1
}}古者天子巡狩之禮，布在方策。 至秦、漢巡幸，或以厭望氣之祥，或以希神仙之應，煩擾之役，多非舊典。 唯後漢諸帝，頗有古禮焉。 魏文帝值參分初創，方隅事多，皇輿亟動，略無寧歲。 蓋應時之務，又非舊章也。 明帝凡三東巡，所過存問高年，恤人疾苦，或賜穀帛，有古巡幸之風焉。 齊王正始元年，巡洛陽，賜高年、力田各有差。
In ancient times, the imperial tour-of-inspection rites were laid down in the canonical texts. Under the Qin and Han, imperial progresses were often driven by a wish to read earthly omens or to court responses from immortals—labors that stirred up the realm and rarely matched the old canon. Only among the Later Han emperors was something of the ancient practice still kept. Emperor Wen of Wei took the throne just as the three realms were being carved out; troubles pressed on every frontier, and the imperial carriage was constantly on the road, with hardly a year of rest. That answered the exigencies of the age—and again was no return to the old code. Emperor Ming toured the east three times in all; along the way he called on the elderly, eased the people's distress, and at times granted grain and cloth—carrying something of the ancient touring spirit. In the first year of Zhengshi, the Prince of Qi toured Luoyang and rewarded the aged and the diligent farmers, each in due measure.
2
晉武帝泰始四年，詔刺史二千石長吏曰：「古之王者，以歲時巡狩方嶽，其次則二伯述職，不然則行人巡省，撢人誦志。 故雖幽遐側微，心無壅隔。 人情上通，上指遠喻。 至于鰥寡，罔不得所。 用垂風遺烈，休聲猶存。 朕在位累載，如臨深泉，夙興夕惕，明發不寐，坐而待旦。 思四方水旱災眚，為之怛然。 勤躬約己，欲令事事當宜。 常恐眾吏用情，誠心未著，萬機兼猥，慮有不周，政刑失謬，而弗獲備覽。 百姓有過，在予一人。 惟歲之不易，未遑卜征巡省之事。 人之未乂，其何以恤之。 今使使持節侍中、副給事黃門侍郎，銜命四出，周行天下，親見刺史二千石長吏，申喻朕心懇誠至意，訪求得失損益諸宜，觀省政治，問人間患苦。 周典有之曰：『其萬民利害為一書，其禮俗政事教治刑禁之逆順為一書，其悖逆暴亂作慝犯令為一書，其札喪凶荒厄貧為一書，其康樂和親安平為一書。 每國辨異之，以反命于王，以周知天下之故。』 斯舊章前訓，今率由之。 還具條奏，俾朕昭然鑒于幽遠，若親行焉。 大夫君子，其各悉乃心，各敬乃事，嘉謀令圖，苦言至戒，與使者盡之，無所隱諱。 方將虛心以俟。 其勉哉勗之，稱朕意焉。」
In the fourth year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin addressed the provincial inspectors and chief local officers: "Ancient kings toured the regional sacred peaks at the turn of the year; failing that, the two chief ministers reported their duties; failing that again, traveling envoys made the rounds and petitioners voiced the people's wishes. So even in the farthest corners, no heart was shut off from the throne. Feeling flowed upward, and the ruler's will was made known afar. Even widowers and orphans were given their due. Thus a lasting example was handed down, and their good name still survives. Years have passed since I took the throne; I stand as over a deep abyss—rising early, staying watchful into the night, waking at first light unable to rest, sitting until dawn. At the thought of flood, drought, and calamity throughout the realm, my heart is stricken. I toil in person and keep myself in check, wanting every affair to be as it should. I live in constant fear that officials may bend affairs to private feeling, that my earnest purpose may not get through, that the press of ten thousand matters may leave gaps, and that errors in policy and law may escape my full review. If the people err, the fault is mine alone. The years offer no respite; I have not yet been able to set a date for touring and inspecting in person. While the people are still unsettled, how can they be cared for? I now dispatch credentialed envoys—the Palace Attendant with full powers and his deputy from the Yellow Gate—to travel the four quarters, meet the inspectors and chief local officers face to face, set forth my earnest intent, seek what should be changed for better or worse, review administration, and ask after the people's suffering. The Zhou canon says: "Record the people's gains and losses in one book; record whether rites, customs, government, teaching, and punishments accord or conflict in another; record rebellion, violence, and violation of orders in another; record plague, mourning, famine, and want in another; record health, joy, harmony, and peace in another." Each state's report was distinguished and brought back to the king, that he might know all that happened under heaven. That is the ancient rule and former teaching; follow it now in full. Return and submit a full report, that I may see clearly into the distant and obscure, as though I had traveled there myself. Officers and gentlemen of rank: give your whole hearts, do your tasks with care; offer good counsel, sound designs, and frank admonition to the envoys—hide nothing. I shall await your words with an open mind. Take heart and press on, that you may answer to my wish."
3
摯虞新禮議曰：「魏氏無巡狩故事，新禮則巡狩方岳，柴望告至，設壝宮，如禮諸侯之覲者。 擯及執贄皆如朝儀，而不建其旗。 臣虞案覲禮，諸侯覲天子，各建其旗章，所以殊爵命，示等威。 詩稱『君子至止，言觀其旂』。 宜定新禮建旗如舊禮。」 然終晉世，巡狩廢矣。
In his discussion of the new rites, Zhi Yu wrote: "Wei had no precedent for imperial tours; the new code provides for touring the sacred peaks, offering firewood and gazing afar to announce arrival, and erecting a palisaded lodge, as when feudal lords come to audience. The ushering and presentation of gifts followed court ritual, but no banners were raised. I, Yu, have examined the audience rite: when feudal lords attended the Son of Heaven, each raised his own banner and insignia to mark rank and show graded dignity. The Odes say, "When the gentleman arrived, we looked upon his banners." The new rites ought to be fixed so that banners are raised as in the old practice." Yet through the entire Jin period, the inspection tour fell into disuse.
4
宋武帝永初元年，詔遣大使分行四方，舉善旌賢，問其疾苦。
In the first year of Yongchu, Emperor Wu of Song ordered grand envoys to travel the four quarters, commend the worthy, and ask after the people's hardships.
5
元嘉四年二月乙卯，太祖東巡。 丁卯，至丹徒。 己巳，告覲園陵。 三月甲戌，幸丹徒離宮，升京城北顧。 乙亥，饗父老舊勳于丹徒行宮，加賜衣裳各有差。 蠲丹徒縣其年租布之半。 繫囚見徒五歲刑以下，悉皆原遣。 登城三戰及先大將家并青泥關頭敗沒餘口，老疾單孤，又諸戰亡家不能自存者，並隨宜隱恤。 二十六年二月己亥，上東巡。 辛丑，幸京城。 辛亥，謁二陵。 丁巳，會舊京故老萬餘人，往還饗勞，孤疾勤勞之家，咸蒙卹賚，發赦令，蠲徭役。
On yimao of the second month in the fourth year of Yuanjia, the Founder toured east. On dingmao he reached Dantu. On jisi he announced his visit at the imperial tombs. On jiaxu of the third month he visited the Dantu detached palace and climbed to gaze north from the capital. On yihai he feasted the elders and veterans of merit at the Dantu traveling palace and granted additional robes, each in due measure. He remitted half of Dantu county's grain tax and cloth levy for that year. All prisoners and convicts at hard labor sentenced to five years or less were pardoned and sent home. Survivors of the three Dengcheng battles, households of former chief generals, and those lost at Qingni Pass; the aged and sick, the alone and orphaned; and families of the war dead who could not support themselves—all received relief as circumstances required. On jihai of the second month in the twenty-sixth year, the emperor toured east. On xinchou he visited the capital. On xinhai he paid his respects at the two tombs. On dingsi he gathered more than ten thousand elders of the old capital; they were feasted and rewarded on their coming and going; households of the alone, the sick, and the dutiful poor all received relief; an amnesty was proclaimed and corvée remitted.
6
其時皇太子監國，有司奏儀注。
At that time the crown prince governed in the capital, and the relevant offices submitted the ritual forms.
7
某曹關某事云云。 被令，儀宜如是。 請為牋如左。 謹關。 :右署眾官如常儀。
The [X] Bureau forwards the matter of [Y], and so forth. By order, the ceremony should proceed as follows. Please draft a memorial in the form at left. Respectfully submitted. At right: the various offices, as in the usual form.
8
尚書僕射、尚書左右丞某甲，死罪死罪。 某事云云。 參議以為宜如是事諾。 奉行。 某年月日。 某曹上。
The Vice Director of the Masters of Writing and the Left and Right Assistants, So-and-so—[we deserve] death, death. The matter of [X], and so forth. After deliberation, it is held that it should be as follows; approved. Carry out. Year, month, and day. Submitted by the [X] Bureau.
9
:右牋儀準於啟事年月右方，關門下位及尚書官署。 其言選事者，依舊不經它官。
At right: the memorial form follows the opening memorial at the right for date; it is forwarded to the Gatehouse Office and the Masters of Writing. Matters of appointment, as before, do not pass through other offices.
10
太常主者寺押。 某署令某甲辭。 言某事云云。 求告報如所稱。 詳檢相應。 今聽如所上處事諾。 明詳旨申勒，依承不得有虧。 符到奉行。 年月日。 起尚書某曹。
The chief clerk of the Ministry of Rites affixes the directorate seal. The director of the [X] Office, So-and-so, submits a petition. Stating the matter of [X], and so forth. Requesting notification and reply as stated. Upon detailed examination it corresponds. Now approved to handle the matter as submitted. Clearly explain the intent and issue strict orders; carry out in full compliance. When the warrant arrives, carry out. Year, month, and day. Issued from the [X] Bureau of the Masters of Writing.
11
:右符儀。
At right: the warrant form.
12
某曹關太常甲乙啟辭。 押。 某署令某甲上言。 某事云云。 請臺告報如所稱。 主者詳檢相應。 請聽如所上事諾。 別符申攝奉行。 謹關。
The [X] Bureau forwards the petition of the chief clerks of the Ministry of Rites, So-and-so and So-and-so. Seal affixed. The director of the [X] Office, So-and-so, submits a report. The matter of [X], and so forth. Requesting that the central office give notification and reply as stated. The responsible official, upon detailed examination, finds it corresponds. Request approval to handle the matter as submitted. Issue a separate warrant for enforcement and carrying out. Respectfully submitted.
13
年月日。
Year, month, and day.
14
:右關事儀準於黃案年月日右方，關門下位年月下左方，下附列尚書眾官署。 其尚書名下應云奏者，今言關。 餘皆如黃案式。
At right: the forwarding form follows the yellow dossier date at the right; it is forwarded to the Gatehouse Office with date below at the left, and the various Masters of Writing offices are listed below. Where the Masters of Writing should say "memorial," it now says "forward." All the rest follow the yellow dossier form.
15
某曹關司徒長史王甲啟辭。 押。 某州刺史丙丁解騰某郡縣令長李乙書言某事云云。 請臺告報如所稱。 尚書某甲參議，以為所論正如法令，告報聽如所上。 請為令書如左。 謹關。
The [X] Bureau forwards the opening petition of the chief clerk of the Ministry of Revenue, Wang So-and-so. Seal affixed. The inspector of [X] Province, Bing and Ding, forwards the memorial of the magistrate of [Y] County, Li Yi, stating the matter of [Z], and so forth. Requesting that the central office give notification and reply as stated. So-and-so of the Masters of Writing, upon deliberation, holds that the matter is exactly as the statutes provide; notification and reply are approved as submitted. Please draft an edict in the form at left. Respectfully submitted.
16
:右關門下位及尚書署，如上儀。
At right: the Gatehouse Office and the Masters of Writing offices, as in the form above.
17
司徒長史王甲啟辭。 押。 某州刺史丙丁解騰某郡縣令長李乙書言某事云云。 州府緣案允值。 請臺告報。
The chief clerk of the Ministry of Revenue, Wang So-and-so, submits an opening petition. Seal affixed. The inspector of [X] Province, Bing and Ding, forwards the memorial of the magistrate of [Y] County, Li Yi, stating the matter of [Z], and so forth. The provincial and prefectural offices, following the dossier, find it acceptable. Requesting notification and reply from the central office.
18
年月日。 尚書令某甲上。
Year, month, and day. Submitted by the Director of the Masters of Writing, So-and-so.
19
:建康宮無令，稱僕射。
At right: at the Jiankang palace there was no Director; the title used was Vice Director.
20
右令日下司徒，令報聽如某所上。 某宣攝奉行如故事。 文書如千里驛行。 年月朔日子。 尚書令某甲下。 無令稱僕射。 司徒承書從事到上起某曹。
At right: The order goes down to the Minister of Education that same day, reporting approval as such-and-such had submitted. Such-and-such shall proclaim acting authority and carry it out according to precedent. Let the documents travel as swiftly as a thousand-li relay post. Year, month, first day of the month, day. Issued down by the Director of the Masters of Writing, So-and-so. When there is no Director, use the title Vice Director. The Minister of Education receives the document; the clerk brings it up; initiation begins at such-and-such bureau.
21
:右外上事，內處報，下令書儀。
At right: the procedure for matters submitted from without, replies handled within, and the issuing of order documents.
22
某曹關某事云云。 令如是，請為令書如右。 謹關。
The such-and-such Bureau forwards the matter of such-and-such, and so forth. The order being thus, please draft an order document as at right. Respectfully forwarding.
23
:右關署如前式。
At right: forwarding and endorsement as in the preceding form.
24
令司徒。 某事云云。 令如是，其下所屬，奉行如故事。 文書如千里驛行。
Order to the Minister of Education. Such-and-such matter, and so forth. The order being thus, all subordinates shall carry it out according to precedent. Let the documents travel as swiftly as a thousand-li relay post.
25
年月日子，下起某曹。
Year, month, day; issued down; initiation at such-and-such bureau.
26
:右令書自內出下外儀。
At right: the procedure for order documents issued from within and sent down to the outside.
27
令書前某官某甲。 令以甲為某官，如故事。
Preceding the order document: such-and-such office, So-and-so. The order appoints So-and-so to such-and-such office, as precedent.
28
年月日。 侍御史某甲受。
Year, month, day. Received by Attendant Censor So-and-so.
29
:右令書板文準於詔事板文。
At right: the board text for order documents follows that for edict matters.
30
尚書下云云。 奏行如故事。
Down from the Masters of Writing, and so forth. Submit for execution according to precedent.
31
:右以準尚書勑儀。 起某曹。
At right: following the procedure for Masters of Writing directives. Initiated by such-and-such bureau.
32
:右並白紙書。 凡內外應關牋之事，一準此為儀。 其經宮臣者，依臣禮。
At right: all written on plain white paper. All internal and external matters requiring forwarding memoranda shall uniformly follow this procedure. Where it passes through palace attendants, follow the rites for subjects.
33
拜刺史二千石誡敕文曰制詔云云。 某動靜屢聞。
For appointment as inspector or two-thousand-dan official, the admonition edict text reads "Imperial decree," and so forth. Such-and-such's conduct has been repeatedly reported.
34
:右若拜詔書除者如舊文。 其拜令書除者，「令」代「制詔」，餘如常儀。 辭關板文云：「某官糞土臣某甲臨官。 稽首再拜辭。」 制曰右除糞土臣及稽首云云。 某官某甲再拜辭。 以「令曰」代「制曰」。 某官宮臣者，稱臣。
At right: if appointment by edict document, follow the old text. For appointment by order document, "order" replaces "imperial decree"; the rest follows the usual procedure. The resignation forwarding board text says: "The official of such-and-such, this worthless subject So-and-so on assuming office. Kowtows twice in resignation." The imperial rescript says: approve removing phrases such as “worthless subject” and “kowtowing,” and so forth. The official of such-and-such, So-and-so, bows twice in resignation. Use "Order says" in place of "Decree says." Where the official is a palace attendant, style oneself "subject."
35
皇太子夜開諸門，墨令，銀字棨傳令信。
When the Crown Prince opens all gates at night: black order tokens; silver-lettered tally boards convey command credentials.
36
太史每歲上其年曆。 :先立春立夏大暑立秋立冬，常讀五時令。 皇帝所服，各隨五時之色。 帝升御坐，尚書令以下就席位，尚書三公郎以令著錄案上，奉以入，就席伏讀訖，賜酒一巵。 官有其注。 傅咸曰：「立秋一日，白路光於紫庭，白旂陳於玉階。」 然則其日旂、路皆白也。
The Grand Astrologer each year presents the annual calendar. At right: before Start of Spring, Start of Summer, Great Heat, Start of Autumn, and Start of Winter, the five seasonal ordinances are regularly read. What the emperor wears follows each of the five seasons' colors. When the emperor takes the throne, the Director of the Masters of Writing and the officials below take their seats. An attendant of the Three Excellencies Bureau sets the seasonal ordinance on the registration board, carries it in, takes his seat, reads it prostrate to the end, and is granted a cup of wine. The office has regulations on record. Fu Xian said: "On the first day of Start of Autumn, the white road shines in the purple court; white banners are arrayed on the jade steps." Thus on that day both banners and road were white.
37
晉成帝咸和五年六月丁未，有司奏讀秋令。 兼侍中散騎侍郎荀弈、兼黃門侍郎散騎侍郎曹宇駁曰：「尚書三公曹奏讀秋令儀注。 新荒以來，舊典未備。 臣等參議，光祿大夫臣華恒議，武皇帝以秋夏盛暑，常闕不讀令，在春冬不廢也。 夫先王所以從時讀令者，蓋後天而奉天時。 正服，尊嚴之所重，今服章多闕如。 比熱隆赫，臣等謂可如恒議，依故事闕而不讀。」 詔可。 六年三月，有司奏：「今月十六日立夏。 案五年六月三十日門下駁，依武皇夏闕讀令。 今正服漸備，四時讀令，是祗述天和隆赫之道。 謂今故宜讀夏令。」 奏可。
In the sixth month, day dingwei, of the fifth year of Xihe of Emperor Cheng of Jin, the relevant offices memorialized reading the autumn ordinance. Concurrent Palace Attendant and Gentleman of the Palace Library Xun Yi and Concurrent Gentleman of the Yellow Gate and Gentleman of the Palace Library Cao Yu rebutted, saying: "The Three Excellencies Bureau within the Masters of Writing memorialized the protocol for reading the autumn ordinance. Since the recent turmoil, the old regulations have not been complete. We deliberated together; the Minister of the Imperial Household, Hua Huan, proposed that Emperor Wu, because autumn and summer were intensely hot, routinely omitted reading the ordinances, but did not abolish it in spring and winter. Former kings read ordinances in season in order to follow Heaven's lead and keep pace with the seasons. Proper attire is what dignity emphasizes; now insignia and regalia are largely deficient. As the heat is fierce, we consider it may follow Huan's proposal and, per precedent, omit reading." The edict approved. In the third month of the sixth year, the relevant offices memorialized: "On the sixteenth of this month is Start of Summer. Reviewing the Chancellery rebuttal of the thirtieth day of the sixth month of the fifth year, it followed Emperor Wu in omitting the summer ordinance reading. Now proper attire is gradually complete; reading the ordinances of the four seasons is to reverently embody the Way of Heaven's harmony and fierce brilliance. We hold that the summer ordinance should now be read." The memorial was approved.
38
宋文帝元嘉六年六月辛酉朔，駙馬都尉奉朝請徐道娛上表曰：「謹案晉博士曹弘之議，立秋御讀令，上應著緗幘，遂改用素，相承至今。 臣淺學管見，竊有惟疑。 伏尋禮記月令，王者四時之服正云駕倉龍，載赤旂，衣白衣，服黑玉。 季夏則黃，文極於此，無白冠則某履某舄也。 且幘又非古服，出自後代。 上附於冠，下不屬衣。 冠固不革，而幘豈容異色。 愚謂應恒與冠同色，不宜隨節變綵。 土令在近，謹以上聞。 如或可採，乞付外詳議。」 太學博士荀萬秋議：「伏尋幘非古者冠冕之服，禮無其文。 案蔡邕獨斷云：『幘是古卑賤供事不冠人所服。』 又董仲舒止雨書曰：『其執事皆赤幘。』 知並不冠之服也。 漢元始用，眾臣率從。 故司馬彪輿服志曰：『尚書幘名曰納言。 迎氣五郊，各如其色，從章服也。』 自茲相承，迄于有晉。 大宋受命，禮制因循。 斯既歷代成準，謂宜仍舊。」 有司奏：「謹案道娛啟事，以土令在近，謂幘不宜變。 萬秋雖云幘宜仍舊，而不明無讀土令之文。 今書舊事于左。 魏臺雜訪曰：『前後但見讀春夏秋冬四時令，至於服黃之時，獨闕不讀。 今不解其故。』 魏明帝景初元年十二月二十一日，散騎常侍領太史令高堂隆上言曰：『黃於五行，中央土也。 王四季各十八日。 土生於火，故於火用事之末服黃，三季則否。 其令則隨四時，不以五行為分也。 是以服黃無令。』」 其後太祖常謂土令，三公郎每讀時令，皇帝臨軒，百僚備位，多震悚失常儀。 宋唯世祖世劉勰、太宗世謝緯為三公郎，善於其事，人主及公卿並屬目稱歎。 勰見宗室傳。 緯，謝綜弟也。
On the first day xinyou of the sixth month of the sixth year of Yuanjia of Emperor Wen of Song, Commandant of the Majordomo's Stables and Attendant at Court Xu Daoyu memorialized, saying: "I respectfully review the proposal of the Jin Erudite Cao Hongzhi: at the court reading of the autumn ordinance, one should wear an orange-red headcloth; it was then changed to plain white and has been handed down to the present. I am shallow in learning and narrow in view, yet I privately harbor doubts. I respectfully examine the Monthly Ordinances in the Book of Rites: the proper seasonal attire of the king says, drive the azure dragon, bear red banners, wear white clothes, and use black jade. Late summer is yellow; the text ends here, with no white crown or mention of such-and-such shoes and such-and-such slippers. Moreover the headcloth is not ancient attire; it arose in later ages. It attaches above to the cap but does not belong below to the garment. The cap is certainly not changed, so how can the headcloth allow a different color? I foolishly hold that it should always match the cap in color and should not change hues with the season. The earth-season ordinance is near; I respectfully report this above. If it may be adopted, I beg that it be referred outward for detailed deliberation." The Erudite of the Imperial University Xun Wanqiu proposed: "I respectfully examine that the headcloth is not the cap-and-crown attire of antiquity; the rites contain no text for it. Reviewing Cai Yong's Solitary Judgments, it says: 'The headcloth was what men of old of low status who served without wearing caps used to wear.' Again, Dong Zhongshu's book to stop rain says: 'All who carry out the duties wear red headcloths.' Thus one knows they were attire for those who did not wear caps. It began to be used in the Yuanshi era of Han, and the multitude of ministers followed. Thus Sima Biao's Treatise on Carriages and Vestments says: 'The Masters of Writing headcloth is called "Receiving Words." At the five suburban rites welcoming the seasons, each matches its color, following the seasonal regalia.' From then it was handed down, reaching Jin. When Great Song received the Mandate, ritual institutions followed precedent. Since this has been the established standard through the ages, I hold that it should remain as before." The relevant offices memorialized: "We respectfully review Daoyu's report: as the earth-season ordinance is near, he holds that the headcloth should not change. Wanqiu, though saying the headcloth should remain as before, did not clarify the absence of text on reading the earth-season ordinance. We now set down the old precedents at left. The Wei Court Miscellaneous Inquiry says: 'Previously one only saw the reading of the spring, summer, autumn, and winter ordinances of the four seasons; when it was time to wear yellow, alone it was omitted and not read. Now we do not understand the reason.' On the twenty-first day of the twelfth month of the first year of Jingchu of Emperor Ming of Wei, Concurrent Gentleman of the Palace Library and Director of the Grand Astrologer's Office Gao Tanglong memorialized, saying: 'Yellow in the Five Phases is central earth. The king has eighteen days in each of the four seasons. Earth is born from fire; therefore at the end of fire's dominance one wears yellow; in the other three seasons, no. The ordinances follow the four seasons and are not divided by the Five Phases. Therefore when wearing yellow there is no ordinance." Thereafter the founding emperor habitually called it the earth-season ordinance. When the Three Excellencies Bureau attendant read the seasonal ordinances, the emperor sat upon the throne while the hundred officials took their stations—and many, shaken, botched the ritual. In Song only Liu Xie in the reign of Emperor Shizu and Xie Wei in the reign of Emperor Taizong served as Three Excellencies Bureau attendants and excelled at the task; ruler and high ministers alike turned their eyes to them in praise. Liu Xie is treated in the biography of the imperial clan. Xie Wei was the younger brother of Xie Zong.
39
舊說後漢有郭虞者，有三女。 以三月上辰產二女，上巳產一女。 二日之中，而三女並亡。 俗以為大忌。 至此月此日，不敢止家，皆於東流水上為祈禳，自潔濯，謂之禊祠。 分流行觴，遂成曲水。 史臣案周禮女巫掌歲時祓除釁浴，如今三月上巳如水上之類也。 釁浴謂以香薰草藥沐浴也。 韓詩曰：「鄭國之俗，三月上巳，之溱、洧兩水之上，招魂續魄。 秉蘭草，拂不祥。」 此則其來甚久，非起郭虞之遺風、今世之度水也。 月令，暮春，天子始乘舟。 蔡邕章句曰：「陽氣和暖，鮪魚時至，將取以薦寢廟，故因是乘舟禊於名川也。 論語，暮春浴乎沂。 自上及下，古有此禮。 今三月上巳，祓於水濱，蓋出此也。」 邕之言然。 張衡南都賦祓於陽濱又是也。 或用秋，漢書八月祓於霸上。 劉楨魯都賦：「素秋二七，天漢指隅，人胥祓除，國子水嬉。」 又是用七月十四日也。 自魏以後但用三日，不以巳也。 魏明帝天淵池南，設流杯石溝，燕羣臣。 晉海西鍾山後流杯曲水，延百僚，皆其事也。 官人循之至今。
Old tradition says that in Later Han there was a Guo Yu who had three daughters. On the upper chen day of the third month he bore two daughters; on the shangsi day he bore one daughter. Within those two days all three daughters died. The common people took this as a great taboo. On that day in that month, people did not dare remain at home. They all went to the eastern flowing waters to pray and purify themselves in washing—the ceremony known as the Xi rite. Wine cups were floated downstream one by one, and so the winding-stream rite took shape. The historian notes that in the Rites of Zhou shamanesses oversaw seasonal purification and ritual bathing—of the same kind as today's third-month shangsi observances on the water. "Sin-bathing" denotes bathing with aromatic herbs and fumigated medicinals. The Han Poetry says: "In Zheng country custom, on the third-month shangsi they go to the Zhen and Wei rivers to call back the soul and restore the spirit. They take orchids in hand and brush away misfortune." The rite is very old indeed; it did not begin with the tale of Guo Yu or with the present-day custom of crossing the water. The Monthly Ordinances record that in late spring the Son of Heaven first boards his boat. Cai Yong's commentary explains: "When the yang breath turns mild, sturgeon come in season; the king is to take them for offering at the temple of rest, and so he boards his boat and performs the Xi purification on a renowned river. The Analects say: "In late spring, bathe at the Yi." From the throne to the common people, antiquity knew this rite. Today's third-month shangsi purification beside the water surely grows from this." Cai Yong was right. Zhang Heng's Rhapsody on the Southern Capital—"purified on the sunny bank"—is another example. Sometimes it was held in autumn; the Book of Han records an eighth-month purification at Bashang. Liu Zhen's Rhapsody on the Lu Capital reads: "In pale autumn, on the double seventh, as the Milky Way turns toward the corner, all perform purification while the crown princes disport in the water. That again meant the fourteenth day of the seventh month. From Wei onward only the third [of the third month] was observed, not the si day of shangsi. South of the Heavenly Pool, Emperor Ming of Wei had a stone channel cut for floating cups and entertained his ministers there. Behind Zhongshan, Jin Emperor Haixi held a winding stream with floating cups and summoned the hundred officials—these are all of the same kind. Court officers have kept the practice down to our own day.
40
漢文帝始革三年喪制。 臨終詔曰：「天下吏民臨三日，皆釋服。 無禁取婦、嫁女、祠祀、飲酒、食肉。 其當給喪事者，無跣。 絰帶無過三寸。 當臨者，皆旦夕各十五舉音。 服大紅十五日，小紅十四日，纖七日而釋服。」 文帝以己亥崩，乙巳葬，其間凡七日。 自是之後，天下遵令，無復三年之禮。 案尸子，禹治水，為喪法，曰毀必杖，哀必三年。 是則水不救也。 故使死於陵者葬於陵，死於澤者葬於澤。 桐棺三寸，制喪三日。 然則聖人之於急病，必為權制也。 但漢文治致升平，四海寧晏，廢禮開薄，非也。 宣帝地節四年，詔曰：「今百姓或遭衰絰凶災，而吏徭事不得葬，傷孝子心。 自今諸有大父母、父母喪者，勿徭事，使得收斂送終，盡其子道。」 至成帝時，丞相翟方進事父母孝謹，母終，既葬，三十六日，除服視事。 自以為身備漢相，不敢踰國家典章。 然而原涉行父喪三年，顯名天下。 河間惠王行母喪三年，詔書褒稱，以為宗室儀表。 薛脩服母喪三年，而兄宣曰：「人少能行之。」 遂兄弟不同，宣卒以此獲譏於世。 是則喪禮見貴常存矣。 至漢平帝崩，王莽欲眩惑天下示忠孝，使六百石以上皆服喪三年。 及莽母死，但服天子弔諸侯之服，一弔再會而已。 而令子新都侯宇服喪三年。 及元后崩，莽乃自服三年之禮。 事皆姦妄，天下疾之。 漢安帝初，長吏多避事棄官。 乃令自非父母服，不得去職。 是後吏又守職居官，不行三年喪服。 其後又開長吏以下告寧，言事者或以為刺史二千石宜同此制，帝從之。 建光元年，尚書孟布奏宜復如建武、永平故事，絕刺史二千石告寧及父母喪服，又從之。 至桓帝永興二年，復令刺史二千石行三年服。 永壽二年，又使中常侍以下行三年服。 至延熹元年，又皆絕之。
Emperor Wen of Han was the first to reform the three-year mourning code. On his deathbed he decreed: "Throughout the realm, any official or commoner who comes to mourn for three days shall lay aside mourning dress. No one is forbidden to marry, give daughters in marriage, sacrifice, drink wine, or eat meat. Those who must attend to funeral duties need not go barefoot. The mourning sash shall be no more than three inches wide. Those who come to mourn shall raise lament fifteen times each at dawn and dusk. They shall wear deep red for fifteen days, lighter red for fourteen days, and fine mourning for seven days, then lay mourning aside. Emperor Wen died on the day jihai and was buried on yisi—seven days in all. After that the realm followed his order, and the three-year rite was no more. The Shizi records that when Yu was controlling the floods he set down mourning law: if a dwelling was ruined one must lean on a staff, and mourning must last three years. Only then would the waters go untended. So he had the dead on the hills buried on the hills, and the dead in the marshes buried in the marshes. Paulownia coffins three inches thick, mourning limited to three days. When crisis presses, the sage must set provisional measures. Yet Emperor Wen's reign had already reached peace and the four seas were calm; to cast off ritual and thin custom was wrong. In the fourth year of Dijie, Emperor Xuan decreed: "Among the people today some suffer bereavement or disaster, yet officials on corvée duty cannot bury their dead—this wounds the hearts of filial sons. From now on, whoever mourns great-grandparents or parents shall not be sent on corvée, so they may lay out the dead and see them to the grave and fulfill a son's duty. By Emperor Cheng's day, Chancellor Zhai Fangjin had served his parents with scrupulous filial piety; when his mother died and was buried, on the thirty-sixth day he laid mourning aside and returned to office. He held himself to be Han's chancellor and did not dare overstep the state's code. Yet Yuan She kept three years for his father's death and his name rang through the realm. The Prince of Hejian observed three years for his mother; an imperial edict praised him as a model for the imperial house. Xue Xiu wore mourning for his mother three years, but his elder brother Xuan said: "Few can do as much. The brothers took different paths, and Xuan was censured by the world for it in the end. So mourning rites were still held dear and never quite died out. When Emperor Ping died, Wang Mang wished to bedazzle the realm with a show of filial piety and ordered all officials of six hundred bushels and above to observe three-year mourning. When Mang's own mother died, he wore only the garb the Son of Heaven uses to condole with feudal lords—one visit of mourning and a second gathering, nothing more. Yet he made his son, Marquis Yu of Xindu, observe three years of mourning. When Grand Empress Dowager Wang died, Mang himself put on three-year mourning. Every such act was hollow fraud, and the realm despised him for it. Early in Emperor An's reign, senior officials often shirked duty and quit their posts. An order went out that except for mourning one's parents, no one might leave office. After that officials again stayed in post and did not keep three-year mourning. Later leave was again granted to junior chief officials and below; memorialists urged that inspectors and two-thousand-bushel officers follow the same rule, and the emperor agreed. In the first year of Jianguang, Secretariat Director Meng Bu urged a return to the Jianwu and Yongping precedent, ending leave petitions and parental mourning for inspectors and two-thousand-bushel officers—and again the emperor agreed. In the second year of Yongxing under Emperor Huan, inspectors and two-thousand-bushel officers were again ordered to observe three-year mourning. In the second year of Yongshou, palace attendants and those below them were again made to observe three-year mourning. By the first year of Yanxi, all of this was abolished again.
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後漢世，諸帝不豫，並告泰山、弘農、廬江、常山、潁川、南陽、河東、東郡、廣陵太守禱祠五岳四瀆，遣司徒分詣郊廟社稷。
In Later Han, whenever an emperor fell ill, notice went to the governors of Taishan, Hongnong, Lujiang, Changshan, Yingchuan, Nanyang, Hedong, Dongjun, and Guangling to pray at the Five Peaks and Four Rivers, while the Minister over the Masses was sent in turn to the suburban altars, the ancestral temples, and the altar of soil and grain.
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魏武臨終遺令曰：「天下尚未安定，未得遵古。 百官臨殿中者，十五舉音。 葬畢便除服。 其將兵屯戍者，不得離部。」 帝以正月庚子崩，辛丑即殯。 是月丁卯葬，葬畢反吉，是為不踰月也。 諸葛亮受劉備遺詔，既崩，羣臣發喪，滿三日除服，到葬復如禮。 其郡國太守、相、尉、縣令長三日便除服。 此則魏、蜀喪制，又並異於漢也。 孫權令諸居任遭三年之喪，皆須交代乃去，然多犯者。 嘉禾六年，使羣臣議立制，胡綜以為宜定大辟之科。 又使代未至，不得告，告者抵罪。 顧雍等同綜議。 從之。 其後吳令孟仁聞喪輙去，陸遜陳其素行，得減死一等，自此遂絕。
Cao Cao's deathbed command read: "The realm is not yet at peace; we cannot yet follow the ancients. Officials who mourn in the palace hall shall raise lament fifteen times each. When burial is finished, mourning dress is laid aside at once. Commanders of troops on garrison duty shall not leave their posts. The emperor died on gengzi of the first month; on xinchou he was encoffined at once. On dingmao of that month he was buried; when burial was done they returned to normal dress—mourning did not exceed one month. Zhuge Liang received Liu Bei's deathbed command; when Liu Bei died the ministers raised mourning, laid mourning aside after three full days, and at burial observed the rites again. Commandery and kingdom governors, chancellors, commandants, and county magistrates laid mourning aside after three days. Thus Wei and Shu mourning customs both diverged again from Han. Sun Quan ordered that anyone in office who faced three-year mourning must hand duties to a successor before leaving—yet many broke the rule. In the sixth year of Jiahe he had his ministers debate a standing regulation; Hu Zong argued that the death penalty should be fixed for violators. He also ruled that if one's replacement had not arrived, one might not ask leave; whoever asked leave would be punished. Gu Yong and others agreed with Zong. The emperor followed their advice. Later Wu magistrate Meng Ren, on hearing of a bereavement, would leave at once; Lu Xun spoke of his usual conduct, and Ren's death sentence was reduced one degree—after that the strict rule lapsed.
43
晉宣帝崩，文、景並從權制。 及文帝崩，國內行服三日。 武帝亦遵漢、魏之典，既葬除喪，然猶深衣素冠，降席撤膳。 太宰司馬孚、太傅鄭沖、太保王祥、太尉何曾、司徒領中領軍司馬望、司空荀顗、車騎將軍賈充、尚書令裴秀、尚書僕射武陔、都護大將軍郭建、侍中郭綏、中書監荀勗、中軍將軍羊祜等奏曰：「臣聞禮典軌度，豐殺隨時，虞、夏、商、周，咸不相襲，蓋有由也。 大晉紹承漢、魏，有革有因，期於足以興化致治而已。 故未皆得返情太素，同規上古也。 陛下既已俯遵漢、魏降喪之典，以濟時務； 而躬蹈大孝，情過乎哀，素冠深衣，降席撤膳。 雖武丁行之於殷世，曾閔履之於布衣，未足以喻。 方今荊蠻未夷，庶政未乂，萬機事殷，動勞神慮。 豈遑全遂聖旨，以從至情。 加歲時變易，期運忽過，山陵彌遠，攀慕永絕。 臣等以為陛下宜回慮割情，以康時濟治。 輒敕御府易服，內省改坐，太官復膳。 諸所施行，皆如舊制。」 詔曰：「每感念幽冥，而不得終苴絰於草土，以存此痛，況當食稻衣錦，誠佹然激切其心，非所以相解也。 吾本諸生家，傳禮來久，何心一旦便易此情於所天。 相從已多，可試省孔子答宰我之言，無事紛紜也。 言及悲剝，奈何奈何！」 孚等重奏：「伏讀明詔，感以悲懷。 輙思仲尼所以抑宰我之問，聖思所以不能已已，甚深甚篤。 然今者干戈未戢，武事未偃，萬機至重，天下至眾。 陛下以萬乘之尊，履布衣之禮，服粗席藁，水飲疏食，殷憂內盈，毀悴外表，而躬勤萬機，坐而待旦，降心接下，仄不遑食，所以勞力者如斯之甚。 是以臣等悚息不寧，誠懼神氣用損，以疚大事。 輒敕有司改坐復常，率由舊典。 惟陛下察納愚款，以慰皇太后之心。」 又詔曰：「重覽奏議，益以悲剝，不能自勝，奈何奈何！ 三年之喪，自古達禮，誠聖人稱心立哀，明恕而行也。 神靈日遠，無所告訴。 雖薄於情，食旨服美，朕更所不堪也。 不宜反覆，重傷其心，言用斷絕，奈何奈何！」 帝遂以此禮終三年。 後居太后之喪，亦如之。
When Jin's founding emperor Sima Yi died, Sima Zhao and Sima Shi both followed expedient mourning. When Emperor Wen Sima Zhao died, the realm observed mourning for three days. Emperor Wu likewise followed Han and Wei precedent, laying mourning aside after burial, yet he still wore plain cap and deep garments, lowered his mat, and withdrew rich fare. Grand Preceptor Sima Fu, Grand Tutor Zheng Chong, Grand Guardian Wang Xiang, Grand Commandant He Cao, Minister over the Masses and Central Army Commander Sima Wang, Minister of Works Xun Yi, General of Chariots and Cavalry Jia Chong, Director of the Secretariat Pei Xiu, Vice Director Wu Wei, Grand Protector General Guo Jian, Attendant within Guo Sui, Central Secretariat Director Xun Xu, Central Army General Yang Hu, and others submitted: "We have heard that ritual norms wax and wane with the times; Yu, Xia, Shang, and Zhou did not merely copy one another—and for good reason. Great Jin succeeded Han and Wei, reforming here and keeping there, seeking only what would raise the age and bring order. So not everyone could return to utmost plainness and measure all things by high antiquity alone. Your Majesty has already bowed to Han and Wei's abridged mourning code to meet the needs of the age; yet you yourself walk the way of great filial piety, grief beyond measure—plain cap and deep robes, a lowered mat, fare withdrawn. Though King Wuding did this in the Yin age and Zengzi and Minzi as commoners, even they are not fit comparison. Today the Jing tribes are not pacified, government is not set right, ten thousand matters press in, and labor wears upon your spirit. How can there be room to fulfill the sage's aim in full and indulge utmost feeling? Moreover the seasons turn, the allotted span slips away, the hill tomb recedes, and longing is cut off forever. We hold that Your Majesty should turn your mind and restrain feeling, to bring peace to the age and aid good government. We therefore order the imperial wardrobe to change your dress, the inner quarters to change your seat, and the grand steward to restore your meals. Everything done shall follow the old statutes. An edict replied: "Whenever I think of the dead below, unable to finish hemp mourning at the grave in grass and soil, and keep this pain—how much more when I must eat grain and wear brocade! It suddenly cuts my heart; this is no comfort. I come from a scholar's house; ritual has been handed down long—what heart could suddenly change this feeling for him who was my heaven? You have remonstrated enough; read again what Confucius answered Zai Wo, and do not stir up such clamor. To speak of this grief that cuts—alas, alas! Fu and the others submitted again: "We have read your clear edict and are moved to grief. We think on why Zhongni checked Zai Wo's question—on why the sage could not stop, could not stop—how deep, how earnest. Yet now arms are not laid aside, war is not stilled, affairs of state weigh most heavily, and the realm is vast. Your Majesty, though lord of ten thousand chariots, yet keeps a commoner's mourning—coarse mat and straw bedding, water and plain food, grief within, emaciation without—and still personally tends ten thousand affairs, sits awaiting dawn, bends to those below, scarcely finding time to eat: never was labor borne so hard. Therefore we are fearful and uneasy, truly afraid your spirit will be harmed and great affairs suffer for it. We therefore order the offices concerned to restore your seat to normal, all according to the old code. Only may Your Majesty weigh and accept our humble plea, to ease the empress dowager's heart. Again an edict said: "Having read your memorial again, I am all the more cut by grief; I cannot bear it—alas, alas! The three-year mourning has been the universal rite since antiquity—the sage gives grief its full voice in the heart and acts with enlightened forbearance. The departed spirit grows more distant each day, and there is no one left to whom I can speak. Even if my grief were shallow, I could not bear to eat fine food or wear beautiful robes. Do not press the matter again and wound their hearts further; let this discussion end—what can I do, what can I do! The emperor then carried that mourning through the full three years. Later, when he mourned the empress dowager, he did the same.
44
泰始二年八月，詔書曰：「此上旬，先帝棄天下日也。 便以周年。 吾㷀㷀，當復何時壹得叙人子情邪？ 思慕煩毒，欲詣陵瞻侍，以盡哀憤。 主者具行備。」 太宰司馬孚、尚書令裴秀、尚書僕射武陔等奏：「陛下至孝蒸蒸，哀思罔極，衰麻雖除，毀顇過禮，疏食粗服，有損神和。 今雖秋節，尚有餘暑，謁見山陵，悲感摧傷，羣下竊用悚息。 平議以為宜惟遠體，降抑聖情，以慰萬國。」 詔曰：「孤煢忽爾，日月已周，痛慕摧感，永無逮及。 欲奉瞻山陵，以敍哀僨。 體氣自佳，其又已涼，便當行，不得如所奏也。 主者便具行備。」 又詔曰：「昔者哀適三十日，便為梓宮所棄，遂離衰絰，感痛豈可勝言。 顧漢文不使天下盡哀，亦先帝至謙之志，是以自割，不以副諸君子。 有三年之愛，而身禮廓然，當見山陵，何心而無服，其以衰絰行。」 孚等重奏：「臣聞上古喪期無數，後世乃有年月之漸。 漢文帝隨時之義，制為短喪，傳之于後。 陛下以社稷宗廟之重，萬方億兆之故，既從權制，釋降衰麻。 羣臣庶僚吉服。 今者謁陵，以敍哀慕，若加衰絰，近臣期服，當復受制。 進退無當，不敢奉詔。」 詔曰：「亦知不在此麻布耳。 然人子情思，為欲令哀喪之物在身，蓋近情也。 羣臣自當案舊制。 期服之義，非先帝意也。」 孚等又奏：「臣聞聖人制作，必從時宜。 故五帝殊樂，三王異禮。 此古今所以不同，質文所以迭用也。 陛下隨時之宜，既降心克己，俯就權制，既除衰麻，而行心喪之禮。 今復制服，義無所依。 若君服而臣不服，雖先帝厚恩，亦未之敢安也。 參量平議，宜如前奏。 臣等敢固以請。」 詔曰：「患情不能企及耳，衣服何在。 諸君勤勤之至，豈苟相違。」
In the eighth month of the second year of Taishi, an edict declared: "The first ten days of this month mark the day the late emperor departed this life. A full year has now passed. I stand bereft and alone—when will I ever be able to express a son's grief as I should? Grief and longing torment me; I wish to visit the imperial tomb to look upon it and pay my respects, and pour out all my sorrow and anguish. Let the responsible officials make full preparations for the journey. Grand Preceptor Sima Fu, Director of the Department of State Affairs Pei Xiu, Vice Director Wu Gai, and others submitted: "Your Majesty's filial devotion burns bright and your grief knows no bound; though you have laid aside the hemp mourning dress, your wasting grief goes beyond what ritual allows, and plain food and coarse clothing are harming your health. Although autumn has come, the heat has not yet broken; a visit to the mountain tomb will only shatter you with sorrow, and we your subjects tremble at the thought. Those who weighed the matter judged that Your Majesty should look to the distant good of the realm, restrain your royal grief, and so bring comfort to all under heaven. An edict replied: "Left orphaned and alone in this sudden loss—a full year has passed; grief crushes me, and there is no going back. I wish to go to the tomb to look upon it and give full voice to my grief and anguish. My health is sound, and the weather has already turned cool; I shall go at once and cannot do as you urge. Let the responsible officials prepare for the journey at once. Another edict said: "In the past, grief had scarcely reached thirty days when I was left to the palace coffin and stripped of my hemp mourning bands; the pain is beyond words. I recall that Emperor Wen of Han would not let the realm mourn fully—that too was the late emperor's deepest humility; so I restrained myself and did not do as you gentlemen urged. I bear a three years' love, yet outwardly I stand almost without ritual; when I go to the tomb, how can my heart go unclothed in mourning? I shall wear the hemp bands. Fu and the others memorialized again: "We have heard that in high antiquity mourning had no fixed term; only later did years and months gradually appear. Emperor Wen of Han, adapting to the needs of his age, instituted short mourning and bequeathed it to later generations. Your Majesty, for the sake of the altars of state and the myriad people, has already followed expedient rule and laid aside the hemp mourning garments. The host of ministers and officials already wear auspicious dress. If you now visit the tomb in grief and again don hemp mourning, your close attendants in one-year mourning would once more be bound by regulation. Advance and retreat would have no proper rule; we dare not obey the edict. An edict replied: "I know as well that the matter does not lie in this hemp cloth alone. Yet a son's heart wants the outward tokens of mourning on his body—that is simply to stay close to feeling. You gentlemen should yourselves follow the old regulations. The rule of one-year mourning for attendants is not what the late emperor intended. Fu and the others memorialized again: "We have heard that when the sage makes institutions, he must follow what suits the time. Thus the Five Emperors had different music, and the Three Kings had different rites. That is why antiquity and the present differ, and plainness and ornament take turns. Your Majesty, adapting to the times, has already humbled your heart, restrained yourself, and accepted expedient rule; having laid aside hemp mourning, you keep mourning in the heart. To don mourning dress again has no ground in ritual. If the ruler wears mourning while his ministers do not, however great the late emperor's grace, we would not dare feel at ease. Weighing the matter, we should hold to our former memorial. We venture to press this request firmly. An edict replied: "The trouble is that feeling cannot reach so far—what matter are clothes? You have been so earnest—how could I lightly go against you?"
45
泰始四年，皇太后崩。 有司奏：「前代故事，倚廬中施白縑帳蓐，素牀，以布巾裹凷草。 軺輦板輿細犢車皆施縑裏。」 詔不聽，但令以布衣車而已。 其餘居喪之制，一如禮文。 有司又奏：「大行皇太后當以四月二十五日安厝。 故事，虞著衰服，既虞而除。 其內外官僚，皆就朝晡臨位。 御除服訖，各還所次除衰服。」 詔曰：「夫三年之喪，天下之達禮也。 受終身之愛，而無數年之報，奈何葬而便即吉，情所不忍也。」 有司又奏：「世有險易，道有洿隆，所遇之時異，誠有由然，非忽禮也。 方今戎馬未散，王事至殷，更須聽斷，以熙庶績。 昔周康王始登翌室，猶戴冕臨朝。 降於漢、魏，既葬除釋，諒闇之禮，自遠代而廢矣。 唯陛下割高宗之制，從當時之宜。 敢固以請。」 詔曰：「攬省奏事，益增感剝。 夫三年之喪，所以盡情致禮。 葬已便除，所不堪也。 當敍吾哀懷，言用斷絕，奈何奈何！」 有司又固請。 詔曰：「不能篤孝，勿以毀傷為憂也。 誠知衣服末事耳。 然今思存草土，率常以吉物奪之，乃所以重傷至心，非見念也。 每代禮典質文皆不同，此身何為限以近制，使達喪闕然乎。」 羣臣又固請，帝流涕久之乃許。
In the fourth year of Taishi, the empress dowager died. The responsible officials submitted: "By precedents of earlier ages, the mourning hut was furnished with white silk curtains and mats, plain beds, and bolsters of coarse grass wrapped in cloth. Light carriages, plank litters, and small ox-carts were all lined with silk. The edict refused this and ordered only plain-cloth carriages. The rest of the regulations for dwelling in mourning followed the ritual texts. The responsible officials submitted again: "The late empress dowager should be laid to rest on the twenty-fifth day of the fourth month. By precedent, at the yu sacrifice one wears hemp mourning dress and removes it after the yu. Inner and outer officials all take their places at the morning and evening audiences. When the sovereign has finished removing mourning dress, each returns to his post and removes the hemp mourning dress. An edict said: "The three-year mourning is the universal rite of the realm. To receive a lifetime's love and repay it with no years of mourning—how can one turn to auspicious dress as soon as burial is over? The heart cannot bear it. The responsible officials submitted again: "The age has its dangers and its ease, the Way its low points and its high; the times differ, and there is good reason for it—this is not a sudden neglect of ritual. War-horses are not yet stilled, and the king's business presses most heavily; judgment must still be heard so that the myriad tasks may prosper. In antiquity King Kang of Zhou, when he first entered the mourning hall, still wore his coronet and held court. From Han and Wei downward, mourning was released after burial; the rite of seclusion in grief has been abandoned since distant ages. Only Your Majesty should set aside Gaozong's regulation and follow what suits the present time. We venture to press this request firmly. An edict replied: "Reading your memorials over again only tears my grief open further. The three-year mourning is what fully exhausts feeling and completes ritual. To lay it aside as soon as burial is done—I cannot bear that. I shall give voice to my grief; let this discussion end—what can I do, what can I do! The responsible officials pressed their request again. An edict said: "If I cannot practice deep filial piety, do not worry that grief will harm me. I truly know that clothes are the least of matters. Yet now, when I wish to keep to the grave-mound earth, I am constantly stripped of it by auspicious things; that is what wounds my heart most deeply—it is not regard for me. In every age ritual differs in substance and ornament—why should I be bound by recent regulations and leave the universal mourning incomplete? The ministers pressed again; the emperor wept a long while and then consented.
46
文帝崇陽陵先開一日，遣侍臣侍梓宮，又遣將軍校尉當直尉中監各一人，將殿中將軍以下及先帝時左右常給使詣陵宿衞。 文明皇后崩及武元楊后崩，天下將吏發哀三日止。
When Emperor Wen opened Chongyang Tomb one day early, he sent attendant ministers to attend the coffin and dispatched one general, colonel, duty officer, and palace inspector each, with the palace guards from the commandant of the palace guard downward and those who had regularly served the late emperor, to camp and guard at the tomb. When Empress Wenming died and when Empress Wu-Yuan Yang died, generals and officials throughout the realm mourned for three days and then stopped.
47
泰始元年，詔諸將吏二千石以下遭三年喪，聽歸終寧，庶人復除徭役。
In the first year of Taishi, an edict declared: "All generals and officials of two-thousand-dan rank and below who face three-year mourning may return home to complete it; commoners are exempted from corvée and levies."
48
太康七年，大鴻臚鄭默母喪，既葬，當依舊攝職，固陳不起。 於是始制大臣得終喪三年。 然元康中，陳準、傅咸之徒，猶以權奪，不得終禮。 自茲至今，往往以為成比也。
In Taikang 7, Grand Herald Zheng Mo's mother died; after burial he was to resume office by precedent, but he firmly refused to return. Thereupon it was first decreed that great ministers might complete the full three years of mourning. Yet in the Yuankang era, Chen Zhun, Fu Xian, and others were still cut short by expedient rule and could not complete the rites. From then until now, this has often been treated as established precedent.
49
晉文帝之崩也，羊祜謂傅玄曰：「三年之喪，自天子達。 漢文除之，毀禮傷義。 今上有曾、閔之性，實行喪禮。 喪禮實行，何為除服？ 若因此守先王之法，不亦善乎？」 玄曰：「漢文以末世淺薄，不能復行國君之喪，故因而除之。 數百年一旦復古，恐難行也。」 祜曰：「且使主上遂服，猶為善乎？」 玄曰：「若上不除而臣下除，此為但有父子，無復君臣，三綱之道虧矣。」 習鑿齒曰：「傅玄知無君臣之傷教，而不知兼無父子為重，豈不蔽哉。 且漢廢君臣之喪，不降父子之服，故四海黎庶，莫不盡情於其親。 三綱之道，二服恒用於私室，而王者獨盡廢之，豈所以孝治天下乎。 詩云『猷之未遠』，其傅玄之謂也。」
When Emperor Wen of Jin died, Yang Hu said to Fu Xuan: "The three-year mourning extends from the Son of Heaven down. Emperor Wen of Han abolished it—destroying ritual and injuring righteousness. Now our ruler has the nature of Zeng Shen and Min Sun and truly practices mourning rites. If mourning rites are truly practiced, why remove the mourning dress? If by this we uphold the law of the former kings, would that not be good?" Xuan said: "Emperor Wen of Han, because the age was shallow and corrupt, could not again practice a ruler's mourning, and therefore abolished it. To restore antiquity after several hundred years—I fear it would be hard to carry out. Hu said: "Yet if the sovereign completes the mourning dress, would that still be good?" Xuan said: "If the ruler does not remove mourning but his ministers do, then there are only father and son and no longer ruler and minister—the way of the three bonds is impaired." Xi Zuochi said: "Fu Xuan saw the harm to teaching when ruler and minister are set aside, but did not see that to set aside father and son is the graver matter—how blind was he? Moreover, Han abolished mourning between ruler and minister but did not lower mourning between father and son; therefore the common people throughout the realm all poured out feeling toward their kin. In the way of the three bonds, both kinds of mourning dress were constantly kept in private life, yet the king alone wholly set them aside—how is that governing the realm through filial piety? The Odes say, 'The plan is not yet far'—was that not said of Fu Xuan?"
50
泰始十年，武元楊皇后崩。 博士張靖議：「太子宜依漢文權制，割情除服。」 博士陳逵議：「太子宜令服重。」 尚書僕射盧欽、尚書魏舒、杜預奏：「諒闇之制，乃因自古，是以高宗無服喪之文，唯稱不言而已。 漢文限三十六日，魏氏以既虞為斷。 皇太子與國為體，理宜釋服。」 博士段暢承述預旨，推引禮傳以成其說。 既卒哭，太子及三夫人以下皆隨御除服。
In the tenth year of Taishi, Empress Wu-Yuan Yang died. Erudite Zhang Jing proposed: "The crown prince should follow Emperor Wen of Han's expedient regulation, restrain his grief, and remove mourning dress." Erudite Chen Kui proposed: "The crown prince should be ordered to wear heavy mourning." Vice Director Lu Qin, Director Wei Shu, and Du Yu submitted: "The regulation of seclusion in grief comes down from antiquity; Gaozong has no passage on wearing mourning dress—he is only said not to speak. Emperor Wen of Han limited it to thirty-six days; the house of Wei took the completion of the yu sacrifice as the term. The crown prince and the state are one body; by principle he should release mourning dress. Erudite Duan Chang, following Du Yu's intent, cited the ritual texts to complete his argument. After the final wailing, the crown prince and all below the three ladies followed the sovereign in removing mourning dress.
51
自漢文用權禮，無復□禁，歷代遵用之。 至晉孝武崩，太傅錄尚書會稽王道子議：「山陵之後通婚嫁，不得作樂，以一朞為限。」 宋高祖崩，葬畢，吏民至于宮掖，悉通樂，唯殿內禁。
From the time Emperor Wen of Han employed expedient mourning rites, the old mourning restrictions ceased to apply, and successive dynasties followed the practice. When Emperor Xiaowu of Jin died, Grand Tutor and Recorder of the Department of State Affairs Prince Daozi of Kuaiji proposed: "After the mountain tomb, marriage may proceed and music may not be performed, for one year as the limit." When Emperor Gaozu of Song died, after burial officials and people even within the palace quarters all had music restored; only inside the halls was it forbidden.
52
宋武帝永初元年，黃門侍郎王準之議：「鄭玄喪制二十七月而終，學者多云得禮。 晉初用王肅議，祥禫共月，遂以為制。 江左以來，唯晉朝施用； 搢紳之士，猶多遵玄議。 宜使朝野一體。」 詔可。
In Yongchu 1, Palace Attendant Wang Zhunzhi proposed: "Zheng Xuan's mourning regulation ends at twenty-seven months, and scholars mostly say it accords with ritual. When Jin was founded, the court followed Wang Su's view and set the xiang and chan in the same month, and that became the standing rule. After the court moved south of the Yangzi, only the Jin regime actually enforced it; yet many scholar-officials still adhered to Zheng Xuan's position. Court and countryside ought to follow a single standard." The edict granted approval.
53
晉惠帝永康元年，愍懷太子薨，帝依禮服長子三年，羣臣服齊衰朞。
In Yongkang 1 of Emperor Hui of Jin, Crown Prince Minhuai died; the emperor observed the three-year mourning prescribed for an eldest son, and the officials wore one-year qi mourning.
54
晉孝武太元二十一年，孝武帝崩，李太后制三年之制。
In Taiyuan 21 of Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, the emperor died, and Empress Dowager Li took up the three-year mourning.
55
宋武帝永初三年，武帝崩，蕭太后制三年之服。
In Yongchu 3 of Emperor Wu of Song, the emperor died, and Empress Dowager Xiao wore the three-year mourning dress.
56
晉惠帝太安元年三月，皇太孫尚薨。 有司奏：「御服齊衰朞。」 詔通議。 散騎常侍謝衡以為諸侯之太子，誓與未誓，尊卑體殊，喪服云，為嫡子長殤。 謂未誓也。 已誓則不殤也。 中書令卞粹曰：「太子始生，故已尊重，不待命誓。 若衡議已誓不殤，則元服之子，當斬衰三年； 未誓而殤，則雖十九，當大功九月。 誓與未誓，其為升降也微； 斬與大功，其為輕重也遠。 而今注云，諸侯不降嫡殤，重嫌於無服，以大功為重嫡之服。 大功為重嫡之服，則雖誓，無復有三年之理明矣。 男能奉衞社稷，女能奉婦道，各以可成之年，而有已成之事，故可無殤，非孩齓之謂也。 謂殤後者，尊之如父，猶無所加，而止殤服。 況以天子之尊，為無服之殤，行成人之制邪。 凡諸宜重之殤，皆士大夫不加服，而令至尊獨居其重，未之前聞也。」 博士蔡克同粹。 祕書監摯虞議：「太子初生，舉以成人之禮，則殤理除矣。 太孫亦體君傳重，由位成而服全，非以年也。 天子無服殤之儀，絕朞故也。」 於是御史以上皆服齊衰。
In the third month of Taian 1 under Emperor Hui of Jin, the imperial great-grandson Shang died. The responsible offices reported: "The sovereign should wear one-year qi mourning." An edict called for a general debate. Xie Heng, Attendant-in-Ordinary of the Scattered Cavalry, argued that for a feudal lord's heir, sworn and unsworn status differ in rank, and that the mourning code treats a legitimate eldest son who dies young as "long shang"— meaning one who had not yet taken the adulthood oath. Once the oath had been taken, the case was no longer classified as shang. Bian Cui, Director of the Central Secretariat, said: "The crown prince is honored from birth and need not wait for the coming-of-age ceremony. If Heng is right that sworn heirs are not shang cases, then a son who had already capped should receive three years of severest mourning; but if he were unsworn and counted as shang, then even at nineteen he would wear only nine months of major mourning. The difference between sworn and unsworn is slight in rank; yet severest mourning and major mourning are worlds apart in weight. Yet the commentary now says that for a lord's legitimate heir who dies young, mourning is not reduced—for fear of wearing none at all—and major mourning is prescribed. If major mourning is the garment for a legitimate heir, then even after the adulthood oath there is plainly no room left for three-year mourning. When a son is old enough to serve the state and a daughter old enough to fulfill a wife's duties, each has already achieved what that age allows; shang may then be set aside—not meaning infants in arms. Those called "after shang" are honored like a father, yet nothing beyond shang garments is added. How could the Son of Heaven, in all his dignity, treat a death without full mourning garments as if it called for an adult's rites? For every shang death that ought to carry heavy mourning, ordinary officials wear nothing extra—yet the throne alone would bear the full weight? There is no precedent for that." Academician Cai Ke sided with Bian Cui. Zhi Yu, Supervisor of the Secretariat, argued: "The crown prince is invested with adult rites at birth, so the category of shang no longer applies. The imperial great-grandson likewise carries the weight of succession; mourning is determined by office fulfilled, not by years lived. The Son of Heaven has no shang-garment ritual, because the mourning period is cut short by rank." Thereupon the censor-in-chief and all ranks above him wore qi mourning.
57
晉康帝建元元年正月晦，成恭杜皇后周忌。 有司奏：「至尊朞年應改服。」 詔曰：「君親，名教之重也。 權制出於近代耳。」 於是素服如舊。 非漢、魏之典。
On the last day of the first month of the first year of Jianyuan under Emperor Kang of Jin came the weekly anniversary of Empress Chengong Du's death. The responsible offices reported: "At the end of the one-year mourning period the emperor should change out of mourning dress." The edict said: "Duty to ruler and parent lies at the heart of moral teaching. Expedient rules are a product of recent ages alone." He therefore continued in plain dress as before. That was not the Han and Wei precedent.
58
晉孝武太元九年，崇德太后褚氏崩。 后於帝為從嫂，或疑其服。 太學博士徐藻議：「資父事君而敬同。 又禮傳，其夫屬乎父道者，妻皆母道也。 則夫屬君道，妻亦后道矣。 服后宜以資母之義。 魯譏逆祀，以明尊尊。 今上躬奉康、穆、哀皇及靖后之祀，致敬同於所天。 豈可敬之以君道，而服廢於本親。 謂應服齊衰朞。」 於是帝制朞服。
In Taixuan 9 of Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, Chongde Empress Dowager Chu died. To the emperor she was his elder cousin's wife, and some questioned what mourning he should wear. Xu Zao, Doctor of the Imperial Academy, argued: "Honoring one's father and serving one's ruler demand the same reverence. The ritual commentaries also say that when a husband stands in the father's relation, his wife stands in the mother's. If the husband belongs to the lord's relation, the wife belongs to the empress's as well. Mourning for an empress should follow the principle applied to a foster mother. Lu condemned improper sacrifice in order to uphold the hierarchy of honor. The present emperor personally attends the sacrifices to Emperors Kang, Mu, and Ai and to Empress Jing, showing the same reverence he owes his sovereign lord. How could he honor her as a lord yet set aside mourning owed to his own kin? He concluded that the emperor should wear one-year qi mourning." The emperor thereupon adopted the one-year mourning garments.
59
晉安帝隆安四年，太皇太后李氏崩。 尚書祠部郎徐廣議：「太皇太后名位允正，體同皇極，理制備盡，情禮彌申。 陽秋之義，母以子貴。 既稱夫人，禮服從正。 故成風顯夫人之號，文公服三年之喪，子於父之所生，體尊義重。 且禮祖不厭孫，宜遂服無屈。 而緣情立制，若嫌明文不存，則疑斯從重。 謂應同於為祖母後齊衰朞。 永安皇后無服，但一舉哀。 百官亦一朞。」 詔可。
In Longan 4 of Emperor An of Jin, Grand Empress Dowager Li died. Xu Guang of the Secretariat's Ministry of Rites argued: "The grand empress dowager's title and rank are fully legitimate, her status equals the imperial apex, the ritual logic is complete, and the emotional obligation is all the greater. The Spring and Autumn principle is that a mother is honored through her son. Once she bears the title of consort, ritual mourning follows the standard form. Thus Duke Cheng gave his mother the title of lady, and Duke Wen wore three years of mourning—a child owes deep obligation to the mother his father honored. Moreover, ritual holds that an ancestor does not reject a grandson; mourning should be worn in full, without reduction. When regulation is shaped by affection, and no explicit text survives, the safer course is the heavier mourning. He held that the emperor should follow the same rule as for a paternal grandmother who had been widowed—one-year qi mourning. For the Yong'an empress there was no mourning dress, only a single ritual lament. The officials likewise observed one year of mourning." The edict approved.
60
宋文帝元嘉十七年七月壬子，元皇后崩。 兼司徒給事中劉溫持節監喪。 神虎門設凶門柏歷至西上閤，皇太子於東宮崇正殿及永福省並設廬。 諸皇子未有府第者，於西廨設廬。
On renzi day of the seventh month of the seventeenth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, Empress Yuan died. Liu Wen, who held concurrent posts as Minister of Education and Palace Attendant, took the imperial staff and oversaw the funeral. A mourning gate and cypress bier were erected at the Spirit Tiger Gate up to the West Upper Pavilion; the crown prince set mourning huts in the Chongzheng Hall of the Eastern Palace and in the Yongfu quarter. Princes who had not yet been granted residences set up mourning huts in the west wing.
61
元嘉十七年，元皇后崩。 皇太子心喪三年。 禮心喪者，有禫無禫，禮無成文，世或兩行。 皇太子心喪畢，詔使博議。 有司奏：「喪禮有禫，以祥變有漸，不宜便除即吉，故其間服以綅縞也。 心喪已經十三月，大祥十五月，祥禫變除，禮畢餘一朞，不應復有禫。 宣下以為永制。」 詔可。
In the seventeenth year of Yuanjia, Empress Yuan died. The crown prince observed inner mourning for three years. Ritual texts on inner mourning disagree over whether the chan is performed; no fixed rule exists, and different ages have followed different practices. When the crown prince's inner mourning ended, an edict called for a broad debate. The responsible offices reported: "Mourning ritual includes the chan stage, because the transition at xiang should be gradual and one ought not to cast off mourning at once; in that interval one wears pink-trimmed plain hemp. Inner mourning has already run thirteen months, and great xiang at fifteen; once xiang and chan are past, only one year of the rite remains—there should be no further chan. Let this be proclaimed as the permanent rule." The edict approved.
62
孝武孝建三年三月，有司奏：「故散騎常侍、右光祿大夫、開府儀同三司義陽王師王偃喪逝。 至尊為服緦三月，成服，仍即公除。 至三月竟，未詳當除服與不？ 又皇后依朝制服心喪，行喪三十日公除。 至祖葬日，臨喪當著何服？ 又舊事，皇后心喪，服終除之日，更還著未公除時服，然後就除。 未詳今皇后除心制日，當依舊更服？ 為但釋心制中所著布素而已？ 勒禮官處正。」 太學博士王膺之議：「尊卑殊制，輕重有級，五服雖同，降厭則異。 禮，天子止降旁親，外舅緦麻，本在服例，但衰絰不可以臨朝饗，故有公除之議。 雖釋衰襲冕，尚有緦麻之制。 愚謂至尊服三月既竟，猶宜除釋。」 又議：「吉凶異容，情禮相稱。 皇后一月之限雖過，二功之服已釋，哀情所極，莫深於尸柩，親見之重，不可以無服。 案周禮，為兄弟既除喪已，及其葬也，反服其服。 輕喪雖除，猶齊衰以臨葬。 舉輕明重，則其理可知也。 愚謂王右光祿祖葬之日，皇后宜反齊衰。」 又議：「喪禮即遠，變除漸輕，情與日殺，服隨時改。 權禮既行，服制已變，豈容終除之日，而更重服乎？ 案晉泰始三年，武帝以朞除之月，欲反重服拜陵，頻詔勤勤，思申棘心。 于時朝議譬執，亦遂不果。 愚謂皇后終除之日，不宜還著重服，直當釋除布素而已。」 太常丞朱膺之議：「凡云公除，非全除之稱。 今朝臣私服，亦有公除，猶自窮其本制。 膺之云，晉武拜陵不遂反服，此時是權制，既除衰麻，不可以重制耳。 與公除不同。 愚謂皇后除心制日，宜如舊反服未公除時服，以申創巨之情。」 餘同膺之議。 國子助教蘇瑋生議：「案三日成服即除，及皇后行喪三十日，禮無其文。 若並謂之公除，則可粗相依准。 凡諸公除之設，蓋以王制奪禮。 葬及祥除，皆宜反服。 未有服之於前，不除於後。 雖有齊斬重制，猶為功緦除喪。 夫公除暫奪，豈可遂以即吉邪。 愚謂至尊三月服竟，故應依禮除釋。 皇后臨祖，及一周祥除，並宜反服齊衰。」 尚書令、中軍將軍建平王宏議謂：「至尊緦制終，止舉哀而已。 不須釋服。」 餘同朱膺之議。 前祠部郎中周景遠議：「權事變禮，五服俱革，緦麻輕制，不容獨異。」 謂：「至尊既已公除，至三月竟，不復有除釋之義。」 其餘同朱膺之議。 重加研詳，以宏議為允。 詔可。
In the third month of Xiaojian 3 under Emperor Xiaowu, the responsible offices reported: "Wang Yan, former Attendant-in-Ordinary of the Scattered Cavalry, Right Director of the Imperial Household, Commander Equal to the Three Dukes, and tutor to the Prince of Yiyang, has died. The emperor wore finest-grade hemp mourning for three months, completed the initial mourning garments, and at once undertook public removal. When the three months ended, it was unclear whether he should fully lay the mourning aside. The empress, following court regulations, also observed inner mourning and undertook public removal after thirty days. On the day of the grandfather's burial, what dress should she wear when attending the funeral? By former practice, when an empress ended inner mourning, on the day of final removal she put on again the dress she had worn before public removal, and only then completed the mourning. It is unclear whether, on the day the empress ends inner mourning today, she should follow the old custom and don mourning dress again— or simply set aside the plain cloth she wore during inner mourning? Let the ritual officials determine the correct practice." Wang Yingzhi, Doctor of the Imperial Academy, argued: "High and low follow different rules; lighter and heavier mourning have their grades; though the five garments share a common scheme, reduction by rank differs. By ritual the Son of Heaven reduces mourning only for collateral kin. A maternal uncle wears finest hemp and falls within the mourning canon, but hemp bands cannot be worn at court or at feasts—hence the institution of public removal. Even after shedding hemp for court dress, the rule of finest-grade mourning still applies in private. I hold that once the emperor's three months are complete, he should fully lay the mourning aside." He argued further: "Joyous and mournful occasions require different dress; emotion and ritual must correspond. Though the empress has passed the one-month limit and set aside her second-grade mourning dress, grief reaches its depth at the coffin; the obligation of seeing the deceased face to face cannot be met without mourning garments. The Rites of Zhou provide that for a brother, once mourning has been removed, one puts the mourning garments back on for the burial. Even after lighter mourning has been set aside, one still wears qi mourning for the burial. If the lighter case requires this, the heavier case follows by analogy. I hold that on the day of the burial of Wang Yan's grandfather, the empress should return to qi mourning." He argued further: "As mourning recedes, each stage of removal grows lighter; grief fades day by day, and dress changes with the calendar. Once expedient mourning has been observed and the dress code altered, how on the day of final removal could one put on heavy mourning again? In Jin the third year of Taishi, Emperor Wu, in the month when one-year mourning was ending, wished to resume heavy dress to visit his father's tomb; edict after edict urged the court on, seeking to express his anguished heart. Court opinion was stubbornly divided, and in the end the plan failed. I hold that on the empress's day of final removal she should not resume heavy mourning, but simply lay aside the plain cloth." Zhu Yingzhi, Director under the Minister of Ceremonies, argued: "Whenever one speaks of gongchu—public removal—it does not mean complete removal. Today when court ministers observe private mourning, they too undergo public removal, yet still fulfill the full mourning term in private. Wang Yingzhi noted that when Emperor Wu of Jin tried to revisit the tomb in mourning dress he did not succeed—that was an expedient rule; once hemp had been set aside, the heavy mourning could not be imposed again. That case differs from public removal. I hold that on the day the empress ends inner mourning she should, following old practice, return to the dress worn before public removal, so as to express the depth of her grief." On the remaining points the court followed Zhu Yingzhi's view. Su Weisheng, an assistant instructor at the National University, argued: "The rites nowhere prescribe completing mourning dress in three days and then laying it aside, nor an empress mourning for only thirty days. If both are treated as public removal of mourning, they can be aligned only in the roughest sense. Every provision for public removal exists because state business overrides normal mourning. At burial and at the subduing-year release from mourning, mourners should again don mourning dress. One does not wear mourning earlier only to refuse to lay it aside later. Even the heaviest qi and zhan mourning is still ended according to the lighter gong and si grades. Public removal is only a temporary suspension; how can one immediately resume festive dress? I hold that once the emperor's three-month mourning is complete, he should end it in the proper ritual manner. When the empress attends her grandfather-in-law's burial, and at the first-year subduing release, she should again wear qi mourning." Prince Hong of Pingping, Minister Over the Masses and General of the Central Army, argued: "Once the emperor's three-month si mourning ends, he need only offer lamentation. He need not lay aside mourning dress." On all other points he agreed with Zhu Yingzhi. Zhou Jingyuan, formerly of the Sacrifices Bureau, wrote: "When exigency alters ritual, every grade of mourning changes together; the lightest si grade cannot stand apart." He added: "Once the emperor has undergone public removal, the end of three months no longer calls for a further ritual release." On the remaining points he followed Zhu Yingzhi. After further review, Hong's opinion was accepted. The emperor approved.
63
大明二年正月，有司奏：「故右光祿大夫王偃喪，依格皇后服朞，心喪三年，應再周來二月晦。 檢元嘉十九年舊事，武康公主出適，二十五月心制終盡，從禮即吉。 昔國哀再周，孝建二年二月，其月末，諸公主心制終，則應從吉。 于時猶心禫素衣，二十七月乃除，二事不同。」 領儀曹郎朱膺之議：「詳尋禮文，心喪不應有禫，皇代考檢，已為定制。 元嘉季年，禍難深酷，聖心天至，喪紀過哀。 是以出適公主，還同在室，即情變禮，非革舊章。 今皇后二月晦，宜依元嘉十九年制，釋素即吉。 以為永準。」 詔可。
In the first month of the second year of Daming, officials reported: "The late Right Director of the Masters of Writing Wang Yan has died. By regulation the empress wears one-year mourning with three years of heart-mourning; the second full cycle should end on the last day of the coming second month. The precedent from the nineteenth year of Yuanjia shows Princess Wukang, after marrying out, completing heart-mourning in the twenty-fifth month and then resuming normal dress as the rites allow. At the second cycle of national mourning, in Xiaojian 2, the princesses' heart-mourning ended at the close of the second month and they should have resumed normal dress. On that occasion they still wore plain dress for the final period of heart-mourning and did not leave mourning until the twenty-seventh month—the two cases differ. Zhu Yingzhi of the Ceremonies Bureau argued: "The classics do not prescribe a final mourning period for heart-mourning; the court has long since fixed the rule. In the late Yuanjia years catastrophe was severe; the emperor's grief was boundless and mourning observances went beyond the norm. Princesses who had married out were therefore treated like unmarried daughters—a concession to feeling, not a revision of statute. The empress should now, at the end of the second month, follow the nineteenth year of Yuanjia: lay aside plain dress and resume normal clothing. Let this stand as the permanent rule. The emperor approved.
64
文帝元嘉十五年，皇太子妃祖父右光祿大夫殷和喪，變除之禮，儀同皇后。
In the fifteenth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen, when the crown prince's consort's grandfather Yin He died, the rules for changing and ending mourning matched those for the empress.
65
晉孝武太元十五年，淑媛陳氏卒，皇太子所生也。 有司參詳母以子貴，贈淑媛為夫人，置家令典喪事。 太子前衞率徐邈議：「喪服傳稱，與尊者為體，則不服其私親。 又君父所不服，子亦不敢服。 故王公妾子服其所生母，練冠麻衣，既葬而除。 非五服之常，則謂之無服。」 從之。
In Jin Taiyuan 15, Shuyuan Chen died; she was the crown prince's birth mother. Officials ruled that, as a mother is ennobled through her son, Shuyuan was posthumously made a Lady and a household steward was appointed for the funeral. Xu Miao argued: "The Mourning Garments commentary says that one who shares a single body with a superior does not mourn private kin. What lord and father do not observe, the son likewise may not observe. Sons of kings and dukes by concubines therefore mourned their birth mothers in a practice cap and hemp, laying these aside after burial. What falls outside the regular five grades is treated as no mourning. The court adopted his view.
66
宋孝武大明五年閏月，皇太子妃薨。 樟木為櫬，號曰樟宮。 載以龍輴。 造陵於龍山，置大匠卿斷草，司空告后土。 謂葬曰山塋。 祔文元皇后廟之陰室，在正堂後壁之外，北向。 御服大功九月，設位太極東宮堂殿。 中監、黃門侍郎、僕射並從服。 從服者，御服衰乃從服，他日則否。 宮臣服齊衰三月，其居宮者處寧假。
In the intercalary fifth month of Daming, Emperor Xiaowu's crown prince's consort died. Her outer coffin was of camphor wood and was called the Camphor Palace. She was borne on the dragon hearse. A tomb was raised on Dragon Mountain; the Director of Great Works cleared the ground and the Minister of Works reported to the earth spirit. Burial was termed a "mountain tomb. She was enshrined in the side chamber of Empress Wenyuan's temple, in the space behind the main hall's rear wall, facing north. The court wore da gong mourning for nine months, and a mourning station was set in the Eastern Palace hall of the Supreme Ultimate. The palace supervisor, Gentlemen of the Yellow Gate, and the Steward all wore following mourning. Follow-mourning is worn only on days when the court is in mourning; otherwise normal dress applies. Palace officers wore qi mourning for three months; those living in the palace kept to the mourning lodge.
67
大明五年閏月，有司奏：「依禮皇太后服太子妃小功五月，皇后大功九月。」 右丞徐爰參議：「宮人從服者，若二御哭臨應著衰時，從服者悉著衰，非其日如常儀。 太子既有妃朞服，詔見之日，還著公服。 若至尊非哭臨日幸東宮，太子見亦如之。 宮臣見至尊，皆著朱衣。」
In the intercalary fifth month of Daming, officials reported: "By the rites the empress dowager wears xiao gong for five months for the crown prince's consort, and the empress wears da gong for nine months. Xu Yuan added: "When the two consorts attend a wailing ceremony in mourning, all follow-mourners should wear mourning; on other days ordinary dress applies. While the crown prince is in one-year mourning for his consort, on days when he is summoned to audience he should wear court dress. If the emperor visits the Eastern Palace on a day other than a wailing day, the crown prince should receive him in court dress as well. Palace officers appearing before the emperor all wore vermilion robes.
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大明五年閏月，有司奏：「皇太子妃薨，至尊、皇后並服大功九月，皇太后小功五月。 未詳二御何當得作鼓吹及樂？」 博士司馬興之議：「案禮，『齊衰大功之喪，三月不從政』。 今臨軒拜授，則人君之大典，今古既異，賒促不同。 愚謂皇太子妃祔廟之後，便可臨軒作樂及鼓吹。」 右丞徐爰議：「皇太子妃雖未山塋，臨軒拜官，舊不為礙。 樟棺在殯，應縣而不作。 祔後三御樂，宜使學官擬禮上。」 興之又議：「案禮，大功至則辟琴瑟，誠無自奏之理。 但王者體大，理絕凡庶。 故漢文既葬，悉皆復吉，唯縣而不樂，以此表哀。 今准其輕重，侔其降殺，則下流大功，不容撤樂以終服。 夫金石賓饗之禮，簫管警塗之衞，實人君之盛典，當陽之威飾，固亦不可久廢於朝。 又禮無天王服嫡婦之文，直後學推貴嫡之義耳。 既已制服成喪，虛懸終窆，亦足以甄崇冢正，標明禮歸矣。」 爰參議，皇太子朞服內，不合作樂及鼓吹。
In the intercalary fifth month of Daming, officials reported: "With the crown prince's consort dead, the emperor and empress wear da gong for nine months and the empress dowager xiao gong for five. It was unclear when the two consorts might resume drum music and ordinary music. Erudite Sima Xingzhi cited the rites: "In qi and da gong mourning one does not handle government for three months. Yet ascending the hall to confer office is a ruler's greatest public act; past and present differ, and the time allowed varies. I hold that once the consort is enshrined, the court may resume hall audiences, music, and drum signals." Xu Yuan replied: "Even before mountain burial, conferring offices at hall audience was never barred. While the camphor coffin lies in the mourning hall, instruments should hang but not sound. After enshrinement, music for the three consorts should be drafted by the ritual scholars and submitted. Xingzhi argued again: "The rites require setting zithers and se aside in da gong mourning; the mourner plainly should not play music himself. Yet the king's station is vast and stands apart from ordinary people. After Emperor Wen of Han's burial, all resumed festive dress, but music hung silent—mourning shown by suspension alone. Applied by analogy, lesser ranks in da gong mourning cannot keep music suspended for the full mourning term. Bronze bells and stone chimes for guests, pipes guarding the imperial progress—these are a ruler's great ceremonies and the display of majesty; they cannot long be absent from court. The classics also contain no rule for a Son of Heaven mourning a principal consort; later scholars merely extended the honor due a principal wife. Once formal mourning is complete and only final burial remains outstanding, that is enough to honor the head of the house and mark ritual obligation. Xu Yuan concurred: while the crown prince remains in one-year mourning, drum music and ordinary music should not be performed.
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明帝泰始中，陳貴妃父金寶卒。 貴妃制服三十日滿，公除。 晉穆帝時，東海國言哀王薨踰年，嗣王乃來繼，不復追服，羣臣皆已反吉，國妃亦宜同除。 詔曰：「朝廷所以從權制者，以王事奪之，非為變禮也。 婦人傳重義大，若從權制，義將安託。」 於是國妃終三年之制。 孫盛曰：「廢三年之禮，開偷薄之源，漢、魏失之大者也。 今若以丈夫宜奪以王事，婦人可終本服，是為吉凶之儀，雜陳於宮寢，綵素之制，乖異於內外，無乃情禮俱違，哀樂失所乎。 蕃國寡務，宜如聖典，可無疑矣。」
In Emperor Ming's Taishi reign, Jin Bao, father of Honored Consort Chen, died. The consort wore mourning for thirty days, then underwent public removal. Under Emperor Mudi of Jin, Donghai reported that the lamented prince had been dead more than a year before the heir succeeded without renewing mourning; ministers had resumed normal dress, and the princess should do the same. The throne replied: "The court's expedient rule exists because state business overrides mourning—not to change ritual itself. For a woman, carrying on the patriline matters deeply; if expedient rule is applied to her, what becomes of that obligation?" The princess therefore completed the full three-year mourning. Sun Sheng wrote: "Abolishing three-year mourning opened the way to shallow conduct—a grave error of Han and Wei. If men may be cut short for state business but women must finish full mourning, auspicious and mourning observances mingle in the inner quarters and colored and plain dress diverge within and without—feeling and rite are both breached, and grief and joy lose their places. A feudal domain has few state duties; it should follow the sage canon without question."
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宋文帝元嘉四年八月，太傅長沙景王神主隨子南兗州刺史義欣鎮廣陵，備所加殊禮下船。 及至鎮，入行廟。 大司馬臨川烈武王神主隨子荊州刺史義慶江陵，亦如之。
In the fourth year of Yuanjia, the spirit tablet of Grand Tutor Prince Jing of Changsha accompanied his son Yixin, inspector of Southern Yanzhou at Guangling, with all special honors, down to the ship. On reaching his post he entered the traveling temple. The spirit tablet of Grand Marshal the Martial King of Linchuan likewise followed his son Yiqing, inspector of Jingzhou at Jiangling.
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元嘉二十三年七月，白衣領御史中丞何承天奏：
In the twenty-third year of Yuanjia, He Chengtian, acting censor in plain dress, submitted a memorial:
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尚書刺：「海鹽公主所生母蔣美人喪。 海鹽公主先離婚，今應成服，撰儀注參詳，宜下二學禮官博士議公主所服輕重。 太學博士顧雅議：『今既咸用士禮，便宜同齊衰削杖，布帶疏履，朞，禮畢，心喪三年。』 博士周野王議又云：『今諸王公主咸用士禮。 譙王、衡陽王為所生太妃皆居重服，則公主情禮，亦宜家中朞服為允。』 其博士庾邃之、顏測、殷明、王淵之四人同雅議； 何惔、王羅雲二人同野王議。」 如所上臺案。 今之諸王，雖行士禮，是施於傍親及自己以下。 至於為帝王所厭，猶一依古典。 又永初三年九月，符修儀亡，廣德三主以餘尊所厭，猶服大功。 海鹽公主體自宸極，當上厭至尊，豈得遂服。 臺據經、傳正文，并引事例，依源責失。 而博士顧雅、周野王等捍不肯怗，方稱「自有宋以來，皇子蕃王，皆無厭降，同之士禮，著於故事。 緦功之服，不廢於末戚，顧獨貶於所生，是申其所輕，奪其所重。 奪其所重，豈緣情之謂。」 臺伏尋聖朝受終于晉，凡所施行，莫不上稽禮文，兼用晉事。 又太元中，晉恭帝時為皇子，服其所生陳氏，練冠縓緣，此則前代施行故事，謹依禮文者也。 又廣德三公主為所生母符修儀服大功，此先君餘尊之所厭者也。 元嘉十三年，第七皇子不服曹婕妤，止於麻衣，此厭乎至尊者也。 博士既不據古，又不依今，背違施行見事，而多作浮辭自衞。 乃云五帝之時，三王之季。 又言長子去斬衰，除禫杖，皆是古禮，不少今世。 博士雖復引此諸條，無救於失。 又詰臺云：「蕃國得遂其私情，此義出何經記？」 臣案南譙、衡陽太妃並受朝命，為國小君，是以二王得遂其服，豈可為美人比例。 尋蕃王得遂者，聖朝之所許也。 皇子公主不得申者，由有厭而然也。 臺登重更責失制不得過十日，而復不酬答。 既被催攝二三日，甫輸怗辭。 雖理屈事窮，猶聞義恥服。 臣聞喪紀有制，禮之大經； 降殺攸宜，家國舊典。 古之諸侯眾子，猶以尊厭； 況在王室，而欲同之士庶。 此之僻謬，不俟言而顯。 太常統寺，曾不研却，所謂同乎失者，亦未得之。 宜加裁正，弘明國典。
The Masters of Writing reported: "Lady Jiang the Beauty, birth mother of Princess Haiyan, has died. Princess Haiyan had divorced; she must now mourn. Ritual officers were to determine the grade of mourning after consultation among university and ritual erudites. National University erudite Gu Ya argued: "Since commoners' rites now apply, the princess should wear qi mourning with staff, cloth belt, and loose shoes for one year, then heart-mourn for three years. Erudite Zhou Yewang added: "All princes and princesses now follow commoners' rites. Princes Qiao and Hengyang wore heavy mourning for birth mothers who were grand consorts; a princess's feeling and duty should likewise allow household one-year mourning. Erudites Yu Suizhi, Yan Ce, Yin Ming, and Wang Yuanzhi agreed with Gu Ya; He Tan and Wang Luoyun sided with Zhou Yewang. As set forth in the memorial above. Today's princes apply commoners' rites only to collateral kin and to those beneath themselves. Those whom the emperor's station disdains still follow the ancient canon in full. In Yongchu 3, when Cultivated Consort Fu died, the three Guangde princesses, though disdained as residual honor, still wore da gong. Princess Haiyan springs from the imperial apex and should be subject to the emperor's utmost disdain—how can she simply wear mourning? The Masters of Writing cited canonical texts and precedents, traced the source, and found the erudites in error. Yet Gu Ya, Zhou Yewang, and others refused to yield, insisting that "since Song began, imperial sons and feudal princes have known no disdain-reduction and have followed commoners' rites by precedent. Si and gong mourning is not dropped even for distant kin—yet Gu alone would demote mourning for one's birth mother, asserting the light and seizing the heavy. To seize what is heavy—can that be called following feeling? The Masters of Writing noted humbly: our dynasty received the mandate from Jin and in all enactments looks to ritual texts while also following Jin precedent. In the Taiyuan era, when Emperor Gong of Jin was still a prince, he mourned his birth mother Chen in a practice cap with hemp edging—a Jin precedent strictly following the classics. The three Guangde princesses wore da gong for Cultivated Consort Fu, their birth mother—disdain under the former ruler's residual honor. In the thirteenth year of Yuanjia, the seventh prince did not mourn Excellent Lady Cao but stopped at hemp garments—disdain under the emperor's utmost station. The erudites cited neither antiquity nor current practice, defied precedents now in force, and defended themselves with empty rhetoric. They went on to invoke "the age of the Five Emperors" and "the twilight of the Three Kings." They also claimed that when the eldest son sheds the hemmed mourning and lays aside the chan staff, these are all ancient rites and in no way inferior to current practice. Even when the doctors cited these passages again, it could not save their position from error. He also pressed the Secretariat: "If feudatory princes may act on private filial feeling, in which classic or record is that principle found?" The memorialist replies: The consorts-dowager of Nanqiao and Hengyang both held court appointments as petty sovereigns of their states, which is why those two princes could complete their mourning—how can that be compared with a palace lady? As for feudatory princes who were allowed to complete mourning, that was something our dynasty expressly permitted. That imperial princes and princesses could not press their mourning was due to honor-suppression. The Secretariat again charged them with violating the rule that procedural failures must not exceed ten days, yet they still gave no answer. After being pressed to answer for two or three days, they finally submitted a compliant reply. Though their argument was defeated and their case exhausted, they still felt shame at yielding on principle. I have heard that mourning has fixed regulations—the great constant of ritual; graded reduction as appropriate is the long-standing canon of family and state. In antiquity even the many sons of feudal lords were still subject to honor-suppression; how much more within the imperial house—and yet they wish to be treated like common scholars and commoners. This perversity is obvious without need of further argument. The Director of Ceremonies, who oversees the ritual bureau, never examined and rejected this; as for what is called "sharing the same error," they too have not understood it. They should be corrected so that the national statutes may be clarified and upheld.
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謹案太學博士顧雅、國子助教周野王、博士王羅雲、顏測、殷明、何惔、王淵之、前博士遷員外散騎侍郎庾邃之等，咸蒙抽飾，備位前疑，既不謹守舊文，又不審據前准，遂上背經典，下違故事，率意妄作，自造禮章。 太常臣敬叔位居宗伯，問禮所司，騰述往反，了無研却，混同茲失，亦宜及咎。 請以見事並免今所居官，解野王領國子助教。 雅、野王初立議乖舛，中執捍愆失，未違十日之限，雖起一事，合成三愆，羅雲掌押捍失，三人加禁固五年。 詔敬叔白衣領職。 餘如奏。
Respectfully reported: University Doctor Gu Ya, Imperial University assistant instructor Zhou Yewang, Doctors Wang Luoyun, Yan Ce, Yin Ming, He Tan, and Wang Yuanzhi, and former Doctor, now Attendant Gentleman of the Secretariat Yuan Suizhi—all had been selected and elevated to advisory posts; yet they neither carefully upheld the old texts nor properly applied prior precedents, and so turned their backs on the classics above while violating established practice below, following whim to invent ritual provisions on their own. Minister of Ceremonies Jingshu holds the post of ritual elder and heads the office charged with ritual questions; in drafting exchanges back and forth he never examined and rejected the error, and by mingling himself in the same mistake he too should bear blame. It is requested that, on the basis of the facts now before the court, they all be removed from their present offices, and that Zhou Yewang be relieved of his concurrent post as Imperial University assistant instructor. Ya and Yewang first proposed the mistaken opinion and then persisted in resisting admitted faults, without exceeding the ten-day limit; though the matter arose once, together it constitutes three offenses. Luoyun supervised the drafting and resistance to fault. The three men are to be placed under banishment confinement for five years. An edict ordered Jingshu to carry out his duties in plain clothes. The remainder as memorialized.
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元嘉二十九年，南平王鑠所生母吳淑儀薨。 依禮無服，麻衣練冠，既葬而除。 有司奏：「古者與尊者為體，不得服其私親。 而比世諸侯咸用士禮，五服之內，悉皆成服，於其所生，反不得遂。」 於是皇子皆申母服。
In the twenty-ninth year of Yuanjia, the birth mother of Prince Shuo of Nanping, Lady Wu Shuyi, died. By ritual there was no full mourning garment; they wore hemp clothes and a white-trimmed cap, which were removed after burial. The relevant offices memorialized: "In antiquity one formed one's ritual body with a superior and therefore could not wear mourning for private kin. Yet in recent times feudal lords have all used commoner ritual: within the five degrees of mourning everyone completes full mourning, while toward their birth mothers they are not allowed to do so." Thereupon all imperial princes were allowed to observe mourning for their mothers.
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孝武帝孝建元年六月己巳，有司奏：「故第十六皇弟休倩薨夭，年始及殤，追贈諡東平沖王。 服制未有成准，輙下禮官詳議。」 太學博士陸澄議：「案禮有成人道，則不為殤。 今既追胙土宇，遠崇封秩，圭黻備典，成孰大焉。 典文式昭，殤名去矣。 夫典文垂式，元服表身，猶以免孺子之制，全丈夫之義。 安有名頒爵首，而可服以殤禮。」 有司尋澄議無明證，却使秉正更上。 澄重議：「竊謂贈之為義，所以追加名器。 故贈公者便成公，贈卿者便成卿。 贈之以王，得不為王乎？ 然則有在生而封，或既沒而爵，俱受帝命，不為吉凶殊典； 同備文物，豈以存亡異數。 今璽策咸秩，是成人之禮； 羣后臨哀，非下殤之制。 若喪用成人，親以殤服，末學含疑，未之或辨。 敢求詳衷如所稱。」 左丞臣羊希參議：「尋澄議，既無畫然前例，不合准據。 案禮，子不殤父，臣不殤君。 君父至尊，臣子恩重，不得以幼年而降。 又曰，『尊同則服其親服』，推此文旨，旁親自宜服殤，所不殤者唯施臣子而已。」 詔可。
On the jisi day of the sixth month in Xiaojian 1 of Emperor Xiaowu, the relevant offices memorialized: "The late sixteenth imperial younger brother Xiujian died young, having just reached the age of shang mourning; he was posthumously enfeoffed and given the posthumous title Prince Chong of Dongping. There is no established standard for mourning dress, and the matter was urgently referred to the ritual officers for detailed deliberation." University Doctor Lu Cheng argued: "According to ritual, if one has attained the way of adulthood, one is not treated under the shang rules. Now that sacrificial territory has been granted and enfeoffment rank has been raised to a high level, with regalia and emblems complete according to canon, how much greater is full maturity? When canonical texts and forms are made manifest, the designation of shang is set aside. Canonical texts provide enduring models, and the capping ceremony marks the person; even so, infant regulations are set aside and the status of a full adult is completed. How can one receive a title conferring feudal rank and still be mourned under the shang rules?" The relevant offices found that Cheng's argument lacked clear precedent, rejected it, and had Bing Zheng submit a further opinion. Cheng argued again: "I venture that the meaning of posthumous enfeoffment is to add title and regalia. Thus one who is posthumously made a duke thereby becomes a duke, and one posthumously made a minister thereby becomes a minister. If one is posthumously made a king, can he not be treated as a king? There are cases of enfeoffment in life and cases of ennoblement after death, but both receive the imperial command and are not given different canonical treatment according to whether the event is auspicious or inauspicious; both are fully equipped with regalia and ritual objects—how can living and dead be treated by different standards? Now that seals and patent are all in due order, this is the ritual of a full adult; the assembly of nobles attending the mourning is not the regulation for lower shang. If the funeral follows adult ritual while relatives wear shang mourning, later scholars may harbor doubt, but none has clearly distinguished the point. I dare request detailed deliberation along the lines stated." Left Assistant Minister Yang Xi submitted a joint opinion: "Examining Cheng's argument, there is neither a clear prior precedent nor a basis on which to approve it. According to ritual, a son does not mourn a father under the shang rules, and a minister does not mourn a lord under the shang rules. Lord and father are supremely honored, and the obligation of minister or son is weighty; one cannot reduce mourning because of youth. It also says, "when rank is the same, one wears mourning for the relative"—extending the meaning of this passage, collateral kin should naturally wear shang mourning; only toward lord and father does the rule against shang mourning apply." The edict approved.
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孝建元年六月，湘東國刺稱「國太妃以去三十年閏六月二十八日薨。 未詳周忌當在六月？ 為取七月？ 勒禮官議正」。 博士丘邁之議：「案吳商議，閏月亡者，應以本正之月為忌。 謂正閏論雖各有所執，商議為允。 宜以今六月為忌。」 左僕射建平王宏謂：「邁之議不可准據。 案晉世及皇代以來，閏月亡者，以閏之後月祥。 宜以來七月為祥忌。」 及大明元年二月，有司又奏：「太常鄱陽哀王去年閏三月十八日薨。 今為何月末祥除？」 下禮官議正。 博士傅休議：「尋三禮，喪遇閏，月數者數閏，歲數者沒閏，閏在朞內故也。 鄱陽哀王去年閏三月薨，月次節物，則定是四月之分，應以今年四月末為祥。 晉元、明二帝，並以閏二月崩，以閏後月祥，先代成准，則是今比。」 太常丞庾蔚之議：「禮，正月存親，故有忌日之感。 四時既已變，人情亦已衰，故有二祥之殺。 是則祥忌皆以同月為議，而閏亡者，明年必無其月，不可以無其月而不祥忌，故必宜用閏所附之月。 閏月附正，公羊明議，故班固以閏九月為後九月，月名既不殊，天時亦不異。 若用閏之後月，則春夏永革，節候亦舛。 設有人以閏臘月亡者，若用閏後月為祥忌，則祥忌應在後年正月。 祥涉三載，既失周朞之義，冬亡而春忌，又乖致感之本。 譬今年末三十日亡，明年末月小，若以去年二十九日親尚存，則應用後年正朝為忌，此必不然。 則閏亡可知也。」 通關並同蔚之議，三月末祥。
In the sixth month of Xiaojian 1, a memorial from the principality of Xiangdong stated: "The state consort-dowager died on the twenty-eighth day of the intercalary sixth month thirty years ago. It is unclear whether the annual mourning anniversary should fall in the sixth month, or whether the seventh month should be taken? The ritual officers were ordered to deliberate and decide." Doctor Qiu Maizhi argued: "According to Wu Shang's discussion, when someone dies in an intercalary month, the mourning anniversary should be observed in the corresponding regular month. Although advocates of the regular month and of the intercalary month each have their own position, Shang's discussion is sound. The present sixth month should be taken as the anniversary." Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Prince Hong of Pingping said: "Maizhi's discussion cannot be approved. Examining Jin times and our own dynasty, when someone died in an intercalary month the xiang was observed in the month following the intercalary month. The coming seventh month should be taken for the xiang and the anniversary." Then in the second month of the first year of Daming, the relevant offices memorialized: "Prince Ai of Poyang, Director of Ceremonies, died on the eighteenth day of the intercalary third month last year. In which month-end should the xiang removal now fall? The matter was sent down to the ritual officers for deliberation. Doctor Fu Xiu argued: "According to the Three Rites, when mourning encounters an intercalary month, if one counts by months one counts the intercalary month, but if one counts by years one omits it, because the intercalary month falls within the mourning period. Prince Ai of Poyang died in the intercalary third month last year; by month sequence and seasonal markers it clearly belongs to the fourth month, and the xiang should therefore fall at the end of the fourth month this year. Emperors Yuan and Ming of Jin both died in the intercalary second month and observed the xiang in the month after the intercalary month; that established precedent applies to the present case. Director of Ceremonies Assistant Yu Weizhi argued: "In ritual, the first month preserves the kin, and therefore gives rise to the feeling associated with the anniversary. Once the four seasons have changed, human feeling has also waned, and therefore the two xiang observances are reduced. Thus both xiang and anniversary are normally observed in the same month; but one who dies in an intercalary month will have no such month in the following year, and one cannot omit the xiang and anniversary merely because that month is absent. Therefore one must use the regular month to which the intercalary month is attached. The intercalary month is attached to the regular month, as the Gongyang commentary clearly states; hence Ban Gu treats the intercalary ninth month as the latter ninth month. The month name is not different, nor is the season. If one uses the month after the intercalary month, spring and summer would be permanently displaced and the seasonal markers would also be wrong. Suppose someone dies in the intercalary twelfth month: if the month after the intercalary month were used for the xiang and anniversary, those observances would fall in the first month of the year after next. The xiang would then span three years, violating the meaning of the Zhou mourning period; a death in winter with an anniversary in spring would also violate the root principle of evoking feeling. For example, if someone dies on the thirtieth day at the end of the year and the last month of the following year is short, one could not say that because the kin was still alive on the twenty-ninth of last year, the anniversary should be observed on New Year's Day of the year after next—that surely cannot be right. From this the rule for intercalary-month death becomes clear. The offices through the Secretariat all agreed with Weizhi: the xiang should fall at the end of the third month.
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大明五年七月，有司奏：「故永陽縣開國侯劉叔子夭喪，年始四歲，傍親服制有疑。」 太學博士虞龢、領軍長史周景遠、司馬朱膺之、前太常丞庾蔚之等議，並云「宜同成人之服。 東平沖王服殤，實由追贈，異於已受茅土」。 博士司馬興之議：「應同東平殤服。」 左丞荀萬秋等參議：「南面君國，繼體承家，雖則佩觿，未闕成德，君父名正，臣子不容服殤，故云『臣不殤君，子不殤父』。 推此，則知傍親故依殤制。 東平沖王已經前議。 若升仕朝列，則為大成，故鄱陽哀王追贈太常，親戚不降。 愚謂下殤以上，身居封爵，宜同成人。 年在無服之殤，以登官為斷。 今永陽國臣，自應全服，至於傍親，宜從殤禮。」 詔「景遠議為允」。
In the seventh month of the fifth year of Daming, the relevant offices memorialized: "The former founding marquis of Yongyang County, Liu Shuzi, died young at the age of four, and there is doubt about the mourning dress of collateral kin." University Doctor Yu He, Chief Clerk of the Army of the Palace Guard Zhou Jingyuan, Marshal Zhu Yingzhi, former Director of Ceremonies Assistant Yu Weizhi, and others all argued that "they should wear the same mourning as adults. Prince Chong of Dongping wore shang mourning only because of posthumous enfeoffment, which differs from one who had already received a territorial fief." Doctor Sima Xingzhi argued: "They should follow the shang mourning used for Dongping." Left Assistant Minister Xun Wanqiu and others submitted a joint opinion: "One who faces south to rule a state and succeeds to the patrimony, though still wearing the girdle pendant of youth, has not yet failed in full virtue; the names of lord and father are established, and as minister or son one may not wear shang mourning—hence the saying, "a minister does not mourn a lord under shang rules, a son does not mourn a father under shang rules. Extending this principle, one sees that collateral kin should follow the shang regulations. Prince Chong of Dongping had already been decided by the earlier deliberation. If one rises to court office, one is treated as fully mature; therefore when Prince Ai of Poyang was posthumously made Director of Ceremonies, collateral kin did not reduce mourning. In my humble view, from lower shang upward, if one personally holds a feudal title, one should be treated like an adult. For ages within shang mourning for which no garment is prescribed, holding office should be the dividing line. In the present case, the subjects of Yongyang should wear full mourning, but collateral kin should follow shang ritual." An edict said: "Jingyuan's discussion is approved."
78
後廢帝元徽二年七月，有司奏：「第七皇弟訓養母鄭修容喪。 未詳服制，下禮官正議。」 太學博士周山文議：「案庶母慈己者，小功五月。 鄭玄云：『其使養之不命為母子，亦服庶母慈己之服。』 愚謂第七皇弟宜從小功之制。」 參議並同。
In the seventh month of Yuanhui 2 under the Deposed Emperor, the relevant offices memorialized: "The foster mother of the seventh imperial younger brother, Lady Zheng Xiurong, has died. The mourning regulations are unclear, and the matter was sent down to the ritual officers for correct deliberation." University Doctor Zhou Shanwen argued: "According to ritual, for a concubine mother who has shown affection to the child, one wears xiao-gong mourning for five months. Zheng Xuan says: "If she was made to rear the child but was not formally appointed mother and son, one still wears mourning for a concubine mother who has shown affection." In my humble view the seventh imperial younger brother should follow the xiao-gong regulation." The joint deliberators all agreed.
79
漢、魏廢帝喪親三年之制，而魏世或為舊君服三年者。 至晉泰始四年，尚書何楨奏：「故辟舉綱紀吏，不計違適，皆反服舊君齊衰三月。」 於是詔書下其奏，所適無貴賤，悉同依古典。
Under Han and Wei, deposed emperors observed the three-year mourning for kin, and in Wei times some still wore three years of mourning for a former lord. By the fourth year of Taishi of Jin, Minister of the Secretariat He Zhen memorialized: "Former officials raised through recommendation and registry, regardless of whether they had left office properly or improperly, all returned to wear qi-sackcloth mourning for three months for their former lord." Thereupon an edict transmitted his memorial, and wherever they had gone, high or low alike followed the ancient canon.
80
魏武以正月崩，魏文以其年七月設伎樂百戲，是魏不以喪廢樂也。 晉武帝以來，國有大喪未除，正會亦廢樂。 太安元年，太子喪未除，正會亦廢樂。 穆帝永和中，為中原山陵未修復，頻年會，輒廢樂。 是時太后臨朝，后父褚裒薨，元會又廢樂。
Emperor Wu of Wei died in the first month, and in the seventh month of that same year Emperor Wen of Wei established a hundred kinds of music and entertainments—thus Wei did not suspend music because of mourning. From Emperor Wu of Jin onward, when the state was in great mourning that had not yet ended, the regular court assembly also suspended music. In Taian 1, when the crown prince's mourning had not yet ended, the regular assembly also suspended music. During Emperor Mu's Yonghe reign, the tombs of the Central Plains still unrestored, and at each year's grand assembly music was set aside. The empress dowager was regent at the time; when the empress's father Chu Pou died, music was again suspended at the New Year's assembly.
81
晉世孝武太元六年，為皇后王氏喪，亦廢樂。 宋大喪則廢樂。
Under Jin's Emperor Xiaowu, in the sixth year of Taiyuan, music was likewise suspended for the mourning of Empress Wang. In the Song, a great imperial mourning also meant suspending music.
82
漢獻帝建安末，魏武帝作終令曰：「古之葬者，必在瘠薄之地，其規西原上為壽陵。 因高為基，不封不樹。 周禮，冢人掌公墓之地，凡諸侯居左右以前，卿大夫居後。 漢制亦謂之陪陵。 其公卿大臣列將有功者，宜陪壽陵。 其廣為兆域，使足相容。」 魏武以送終制衣服四篋，題識其上，春秋冬夏日有不諱，隨時以斂。 金珥珠玉銅鐵之物，一不得送。 文帝遵奉，無所增加。 及受禪，刻金璽，追加尊號。 不敢開埏，乃為石室，藏璽埏首，示陵中無金銀諸物也。 漢禮明器甚多，自是皆省矣。
Late in Jian'an, Emperor Xian of Han's reign, Cao Cao issued his final instructions: "Ancient burials were placed on lean, poor soil; he planned Shouling on the western heights. The grave took the hill itself as its form—no mound, no planted trees. The Rites of Zhou assign the tomb-keeper charge of the royal cemetery: feudal lords to the sides and front, ministers and grandees to the rear. Han usage called this "accompanying the tomb." Meritorious ministers, great officials, and ranked generals were to be buried beside Shouling. The burial precinct was to be widened until all could be accommodated." Cao Cao set out four boxes of burial garments, each labeled; with no seasonal taboo, he was to be dressed according to the time of year. Nothing of gold, jade, pearls, bronze, or iron was to go into the tomb. Emperor Wen followed the instructions without addition. After accepting the throne, a golden seal was carved and further honorific titles added. He would not open the tomb passage; instead a stone chamber was built and the seal placed at the passage head, showing the mound held no gold or silver. Han funeral rites had required many mingqi; from this point they were largely cut away.
83
文帝黃初三年，又自作終制：「禮，國君即位，為椑，存不忘亡也。 壽陵因山為體，無封無樹，無立寢殿，造園邑，通神道。 夫葬者，藏也。 欲人之不能見也。 禮不墓祭，欲存亡之不黷也。 皇后及貴人以下，不隨王之國者，有終沒，皆葬澗西，前又已表其處矣。」 此詔藏之宗廟，副在尚書、祕書三府，明帝亦遵奉之。 明帝性雖崇奢，然未遽營陵墓也。
In Huangchu year three, Cao Pi issued his own final instructions: "Ritual requires a ruler, on accession, to prepare his coffin—so the living do not forget the dead. Shouling was to take the mountain as its form—no mound, no trees, no sleeping hall, no park-settlement, no spirit-way. To bury is to hide away. The aim is that none may see the dead. Ritual forbids sacrifice at the mound, lest the living profane the dead. The empress and consorts who did not follow the king to his fief were, at death, buried west of the Jian; the sites had already been designated." The edict was kept in the ancestral temple, with copies in the Masters of Writing and Secretariat offices; Emperor Ming likewise obeyed it. Emperor Ming loved display, yet he did not rush to build his tomb.
84
晉宣帝豫自於首陽山為土藏，不墳不樹，作顧命終制，斂以時服，不設明器。 文、景皆謹奉成命，無所加焉。
Jin's Emperor Xuan prepared ahead of time an earthen burial on Mount Shouyang—no mound, no trees—with a testament ordering seasonal dress and no mingqi. Emperors Wen and Jing both strictly kept the command without addition.
85
景帝崩，喪事制度，又依宣帝故事。
At Emperor Jing's death, funeral arrangements again followed Emperor Xuan's precedent.
86
武帝泰始四年，文明王皇后崩，將合葬，開崇陽陵。 使太尉司馬望奉祭，進皇帝蜜璽綬於便房神坐。 魏氏金璽，此又儉矣。
In Taishi year four, Empress Wang of the Civilized era died; for joint burial Chongyang Tomb was opened. Grand Commandant Sima Wang was sent to sacrifice and present the imperial honey seal and cord at the spirit seat in the side chamber. Even Wei's golden seal—here was austerity once more.
87
泰始二年，詔曰：「昔舜葬蒼梧，農不易畝； 禹葬會稽，巿不改肆。 上惟祖考清簡之旨，外欲移陵十里內居人，一切停之。」 江左元、明崇儉，且百度草創，山陵奉終，省約備矣。
A Taishi year two edict read: "When Shun was buried at Cangwu, farmers did not change their fields; when Yu was buried at Kuaiji, markets did not move their stalls. Inwardly I honor my forebears' simplicity; outwardly I had wished to relocate residents within ten li of the tombs—all of that is halted." In the south, Yuan and Ming prized austerity; with institutions still being formed, tombs and funerals were kept spare.
88
成帝咸康七年，杜后崩。 詔外官五日一入臨，內官旦一入而已。 過葬虞祭禮畢止。 有司奏：「大行皇后陵所作凶門栢歷，門號顯陽端門。」 詔曰：「門如所處，凶門栢歷，大為煩費，停之。」 案蔡謨說，以二瓦器盛死者之祭，繫於木表，裹以葦席，置於庭中近南，名為重。 今之凶門，是其遺象也。 禮，既虞而作主。 今未葬，未有主，故以重當之。 禮稱為主道，此其義也。 范堅又曰：「凶門非古。 古有懸重，形似凶門。 後人出之門外以表喪，俗遂行之。 薄帳，即古弔幕之類也。」 是時又詔曰：「重壤之下，豈宜崇飾無用。 陵中唯潔掃而已。」 有司又奏依舊選公卿以下六品子弟六十人為挽郎。 詔又停之。
In Xiankang year seven under Emperor Cheng, Empress Du died. Outer officials were to mourn once every five days; inner officials only once each morning. Attendance ceased once burial, the yu sacrifice, and the rites were complete. Offices reported: "For the late empress's tomb a mourning gate and cypress frame are under construction, the gate to be named Xianyang Duangate." The edict replied: "Let the gate stand as proposed; the mourning gate and cypress frame are far too costly—halt them." Cai Mo explained that two pottery vessels of offerings for the dead were tied to a wooden pole, wrapped in reed matting, and set in the courtyard toward the south—called a chong; today's mourning gate preserves that image. Ritual requires making a spirit tablet after the yu sacrifice. Before burial there is no tablet yet; hence the chong serves in its stead. Ritual terms this "the way of the lord"—that is the point. Fan Jian added: "The mourning gate is not ancient. Antiquity had a suspended chong, which looked like a mourning gate. Later people set it outside the gate to mark mourning, and custom kept the practice. The thin mourning canopy belongs to the same class as the ancient mourning screen." Another edict of the time said: "Beneath the heavy earth, how can useless ornament be heaped up? Within the tomb let there be only clean sweeping." Offices again proposed, per old custom, choosing sixty youths of sixth rank and below from officials' families as pallbearers. The edict again halted it.
89
孝武帝太元四年九月，皇后王氏崩。 詔曰：「終事唯從儉速。」 又詔：「遠近不得遣山陵使。」 有司奏選挽郎二十四人。 詔停。
In the ninth month of Taiyuan year four under Emperor Xiaowu, Empress Wang died. The edict said: "The funeral should be frugal and swift." Another edict forbade dispatching tomb envoys from near or far. Offices proposed selecting twenty-four pallbearers. The edict halted it.
90
宋文帝元嘉十七年，元皇后崩，詔亦停選挽郎。
In Yuanjia year seventeen, when the primary empress of Song's Emperor Wen died, pallbearers were likewise not chosen.
91
漢儀五供畢則上陵，歲歲以為常。 魏則無定禮。 齊王在位九載，始一謁高平陵，而曹爽誅。 其後遂廢，終魏世。
Han practice made ascending to the tomb after the five offerings an annual constant. Wei had no fixed rule for it. The Prince of Qi, in nine years on the throne, visited Gaoping Tomb only once—then Cao Shuang was put to death. After that the practice lapsed for the rest of Wei.
92
晉宣帝遺詔：「子弟羣官，皆不得謁陵。」 於是景、文遵旨。 至武帝猶再謁崇陽陵，一謁峻平陵，然遂不敢謁高原陵。 至惠帝復止也。 逮江左初，元帝崩後，諸公始有謁陵辭陵之事，蓋由眷同友執，率情而舉，非洛京之舊也。 成帝時，中宮亦年年拜陵，議者以為非禮，於是遂止，以為永制。 至穆帝時，褚太后臨朝，又拜陵，帝幼故也。 至孝武崩，驃騎將軍司馬道子命曰：「今雖權制釋服，至於朔望諸節，自應展情陵所，以一周為斷。」 於是至陵變服單衣𢂿，煩瀆無準，非禮意也。 至安帝元興元年，尚書左僕射桓謙奏曰：「百僚拜陵，起於中興，非晉舊典。 積習生常，遂為近法。 尋武皇帝詔，乃不使人主諸王拜陵，豈唯百僚。 謂宜遵奉。」 於是施行。 及義熙初，又復江左之舊。
Emperor Xuan of Jin's testament ordered: "Sons, younger brothers, and officials must not visit the tombs." Emperors Jing and Wen obeyed. Emperor Wu still visited Chongyang Tomb twice and Junping Tomb once, but did not dare visit Gaoyuan Tomb. Under Emperor Hui it ceased again. Early in the southern court, after Emperor Yuan's death officials began tomb visits and leave-taking—born of personal affection, not Luoyang precedent. Under Emperor Cheng the inner palace too visited tombs yearly; critics called it unritual, and it was stopped as permanent rule. Under Emperor Mu, Empress Dowager Chu as regent resumed tomb visits—the emperor was still a child. At Emperor Xiaowu's death, Sima Daozi ordered: "Though provisional rule ends mourning dress, new and full moons and festivals should still be observed at the tombs, for one week at a time." At the tombs they then wore plain single garments and mourning trousers, with repeated visits and no standard—contrary to ritual. In Yuanxing year one under Emperor An, Huan Qian memorialized: "Officials' tomb visits began in the Restoration—not Jin's old canon. Long habit became custom and passed for recent law. Emperor Wu's edict forbade the ruler and imperial princes from visiting tombs—how much less the hundred officials alone. We should follow and observe it." Thereupon it was enforced. At the beginning of Yixi the old southern practice returned.
93
宋明帝又斷羣臣初拜謁陵，而辭如故。 自元嘉以來，每歲正月，輿駕必謁初寧陵，復漢儀也。 世祖、太宗亦每歲拜初寧、長寧陵。
Emperor Ming of Song again barred officials' initial tomb visits, while farewell visits remained. From Yuanjia on, each first month the imperial carriage visited Chuning Tomb—restoring Han practice. Emperors Shizu and Taizong likewise visited Chuning and Changning tombs yearly.
94
漢以後，天下送死奢靡，多作石室石獸碑銘等物。 建安十年，魏武帝以天下雕弊，下令不得厚葬，又禁立碑。 魏高貴鄉公甘露二年，大將軍參軍太原王倫卒，倫兄俊作表德論，以述倫遺美，云「祗畏王典，不得為銘，乃撰錄行事，就刊於墓之陰云爾」。 此則碑禁尚嚴也。 此後復弛替。
After Han, funerary display grew extravagant—stone chambers, stone beasts, steles, and inscriptions multiplied. In Jian'an year ten, with the realm exhausted, Cao Cao forbade lavish burial and the erection of steles. In Ganlu year two of Wei, staff officer Wang Lun of Taiyuan died; his brother Jun wrote a virtue eulogy, saying he dared not make an inscription per the royal ban but would record Lun's conduct on the tomb's shaded side. This shows the stele ban was still strict. Thereafter it slackened again.
95
晉武帝咸寧四年，又詔曰：「此石獸碑表，既私褒美，興長虛偽，傷財害人，莫大於此。 一禁斷之。 其犯者雖會赦令，皆當毀壞。」 至元帝太興元年，有司奏：「故驃騎府主簿故恩營葬舊君顧榮，求立碑。」 詔特聽立。 自是後，禁又漸頹。 大臣長吏，人皆私立。 義熙中，尚書祠部郎中裴松之又議禁斷，於是至今。
In Xianning year four, Emperor Wu of Jin issued an edict: "Stone beasts and stele tables, as private praise, breed vanity, waste wealth, and harm people—nothing worse. Let them be wholly forbidden. Even offenders covered by amnesty must have them destroyed." In Taixing year one, offices reported: "The former chief clerk of the General of Agile Cavalry, burying his lord Gu Rong, seeks leave to erect a stele." The edict specially allowed it. From then the ban gradually collapsed. Great ministers and chief local officers all erected private steles. In Yixi, Pei Songzhi of the Sacrificial Affairs Bureau again proposed a ban—and it has held since.
96
順帝昇明三年四月壬辰，御臨軒，遣使奉璽綬禪位於齊王，懸而不樂。
On renchen of the fourth month, Shengming year three, Emperor Shun faced the hall, sent envoys with seal and cord to abdicate to the Prince of Qi, and hung up music unperformed.
97
宋明帝泰始二年九月，有司奏：「皇太子所生陳貴妃禮秩既同儲宮，未詳宮臣及朝臣並有敬不？ 妃主在內相見，又應何儀？」 博士王慶緒議：「百僚內外禮敬貴妃，應與皇太子同。 其東朝臣隸，理歸臣節。」 太常丞虞愿等同慶緒。 尚書令建安王休仁議稱：「禮云，妾既不得體君，班秩視子為序。 母以子貴，經著明文。 內外致敬貴妃，誠如慶緒議。 天子姬嬪，不容通音介於外，雖義可致虔，不應有牋表。」 參詳休仁議為允。 詔可。
In Taishi year two, month nine, offices asked: "Honored Consort Chen, the crown prince's birth mother, now ranks with the heir—should palace and court officials all show respect? When consort and palace mistress meet within, what ceremony applies?" Erudite Wang Qingxu held: "Officials inside and out should respect the honored consort as they do the crown prince. Eastern-palace retainers, by principle, stand in subject relation." Assistant Director Yu Yuan and others agreed with Qingxu. Director Wang Xiuren of Jian'an argued: "Ritual says a concubine cannot embody the lord; rank and precedence follow the son in order. When a mother is ennobled through her son, the canonical texts state it in plain terms. Inner and outer officials ought to pay homage to the Honored Consort, just as Wang Qingxu proposed. Imperial consorts must not communicate with the outside world; even where devotion might warrant contact, they should not send memorials or formal letters. After joint review, Xiu Ren's opinion was adopted. The emperor approved.
98
泰豫元年，後廢帝即位，崇所生陳貴妃為皇太妃。 有司奏：「皇太妃位亞尊極，未詳國親舉哀格當一同皇太后？ 為有降異？ 又於本親朞以下，當猶服與不？」 前曹郎王燮之議：「案喪服傳，『妾服君之黨，得與女君同』。 如此，皇太妃服宗與太后無異。 但太后既以尊降無服，太妃儀不應殊，故悉不服也。 計本情舉哀，其禮不異。 又禮，『諸侯絕朞』。 皇太妃雖云不居尊極，不容輕於諸侯。 謂本親朞以下，一無所服。 有慘自宜舉哀。 親疏二儀，準之太后。」 兼太常丞司馬燮之議：「禮，『妾服君之庶子及女君之黨』。 皆謂大夫士耳。 妾名雖總，而班有貴賤。 三夫人九嬪，位視公卿。 大夫猶有貴妾，而況天子。 諸侯之妾為他妾之子無服，既不服他妾之子，豈容服君及女君餘親。 況皇太后妃貴亞相極，禮絕羣后，崇輝盛典，有踰東儲，尚不服朞，太妃豈應有異。 若本親有慘，舉哀之儀，宜仰則太后。」 參議以燮之議為允。 太妃於國親無服，故宜緣情為諸王公主於至尊是朞服者反，其太妃王妃三夫人九嬪各舉哀。
In the first year of Taiyu (473), the deposed emperor took the throne and elevated his birth mother, Honored Consort Chen, to Imperial Grand Consort. The relevant offices submitted: "The Imperial Grand Consort stands just below the highest dignity. Should imperial relatives mourn her on the same footing as the Empress Dowager? Or should mourning be scaled down? And for her own relatives within the one-year mourning circle, should she still wear mourning dress?" Former Bureau of Appointments clerk Wang Xiezhi argued: "The Mourning Dress Commentary says, 'A concubine mourns the lord's kin group and may match the principal wife. On that reading, the Grand Consort's mourning obligations toward the imperial clan would match the Empress Dowager's. Yet because the Empress Dowager's supreme rank released her from mourning obligation, the Grand Consort's protocol should not differ—so she wore no mourning at all. When it came to expressing grief from genuine feeling, the ritual would not differ. Ritual also states that "feudal lords terminate one-year mourning." Although the Imperial Grand Consort does not hold the highest dignity, she cannot be ranked below a feudal lord. For her own kin within the one-year mourning circle, she would wear no mourning dress at all. When personal bereavement struck, she should still express mourning. The two protocols—close kin and distant kin—should follow the Empress Dowager's model." Acting Grand Master of Ceremonies aide Sima Xiezhi argued: "Ritual states, 'A concubine mourns the lord's sons by other women and the principal wife's kin. This applies only to grandees and officers. Though all are called "concubines," their ranks divide high from low. The Three Ladies and Nine Concubines held ranks comparable to dukes and ministers. Even grandees could have honored concubines—how much more the Son of Heaven. A feudal lord's concubine did not mourn another concubine's son; if she did not mourn another concubine's son, how could she mourn the lord or the principal wife's other kin? Moreover, the Empress Dowager and Honored Consort stood next to the throne; ritual set them apart from other consorts; their splendid rites even outranked the Eastern Heir—yet they still wore no one-year mourning. How could the Grand Consort be treated differently? When her own kin suffered bereavement, the mourning rite should follow the Empress Dowager's precedent." After joint deliberation, Xiezhi's opinion was adopted. Because the Grand Consort owed no mourning dress to imperial kin, the court should let affection govern the case: princes and princesses who would ordinarily mourn the emperor for a year should be released from that duty, while the Grand Consort, royal consorts, the Three Ladies, and the Nine Concubines should each perform mourning as appropriate.
99
宋孝武帝孝建三年八月戊子，有司奏：「雲杜國解稱國子檀和之所生親王，求除太夫人。 檢無國子除太夫人先例，法又無科。 下禮官議正。」 太學博士孫豁之議：「春秋，『母以子貴』。 王雖為妾，是和之所生。 案五等之例，鄭伯許男同號夫人，國子體例，王合如國所生。」 太常丞庾蔚之議：「『母以子貴』，雖春秋明義，古今異制，因革不同。 自頃代以來，所生蒙榮，唯有諸王。 既是王者之嬪御，故宜見尊於蕃國。 若功高勳重，列為公侯，亦有拜太夫人之禮。 凡此皆朝恩曲降，非國之所求。 子男妾母，未有前比。」 祠部郎中朱膺之議以為：「子不得爵父母，而春秋有『母以子貴』。 當謂傳國嗣君母，本先公嬪媵，所因藉有由故也。 始封之身，所不得同。 若殊績重勳，恩所特錫，時或有之，不由司存。」 所議參議，以蔚之為允。 詔可。
On wuzi day in the eighth month of the third year of Xiaojian (456), the relevant offices reported that the state of Yundu asked to ennoble the birth mother of its heir, Tan Hezhi, as Grand Lady. No precedent could be found for a state heir elevating his mother to Grand Lady, and no statute covered the case. The case was sent to the ritual officers for a ruling. Grand Academy erudite Sun Huozhi argued: "The Spring and Autumn Annals says, 'The mother is ennobled through the son. Though the prince's mother was a concubine, she was Hezhi's birth mother. Under the five-rank precedent, the Earl of Zheng and Baron of Xu alike called their wives "Lady"; by the protocol for state heirs, a prince should follow the same rule as a feudatory state's birth mother." Grand Master of Ceremonies aide Yu Weizhi argued: "'The mother is ennobled through the son' is clear Spring and Autumn doctrine, but institutions differ across ages and reforms do not match. In recent generations, only princes' birth mothers had been honored in this way. As consorts of a prince, they ought to be honored within the feudatory domain. When merit was great enough to merit enfeoffment as duke or marquis, there was also the rite of appointing a Grand Lady. All such cases were gracious favors from the court, not requests initiated by the feudatory state. No earlier parallel existed for ennobling the concubine-mother of a viscount or baron." Director of the Sacrificial Affairs Bureau Zhu Yingzhi argued: "Sons may not ennoble their parents, yet the Spring and Autumn says, 'The mother is ennobled through the son. This must refer to the mother of the heir who receives state succession—originally a concubine or attendant of the former lord—where the succession itself supplies the grounds. Someone receiving a first enfeoffment could not be treated the same way. When achievement was extraordinary, the court might grant the honor as a special favor; this occurred from time to time and was not a matter for the ritual offices to decide on their own." After joint review, Weizhi's opinion was adopted. The emperor approved.
100
大明二年六月，有司奏：「凡侯伯子男世子喪，無嗣，求進次息為世子。 檢無其例，下禮官議正。」 博士孫武議：「案晉濟北侯荀勗長子連卒，以次子輯拜世子。 先代成準，宜為今例。」 博士傅郁議：「禮記，微子立衍，商禮斯行。 仲子舍孫，姬典攸貶。 歷代遵循，靡替于舊。 今胙土之君在而世子卒，厥嗣未育，非捨孫之謂。 愚以為次子有子，自宜紹為世孫。 若其未也，無容遠搜輕屬，承綱繼體，傳之有由。 父在立子，允稱情典。」 曹郎諸葛雅之議：「案春秋傳云，『世子死，有母弟則立之，無則立長，年均擇賢，義均則卜』。 古之制也。 今長子早卒，無嗣，進立次息以為世子，取諸左氏，理義無違。 又孫武所據晉濟北侯荀勗長子卒，立次子，亦近代成例。 依文採比，竊所允安。 謂宜開許，以為永制。」 參議為允。 詔可。
In the sixth month of the second year of Daming (458), the relevant offices reported that whenever a feudal heir died without issue, the family sought to advance the second son as heir apparent. No precedent could be found, and the case was sent to the ritual officers for a ruling. Erudite Sun Wu argued: "In Jin, when Lian, eldest son of Marquis Xun of Jibei, died, the second son Ji was appointed heir apparent. That earlier precedent should serve as the rule for today." Erudite Fu Yu argued: "The Record of Rites says that when Weizi established Yan, the ritual of Shang was carried out. When Zhongzi passed over his grandson, the Zhou canon condemned it. Successive generations had followed this without departing from ancient custom. Today the enfeoffed lord still lives while the heir apparent dies without a son of his own—this is not the case of setting aside a grandson. I hold that if the second son already has a son, that grandson should naturally succeed as heir grandson. If he has no son yet, one cannot search far among remote kin to carry on the succession; transmission must have a proper basis. Appointing an heir while the father still lives aptly matches ritual feeling." Bureau clerk Zhuge Yazhi argued: "The Zuo Commentary says, 'When the heir apparent dies, if there is a younger brother of the same mother, establish him; if not, establish the eldest; if ages are equal, choose the worthy; if worth is equal, divine. Such was the ancient institution. Now the eldest son died young without issue; advancing the second son as heir apparent, following the Zuo Commentary, accords with reason and right. Sun Wu also cited the recent Jin precedent in which, when Marquis Xun of Jibei's eldest son died, the second son was established. Comparing the texts, I find the solution acceptable. The practice should be authorized and made a permanent rule." After joint review, the proposal was approved. The emperor approved.
101
大明十二年十一月，有司奏：「興平國解稱國子袁愍孫母王氏，應除太夫人。 檢無國子除太夫人例。 下禮官議正。」 太學博士司馬興之議：「案禮，下國卿大夫之妻，皆命天子。 以斯而推，則子男之母，不容獨異。」 博士程彥議以為：「五等雖差，而承家事等。 公侯之母，崇號得從，子男於親，尊秩宜顯。 故春秋之義，『母以子貴』。 固知從子尊與國均也。 彥參議，以興之議為允。 除王氏為興平縣開國子太夫人。」 詔可。
In the eleventh month of the twelfth year of Daming (468), the relevant offices reported that the state of Xingping asked to appoint the mother of its heir, Yuan Minsun, Lady Wang, as Grand Lady. No precedent could be found for a state heir elevating his mother to Grand Lady. The case was sent to the ritual officers for a ruling. Grand Academy erudite Sima Xingzhi argued: "Ritual holds that the wives of ministers in subordinate states were all appointed by the Son of Heaven. By that reasoning, the mother of a viscount or baron could not be treated as a separate exception." Erudite Cheng Yan argued: "Though the five ranks differed, they equally bore the family charge. Dukes and marquises could honor their mothers with exalted titles; for viscounts and barons, kinship rank should likewise be displayed. Hence the Spring and Autumn principle: "The mother is ennobled through the son." From this it is clear that honor gained through the son equals honor of the state itself. On joint review, Yan adopted Xingzhi's opinion. Lady Wang was appointed Grand Lady of the Baron of Xingping county." The emperor approved.
102
大明四年九月，有司奏：「陳留國王曹虔秀長兄虔嗣早卒，秀襲封之後，生子銑以繼虔嗣。 今依例應拜世子，未詳應以銑為世子？ 為應立次子鍇？」 太學博士王溫之、江長議，並為應以銑為正嗣。 太常陸澄議立鍇。 右丞徐爰議謂：「禮後大宗，以其不可乏祀。 諸侯世及，春秋成義。 虔嗣承家傳爵，身為國王，雖薨沒無子，猶列昭穆。 立後之日，便應即纂國統。 于時既無承繼，虔秀以次襲紹。 虔嗣既列廟饗，故自與世數而遷。 豈容蒸嘗無闕，橫取他子為嗣。 為人胤嗣，又應恭祀先父。 案禮文，公子不得禰諸侯。 虔嗣無緣降廟就寢。 銑本長息，宜還為虔秀世子。」 詔如爰議。
In the ninth month of the fourth year of Daming (460), the relevant offices reported that King Cao Qianxiu of Chenliu's elder brother Qian Si had died early; after Qianxiu inherited the fief, he fathered a son Miao to continue Qian Si's line. By statute an heir apparent should now be appointed; it was unclear whether Miao should be named heir apparent— —or whether the second son Kai should be established instead? Grand Academy erudites Wang Wenzhi and Jiang Chang both held that Miao should be the legitimate heir. Grand Master of Ceremonies Lu Cheng argued for establishing Kai. Right Assistant Director Xu Yuan argued: "Ritual honors the great descent line because sacrifice cannot be left without a recipient. Feudal succession by generation was the established meaning of the Spring and Autumn. Qian Si inherited the house and transmitted the fief; he had been king in his own person; though he died without a son, he still stood in the ancestral tablets. On the day an heir was established, he should at once have succeeded to the state line. At that time there was no successor, so Qianxiu succeeded by order of seniority. Because Qian Si was already enrolled in ancestral offerings, he naturally shifted with the generational sequence. How could seasonal sacrifices be left without a recipient while another man's son was seized as heir? As an adopted heir, he should also respectfully sacrifice to his natural father. According to ritual texts, a lord's son may not treat his father as an enfeoffed lord in sacrifice. Qian Si had no grounds to descend in the temple and take the lower place. Miao was originally the eldest son; he should be restored as Qianxiu's heir apparent." The emperor followed Xu Yuan's opinion.
103
宋文帝元嘉十三年七月，有司奏：「御史中丞劉式之議，『每至出行，未知制與何官分道，應有舊科。 法唯稱中丞專道，傳詔荷信，詔喚眾官，應詔者行，得制令無分別他官之文，既無畫然定則，準承有疑。 謂皇太子正議東儲，不宜與眾同例，中丞應與分道。 揚州刺史、丹陽尹、建康令，並是京輦土地之主，或檢校非違，或赴救水火，事應神速，不宜稽駐，亦合分道。 又尋六門則為行馬之內，且禁衞非違，並由二衞及領軍，未詳京尹、建康令門內之徒及公事，亦得與中丞分道與不？ 其准參舊儀，告報參詳所宜分道』。 聽如臺所上，其六門內，既非州郡縣部界，則不合依門外。 其尚書令、二僕射所應分道，亦悉與中丞同。」
In the seventh month of the thirteenth year of Yuanjia (436), the relevant offices reported Censor-in-Chief Liu Shizhi's argument: "Whenever the emperor goes abroad, regulations do not clearly state which officials should have separate roadways; there ought to be an old statute. The law speaks only of the censor's exclusive roadway; imperial messengers bearing credentials summon officials, and those summoned proceed—but the regulations contain no text distinguishing other officials; with no clearly fixed rule, following precedent is doubtful. He held that the Crown Prince, as the proper Eastern Heir, should not be treated like ordinary officials; the censor should have a separate roadway from him. The Inspector of Yangzhou, Governor of Danyang, and Magistrate of Jiankang were all masters of the capital region; whether inspecting violations or rushing to fires and floods, their business required speed and should not be delayed—they too should have separate roadways. Moreover, within the six gates lay the imperial escort zone; guard violations were handled by the Two Guards and the Commander-in-Chief—it was unclear whether the capital governor, magistrate, their subordinates within the gates, and official business might also have separate roadways from the censor. Let the old protocol serve as standard, reported and jointly reviewed to determine who should have separate roadways.'" Approval was given as the Secretariat proposed: within the six gates, since the area was not the territory of a province, prefecture, or county, the rule for outside the gates did not apply. The Director of the Department of State Affairs and the two Vice Directors who should have separate roadways were all treated the same as the censor."
104
孝武帝大明六年五月，詔立凌室藏冰。 有司奏，季冬之月，冰壯之時，凌室長率山虞及輿隸取冰於深山窮谷涸陰沍寒之處，以納于凌陰。 務令周密，無泄其氣。 先以黑牡秬黍祭司寒於凌室之北。 仲春之月，春分之日，以黑羔秬黍祭司寒。 啟冰室，先薦寢廟。 二廟夏祠用鑑盛冰，室一鑑，以禦溫氣蠅蚋。 三御殿及太官膳羞，並以鑑供冰。 自春分至立秋，有臣妾喪，詔贈祕器。 自立夏至立秋，不限稱數以周喪事。 繕制夷盤，隨冰借給。 凌室在樂游苑內，置長一人，保舉吏二人。
In the fifth month of the sixth year of Daming (462), Emperor Xiaowu ordered an ice house built for storing ice. The relevant offices reported: In the last month of winter, when ice had hardened, the ice-house chief would lead foresters and carriage attendants to gather ice from deep mountains and remote valleys where shade was thick and cold penetrating, and store it in the ice vault. The vault had to be sealed tight so none of the cold escaped. First a black bull and black millet were offered to the Cold Lord north of the ice house. In the second month of spring, on the day of the spring equinox, a black lamb and black millet were offered to the Cold Lord. The ice house was opened, and ice was first presented at the ancestral temple. For summer sacrifices at the two temples, ice was held in mirrors—one per chamber—to ward off warm air, flies, and gnats. The three imperial halls and the Grand Steward's prepared delicacies all received ice in mirrors. From the spring equinox to the beginning of autumn, when a minister or concubine died, the court granted secret coffins by edict. From the establishment of summer to the beginning of autumn, the number of grants was not limited, to cover funeral needs. Flat trays were prepared and lent out with the ice as needed. The ice house stood within Leyou Park; one chief was appointed and two clerks were recommended for promotion.
105
三公黃閤，前史無其義。 史臣按，禮記「士韠與天子同，公侯大夫則異」。 鄭玄注：「士賤，與君同，不嫌也。」 夫朱門洞啟，當陽之正色也。 三公之與天子，禮秩相亞，故黃其閤，以示謙不敢斥天子，蓋是漢來制也。 張超與陳公箋，「拜黃閤將有日月」是也。
The yellow doors of the Three Excellencies—earlier histories give no explanation for the practice. The historian comments: The Record of Rites says, "Officers' knee-covers match the Son of Heaven's; dukes, marquises, and grandees differ." Zheng Xuan annotates: "Officers are lowly; sharing with the ruler is not offensive." Vermilion gates open wide—that is the correct color facing the sun. The Three Excellencies stood close to the Son of Heaven in ritual rank; therefore their doors were painted yellow, to show humility and not presume upon the emperor—likely a Han institution. Zhang Chao's letter to the Duke of Chen, "bowing at the yellow doors will take days yet," refers to this practice.
106
史臣按：今朝士詣三公，尚書丞、郎詣令、僕射、尚書，並門外下車，履，度門閫乃納屐。 漢世朝臣見三公，並拜。 丞、郎見八座，皆持板揖，事在漢儀及漢舊儀，然則並有敬也。 陳蕃為光祿勳，范滂為主事，以公儀詣蕃，執板入閤，至坐，蕃不奪滂板，滂投板振衣而去。 郭泰責蕃曰：「以階級言之，滂宜有敬； 以類數推之，至閤宜省。」 然後敬止在門，其來久矣。
The historian comments: Today when court gentlemen visit the Three Excellencies, and Secretariat directors and gentlemen visit the Director, Vice Directors, and Ministers, they all dismount outside the gate, walk in shoes, and only at the threshold put on slippers. In Han times court ministers seeing the Three Excellencies all bowed. Directors and gentlemen seeing the Eight Seats all held their tablets and bowed with joined hands—this appears in the Han Protocol and Old Han Protocol; both involved reverence. When Chen Fan was Director of the Imperial Secretariat and Fan Pang chief clerk, Pang came to Fan by official protocol, tablet in hand, through the inner door; reaching the seat, Fan did not take Pang's tablet; Pang threw down the tablet, shook his robes, and left. Guo Tai reproached Fan, saying: "By rank, Pang owed reverence; by category and protocol, reaching the inner door reverence should be reduced." After that, reverence stopped at the gate—a practice long established.