne. Wine was then circulated among the hundred officials. The Director of Grand Music knelt and announced: "Perform the ascending song." Three times. When it was finished, they descended. The Director of Imperial Sacrifices knelt and requested that the imperial meal be brought to the steps, and the ministers all rose. The Director of Imperial Sacrifices held the broth, knelt, and handed it to the Minister of Works; held the rice, knelt, and handed it to the Grand Minister of Agriculture; the Director of Imperial Food held the trays together and handed them to the gentleman attendant, who knelt and presented them before the imperial throne. The ministers took their seats. The Director of Grand Music knelt and announced: "Eat. Raise the music." The Director of Imperial Sacrifices circulated the meal trays to the hundred officials throughout the hall. When the meal was finished, the Director of Grand Music knelt and announced: "We request that the dancers advance." The dancers performed in sequence. The Director of Drum-and-Pipe Music again stepped forward, knelt, and announced: "We request that the various entertainments advance in order." Thereupon the accounting clerks of the various commanderies were summoned forward and received edicts and admonitions at the foot of the steps. When the banquet music was finished, one attendant knelt and announced: "We request dismissal." Bells and drums sounded, and the ministers all bowed twice facing north and withdrew. East of the Yangtze positions were again assigned as circumstances required, but the broad outline differed little. Once Song held the realm, it largely kept the old ceremonies; what was added or trimmed is known.
34
The Eastern Jin regulations placed the crown prince, when he attended the assembly, below the Three Venerables and above the dukes and kings. In the eleventh year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the crown prince was raised above the Three Venerables.
35
滿
Under Wei regulations, feudal kings were not permitted to attend court audiences. When some did attend in Emperor Ming's time, it was entirely by special favor and could not be treated as regular practice. During Jin's Taishi reign, the relevant offices submitted a memorial: "Among the feudal states, princes and marquises and all below them who come to court shall be divided into two rotations for each of the four directions; the full round takes three years, and when the cycle is complete it begins anew. If some unforeseen circumstance arises, the visit may be deferred to the following year. After a court audience, another full three years must pass before the next visit; one may not reckon from the original count. The court-audience rite of presenting the bi disk shall follow the regulations of earlier audiences. In years when they do not come to court, each shall dispatch a Minister to present tribute on a diplomatic mission." The memorial was approved. In the Eastern Jin southland, princes and marquises no longer went to their fiefs; when assigned to posts abroad they were treated like regional grandees, provincial governors, and two-thousand-shi prefects, and the court-audience and tribute-mission system was abolished as well—so this rite fell into disuse.
36
殿 調 調 調 調
At the New Year's Day grand assembly, a White Tiger wine vessel was placed in the palace courtyard. A white tiger was mounted on the vessel's lid; if anyone wished to offer blunt counsel, this vessel was opened and wine was drunk. The Book of Rites records that when Zhi Daozi died and before his burial, Duke Ping was drinking wine with Music Master Kuang and Li Diao in attendance while bells were struck. Du Kui came in from outside, heard the bells, and said, "Where is he?" They answered, "In the inner chamber." Du Kui entered the inner chamber, climbed the steps, poured wine, and said, "Kuang, drink this." He poured again and said, "Diao, drink this." He poured once more, sat facing north in the hall and drank it himself, then descended the steps and hurried out. Duke Ping called him back and said, "Kui, just now your heart may have been trying to open my eyes—that is why I did not speak with you. You made Kuang drink—why?" He replied, "On zi and mao days one does not make music; Zhi Daozi lies in the hall—this is a zi-mao day indeed. Kuang is the Grand Music Master. He failed to admonish you—therefore I made him drink." You made Diao drink—why?" He replied, "Diao is your intimate attendant. For a single cup or meal he forgot your mourning—therefore I made him drink." You drank yourself—why?" He replied, "I am only a cook who supplies knives and ladles—yet I dared concern myself with guarding against wrongdoing; therefore I drank." Duke Ping said, "I too was at fault. Pour and make me drink." Du Kui rinsed the cup and raised it high. The duke told his attendants, "When I die, you must never discard this cup." Down to the present day, after the toasts are finished, this raising of the cup is called "Du's Toast." The White Tiger vessel is probably a surviving form of Du's Toast. The tiger painted on it was likely added by later generations, so that those who spoke would be fierce as tigers and free of all fear or restraint.
37
使 使
Under Han, Gaozu made the day of Qin's submission in the tenth month the year's beginning; though Emperor Wu later adopted the Xia calendar, the winter new-moon day still regularly held feasting assemblies with the same ritual as New Year's Day. Under Wei and Jin, on the winter solstice they received congratulations from all the realm and the hundred officials, followed by a minor assembly. The ceremony ranked below New Year's Day; Jin preserved annotations for it. In Song, in the eighth month of Yongchu year 1, an edict read: "Whether or not to dispatch winter-celebration envoys—the attendant services should be reduced; let them all be suspended for now. Only the grand celebration of New Year's Day may not be abolished. Winter envoys sent from commanderies and counties to provinces and grand-marshal headquarters should likewise be stopped."
38
西
When Sun Quan first established his capitals at Wuchang and Jianye, he did not set up suburban altars. In his final years, in the eleventh month of Taixi year 1, he sacrificed at the southern suburb—the site lies some ten-odd li south of Moling county, within the suburban grounds. When the Jin court moved south, it established the southern suburban altar in the si direction—which is not what the rites mean by taking the yang position. In Song, in the ninth month of the third year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, Right Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing Xu Ai submitted a memorial: "The location of suburban sacrifice is unheard of in remote antiquity. The Book of Rites says, "Burn firewood on the grand mound to sacrifice to Heaven." Establish the altar at the southern suburb, taking the yang position." Early Han shifted between Ganquan, Hedong, and the Zhi and Mai rites; in the end the altars were moved to the south and north of Chang'an. When Guangwu restored the throne, he fixed the two suburban altars south and north of Luoyang. When the Jin court crossed the river, all the altars lay to the north. Debates over suburban altars were numerous and unsettled. Moreover the road south was narrow and opening it had not yet been deliberated; so a mound altar was created in the southeast si direction. When august Song received the mandate, it followed suit without change. Moreover "within the inhabited area" does not mean outside the city walls. Now the sacred map is remade and old regulations wholly renewed; the southern post road is opened and the yang road extended far into the distance. We propose moving the suburban altar to the noon direction to fix Heaven's position. Chamberlains for Academic Affairs Sima Xingzhi and Fu Yu, and Vice Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies Lu Cheng, all agreed with Xu's memorial. The suburban altar was moved west of Mount Niutou in Moling—directly in the noon direction from the palace. When Emperor Shizu died and the Former Deposed Emperor succeeded, the old suburban site was deemed auspicious and the altar was moved back to its original location.
39
西 西 西
The northern suburban altar was first established in the era of Emperor Cheng of Jin, originally south of Mount Fuzhou. Emperor Taizu of Song made the site into the Leyou Gardens and moved the altar to the northwest of the mountain. Later, when the site became North Lake, the altar was moved to the northwest of the lake embankment. The ground there was low and muddy, so it was moved again to the east of Baishi village. That site too became a lake; the altar was then moved west of the northern high road of Mount Zhong, directly opposite the southern suburb. Later, when East Lake at Baishi was abolished, the northern suburb returned to its original site.
40
殿 祿 西 便 祿 輿 使輿
For the southern suburban sacrifice, the emperor observes preliminary abstinence for seven days and strict abstinence for three days. Officials charged with purification do likewise. On the morning of strict abstinence, he sits in the curtained enclosure of the Hall of Supreme Ultimate. He wears a deep-red gauze robe, a black kerchief-cap, and the Through-Heaven golden Boshan crown. On the day before the sacrifice, five quarters before dusk, the evening inspection of victims takes place. Grand Secretaries, the Intendant of Jingzhao, and all officials take their places east of the altar; the Grand Invocator's scribe leads the victim in. Upon reaching the placard, the Director of Sacrificial Victims kneels and announces, "I request to inspect the victim." The inspector raises his hand and says, "Fat." The Grand Invocator circles the victim and raises his hand, saying, "Full." The Grand Invocator leads the victim to the kitchen. Two pottery dou vessels are filled with blood and hair; one is placed before the spirit seat of Supreme Heaven, the other before the spirit seat of the Founding Ancestor. On sacrifice day, eight quarters before dawn, the Grand Invocator presents the offerings and the gentleman-attendants set them out. Victims: two dark bulls for the primary rite; one ox for the host of spirits. Sacrificial wine uses black-millet spirit; the matting uses white thatch grass. One vessel of dark water; the vessel is gourd pottery; wine is held in earthenware jars and poured with earthenware ladles. The bi disk is of green jade. Rush mats, two each; no cushions or bedding are laid. Anciently mats were of straw; in the Eastern Jin southland rush was used. When the imperial procession departs, all officials who should observe abstinence and those who had taken positions filling the streets to accompany the procession each perform their appointed duties. At one quarter after the water mark, he dons the dragon robe and level-heaven cap, mounts the golden-root chariot, and arrives at the eastern gate outside the altar. Chamberlains for Academic Affairs and the Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies lead him in to the black enclosure. The Grand Invocator kneels, holds the gourd pottery vessel, and pours wine to libate the ground. The emperor performs two prostrations and rises. All officials likewise perform two prostrations and prostrate themselves. The Master of Ritual says, "Rise." Chamberlains for Academic Affairs and the Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies lead the emperor to the southern steps; he removes his shoes, ascends the altar mound, and proceeds to the libation basin for hand-washing. The Gentleman-in-Attendance of the Yellow Gate rinses the cup and kneels to present it to the emperor. The cup-bearer presents the vessel; black-millet spirit is poured and presented to the emperor. He kneels and sets it before the spirit seat of Supreme Heaven, performs two prostrations, and rises. Next he proceeds to the Founding Ancestor's seat, where the Founder is paired with Heaven; he holds the cup, kneels, and sets the offering, as in the rite to Supreme Heaven. Facing south with northward orientation, he performs one prostration and prostrates himself. The Grand Invocator pours the blessing wine from each offering, combines them in one cup, kneels, and presents it to the emperor; the emperor performs two prostrations and prostrates himself. When the blessing wine is finished, the Chamberlains for Academic Affairs and the Director lead the emperor down the eastern steps and back to the southern steps. The Usher leads the Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies up the altar for the secondary offering. The Usher again leads the Director of Imperial Clansmen up the altar for the final offering. The rite was complete. Each descends the steps and returns to his original place. The Grand Invocator escorts the spirits' departure; kneeling, he holds the gourd pottery vessel and pours wine to libate the ground. Rise. They walked straight south out through the altar gate. The Director of Ritual raised his hand and announced; all the ministers bowed twice and prostrated themselves. The emperor remained seated. The Director of Ritual said, "Rise." The academicians knelt and said, "The sacrifice is finished. Proceed to the fire offering." The academicians and Grand Master of Ceremonies led the emperor to the fire-offering position at the eastern steps of the altar, where he stood facing south. The Grand Invocator bore on a tray the jade bi, sacrificial flesh, goblet, wine, millet, rice, and all other offerings, ascended the firewood mound, and set them out. The Director of Ritual raised his hand and said, "The fire may be lit." Three men carried torches up. The fire was kindled. The Grand Invocator and the others each descended the altar. Twenty men on each side of the altar cast their torches onto the mound; when the fire was half ablaze the stacked wood gave way. The academicians announced upward, "The rite is complete." The emperor withdrew to the casual seat. Martial vigil was lifted. If the Son of Heaven was prevented from attending, the Three Excellencies performed the rite: the Grand Commandant made the first offering, while the secondary and final offerings were still made by the Grand Master of Ceremonies and the Director of the Imperial Household. At the northern suburb, abstinence, the evening sacrifice of the victim, the presentation of the cooked offering, and the emperor's arrival with officials at the altar for the three offerings all followed the southern suburb rite; Only at the end, the Grand Invocator took the victim, jade, and foods to the pit, laid them on the victim, and covered them with another victim. The Director of Ritual raised his hand and said, "They may be buried." Twenty men shoveled earth at once. When the pit was half filled, the academicians announced upward, "The rite is complete." The emperor withdrew. Since the Wei dynasty, the Three Excellencies often performed the rites in the emperor's stead, and the imperial carriage rarely went out. Under Wei and early Jin, though the full ritual protocols did not survive, the changes made to Han practice can still be traced. After the court moved south of the Yangtze, the offices had written regulations on the matter.
41
殿 西 西 西
Emperor Wen of Wei issued an edict: "The Han did not worship the sun at the eastern suburb, yet morning and evening they bowed to the sun facing east beneath the palace hall—fussy and familiar, like a family matter, not the proper way to serve Heaven and the spirits of the suburbs. In the second year of Huangchu, on the yihai day of the first month, he worshipped the sun outside the eastern gate. By ritual, the Son of Heaven worships the sun in the east at the spring equinox and the moon in the west at the autumn equinox; the first month was not the proper season. The Han Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices records that at the Tai altar, at dawn the emperor left the bamboo palace and bowed east to the sun, and that evening bowed west to the moon. This meant using the suburban sacrificial day itself, without waiting for the equinoxes. Emperor Ming, in Taihe 1, on the dinghai day—the first of the second month—worshipped the sun at the eastern suburb; on the jichou day of the eighth month he worshipped the moon at the western suburb. This was the ancient rite. The Baihu tong says, "The king has Heaven as father, Earth as mother, the Sun as elder brother, and the Moon as elder sister"—that is the meaning. The Great Commentary on the Documents gives the words for receiving the sun: "In such-and-such year, such-and-such month, on the ascending day. Brilliance above and below, diligent bounty to the four quarters, all works serene—I alone. [Name] reverently bows, receiving the sun at the suburb. Under Wu, Gentleman Chen Rong submitted an Eastern Suburb Eulogy; the Wu court also observed this rite. In Taikang 2, officials memorialized to Emperor Wu of Jin: "At the spring equinox, as before, we request the imperial carriage to worship the sun, but the weather is not yet suitable; the emperor need not attend in person. The edict replied, "Ritual should be constant; as you propose, it differs from what the late Grand Commandant drafted, and again there would be no fixed rule. Recently the realm was still unsettled, so each time we followed the memorial. Now warfare has ceased; this alone matters most. By this edict, the emperor again attended the sun worship in person. Thereafter the rite was abandoned.
42
殿 祿 殿 祿 祿
For the seasonal grand sacrifices, the emperor observed general abstinence for seven days and strict abstinence for three days. Officials observing purity did likewise. On the day of strict abstinence, he sat behind curtains in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, wearing a crimson gauze robe, a black kerchief cap, and the tongtian gold Boshan crown. On the day of sacrifice, when the imperial procession set out, fasting officials who accompanied the carriage and those who remained to guard the streets or had gone ahead each took up their assigned acting duties. One watch into the water hour, the emperor put on the flat crown and dragon robe, mounted the golden-root chariot, and arrived at the north gate of the temple. The Directors of Ritual and the ushers each led the Grand Music Master, Grand Master of Ceremonies, Director of the Imperial Household, the Three Excellencies, and the rest to their positions. The emperor dismounted, entered the temple, removed his shoes, washed his hands and the goblet, and ascended the hall. For the first offering he set down the goblet, and music was played. The Grand Invocator knelt and read the invocation; when he had finished, he advanced and placed the offering before the spirit seat, and the emperor returned to his place. The academicians led the Grand Commandant for the secondary offering; when that was done, the usher led the Director of the Imperial Household for the final offering. For the di and xia grand sacrifices, all spirit tablets were brought out into the main hall and seated in zhao-mu order; they were no longer kept in the side chambers. Under Jin there were also the yin-chamber four child-spirits; the Director of Ritual led the yin-chamber in order to set goblets before the foods. Meritorious ministers who shared in the feast were seated in the courtyard, and ushers set goblets before the foods. If the emperor did not attend in person, the Three Excellencies performed the rite: the Grand Commandant made the first offering, the Grand Master of Ceremonies the secondary offering, and the Director of the Imperial Household the final offering. The four seasonal sacrifices likewise required the evening sacrifice of the victim before the main rite, following the same ceremony as at the suburban altar.
43
使 使 使
In the seventh year of Taishi, fourth month, Emperor Wu of Jin was to attend the evening sacrifice of the victim in person, but the protocol still prescribed no bow. An edict asked why. The academicians submitted, "Successive generations have done it this way. The emperor said, "This is not the proper way to show reverence to the ancestral temple. Thereupon he actually bowed and returned, and this became the regulation. In the Taikang era, officials memorialized that on the first day of the eleventh month the new-moon offering, the winter sacrifice, and the evening sacrifice of the victim all fell on the same day, and that officials could perform the rite. The edict said, "To have officials perform the evening sacrifice of the victim is wrong. Choose another day in the first ten days of the month. By this account, Emperor Wu personally attended and bowed at the evening sacrifice of the victim, but since the court moved south the practice again ceased. In Jianwu 1, on the xinmao day of the third month, Emperor Yuan of Jin, upon assuming the kingship of Jin, performed the Son of Heaven's seasonal grand sacrifice—an extraordinary event. In Taiyuan 11, ninth month, under Emperor Xiaowu, an imperial daughter died just as the winter sacrifice was due. Fan Ning, Attendant Gentleman of the Secretariat, memorialized: "According to the commentary on mourning dress, when someone dies within the palace, sacrifices are not held for three months, without distinction of age or rank. Though the imperial daughter was still an infant, I privately find this doubtful. Thereupon the Ministry of Writings memorialized that the Three Excellencies should perform the rite. In the reign of Emperor Ling of Han, during the spring establishment rite with abstinence to receive the qi at the eastern suburb, the Left Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Writings beat a street messenger to death at the South Documents Office; an edict then asked, "Gentlemen Consultant Cai Yong and Academician Ren Min—may the abstinence rites proceed? Might it be improper? Cai Yong and the others replied, "In worship of the Supreme Lord, there is no reason to suspend the rite. The palace is vast, the street messenger insignificant, and the day ample; the abstinence rites may proceed without doubt. Fan Ning was not unaware of this precedent, yet he did not follow it. Under Wei and early Jin, though the sacrifice rites were not fully preserved, south of the Yangtze they were complete. The offices had written regulations.
44
The Grand Altars of Soil and Grain were worshipped on the two She days in the second and eighth months of each year. The Grand Invocator performed the evening sacrifice of the victim and the presentation of the cooked offering, following the ceremony used at the suburban altar and ancestral temple. The Minister of Works, Grand Master of Ceremonies, and Grand Minister of Agriculture made the three offerings. The offices had written regulations. The Rites of Zhou say the king sacrifices in person; since Han, officials have performed the rite.
45
西
In Yuanchu 6 under Emperor An of Han, the Six Di Temple was established in the northwest of the capital at the xu-hai position; the sacrifice followed the ceremony of the Grand Soil altar.
46
殿
When the sun and moon were about to conjoin, the Grand Astrologer reported the new moon. Three days beforehand the Ministry of Writings announced the matter and put the inner and outer court on alert. Zhi Yu's Resolving Doubts says, "All who respond to an eclipse wear red turbans to bolster the yang. When the sun is about to be eclipsed, the Son of Heaven wears plain dress and avoids the main hall; inside and outside the palace are placed on strict alert; the Grand Astrologer ascends the Spirit Terrace to watch for changes in the sun. Drums are beaten in rotation at the gates; on hearing the drum, attending ministers all wear red turbans and enter service with swords at their sides. Secretaries of the Three Departments and above each stand with a sword before their doors. The Commandant of Guards rides in circuit around the palace, inspecting the defenses, and continues without cease. When the sun returns to normal, all stand down. In the seventeenth year of Duke Zhao of Lu, on the new moon of the sixth month, there was an eclipse of the sun. The invocators asked what silks should be used; Zisun Zhaozi said, "When there is an eclipse of the sun, the Son of Heaven ceases music and beats drums at the soil altar; feudal lords use silks at the altar and beat drums in court—that is ritual. They also bound the soil altar with a rope of red silk, and the invocators recited words of reproach against it. The soil altar is the spirit Gou Long, the supreme lord under the Son of Heaven—hence it was reproached. For the new-moon conjunction, the offices had written regulations.
47
In the Jian'an era of Han, just as the New Year's assembly was about to be held, the Grand Astrologer reported that New Year's Day would see an eclipse of the sun; court officials were unsure whether to hold the assembly. Together they went to consult the Minister of Writings Xun Wenruo. Liu Shao, a Guangping accounting clerk, was among those present. He said, "Zizhen and Pizao were the finest historiographers of old, yet even they, when reading fire and water, sometimes mistimed heaven itself. The Rites teach that when feudal lords come in a body to audience with the Son of Heaven, four circumstances may prevent them from finishing the ceremony once they have passed the gate—and a solar eclipse is the first of these. When the sages handed down their institutions, they did not cancel court rites in advance because of portents—either the calamity dissolved and the omen never appeared, or the astrologers' reckoning was simply wrong." Xun Yu and the rest were pleased and assented. The court assembly went forward as always—and in the end the sun was not eclipsed. Liu Shao won fame from this episode, and the historians of Wei praised him and set it down.
48
使
On the first day of the third month in the second year of Zhengyuan, under the Duke of Gaogui of Wei, the Grand Astrologer predicted a solar eclipse that never came. Sima Zhao, later honored as Wen of Jin, was then Grand General and demanded that the historiographers be punished for their failed prediction. The historiographers answered, "At new-moon conjunction, sometimes the sun passes over the moon, and sometimes the moon passes over the sun. When the moon covers the sun, it veils the solar body and dims its light—this is what we call a solar eclipse. When the sun passes above the moon, it is called yin not violating yang: though the two bodies meet, there is no eclipse. No art can tell in advance whether sun and moon will truly cover one another and produce an eclipse. That is why, at the autumn di and suburban sacrifices, a substitute rite was held whenever an eclipse was expected—it shows that even the historiographers of earlier ages could not reliably foretell eclipses. Han practice held that a solar eclipse must fall at conjunction. Whenever that moment approached, every office was alerted in advance to stand ready for a change in the sun. Hence the jiayin edict laid down provisions against eclipses, but established no penalty for failed predictions. From antiquity onward, the six calendars of Huangdi, Zhuanxu, Xia, Yin, Zhou, and Lu contained no method for calculating solar eclipses—only rules for judging whether their reckonings were tight or loose. The liability statute exists only because there was never a calculable method to test against in the first place. The fault does not lie with those who hold the office." And so the matter was dropped.
49
In the third and fourth years of Xianning, Emperor Wu of Jin cancelled the New Year's assembly whenever New Year's Day coincided with new-moon conjunction—a break with Wei precedent.
50
便
In the fourth month of the first year of Taixing, at new-moon conjunction, Vice Director of the Secretariat Kong Yu memorialized: "When the Spring and Autumn Annals says, 'The sun was eclipsed,' the Son of Heaven beats drums at the soil altar to strike at yin. Feudal lords beat drums in the court—that is, ministers striking at themselves. According to current Secretariat orders, any change in the sun triggers drumming at every gate—a departure from the ancient canon." The edict replied, "Your argument is sound. Order the outer offices to change the practice accordingly."
51
退 退 使
By the first year of Jianyuan under Emperor Kang, the Grand Astrologer reported new-moon conjunction on New Year's Day, and court officials again debated whether to cancel the assembly. Yu Bing, then regent, copied out Liu Shao's memorial and showed it to the Eight Excellencies. Some held that Liu Shao had missed the spirit of the rites, and that even a man as wise as Xun Yu had erred in following him. Cai Mo therefore wrote a counter-memorial: "Liu Shao's points—that calamity may vanish and portents fail to appear, that even Zizhen and Pizao could err, that the Grand Astrologer's report need not be trusted—are in themselves reasonable. But to claim that because the sages established institutions one should not cancel court rites in advance on account of portents—that is wrong. Calamities and omens arise to warn the ruler. They are what a king must heed above all. Hence plain dress, music suspended, withdrawal from the principal chamber, officials lowering their ornaments, silks offered and drums beaten—the ruler himself performed the rites of rescue. In matters of reverent warning, it is better to act with caution than to hesitate and abandon the rite. Confucius and Laozi, assisting at a burial in the Lane Party, marched with the coffin because a funeral should not proceed until stars appear. When an eclipse came they halted the bier, saying, "How can we know the stars will not appear?" Now the historiographers say there will be an eclipse—how can we know there will not be one? Confucius and Laozi took precautions lest the stars fail to appear, yet Liu Shao would discard them. That is to abandon the settled rule of the sages. Duke Huan of Lu met with disaster on renshen day, yet on yihai he still offered the seasonal sacrifice. The Spring and Autumn Annals censures him for it. Though the calamity was past, fear had not yet subsided—hence the ancestral sacrifice was cancelled. How much less fitting, then, to hold a festive assembly of music and celebration when heaven's warning is already announced. What the Book of Rites means by 'feudal lords who enter the gate and may not complete the ceremony' applies when the Sun Officer has not foretold the eclipse—the lords enter, see it, and only then learn of it. It does not mean that when an eclipse has been foretold, the court assembly should not be cancelled. Liu Shao's use of this passage misses its true meaning. Liu Shao appeals to the Book of Rites— yet the story of Confucius and Laozi in the Lane Party is also in the Book of Rites. He cites it and then turns against it—advancing and retreating with nothing to stand on. What Minister Xun approved and the Han court adopted has been praised down to our day, its error unnoticed. Later gentlemen may take it as a model. I write to correct that." Yu Bing then followed the majority and cancelled the assembly.
52
In the Yonghe era, Yin Hao as regent again wished to follow Liu Shao and not cancel the assembly. Wang Biaozhi cited the precedents of Xianning and Jianyuan and said, "The Rites say that when feudal lords come in a body to audience with the Son of Heaven, four circumstances may force them to abandon the ceremony before it is finished. These are sudden, unforeseen events—not a license to keep the assembly in advance while gambling that the astrologers' reckoning is wrong, and therefore not to cancel court rites beforehand." The court again followed Biaozhi, and that practice has continued to the present.
53
便 便
The rite of ploughing the sacred field is of long standing. Emperor Wen of Han restored it. When Emperor Zhao succeeded as a child, he ploughed in the Hook-Shield pleasure fields. In the second month of the fifteenth year of Yongping, Emperor Ming toured east and ploughed at Xiapi. In the first month of the third year of Yuanhe, Emperor Zhang toured north and ploughed at Huaixian. All three founding emperors of Wei personally ploughed the sacred field. In the fourth year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin's officials memorialized that the first ploughing and sacrifice to the First Farmer could be performed by subordinates on his behalf. The edict said, "The great affairs of the people are sacrifice and agriculture. Therefore the sage-kings of old personally ploughed the imperial field to supply the grain for suburban and temple offerings, and to instruct and transform all under heaven. In recent times the ploughing rite has amounted to a few paces—a name for revering antiquity, with none of the reality of supplying sacrifices or teaching farming, yet still costing the labor of officials and retinues. Now we shall restore the thousand-acre field and, with the hosts of dukes, ministers, and officers, personally know the hardship of sowing and reaping, leading all under heaven by example. Let those in charge draw up the full regulations, and commission Henan to set aside fields south of the eastern suburb and north of the Luo River, on level fertile ground with good water. If no state land is available, substitute suitable ground as circumstances allow, without encroaching on the people's fields." After this the practice was soon abandoned. The historical commentaries contain many gaps. The emperors Yuan and Ai of the south intended to restore the ploughing rite, but the commentaries submitted by He Xun and others, and the ceremonies fixed by Pei Xian in the north, remained incomplete and unsatisfactory.
54
使 宿 殿 便 使 西 宿
In the twentieth year of Yuanjia, the Founding Emperor was to plough in person. Because the rite had long fallen into disuse, he ordered He Chengtian to draft the ceremonial regulations. The history student Shan Qianzhi had already privately assembled a compilation, which was submitted to the throne. An edict was issued: "The state rests on the people; the people rest on food. If even one farmer stops ploughing, hunger will reach others. When the granaries are full, ritual and propriety flourish. Lately every district has been drained; households have no stores. When yin and yang fall briefly out of balance, the people sink under sorrow— Some years fail to yield, and want and sickness spread from house to house. This is truly because governing virtue has not yet won the people's trust, bringing us to this pass; yet it is also because ploughing and sericulture have not been widely pursued and much of the land's bounty lies unused. District magistrates have been slack in teaching and guiding; the common folk have forgotten the duty of diligent labor. I dwell constantly on broad deliverance; at dawn my heart is full of it. Though edicts have gone out again and again, none have truly moved hearts or changed conduct—and to sit idle expecting abundance, how can that be achieved? Let the relevant offices publish the old regulations and enforce them to the full. All idlers and wanderers must be made to take up productive work. Assess diligence and sloth, and impose punishments and rewards accordingly. Inspect the ability of district officials and strictly promote or demote them. In antiquity rulers tested the soil according to the season to teach farming; they personally ploughed the imperial field and reverently supplied sacrificial grain. Looking up to the former kings and mindful of following their canon, let the thousand-acre field be surveyed and the auspicious day chosen. I shall personally lead the hundred ministers and perform the rites at the suburban field. In the hope that plain sincerity may encourage and reach this people. Accordingly, weighing various provisions, they devised and fixed the illustrated regulations. Nine days before the Beginning of Spring, the Minister of Writings issued orders throughout inner and outer offices, each department attending to its duties. The Minister of Works, Grand Minister of Agriculture, capital magistrate, district magistrates, and commandants, measuring eight li outward from the palace's earth-altar site, laid out the thousand-acre field and opened its cross-paths. They erected the altar to the First Farmer south of the western cross-path at the center, and the emperor's ploughing altar north of the eastern cross-path at the center. On the eve of ploughing, a green awning was set up on the ploughing altar. The empress, leading the women of the six palaces, brought forth early and late grain seeds and entrusted them to the Director of the Sacred Field. On the day of ploughing, the Grand Invocator offered one great victim in announcement-sacrifice to the First Farmer, entirely according to the rite for the Imperial Soil Altar. In the first month of spring, on an auspicious gai day following the upper xin day, the emperor mounted the three-canopied Gengen carriage, drove teams of blue-gray horses, bore a green banner, wore the Tongtian cap and green headcloth, green brocade court robes, and blue-green jade at his belt. From feudal princes down to officials of six hundred piculs salary, all wore green. Only the three secretariats and the martial guard did not plough and did not change their attire. When the imperial procession departed, all proceedings followed suburban and temple ritual. When the procession reached the sacred field, the Attendant-in-Ordinary knelt and announced, "Your Majesty, descend from the carriage." Approaching the altar, the Grand Minister of Agriculture knelt and announced, "The First Farmer has received the offering. We request that the emperor plough in person." The Grand Astrologer intoned, "The emperor ploughs in person." He pushed the plough three times forward and three times back. Then the ministers ploughed in turn: dukes, kings, and fifth-rank nobles with state fiefs five pushes and five returns; solitary ministers and grandees seven and seven; officers nine and nine. The Director of the Sacred Field led his subordinates in ploughing; when the acre was complete they scattered seed, covered it, and the rite was concluded.
55
Although the Wei sovereigns ploughed the sacred field, their feudal princes and garrison lords all lacked the hundred-acre rite. Near the end of Emperor Wu of Jin's reign, the relevant offices memorialized, "Anciently feudal lords ploughed the hundred-acre sacred field, personally holding plough and spade, to supply the altars of soil-and-grain and the ancestral temples, and to encourage and lead farming. Today the princes who govern states ought to restore the meaning of the ploughing rite." The memorial was approved—but never put into practice. After Emperor Taizu of Song had performed the eastern plowing, he sent the regulations down to every commandery, prefecture, and county, and the full ceremony was established everywhere.
56
西 使 西 西 便
The Rites of Zhou prescribe that the empress lead the titled ladies of the inner and outer palace in sericulture at the Northern Suburb. Under Han the ceremony was held at the Eastern Suburb, which was not the ancient practice. Wei held it at the Northern Suburb, in accordance with the Rites of Zhou. Jin held it at the Western Suburb, presumably so that the site would stand opposite the sacred plowing field. In the first month of the seventh year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen of Wei ordered the empress to conduct sericulture at the Northern Suburb. Wei Dan's Eulogy on the Empress's Sericulture shows that by that time Han ritual texts were already lost, and the ceremony had to be reconstructed from fresh research. Under Jin, the early sericulture rites largely followed Wei precedent. In Taikang 6, Palace Attendant Hua Qiao submitted a memorial: "By the institutions of the ancient kings, the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords personally plow a thousand mu, and the empress and consorts personally raise silkworms at the Silkworm Palace. Your Majesty, with sage brilliance and supreme benevolence, carries on the work of the ancient kings; the empress embodies the virtue that nurtures life and the principle of harmonizing with Heaven—yet moral instruction has not been placed first, and the sericulture rite still stands incomplete. We believe it would be fitting to follow the ancient pattern and complete this great ceremony. The edict replied: "In antiquity the Son of Heaven personally worked the sacred field to supply sacrificial grain, and the empress and consorts personally raised silkworms to provide robes for sacrifice. By this reverence and filial duty were upheld, and moral instruction was set forth for all to see. Today the sacred-field rite has its regulations, yet the sericulture ceremony is not maintained. In the meantime pressing affairs have multiplied, and we have not had leisure to honor and complete it. Now that the realm is at peace, the rites should be restored to show all within the Four Seas. Let the details follow the ancient canon and recent precedents, weighed against what is appropriate today. Put it into effect next year." Attendant-at-Court Cheng Can was then ordered to draft the protocol. The empress's mulberry-picking altar stood west of the Silkworm Palace, with the screened pavilion outside the inner palace gate; the mulberry grove lay to its east, and the altar to the First Silkworm stood southeast of the outer palace gate. Six commoners' wives were chosen as silkworm attendants. When the silkworms were about to hatch, an auspicious day was chosen; the empress wore twelve hairpins and, following Han and Wei precedent, dressed in green and rode in an oiled-canopy carriage lined with mica, drawn by six horses. The Chief Female Secretary wore the diaochan headdress, carried the seal, rode in attendance, and bore the mulberry basket and hook. Princesses, the three ladies of highest rank, the nine concubines, palace women, imperial grandees' wives, marquises' wives, county and district ladies, ladies of distinguished fiefs, wives of specially advanced honor, outer palace women, and all titled ladies wore step-shakers, dressed in green, and each carried a mulberry basket and hook in attendance. On the day before the personal mulberry ceremony, newly hatched silkworms were placed on thin matting in the Silkworm Palace. On the day of personal mulberry-picking, the Grand Invocator offered a Grand Sacrifice to the First Silkworm. The empress reached the Western Suburb and ascended the altar; princesses and all below took their places east of the altar. Facing east, the empress personally picked three mulberry sprigs; each imperial consort and princess picked five sprigs apiece; county and district ladies and all below picked nine sprigs apiece. All the mulberry was handed to the silkworm attendants. They then returned to the Silkworm Palace. When the rite was complete, the empress returned to her regular seat; princesses and all below took their places in order, and a feast was set with gifts of silk allotted according to rank. In the fourth year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, this rite was restored once more.
57
使
In Jian'an 22 under Emperor Xian of Han, the state of Wei built a Pan Palace south of Ye. In the fifth year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen of Wei established the Imperial Academy at Luoyang. During the Zhengshi reign of the Qi king, Liu Fu submitted a memorial: "Since Huangchu the Imperial Academy has been honored and maintained for more than twenty years, yet those who have completed their studies are very few. This is because erudites have been chosen too lightly, students dodge corvée duty, and sons of great families are ashamed to be ranked with common scholars—so there are scarcely any learners. The institution has a name but no substance; teaching is set up but achieves nothing. Erudites should be chosen with the greatest care—men whose conduct is a model to others and whose mastery of the classics makes them fit to instruct—who shall teach the sons of the realm. Following the ancient law, sons and grandsons of officials of two thousand shi and above, from the age of fifteen onward, should all enter the Imperial Academy. Let promotion and demotion be clearly defined, and the path of honor and disgrace be plainly set forth. The proposal was rejected. In the eighth year of Taishi, the relevant offices memorialized: "Of the Imperial Academy's more than seven thousand students, those competent for fourth-rank appointment may remain." An edict replied: "Those who have passed the examination of the classics may remain; the rest shall be sent back to their commanderies and states. Sons and grandsons of great ministers fit for instruction were ordered to enter school." In Xianning 2 the National University was established—the sons of the realm's noble scions in the Rites of Zhou, who received instruction from the Grand Tutor's office. In Taikang 5 the Hall of Enlightenment, the Imperial College, and the Spirit Tower were built and restored.
58
祿 使
In Yong'an 1, Sun Xiu issued an edict: "In antiquity, when a state was founded, education came first. By this the age is guided, character is ordered, and talent is nurtured for the times. Since the Jianxing era the times have brought many troubles, and officials and common people have largely chased present gain, abandoning the root for the branch and failing to follow the ancient Way. When what is honored lacks purity, transformation is injured and custom corrupted. Let the old schools be restored; appoint erudites for the Five Classics, examine and select those who qualify, and increase their stipends and honors. Among serving officials and among sons and grandsons of generals and officials who have the will and love of learning, let each be sent to pursue his studies. Test them once each year, grade their rank by merit, and reward them with office and emolument. Let those who see this rejoice in its glory; let those who hear of it envy its renown. Thus refine royal transformation and elevate the customs of the age. Schools were then established.
59
When Emperor Yuan was still Prince of Jin, at the opening of the Jianwu reign, General of Agile Cavalry Wang Dao submitted a memorial:
60
: 使 使 退 使
The root of governance and moral transformation lies in rectifying human relations. The rectification of human relations rests on establishing schools. Once schools are established and the five teachings made clear, moral transformation spreads in harmony, the great bonds are put in order, and people feel shame as well as restraint. When the ordering of father and son, elder and younger brother, husband and wife, and senior and junior is settled, the bond between ruler and subject is likewise made firm. This is what the Changes means when it says, "Rectify the family, and the realm is settled." Therefore the sage kings nurtured with moral influence while character was still being formed, and taught from youth, so that transformation soaked into bone and flesh and habit became second nature—as though it were innate; day by day one moves toward goodness and away from wrongdoing, without even knowing it. Only when conduct is formed and virtue established are rank and office applied as the final measure. Even the king's own eldest son is ranked with the sons of the realm, so that he first learns the Way and only afterward is held in honor. In taking talent and employing scholars, they always looked first to what had been rooted in learning. So the Rites of Zhou have the district grandee "present the record of the worthy and capable to the king, and the king bows and receives it." By this the Way was honored and scholars esteemed. When men know that scholars are honored because the Way endures, they withdraw and cultivate themselves; cultivating themselves, they extend it to their families; rectifying their families, they extend it to their districts; learning in the district, they rise to court office. Returning to the root and beginning again, each seeks within himself; plain sincerity stands forth, flashy falsity is stilled—such is the power of teaching. Thus in serving the ruler one is loyal; in presiding below one is benevolent—this is what Mencius meant: "Never has there been one who was benevolent yet abandoned his kin, nor one who was righteous yet put his lord last."
61
: 殿 使 使 使
Of late the royal net has lost its coherence, ritual and teaching have collapsed, and commendatory songs have not been raised—for nearly two reigns now. The tradition says, "If for three years rites are not performed, rites must crumble; if for three years music is not performed, music must collapse." How much more so when neglect has lasted this long? The senior and advanced gradually forget the bearing of courtesy and yielding; those born later hear only the clash of arms and armor. War is pursued day by day, yet the ritual vessels are not set out; the Way of the ancient kings grows ever more remote, and the wind of showy falsity daily spreads. This is not what is meant by habituating the people, settling custom, making the root upright, and checking the branch. Your Highness, with a world-forming endowment, stands at a time when the realm is tipping toward ruin; in ritual, music, punitive expedition, and governance you have aided the restoration—and you mean to cleanse filth and scour away blemishes, set order amid chaos, and return to the correct Way. It is truly fitting to plan by consulting antiquity, to establish and clarify schools, to unfold the Six Arts, and instruct those to come, so that the civil and martial Ways, fallen, may rise again. Today the Lesser Odes are wholly abandoned, barbarian enemies blaze abroad, integrity and duty lie in ruin, and the national shame is not yet washed away. For this loyal ministers and righteous men clench their fists and beat their breasts—ritual, music, governance, and punishment ought all to be set forth together and brought into joint effect. If ritual and righteousness hold firm and the pure wind spreads in fullness, then what transformation molds will be broad, what virtue covers will be great, what righteousness binds will be deep, and what majesty awakens will reach far. Proceeding hence, one might cross the river in court robes and restore what the imperial canon lacks, tighten again what the kingly net has slackened, transform the gluttonous in heart and change the beastly in face, until through courtesy and yielding the barbarians submit and with loosened girdle all under Heaven follows. For one who holds the Way, is this so hard? Thus Emperor Shun by dancing with shield and axe transformed the Three Miao; Duke Xi of Lu by building the Pan Palace pacified the Huai Yi; in the hegemony of Duke Huan and Duke Wen, teaching always came before warfare. If now we sincerely follow the former canon and restore teaching, causing the court's sons and younger brothers all to enter schools, and those who take up office through virtue to complete their training before advancing— when the path of virtue is opened and the false road blocked, transformation will be achieved without severity and order maintained without harshness. Select learned and broad scholars versed in ritual to serve as teachers; to exalt teaching and honor the Way, transforming custom and settling the age—nothing surpasses this.
62
Gentleman Attendant at the Palace Gate Dai Miao submitted a memorial as well:
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:
I have heard that in the workings of Heaven and Earth, nothing is greater than yin and yang; among the supreme tasks of emperors and kings, nothing weighs more heavily than ritual and learning. Thus in antiquity, when a state was founded, teaching came first. The state had the Hall of Enlightenment and the Imperial College; the countryside had district schools and academies—all to draw forth what lies hidden and blocked, and to open and broaden talent and thought. For in the sixth and fourth lines of the hexagram there is the regret of the ignorant and untaught, while in the gentleman there is the great work of nurturing what is correct. Formerly Confucius was merely a grandee of the feudal states; he raised ritual and established learning between the Zhu and Si rivers, and eminent men from the four quarters gloriously turned toward his teaching; more than seventy received his instruction and mastered the Way in person. Since then, for a thousand years there has been silence—is the realm smaller than the state of Lu, and are worthies and sages fewer than in former times? It all depends on whether the effort is made.
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:使 使
Of late we have suffered the calamity without cause; the altars and temples stand in peril as though the jade pendant were dangling loose; invader barbarians water their horses at the Yangtze, and the fierce and cunning tread like tigers across ten thousand li—so that the divine land lies desolate, beaten into wasteland of tall grass, and within the Four Seas the traces of men do not cross. The hegemon lord eats late into the evening with worry; the common people bear bitter poison; the barbarian chiefs converge upon the Central Plains—why so hastily trouble ourselves with ritual vessels and stands? Yet as the saying runs, 'If ritual goes unpracticed for three years, it must fall to ruin; if music goes unpracticed for three years, it must collapse.' How much more when whole years and piled-up decades have passed—so long as this! Today's youngest generation has never witnessed the rites of bowing, yielding, ascending, and descending; never heard bells, drums, strings, or pipes; writings lie scattered and trampled beneath barbarian horses; not a chart or prophecy survives intact in the world. This is what sages and enlightened men deeply mourn, and what men of understanding sigh over. In settled ages culture is honored; in troubled ages martial prowess is honored—civil and military arts in turn: that is the way to endure. It is like Heaven and Earth, the alternation of dusk and dawn—from antiquity no age has ever stood outside this principle. Some now hold that with the realm not yet unified, this is no time to revive ritual and learning—a view that sounds plausible yet misses the mark. Confucian teaching is profound; it cannot be mastered overnight. The finest men of old needed three years to grasp a single classic. If we must wait until bandits are cleared and the realm is wholly at peace before we begin—when all is settled and done, who will be left to compose ritual and make music? Moreover, sons of noble houses may lack the talent to behead generals and seize banners, and are not yet called to campaign—if in their prime they do not study moral principle, so that bright pearls go unpolished and Jing and Sui jade never receive the lapidary's art, is that not a grievous waste?
65
: 輿
This subject humbly holds that the world has long lost the Way; the people have grown complacent in habit; pure custom daily recedes while ostentatious rivalry daily spreads—like fire consuming tallow, yet none seem to notice. Now Heaven and Earth stand at a new beginning, the myriad things at their first sprouting; the sacred court, endowed with divine martial virtue, meets a revolutionary age, sweeping away recent abuses, inheriting a thousand-year broken tradition, earnestly honoring the Way and exalting Confucian learning, and founding a great enterprise. The enlightened ruler leads from above, chief ministers earnestly follow below—what those above cherish, those below will surely outdo. Thus when the paired-sword ceremony was honored, the fashion of flying-white calligraphy took hold; when the bearing of lute-in-arm was cultivated, the harmony of matching melody to motion arose. The noble man's virtue is wind; the petty man's virtue is grass—it all comes down to what moves them. This subject, dull and shallow, cannot see far into noble maxims; I hold that in the intervals of the three agricultural seasons we should gradually lay the groundwork.
66
At the opening of the Taixing era, officials debated restoring schools: the Wang school on the Changes, Zheng on the Documents, the ancient-text Kong school, the Mao Odes, the Rites of Zhou, the Record of Rites, the Analects, the Classic of Filial Piety in Zheng's recension, Du's Zuozhuan, and Fu's commentary were each to receive one erudite. The Ceremonies, Gongyang, Guliang, and Zheng's Changes were all omitted, with no erudites appointed. Minister of Ceremonies Xun Song submitted a memorial, saying:
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: 殿
This subject has heard Confucius say, 'Talent is hard to find—is it not so?' Since the disorders, classical learning has grown especially scarce. A Confucian must possess treasures at his mat before he can broadly expound the teaching of the Way. Now those who remain to study deprive the court of its finest minds, while those who serve the court abandon the beauty of Confucian learning. Formerly, during Xianning, Taikang, Yuankang, and Yongjia, Palace Attendants, Regular Attendants, and Yellow Gate officials of profound learning who mastered ancient and modern lore and whose conduct was a model for the age held posts as National University erudites. First, to respond in the hall and attend to imperial counsel; second, to assist in instructing gate pupils and expand Confucian learning; third, in the Sacrifice and Ritual bureaus and in the Minister of Ceremonies' duties, to be available for resolving doubts. Now that the imperial court has revived, its glory rivaling the first flourishing, we should take present regulations as law and emulate the former canon.
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: 西
Emperor Wu the Founding Ancestor, of sacred virtue and reverent wisdom, mounted the throne by Heaven's mandate and received the abdication from Wei. He honored Confucianism and revived learning, governing until the realm rose to peace. He began the Bright Hall, built the Imperial Academy, performed the first-month audience and distribution of governance, district drinking and grand archery; established the Western Pavilion and Eastern School, libraries and forbidden archives; the ministries preserved precedents of ancestral temples and the Jinyong granary; the Imperial University held stone classics in ancient script. The canonical teachings of earlier scholars—Jia, Ma, Zheng, Du, Fu, Kong, Wang, He, Yan, Yin, and their like—the chapter-and-verse traditions of many schools—received nineteen erudites. Throughout the Nine Provinces, masters and pupils transmitted learning; scholars stood thick as a forest—yet they still chose Zhang Hua and Liu Shi to hold the Minister of Ceremonies' post, to give Confucian teaching its full weight.
69
:
Tradition says: 'When Confucius died, subtle words ceased; when the seventy disciples passed, the great meaning diverged.' Recently the central land has been devastated; lectures and recitations cut off and silenced; this cultural tradition is about to fall to earth. Your Majesty, sagely and wise, has risen like a dragon, extending the ancestral glory, reappointing Confucian arts, restoring and honoring the teaching of the Way—setting music right to the Hymns and Eulogies; here indeed they stand. In the two provinces of Jiang and Yang, sound teaching came first; surviving writings of scholars remain most abundant even now; yet compared with former times, they are still only one part in a thousand. This subject's learning does not reach chapter and verse; my talent does not broadly carry the Way. By steps of favor I have undeservedly filled an unfitting post; compared with Hua and Shi, the Confucian wind is far off. Thinking to exhaust this hack's strength, I hope to add the smallest increment—I pray that this Way may rise above a hundred generations, and girdled officials sing of it a thousand years hence.
70
: 退
I have heard that economy regulations retain only two-thirds: erudites formerly numbered nineteen; now the Five Classics account for nine. Measured against antiquity, we still fall short of half. Beyond the nine, four more should still be added. I pray Your Majesty, amid the myriad tasks of state, will from time to time deign to review this. The Classic of Changes has Zheng Xuan's commentary—its roots are truly worth cherishing; a Zheng-Changes erudite should be appointed. The Ceremonies classic—the Detailed Rites—Zheng Xuan was especially clear on ritual, all with textual evidence; a Zheng-Ceremonies erudite should be appointed. Gongyang on the Annals—the work is subtle and hidden, clear on adjudicating cases; an erudite should be appointed. Guliang is concise and subtle in essentials—it should be preserved in the world; appoint one erudite. When Zhou declined, the lower abused the upper; ministers killed their lords, sons killed their fathers; above there was no Son of Heaven, below no regional overlord—who would reward the good, who punish the wicked? The bonds of order collapsed. Confucius in fear composed the Spring and Autumn; feudal lords were jealous and secretive, fearing to violate the prohibitions of the age—hence subtle language and exquisite meaning, the point never openly shown. Hence he said: 'Those who understand me—it can only be through the Spring and Autumn; those who blame me—it can only be through the Spring and Autumn.' At that time Zuo Qiuming and Zixia drew near at the knee and received it directly—both mastered it thoroughly. Once Confucius had died and subtle words were about to cease, Qiuming withdrew and compiled what he had heard into a commentary. His book excels in ritual, abounds in rich and beautiful phrasing, sets forth the root and follows to the end to illumine the classic's meaning—truly wondrous; scholars love it. Confucians say Gongyang Gao received directly from Zixia; established in the Han, its language and meaning are clear and lofty, its judgments bright and careful, much of it applicable—what Dong Zhongshu prized. Guliang Chi passed it master to pupil; briefly established in Han—yet Liu Xiang and his son, famous Han scholars, each clung to one school and would not follow another. Its text is clear and meaning concise; what it elucidates is sometimes not recorded in Zuoshi or Gongyang, yet sufficient to make corrections—thus all three commentaries ran in parallel in earlier ages; a broadly gifted man could not dismiss any one alone. Now distant from the sage, this tradition is falling—better to err by establishing than by abolishing. This subject holds that though the three commentaries share one Spring and Autumn, their starting points diverge in aim. Considering the differing views of the three schools—this is a battlefield of meaning, language like clashing swords; in principle they cannot be merged. Each erudite should be appointed separately, to transmit its learning.
71
Emperor Yuan's edict said: 'Song's memorial is as stated—all are great affairs of governing the state, the source from which good order proceeds. Even with horses at rest and weapons cast down, one may still lecture on the arts. Though days now leave no spare time, shall We forget the root and let survival slip away? Deliberate on this broadly.' The relevant offices memorialized that it should follow Song's memorial. The edict said: 'Guliang is superficial—not sufficient to establish an erudite. The rest as memorialized.' But when Wang Dun's rebellion occurred, the matter was not carried out.
72
In Xiankang year 3 of Emperor Cheng, Chancellor of the National University Yuan Yuan and Minister of Ceremonies Feng Huai again submitted a memorial, saying:
73
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This subject has heard that the teaching of the ancient kings exalted canonical instruction and clarified ritual learning, to show the younger generation the nature of all things and open the way of goodness. When the Zhou of the Founder's line rose, literature and records blazed bright; with draped robes governing the southern barbarians, hymn-praise flowed to the four seas. Thus Yanzhou on a mission heard elegant tones and sighed; Han Ji going to Lu viewed the Changes' diagrams and breathed deep. Why? The way of establishing the human person starts here. Confucius, courteous and earnest, taught along the Zhu and Si; Mencius, urgent and tireless, instructed without weariness. Therefore the sound of benevolence and righteousness survives until today; the wind of ritual yielding has not perished in a thousand years.
74
: 使
In times past decline piled up; disorder repeatedly arrived; Confucian teaching briefly collapsed; the rites of schools were wanting; the national study stood empty; classic tomes were not opened; men of purpose embraced ambition with no path. Formerly Emperor Wu of Wei personally donned armor, bent on martial achievement—yet he still cherished resting the saddle to unfold scrolls, casting aside weapons to chant verses, holding that what the age requires—the root of governance—should be honored. How much more now, when Your Majesty with sagely brilliance holds court, all officials with reverence discharge their duties, court and countryside are secure, and beyond the Yangtze all is tranquil. How then can the vast and flowing wind be heard no more, the abundant and perfect beauty fall in this sage age? The ancients had a saying: Poetry and Documents are the treasury of rightness; ritual and music are the norm of virtue. One truly should fix the mind on the classics, clarify the meaning of learning, so that chanting and praise fill the capital halls, and worthies who savor the flavor sing in approval—would that not be magnificent!
75
西
The memorial was submitted; the emperor was moved. From this deliberation arose to establish the national study and gather pupils—but the age favored Zhuangzi and Laozi, and none would apply the mind to Confucian instruction. In Yonghe year 8 of Emperor Mu, Yin Hao's western campaign, citing military mobilization, dismissed them—and from this it was abandoned.
76
西
General Who Conquers the West Yu Liang, at Wuchang, opened and established school officers. An instruction read:
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:祿
Human nature values friendship and scants wealth, loves ease and hates labor; study brings hardship, yet salary and reward are not generous—because shortcuts are many, none will apply the mind. The Zhu and Si are far away; the Odes of State and Court Odes further decay; the younger generation indulge freely and no longer take the canon and compendia as their model. Those who hold office and govern affairs pursue only present administration and cannot spare time for canonical documents. Thus the Poetry and Documents lie dust-choked, praise-songs stand silent—to look up and look within, who can fail to sigh? Since barbarians and aliens have mutually invaded, it has been nearly thirty years. Yet those who have not turned their faces to the wind—is it that martial majesty has exhausted its use, or that cultural teaching has not spread enough to pacify them? In antiquity Lu held fast to Zhou ritual, and Qi did not dare insult them; Fan Hui honored the canon, and Jin was governed thereby. The lords of Chu and Wei both blocked rivers and mountains, relied on ramparts and held the Han—states rich and people abundant—yet could not preserve their strength; this is what made Wu Qi and Qu Wan sigh. From this it follows: what fortress is stronger than ritual and righteousness? Zilu said that amid great states, with armies added and famine following—governing for three years—he still wished to practice righteous governance. How much more now, when the lands south of the Yangtze are tranquil and the kingly Way flourishes—yet we cannot broadly spread ritual and music, earnestly clarify schools—how then shall we instruct human relations and draw the distant? The Martial Emperor of Wei, even while racing in pursuit, made the saddle his home; down to the end of the Jian'an era, when the dust of war had not stilled—yet he still fixed his mind on far-reaching study and revived the Great Learning—what they call holding fast in distress; truly a man of universal talent.
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:使 便 使
Now that the three seasons' work is in hand, the five teachings are jointly pursued, the army stands ready, and the sacrificial vessels are not neglected—is this not excellence on both fronts! Let places for schools be designated at once, and lecture halls planned and erected. The sons and younger brothers of aides and great generals shall all enter school; my own family's sons and younger brothers shall receive instruction as well. For men in the four bureaus who are broadly learned, understand principle, and are versed in letters and statecraft, establish a Libationer of the Confucian Grove with rank equal to the Three Offices and generous provisions. Choose the state's finest talent for the post—there must be men fit for the task. The commanderies of Linchuan and Linhe have both lately asked to restore their schools; let their requests be approved. Anyone outside the proper student body—those whom ritual instruction does not reach yet who seek connections to escape corvée—shall not be enrolled. Set the regulations plainly, so that the law is lucid and learning is held in honor.
79
Ritual vessels—stands, dishes, and the like—shall also be repaired, in preparation for the grand archery ceremony. Yu Liang soon died, and the project was abandoned once more.
80
In the ninth year of the Taixuan era of Emperor Xiaowu, Minister of the Interior Xie Shi submitted another memorial:
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The way to form human beings is called benevolence and righteousness. To nurture goodness and shape character, nothing serves like ritual and learning. Though principle springs from nature, it must be drawn out by instruction. Hence the schools of Zhu and Si spread the wind of the Way; the Odes and Documents handed down the canon of instruction. Honoring the Odes and delighting in ritual—through these royal transformation ascends; Shaping and refining the nine currents, all living beings find harmony therein. Ages are not always well governed, and the Way too sometimes dies away. Emperor Guangwu laid down his weapons and took up the classics; Cao Cao reined in his horses and turned to learning—such was their dread of losing this culture. Great Jin received the mandate in an age of many obstacles. Though sagely influence deepened day by day, the royal Way remained incomplete—schools were now abandoned, now revived. Shaping and refining lost their daily effect; the people missed the benefit of the unbleached silk. The thread of profound learning lay hidden, and none could draw it forth—this is why your subject, searching far and brooding deeply, sighs waking and sleeping.
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: 使
Now imperial majesty resounds to the four quarters; the war-chariots have just fallen still. You will spread the dark wind across the realm and lead this people to utmost virtue. How can ritual and music not be broadly spread, made glorious and visible to all? I ask that the National Academy be restored to train the sons of the heir apparent; and that orders go out to the provinces and commanderies to restore village schools everywhere. Carve and polish jade and gems, and worthy talent will surely come; open wide the ignorance of the masses and flourish this completed virtue. If the work is pursued without slackness and carried through to completion, men will vie in their studies, the Way will rise high, and learning will be complete.
83
Emperor Liezong accepted his proposal. That year, sons of ministers and two-thousand-shi officials were selected as students, and one hundred fifty-five additional academy rooms were built. But grading and assessment lacked proper rules, and gentlemen were ashamed to be counted among the students. Academician Libationer Yin Mao submitted a memorial:
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Your subject has heard that to expand transformation and rectify custom depends on ritual instruction, and that to assist character and complete virtue requires learning. This is how former kings shaped and refined all under Heaven, bridged the myriad things, warded off evil and received goodness—permeating daily life without show. Thus they could open and connect profound principles, exhaust the subtle, run through past and present, and comprehensively cover governance and transformation. The Master praised Hui for making love of learning his foundation; at seventy he still looked upward, returning to the root through good guidance. The tones of the Hymns and Eulogies have flowed in song for a thousand years—the deep model of sages and worthies, the style wise kings share.
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:
Since the revival of Great Jin, when the dynasty founded its base east of the River—honoring schools, building and repairing academies—sons of ministers all entered the National Academy. Soon troubles multiplied, and instruction was never completed. Your Majesty, with sage virtue unified and profound, seeks to exalt former excellence, accommodate the proper positions, guide the nature of things, and revive the Confucian academy—all in fellowship with the later-born. The academy has stood for years, yet there is no achievement to name. Students dread their work and dodge corvée; few remain enrolled. Some feign relatives' illness—true and false are hard to tell. Confusion of name and reality has never been worse. Your subject has heard that by old regulations, National Academy students were all from eminent clans and noble lineage, ranked alongside the imperial heirs. But now orchid and mugwort are mixed among them, and gentlemen are ashamed of the company. When Zigong wanted to abolish the first-of-the-month sacrificial sheep, Confucius still upheld the rite—how much more when name and reality are both lost, and a generation faces the wall in ignorance! If present urgent troubles leave no leisure for this institution and it must be provisionally suspended—that is another matter. If not, the old standards should be followed. Your subject privately holds that sons and nephews of ministers within and without, and of upright officials, should all enter school under a fixed course of study. Among present students, some are at an age that resists instruction and differ greatly in capacity; let them go or stay as each prefers. What is submitted above may be mistaken; I beg that it be sent out for deliberation.
86
Emperor Liezong issued an edict praising and accepting the proposal, yet again did not carry it out. Those in court and in the wilds who aspired to learning all vented their frustration and sighed.
87
宿使
Li Liao of Qinghe submitted another memorial: "Your subject has heard that instruction is the root of governance and transformation, the beginning of human relations—it guides the multitude, advances virtue, and raises benevolence, like earth and stone shaped in the kiln into vessels. Though the hundred kings have differed in rite, substance and ornament varying, the use of this Way does not fail. Since the Central Kingdom was overrun, Confucius's village lies in ruins; the former kings' bounty sleeps, the sages' and worthies' wind is cut off—from then until now, nearly a hundred years. Creation has spirit—after denial comes peace. The Yi have been moved from the Yellow and Ji rivers; the sea and Mount Tai are cleared and connected. The common people receive renewal, and the duckweed flourishes in transformation. Yet canonical instruction is not spread; the Hymns and Eulogies lie silent. Long-declining custom, great corruption—not yet reformed. Unless we spread and enlighten this culture, gather and brighten the great plan—how shall we glorify the harmonious age and replicate the flourishing transformation? Matters sometimes seem distant yet are urgent—this is truly the case. My deceased father, the former minister Hui, pacified and gathered our district and returned in loyalty to this court. In the tenth year of Taixuan he sent your subject to submit a memorial. Passing through Confucius's village on the road, I visited his temple—the halls and courtyards toppled, models and forms decayed. The craftsman of ten thousand generations had suddenly fallen into ruin. Looking up I grieved; looking down I sighed—tears came unawares. On reaching the capital, I memorialized requesting restoration of the sage's sacrifice and the building and repair of lecture halls. On the seventeenth day of the eleventh month of the fourteenth year I received a bright edict adopting my humble proposal—orders sent down to Yanzhou and Lu commandery to restore and adorn the temple according to old standards. The late Minister of the Interior Xie Shi had your subject's requirements listed and submitted, and also contributed household cloth to assist in the work. The late General Who Pacifies the North, Prince of Qiao Wang Tian, commissioned your subject as acting Magistrate of North Lu county and granted approval for supplies and dispatch. Both ministers died, and the completed plan was never fulfilled. Your Majesty embodies the literary thought of Tang Yao, inquires into Confucius's diligent guidance, pities the barren remnant's dimness, and grieves that sound instruction has not yet saturated the land. Your humble servant considers that orders should again be sent to the Inspector of Yanzhou to complete the old temple and exempt several households for sweeping and sprinkling. Grant the Six Classics as well, establish lectures and an academy, invite long-studied scholars, and broadly gather the later-born—making them smoothly enter the Way and unleashing the work of carving and polishing. Wield benevolence and righteousness in campaigns, spread virtue and the Way to win the distant—what would you summon and not come? What would you soften and not win? What is done is small; what is spread is very great. Your subject has served at the capital hub for eight years now—separation from parents mounting, day and night without peace. General Who Quells Martiality He Danzhi now pacifies and guards the three Qi; your subject should follow him in returning. Returning to the heavenly capital, my feeling of attachment knows no limit. I beg that your subject's memorial be sent out for deliberation." Again it received no attention. When Emperor Gao of Song received the mandate, he ordered the relevant offices to establish schools—but died before the work was finished. In the twentieth year of Yuanjia, Emperor Taizu restored the National Academy; in the twenty-seventh year he abolished it.
88
In the third year of Ganlu, the Noble Village Duke of Wei personally led the multitude of officials to perform the elderly-nourishment rite at the Grand Academy. Thereupon Wang Xiang served as the Elder and Zheng Xiaotong as the Fifth Night-Watcher. The annotations for this no longer survive, yet the Han rites remain complete.
89
In the twelfth month of the sixth year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin attended at the Bright Hall and performed the district drinking rite. An edict read: "Ritual and ceremony have long been abandoned—now at last we again lecture and drill in the old canon. Grant the Grand Minister of Ceremonies a hundred bolts of silk, and wine and oxen for the assistants, academicians, and students." In the third year of Xianning and the ninth year of Yuanhang of Emperor Hui, the rite was performed again.
90
使 便
In the Zhengshi era of the Qi King of Wei, whenever the Qi King finished lecturing on the classics he had the Grand Minister of Ceremonies perform the libation to the Former Sage and Former Teacher at the Bright Hall—not in person. When Emperor Hui, Emperor Ming, and Crown Prince Minhuai finished lecturing on the classics, they all personally performed the libation at the Grand Academy—the crown prince advancing rank to the Former Teacher, the Household Superintendent advancing rank to Yan Yuan. Emperor Yuan's edict: "I know the crown prince in this matter—when the sacrifice is done he invites kings, dukes, and those below. In the old days at Luoyong I too once shared in the quiet session." The three emperors Cheng, Mu, and Xiaowu all likewise performed the libation in person. In Xiaowu's time, because the Grand Academy south of the river was remote, the relevant offices proposed following the first year of Shengping to provisionally establish a traveling Grand Academy in the central hall. At that time there were again no National Academy students. The relevant offices memorialized: "One hundred twenty students from both academies are required. Sixty Grand Academy students taken from present men; sixty National Academy students provisionally selected from ministers' grandsons and sons—when the affair is done, disband." The memorial was approved. When the libation rite was complete, officials of the sixth rank and above were assembled. In the twenty-second year of Yuanjia the crown prince performed the libation, following Jin precedents—the office had annotations for it. When the sacrifice was complete, Emperor Taizu personally attended the academy feast; the crown prince and all below participated.
91
退 礿
The army is the preparation for guarding the state. Confucius said: "To send the people to war without teaching them is to abandon them." Arms are an ill omen—military instruments cannot stand idle. They are practiced through the seasonal hunts. When the army goes out it is called "ordering troops"; when it enters, "shaking the ranks"—both are matters of battle array. Drums, large bells, cymbals, and gongs teach the rhythms of sitting, rising, advancing, retreating, fast and slow, sparse and dense—then the force proceeds to the sou hunt. The captured game is presented in sacrifice to the soil god. In midsummer they teach setting up camp, arrayed as in the shaking of ranks; then they proceed to the miao hunt, following the methods of the sou hunt. The captured game is presented in the yue sacrifice. In mid-autumn they teach ordering troops, arrayed as in the shaking of ranks; then they proceed to the xian hunt, following the methods of the sou hunt. The captured game is presented in sacrifice at the directional altar. In mid-winter they teach the grand review; then they proceed to the shou hunt. The captured game is presented in the zheng sacrifice. Sou means to gather and take those that are not pregnant. Miao means merely to remove harm from the seedlings. Xian means to kill. Following the qi of autumn, what is killed is many. Shou means that winter's creatures are all complete—what is caught is taken, without choosing.
92
輿 輿使 西 退
Han ritual: on Beginning of Autumn, when the suburban sacrifice is complete, martial prowess is first displayed. Victims are beheaded in the suburbs and presented to the tombs and ancestral temples—this is called bao liu. In the ritual, the imperial carriage mounts the war chariot—a white horse with a red mane. The emperor personally holds the crossbow and shoots the victim. The Grand Steward orders the capture cart to convey the quarry to the tombs and ancestral temples. The imperial carriage then returns to the palace. Envoys are sent with bolts of silk to reward military officers, and the battle-array methods of Sun and Wu are drilled—this became the constant practice. By the twenty-first year of Jian'an of Emperor Xian, the Wei relevant offices memorialized: "In antiquity military drill in the four seasons was all conducted in the intervals of farming. The Western Han followed Qin institutions—three seasons had no drill; only the tenth month had the capital review. Now arms are not yet laid down, and soldiers and people are well practiced—four-season drill is unnecessary. But on Beginning of Autumn choose an auspicious day for the great assembly of chariots and horsemen, called "ordering troops." Above it matches the ritual name; below it inherits Han institutions." The memorial was approved. That winter, the ordering-of-troops rite was performed. The Wei king personally used bells and drums to command advance and retreat.
93
In the first year of Yankang, Wei Wendi was Wei king. In the sixth month of that year, on Beginning of Autumn, troops were ordered at the eastern suburb; ministers and dukes attended in ritual capacity. The king mounted the flowered canopy and personally commanded the rhythms of bells and drums.
94
In the tenth month of the first year of Taidhe of Emperor Ming, troops were ordered at the eastern suburb.
95
退
In the fourth and ninth years of Taishi, the first year of Xianning, and the fourth and sixth years of Taikang of Emperor Wu of Jin—all in winter—he personally attended Xuanyong Watchtower and greatly drilled the multitude of armies. Yet he did not personally command advance and retreat. From Emperor Hui onward, this rite was abandoned.
96
In the fourth year of Daxing of Emperor Yuan, an edict ordered the Left and Right Guards and all camps to drill, making goose-feather arms according to the great-drill ritual. In the Xianhe era of Emperor Cheng, an edict ordered the inner and outer armies to drill troops at the southern-suburb field; the place therefore came to be called the Drill Ground. Afterward frontier lords such as Huan and Yu often held reviews, yet the court had no such affair.
97
殿便 便 殿 殿 西 西 西 西 殿簿 簿 殿 殿 殿 便
While Emperor Taizu was on the throne, he drilled the multitude of armies according to precedent, combining Han and Wei rites. Afterward military drill was conducted at Xuanyong Hall according to the seasons. In the intercalary second month of the twenty-fifth year of Yuanjia, a great sou hunt was held at Xuanyong Field. The presiding offices received the edict, listed and submitted the schedule, fixed the day for the regimented hunt, and all officials made preparations. A traveling palace hall with convenient seats and a military tent was set on the southern hill of the Mufu camp. Curtain pavilions with convenient seats for kings, dukes, and the hundred officials were arranged according to ordinary ritual; four rows of banner gates were set—north, south, left, and right. A capture banner was erected to mark the capture cart. One Palace Gentleman supervised the capture cart. Two stewards collected game. Twenty-four clerks were assigned to the capture cart. Twelve capture carts were prepared. Officials of the regimented hunt wore trousers and short jackets. Some wore the military cap with belt. Those who removed the cap wore the cap tassel on top. Those of the second rank and above carried swords at the side, with spears and command banners prepared; those of the third rank and below wore swords at the belt. All rode on horseback. The generals' troops hunted one day in advance, sending detachments to deploy the encirclement. One General of the Guards supervised the right wing; one Protector General supervised the left wing; one Grand Marshal stood at the center, supervising and correcting all armies—all under his command. The Palace Gentleman led the capture-cart detachment behind the Marshal. The Vice Director of the Masters of Writing, Director of the Masters of Writing for the Palace, Director of the Masters of Writing for the Five Troops, Left and Right Assistants, Masters of Writing gentlemen of all bureaus, chief clerks, bureau clerks, Orchid Terrace Director of Writing Attendant Censor clerks, and clerks of all bureaus supervised and corrected violations at the regimented hunt. On the day, they assembled at Xuanyong Field and formed a heavy encirclement. Positions for the garrison filling the streets were set outside Yunlong Gate—inner official road north, outer official road south, west being upper. Positions for attendant officials were set inside Yunlong Gate—great official steps north, lesser official steps south, west being upper. Positions for advance-placed officials were set outside the Traveling-Halt Gate—inner official road west, outer official road east, north being upper. Positions for advance-placed officials returning were set east and west of the road outside Guangmo Gate—south being upper. On the regimented-hunt day at dawn, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced the curfew. At the first quarter after midnight, he announced: "Strike one drum." This was the first curfew. At the second quarter after midnight, he announced: "Strike two drums." This was the second curfew. The Palace Attendant Censor announced opening the East Central Hua and Yunlong Gates and led the guard as the small imperial procession. Officials not participating in the regimented hunt wore vermilion robes and assembled outside Guangmo Gate. Those who should return to their bureaus did so. The rear contingent of attendant officials for the garrison filling the streets took position; the front contingent of attendant officials followed the imperial procession; advance-placed officials went first. At the third quarter after midnight, he announced: "Strike three drums." This was the third curfew. At the fourth quarter after midnight, he announced: "The outer preparations are complete." The Direct and Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, Gentlemen Attendants of the Yellow Gate, and military officers with sword and shoes advanced flanking the upper pavilion. The Direct Attendant Gentleman bore the seal; the Chief Clerk of Communications carried the tortoise seal of the Masters of Writing. At the fifth quarter after midnight, the emperor emerged. He wore a black kerchief cap and unlined robe and mounted the palanquin. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bore the seal and accompanied him, without carrying a sword. The Palace Attendant Censor supervised and corrected those within the yellow banners. The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant and Next-Direct Gentleman Attendant of the Yellow Gate escorted the carriage in front. Again the Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant wore the trust seal and traveling seal and, with the Direct Gentleman Attendant of the Yellow Gate, followed escorting the carriage from behind. Drums, horns, and gongs were not sounded; no clamor was permitted. They were led out in order, with the imperial guard as in ordinary ritual. When the imperial carriage emerged, the outriders announced; those on the steps bowed twice. The crown prince entered to stand guard. When the imperial carriage was about to arrive, the guard of honor announced: "Lead the advance-placed front contingent of attendant officials to position." They bowed twice. When the imperial carriage reached the traveling hall and turned the palanquin, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant knelt and announced: "Descend from the palanquin." The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant proclaimed the edict: "You may." The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bowed low and rose. The emperor descended from the palanquin and ascended the imperial seat; attendant ministers ascended the hall. Direct guards with halberds drawn, tiger guards with yak-tail headdresses, patterned robes, and pheasant tails were arrayed on the steps in order. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced: "Lift the curfew." Advance-placed attendant officials of the imperial escort returned to the convenient-seat curtain pavilions.
98
殿 殿 輿 殿 輿
If the emperor personally shot game, he changed to military dress; inner and outer attendant officials and tiger guards all changed dress, as in the regimented-hunt ritual. Halberds were drawn from scabbards to prepare military guard. Inner officials of the yellow banners followed into the encirclement. Troops were arrayed, the wing-encirclement widely deployed; flags and drums faced one another; they advanced with gags in their mouths. When the wings joined the encirclement, the supervising wing clerk galloped and proclaimed the law: "Spring birds are pregnant—gather but do not shoot; the flesh of birds and beasts not destined for the sacrificial stand—do not shoot; hide, teeth, bone, horn, hair, and feathers not destined for vessels—do not shoot." The wings joined. The Grand Marshal sounded the drum to close the encirclement; the multitude of armies beat drums, clamored, and sounded warning horns, stopping at Xuanyong Field. The Grand Marshal encamped at the north banner gate; the two wing commanders encamped at the left and right banner gates; the Central Palace Gentleman led the capture-cart detachment to enter and encamp inside the north banner gate to the right. The emperor entered from the south banner gate to shoot game. Usher officials loaded the quarry on capture carts and returned to display them north of the capture banner. Kings, dukes, and those below shot game in turn, each sending quarry to below the capture banner and delivering it to the stewards who collected game. When this was complete, the Grand Marshal sounded the drum to release the encirclement and re-encamp. The Palace Gentleman led his subordinates to collect game, filling the capture carts to supply the kitchens. They reported to the Chief Steward's central kitchen and set out wine and sacrificial meat in the central path to feast and reward the armies of the regimented hunt. At dusk, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant as appropriate announced the curfew. Attendant officials again wore vermilion robes; halberds were re-sheathed. At the second curfew, advance-placed officials returned first. Two quarters after the third curfew, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced: "The outer preparations are complete." The emperor wore a black kerchief cap and unlined robe. The Direct and Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, Gentlemen Attendants of the Yellow Gate, and military officers advanced flanking the imperial seat. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant knelt and announced: "Return to the palace." The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant proclaimed the edict: "You may." The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bowed low and rose. The imperial carriage mounted the palanquin and returned; guards and attendants followed ordinary ritual. The Grand Marshal sounded the drum to disperse the encampments; they returned to quarters in order. When the imperial carriage was about to arrive, the guard of honor announced: "Lead the garrison filling the streets and advance-placed front contingent of attendant officials to position." They bowed twice. When the imperial carriage reached the hall and turned the palanquin, the Direct Attendant Palace Attendant knelt and announced: "Descend from the palanquin." The Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendant proclaimed the edict: "You may." The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant bowed low and rose. The imperial carriage descended and entered. Direct and Next-Direct Attendant Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, Gentlemen Attendants of the Yellow Gate, Regular Palace Attendants, and military officers followed to the pavilion, also as in ordinary ritual. The Direct Attendant Palace Attendant announced: "Lift the curfew." Inner and outer officials submitted memorials of inquiry according to ordinary ritual; when finished, the rite was dismissed.
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