Volume 64 Biographies 24: Zheng Xianzhi, Pei Songzhi, He Chengtian

列傳第二十四鄭鮮之裴松之何承天

Biography 24: Zheng Xianzhi, Pei Songzhi, and He Chengtian.

鄭鮮之，字道子，滎陽開封人也。高祖渾，魏將作大匠。曾祖襲，大司農。父遵，尚書郎。襲初為江乘令，因居縣境。鮮之下帷讀書，絕交遊之務。初為桓偉輔國主簿。先是，兗州刺史滕恬為丁零、翟遼所沒，尸喪不反，恬子羨仕宦不廢，議者嫌之。桓玄在荊州，使群僚博議，鮮之議曰：

Zheng Xianzhi, whose courtesy name was Daozi, came from Kaifeng in Yingyang commandery. His great-grandfather Hun had served the Wei court as Director of Palace Construction. His great-great-grandfather Xi had held the post of Grand Minister of Agriculture. His father Zun had been a Gentleman of the Secretariat. When Xi first served as magistrate of Jiangcheng, the family settled in that county and remained there. Xianzhi shut himself in to read and refused every distraction of society and friendship. His first appointment was as chief clerk to Huan Wei, general who supported the state. Some time before, Teng Tian, regional inspector of Yan, had fallen to the Dingling and Zhai Liao, and his body was never brought home. His son Xian nevertheless continued in office without interruption, which many found hard to accept. While Huan Xuan held Jing province, he ordered a wide deliberation among his officials. Xianzhi argued as follows:

名教大極，忠孝而已，至乎變通抑引，每事輒殊，本而尋之，皆是求心而遺跡。跡之所乘，遭遇或異。故聖人或就跡以助教，或因跡以成罪，屈申與奪，難可等齊，舉其阡陌，皆可略言矣。天可逃乎？而伊尹廢君；君可脅乎？而鬻權見善；忠可愚乎？而箕子同仁。自此以還，殊實而齊聲，異譽而等美者，不可勝言。而欲令百代之下，聖典所闕，正斯事於一朝，豈可易哉！

The highest aim of ritual and moral teaching is loyalty and filial piety alone. When one must bend, restrain, or exalt conduct, each case differs; yet at bottom the sages always looked to the inward motive and set the outward act aside. The deeds that follow depend on circumstances, and those circumstances may differ widely. That is why the sages sometimes upheld the outward act to reinforce a lesson and sometimes condemned it to establish guilt. To bend, extend, reward, or punish cannot be reduced to one rule; still, if we survey their various paths, each can be outlined in brief. Can anyone flee from Heaven's mandate? Yet Yi Yin deposed his lord; Can a ruler be compelled by force? Yet Yu Quan was praised for his goodness; Can loyalty be called folly? Yet Jizi endured the same fate as a fellow sufferer. From that point on, examples of unlike deeds praised alike, or unlike reputations judged equally noble, are beyond counting. To expect that what the sages left undecided should be settled once and for all in our own day, a hundred generations later—surely that cannot be done lightly!

然立言明理，以古證今，當使理厭人情。如滕羨情事者，或終身隱處，不關人事；或升朝理務，無譏前哲。通滕者則以無譏為證，塞滕者則以隱處為美。折其兩中，則異同之情可見矣。然無譏前哲者，厭情之謂也。若王陵之母，見烹于楚，陵不退身窮居，終為社稷之臣，非為榮也。鮑勳蹇諤魏朝，亡身為效，觀其志非貪爵也。凡此二賢，非滕之諭。

Still, when one states a doctrine and clarifies principle, using the past to judge the present, reason must fully satisfy what human feeling demands. In a case like Teng Xian's, a man might withdraw for life and have no part in public affairs; or he might enter court and take up office without drawing censure from the sages of old. Those who would excuse Teng point to the absence of ancient censure; those who would condemn him hold up lifelong withdrawal as the proper model. Split the difference between the two sides, and the true points of agreement and dispute will stand clear. Yet when one says the ancients did not censure such conduct, one means only that human feeling is satisfied—not that the act is beyond question. Wang Ling's mother was boiled alive by Chu, yet Ling did not retire into seclusion; in the end he served the state—not for honor or gain, but from duty. Bao Xun spoke bluntly at the Wei court and gave his life in loyal service; his aim was plainly not to win rank or reward. These two worthies offer no real parallel to Teng Xian's case.

夫聖人立教，猶雲「有禮無時，君子不行」。有禮無時，政以事有變通，不可守一故耳。若滕以此二賢為證，則恐人人自賢矣；若不可人人自賢，何可獨許其證。譏者兼在於人，不但獨證其事。漢、魏以來，記闕其典，尋而得者……無幾人。至乎大晉中朝及中興之後，楊臻則七年不除喪，三十餘年不關人事，溫公則見逼於王命，庾左丞則終身不著袷，高世遠則為王右軍、何驃騎所勸割，無有如滕之易者也。若以縗麻非為哀之主，無所復言矣。文皇帝以東關之役，屍骸不反者，制其子弟，不廢婚宦。明此，孝子已不自同於人倫，有識已審其可否矣。若其不爾，居宗輔物者，但當即聖人之教，何所復明制於其間哉！及至永嘉大亂之後，王敦復申東關之制於中興，原此是為國之大計，非謂訓範人倫，盡於此也。

In establishing moral teaching, the sages even said that where ritual exists but the time is wrong, a gentleman should not act. 'Ritual without the right time' means that affairs must be adapted and one cannot cling to a single fixed rule. If Teng may cite these two worthies in his defense, then every man will think himself a sage; and if not every man may call himself worthy, how can Teng alone be allowed this argument? Censure bears on the person himself, not on a single precedent drawn from the act alone. From Han and Wei onward the records omit clear precedent, and of those later recovered … there are very few indeed. Under the Jin central court and after the Restoration, Yang Zhen kept mourning for seven years and for more than thirty years stayed out of public life; Wen Gong was compelled by royal command; Assistant Minister Yu never wore lined garments to the end of his days; Gao Shiyuan was urged by Wang Xizhi and He the Cavalry General to shorten his mourning—yet none took office as lightly as Teng Xian did. If one holds that coarse hemp garments are not the chief sign of grief, then there is nothing more to argue. After the Battle of Dongguan, when many bodies were never recovered, Emperor Wen decreed that the sons and younger brothers of the fallen need not give up marriage or office. Once this is understood, a filial son no longer sets himself outside ordinary human ties, and the discerning have already judged what may or may not be done. If it were otherwise, men of lineage who serve the state need only follow the sages' teaching—why should new regulations be spelled out for them at all? After the Yongjia upheaval, Wang Dun revived the Dongguan rule during the Restoration—but that was a measure for the survival of the state, not a claim that all moral teaching for mankind was summed up in it.

何以言之？父仇明不同戴天日，而為國不可許復仇，此自以法奪情，即是東關、永嘉之喻也。何妨綜理王務者，布衣以處之。明教者自謂世非橫流，凡士君子之徒，無不可仕之理，而雜以情譏，謂宜在貶裁爾。若多引前事以為通證，則孝子可顧法而不復仇矣。文皇帝無所立制於東關，王敦無所明之於中興。每至斯會，輒發之於宰物，是心可不喻乎！

How can one say this? A father's murderer cannot live under the same sky with his son, yet the state may not permit private revenge—law must override private feeling. That is exactly the lesson of Dongguan and Yongjia. What harm if a man who still manages state affairs is treated, in outward status, like a commoner? Those who uphold moral teaching assume the age is not utterly chaotic and that no gentleman is barred in principle from office—yet they mix in personal censure and say he ought to be demoted and judged. If one may cite many past cases as general precedent, then every filial son could appeal to law and forgo revenge. Emperor Wen laid down no lasting rule at Dongguan, and Wang Dun proclaimed no clear doctrine at the Restoration. Whenever such a crisis arose, they left the matter to those who governed the realm—their intent should be plain enough!

且夫求理當先以遠大，若滄海橫流，家國同其淪溺，若不仕也，則人有餘力；人有餘力，則國可至乎亡，家可至乎滅。當斯時也，匹婦猶亡其身，況大丈夫哉！既其不然，天下之才，將無所理。滕但當盡《陟岵》之哀，擬不仕者之心，何為證喻前人，以自通乎？且名為大才之所假，而小才之所榮，榮與假乘常，已有慚德，無欣工進，何有情事乎？若其不然，則工進無欣，何足貴於千載之上邪！苟許小才榮其位，則滕不當顧常疑以自居乎。所謂柳下惠則可，我則不可也。

In seeking principle one must begin with the larger view. When the realm is flooded like the sea and family and state sink together, if men refuse office, each keeps his strength to himself; and when each keeps his strength, the state may perish and the clan be destroyed. In such a time even an ordinary woman will give her life—how much more should a man of stature! If that were not so, the talents of the realm would have nowhere to be put to use. Teng need only fulfill the grief expressed in the 'Ascending the Hill' ode and share the mind of one who refuses office—why must he cite forebears to justify himself? Office is what great talent borrows and small talent prizes as glory; when glory and pretense ride together as the norm, shame already attaches to one's conduct, and there is no joy in advancing through merit—what personal motive can there be? If it were otherwise, then advancing through merit without joy—how could that be honored a thousand years later! If small talent may take glory in office, should Teng not live in constant self-doubt? As the saying goes, Liuxia Hui might do such a thing—but I could not.

且有生之所宗者聖人，聖人之為教者禮法，即心而言，則聖人之法，不可改也。而秦以郡縣治天下，莫之能變；漢文除肉刑，莫之能復。彼聖人之為法，猶見改於後王，況滕賴前人，而當必通乎？若人皆仕，未知斯事可俟後聖與不？況仕與不仕，各有其人，而不仕之所引，每感三年之下。見議者弘通情紀，每傍中庸，又云若許譏滕，則恐亡身致命之仕，以此而不盡。何斯言之過與！夫忠烈之情，初無計而後動。若計而後動，則懼法不盡命。若有不盡，則國有常法。故古人軍敗於外，而家誅於內。苟忠發自內，或懼法於外，復有踟躕顧望之地邪！若有功不賞，有罪不誅，可致斯喻爾。無有名教翼其子弟，而子弟不致力於所天。不致力於所天，則王經忠不能救主，孝不顧其親，是家國之罪人爾，何所而稱乎？夫恩宥十世，非不隆也；功高賞厚，非不報也。若國憲無負於滕恬，則羨之通塞，自是名教之所及，豈是勸沮之本乎？

What all living beings revere is the sage, and what the sage teaches is ritual and law. In the heart's judgment, the sage's law cannot be changed. Yet Qin governed the realm through commanderies and counties, and none could restore the old order; Emperor Wen of Han abolished corporal mutilation, and none could bring it back. Even the sages' laws were changed by later kings—how then can Teng, leaning on past examples, demand that his case be accepted without question? If every man may take office, it is unclear whether this question must wait for a sage of a later age. Serving and refusing office each have their exemplars, yet those who refuse office always appeal to what lies below the full three-year mourning period. The debaters broaden feeling and principle and lean toward the middle way; they also say that if Teng may be censured, they fear discouraging men who would give body and life in office—and on that account they stop short of a full verdict. How far this argument goes! Loyal and fierce devotion does not calculate first and act afterward. If one calculates first, one fears the law and holds back one's life. If one holds back, the state has its standing law. That is why the ancients, when armies were defeated abroad, punished the families at home. If loyalty springs from within, or one fears the law without, what room is left to hesitate and look back! Only if merit went unrewarded and guilt unpunished could such a comparison arise. Never has moral teaching supported a man's sons and younger brothers while they refused to devote themselves to what they owe allegiance. Without such devotion, Wang Jing's loyalty could not have saved his lord and filial sons would not have cared for their parents—they would be criminals against family and state. What praise could they claim? Grace extending ten generations is no small bounty; and high merit with rich reward is not left unrequited. If the laws of the state owe Teng Tian no debt, then whether Xian is excused or condemned falls within the reach of moral teaching alone—it cannot be the foundation on which the realm encourages or restrains its subjects.

議者又以唐虞邈矣，孰知所歸，尋言求意，將所負者多乎。後漢亂而不亡，前史猶謂數公之力。魏國將建，荀令君正色異議，董昭不得枕蘇則之膝，賈充受辱於庾純。以此而推，天下之正義，終自傳而不沒，何為發斯歎哉！若以時非上皇，便不足復言多者，則夷、齊於奭、望，子房於四人，亦無所復措其言矣。至於陳平默順避禍，以權濟屈，皆是衛生免害，非為榮也。滕今生無所衛，鞭塞已冥，義安在乎？昔陳壽在喪，使婢丸藥，見責鄉閭；阮咸居哀，騎驢偷婢，身處王朝。豈可以阮獲通於前世，便無疑於後乎！且賢聖抑引，皆是究其始終，定其才行。故雖事有驚俗，而理必獲申。郗詵葬母後園，而身登宦，所以免責，以其孝也。日磾殺兒無譏，以其忠也。今豈可以二事是忠孝之所為，便可許殺兒葬母後園乎？不可明矣。既其不可，便當究定滕之才行，無所多辯也。

The debaters also say that the age of Yao and Shun is far away and none knows where to turn; if one searches their words for intent, perhaps the burden of obligation is greater than we think. Later Han fell into disorder yet did not perish, and earlier histories still credit a few great men for that. When the state of Wei was about to be founded, Xun Yu spoke out with stern dissent; Dong Zhao could not lean on Su Ze's knee as a confidant; Jia Chong was put to shame by Yu Chun. From this one may infer that righteousness in the realm will always be handed on and never die out—why then utter such a sigh of despair! If because the age is not that of the Highest Sovereign one may no longer speak freely, then Bo Yi and Shu Qi before the Duke of Shao and Taigong Wang, and Zhang Liang before the Four Elders of Mount Shang, would also have had no place to speak. As for Chen Ping's silent compliance and avoidance of disaster, using expedients to survive hard times—all were to preserve life and escape harm, not for honor. Teng today has nothing left to preserve; the road to his father's remains is lost in darkness—where then is righteousness? In the past Chen Shou, while in mourning, had a maid roll medicine pills and was censured in his home district; Ruan Xian, while mourning, rode a donkey and stole a servant girl, yet still held office at court. How can the fact that Ruan was excused in an earlier age mean there is no question in a later one! When sages restrain or promote a man, they always weigh his whole course from start to finish and judge his conduct and capacity. Thus even when an act shocks custom, principle must still be upheld. Xi Chao buried his mother in the rear garden yet still took office; he was excused because of his filial devotion. Jin Midi killed his son without censure, because of his loyalty to the throne. Can one now, because these two acts were deeds of loyalty and filial piety, permit every man to kill his son or bury his mother in the rear garden? Clearly it cannot. Since it cannot, one should judge Teng's own conduct and capacity, and debate no further.

滕非下官鄉親，又不周旋，才能非所能悉。若以滕謀能決敵，才能周用，此自追蹤古人，非議所及。若是士流，故謂宜如子夏受曾參之詞，可謂善矣，而子夏無不孝之稱也。意之所懷，都盡於此，自非名理，何緣多其往復；如其折中，裁之居宗。

Teng is neither my kinsman nor an acquaintance, and I cannot claim to know his full talent or character. If Teng's plans can decide battles and his talents are fully employed, that would place him among the ancients and lies beyond the scope of this debate. If he is an ordinary gentleman, he ought, like Zixia accepting Zeng Shen's rebuke, to be judged favorably—yet Zixia was never called unfilial. What I mean to say is all here; unless the question is one of doctrine and principle, why multiply exchanges; if a middle way is sought, let the chief among you decide.

桓偉進號安西，轉補功曹，舉陳郡謝絢自代，曰：「蓋聞知賢弗推，臧文所以竊位；宣子能讓，晉國以之獲寧。鮮之猥承人乏，謬蒙過眷，既恩以義隆，遂再叨非服。知進之難，屢以上請，然自退之志，未獲暫申，夙夜懷冰，敢忘其懼。伏見行參軍謝絢，清悟審正，理懷通美，居以端右，雖未足舒其采章，升庸以漸，差可以位擬人。請乞愚短，甘充下列，授為賢牧，實副群望。」入為員外散騎侍郎，司徒左西屬，大司馬琅邪王錄事參軍，仍遷御史中丞。

Huan Wei was promoted to the title Anxi, transferred to serve as Registrar of Achievements, and recommended Xie Xuan of Chen commandery to succeed him, saying: 'I have heard that to know a worthy man and not recommend him is how Zang Wen kept a post he did not deserve; Because Xuanzi knew how to yield, Jin was restored to stability. Xianzhi humbly acknowledged that he had inherited a position others lacked the strength to fill; by mistaken excessive favor his obligations had grown beyond merit, and he had twice accepted office unworthy of him. He knew how hard it was to advance and had petitioned repeatedly to step aside, yet had never been allowed to resign; night and day he trembled with dread and did not dare forget his anxiety. I respectfully recommend Staff Administrator Xie Xuan — intelligent, discerning, upright, and broadly accomplished in mind and principle. Though a senior post might not yet fully display his talents, gradual promotion would make him a fitting match for the office. I ask to yield my own limited abilities and accept a lesser position instead, and to install him as a capable governor — this would truly meet the public's hopes. He was appointed Supernumerary Attendant of the Dispersed Cavalry, Left Western Subordinate of the Minister of Education, and Recording Secretary to the Grand Marshal, the Prince of Langye, before being promoted to Imperial Censor.

性剛直，不阿強貴，明憲直繩，甚得司直之體。外甥劉毅，權重當時，朝野莫不歸附，鮮之盡心高祖，獨不屈意於毅，毅甚恨焉。義熙六年，鮮之使治書侍御史丘洹奏彈毅曰：「上言傳詔羅道盛輒開箋，遂盜發密事，依法棄市，奏報行刑，而毅以道盛身有侯爵，輒復停宥。按毅勳德光重，任居次相，既殺之非己，無緣生之自由。又奏之於先，而弗請於後，閫外出疆，非此之謂。中丞鮮之於毅舅甥，制不相糾，臣請免毅官。」詔無所問。

By nature he was upright and unyielding, never currying favor with the mighty; he enforced the law impartially and embodied the true role of a censor. His nephew Liu Yi wielded immense authority, and everyone in and out of court deferred to him. Xianzhi served Emperor Gaozu loyally and alone refused to defer to Liu Yi, who deeply resented him. In the sixth year of Yixi, Xianzhi had the palace secretary and attendant censor Qiu Huan submit an impeachment of Liu Yi, stating: "It was reported that the edict courier Luo Daosheng had opened sealed documents without authorization and disclosed secret state business. By law he should have been executed in public; the memorial was approved and the sentence was to be carried out, yet Yi, because Daosheng held a marquisate in his own right, again intervened and granted him a reprieve. The charge notes that Liu Yi's merit and standing are great and that he ranks as the second minister of state; since the execution was not his to order, he had no authority to grant life at his own discretion. He reported the matter in advance but did not seek approval afterward — this is not what is meant by a minister acting beyond his proper authority at home and abroad. As Xianzhi and Liu Yi are uncle and nephew, regulations forbid them from impeaching one another; I therefore ask that Liu Yi be dismissed from office." An imperial edict was issued and no action was taken.

時新制長吏以父母疾去官，禁錮三年。山陰令沈叔任父疾去職，鮮之因此上議曰：「夫事有相權，故制有與奪，此有所屈，而彼有所申。未有理無所明，事無所獲，而為永制者也。當以去官之人，或容詭託之事。詭託之事，誠或有之，豈可虧天下之大教，以末傷本者乎？且設法蓋以眾苞寡，而不以寡違眾，況防杜去官而塞孝愛之實。且人情趨於榮利，辭官本非所防，所以為其制者，蒞官不久，則奔競互生，故杜其欲速之情，以申考績之實。省父母之疾，而加以罪名，悖義疾理，莫此為大。謂宜從舊，於義為允。」從之。於是自二品以上父母沒者，墳墓崩毀及疾病族屬輒去，並不禁錮。

A new regulation then required that senior officials who resigned because of a parent's illness be barred from holding office for three years. When Shanyin Magistrate Shen Shuren left office because of his father's illness, Xianzhi submitted a memorial arguing: "Affairs must be weighed against one another, and regulations must allow for both restriction and release — one side may be constrained so that another may be upheld. No principle should remain unclear and no policy should yield no benefit, yet still be made a permanent rule. The concern may be that some who leave office could use illness as a false pretext. Such fraud may indeed occur on occasion, but how can we damage the great moral teaching of the realm because of a minor abuse at the margins? Moreover, laws are made to protect the many rather than let the few override the many — all the more so when blocking resignation also blocks the genuine practice of filial devotion. Moreover, people naturally pursue honor and profit; resignation itself is not what needs guarding against. The rule exists because those who take office briefly and leave quickly breed factional scrambling — the aim is to curb haste and uphold genuine performance review. To visit a sick parent and be punished for it is the greatest possible violation of both righteousness and reason. The former practice should be restored — that would be the right course." The court accepted his recommendation. Thereafter officials of the second rank and above who left office upon a parent's death, because graves had fallen into ruin, or because of illness among close relatives were no longer subject to the three-year ban.

劉毅當鎮江陵，高祖會於江寧，朝士畢集。毅素好摴蒱，於是會戲。高祖與毅斂局，各得其半，積錢隱人，毅呼高祖並之。先擲得雉，高祖甚不說，良久乃答之。四坐傾矚，既擲，五子盡黑，毅意色大惡，謂高祖曰：「知公不以大坐席與人！」鮮之大喜，徒跣繞床大叫，聲聲相續。毅甚不平，謂之曰：「此鄭君何為者！」無復甥舅之禮。高祖少事戎旅，不經涉學，及為宰相，頗慕風流，時或言論，人皆依違之，不敢難也。鮮之難必切至，未嘗寬假，要須高祖辭窮理屈，然後置之。高祖或有時慚恧，變色動容，既而謂人曰：「我本無術學，言義尤淺。比時言論，諸賢多見寬容，唯鄭不爾，獨能盡人之意，甚以此感之。」時人謂為「格佞」。

When Liu Yi was about to take up his post at Jiangling, Emperor Gaozu met him at Jiangning, and the entire court gathered. Liu Yi had always loved dice games, and so they began to play at the gathering. Emperor Gaozu and Liu Yi gathered the dice board and split the stakes evenly; they heaped up the coins and had someone cover them, then Liu Yi invited the emperor to combine his wager with his own. Liu Yi rolled first and scored a winning "phoenix" combination; Emperor Gaozu was deeply displeased and only after a long pause did he respond in kind. The whole assembly watched intently; when the dice fell, all five showed black — Liu Yi's face darkened with dismay, and he said to Emperor Gaozu, "I knew you would never yield the winning hand to anyone else!" Xianzhi was overjoyed; he ran barefoot around the gaming table shouting again and again without stopping. Liu Yi was furious and said to him, "What do you think you're doing, Lord Zheng!" From that point on, all uncle-and-nephew decorum between them was gone. Emperor Gaozu had spent his youth in military service and had little formal education; once he became chancellor he came to admire literary culture, and when he held forth on occasion everyone humored him and no one dared contradict him. Xianzhi's challenges were always sharp and uncompromising; he would not let a topic rest until Emperor Gaozu had talked himself out and been refuted on the merits. Emperor Gaozu would sometimes flush with embarrassment and change expression, and afterward tell others, "I have no real learning to speak of, and my grasp of moral principle is especially shallow. In those discussions most of the worthies indulged me, but Zheng alone did not — he alone spoke what others truly thought, and I am deeply moved by that." Contemporaries nicknamed him "the Flatterer-Checker."

自中丞轉司徒左長史，太尉諮議參軍，俄而補侍中，復為太尉諮議。十二年，高祖北伐，以為右長史。鮮之曾祖墓在開封，相去三百里，乞求拜省，高祖以騎送之。宋國初建，轉奉常。

He moved from imperial censor to left chief administrator under the Minister of Education and counselor-attendant to the Grand Marshal; soon afterward he was appointed attendant-in-ordinary and again served as counselor to the Grand Marshal. In the twelfth year, when Emperor Gaozu launched his northern campaign, Xianzhi was appointed right chief administrator. Xianzhi's great-grandfather was buried at Kaifeng, three hundred li away; he asked permission to visit the tomb, and Emperor Gaozu provided a mounted escort for the journey. When the Song state was first founded, he was appointed director of ceremonies.

佛佛虜陷關中，高祖復欲北討，行意甚盛。鮮之上表諫曰：「伏思聖略深遠，臣之愚管無所措其意。然臣愚見，竊有所懷。虜凶狡情狀可見，自關中再敗，皆是帥師違律，非是內有事故，致外有敗傷。虜聞殿下親御六軍，必謂見伐，當重兵守潼關，其勢然也。若陵威長驅，臣實見其未易；若輿駕頓洛，則不足上勞聖躬。如此，則進退之機，宜在熟慮。賊不敢乘勝過陝，遠懾大威故也。今盡用兵之算，事從屈申，遣師撲討，而南夏清晏，賊方懼將來，永不敢動。若輿駕造洛而反，凶醜更生揣量之心，必啟邊戎之患，此既必然。江南顒顒，傾注輿駕，忽聞遠伐，不測師之深淺，必以殿下大申威靈，未還，人情恐懼，事又可推。往年西征，劉鍾危殆，前年劫盜破廣州，人士都盡。三吳心腹之內，諸縣屢敗，皆由勞役所致。又聞處處大水，加遠師民敝，敗散，自然之理。殿下在彭城，劫盜破諸縣，事非偶爾，皆是無賴凶慝。凡順而撫之，則百姓思安；違其所願，必為亂矣。古人所以救其煩穢，正在於斯。漢高身困平城，呂后受匈奴之辱，魏武軍敗赤壁，宣武喪師枋頭，神武之功，一無所損。況偏師失律，無虧於廟堂之上者邪！即之事實，非敗之謂，唯齡石等可念爾。若行也，或速其禍。反覆思惟，愚謂不煩殿下親征小劫。西虜或為河、洛之患，今正宜通好北虜，則河南安。河南安，則濟、泗靜。伏願聖鑒察臣愚懷。」

After the Northern Wei captured Guanzhong, Emperor Gaozu again wanted to mount a northern expedition, and his resolve was very firm. Xianzhi submitted a memorial of remonstrance, saying: "I reflect that Your Majesty's strategic vision is profound and far-reaching, and my limited understanding can scarcely grasp its intent. Yet in my humble opinion I do have private concerns to offer. The enemy's ferocity and cunning are plain to see; the repeated defeats in Guanzhong were all due to commanders violating military discipline, not to internal disorder causing external disaster. If the enemy hears that Your Highness will personally lead the Six Armies, they will surely take it as a full-scale invasion and concentrate heavy forces at Tong Pass — that is the natural course of events. If we press forward in full force, I frankly do not see how that can succeed easily; If the imperial carriage stops at Luoyang, the gain would not justify troubling Your Majesty in person. Under these circumstances, the decision to advance or hold back ought to be weighed with the utmost care. The enemy did not dare press their advantage beyond Shan precisely because they were held in awe by Your Majesty's formidable presence. If we now deploy our full military resources with flexible strategy and send armies to suppress the enemy, the south will remain tranquil; the foe will fear what is to come and will never dare stir again. If the imperial procession goes to Luoyang and then withdraws, the enemy will again begin calculating their chances and border troubles will surely follow — that much is certain. All south of the Yangtze look to the throne with eager expectation; if they suddenly hear of a distant campaign and cannot tell how large the army is, they will assume Your Highness is projecting full imperial might — and if you do not return promptly, public fear is easy to foresee. In the western campaign of years past Liu Zhong was nearly destroyed; the year before last bandits sacked Guangzhou and the gentry were utterly ruined. Within the heartland of the Three Wu regions, county after county has suffered unrest — all because of the burden of corvée labor. I also hear of flooding everywhere; combined with the strain of a distant campaign on an exhausted populace, collapse and dispersal would be the natural outcome. While Your Highness was at Pengcheng, bandits ravaged one county after another — this was no isolated incident but the work of desperate and vicious men. If they are treated with understanding and care, the common people will seek peace; but if their wishes are thwarted, rebellion will surely follow. This is precisely why the ancients sought to relieve such burdens and disorders. Emperor Gaozu of Han was besieged at Pingcheng and Empress Lü suffered the humiliation of the Xiongnu; Cao Cao was defeated at Red Cliffs and Emperor Xuanwu of Jin lost his army at Fangtou — yet none of these setbacks diminished their imperial stature in the least. How much less should a partial defeat by a subordinate army diminish the throne itself! Judging by the actual facts, this was not truly a defeat — only Zhu Lingshi and his fellows are to be mourned. If you proceed, you may only hasten disaster. After careful reflection, I humbly submit that Your Highness need not personally campaign against so minor a foe. The western enemy may yet threaten the Yellow and Luo river region; the proper course now is to seek good relations with the northern barbarians, so that Henan may be secured. Once Henan is secure, the Ji and Si regions will be at peace. I humbly beg Your Majesty to consider these humble concerns of mine."

高祖踐阼，遷太常，都官尚書。鮮之為人通率，在高祖坐，言無所隱，時人甚憚焉。而隱厚篤實，贍恤親故。性好遊行，命駕或不知所適，隨御者所之。尤為高祖所狎，上嘗於內殿宴飲，朝貴畢至，唯不召鮮之。坐定，謂群臣曰：「鄭鮮之必當自來。」俄而外啟：「尚書鮮之詣神虎門求啟事。」高祖大笑引入，其被親遇如此。

When Emperor Gaozu took the throne, Xianzhi was appointed grand master of ceremonies and director of the Ministry of Justice. Xianzhi was by nature frank and unreserved; in Emperor Gaozu's presence he spoke without concealment, and people of the day greatly feared him. In private, however, he was warm, steadfast, and generous in supporting relatives and old friends. He loved to travel about; when he ordered his carriage out he sometimes had no destination in mind and simply went wherever his attendants drove. Emperor Gaozu was especially fond of him. Once the emperor held a banquet in the inner hall and all the court nobles were present — except Xianzhi, who was not invited. Once everyone was seated, he told the assembled ministers, "Zheng Xianzhi is sure to come on his own." Before long a report came from outside: "Director Xianzhi has arrived at Shenhu Gate seeking an audience." Emperor Gaozu laughed heartily and had him admitted — such was the degree of favor he enjoyed.

永初二年，出為丹陽尹，復入為都官尚書，加散騎常侍。以從征功，封龍陽縣五等子。出為豫章太守，秩中二千石。元嘉三年，王弘入為相，舉鮮之為尚書右僕射。四年，卒，時年六十四。追贈散騎常侍、金紫光祿大夫。文集傳於世。子愔，位至尚書郎，始興太守。

In the second year of Yongchu he was sent out as governor of Danyang, then recalled as director of the Ministry of Justice with the additional title of regular attendant of the dispersed cavalry. For his service on the northern campaign he was enfeoffed as fifth-rank viscount of Longyang County. He was appointed governor of Yuzhang at the rank of mid-two-thousand-dan. In the third year of Yuanjia, when Wang Hong became chancellor, he recommended Xianzhi for the post of right vice director of the Imperial Secretariat. He died in the fourth year, at the age of sixty-four. He was posthumously granted the titles of regular attendant of the dispersed cavalry and grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbon. His collected writings have been handed down to posterity. His son Yin rose to the posts of secretariat gentleman and governor of Shixing.

裴松之，字世期，河東聞喜人也。祖昧，光祿大夫。父珪，正員外郎。松之年八歲，學通《論語》、《毛詩》。博覽墳籍，立身簡素。年二十，拜殿中將軍。此官直衛左右，晉孝武太元中革選名家以參顧問，始用琅邪王茂之、會稽謝輶，皆南北之望。舅庾楷在江陵，欲得松之西上，除新野太守，以事難不行。拜員外散騎侍郎。義熙初，為吳興故鄣令，在縣有績。入為尚書祠部郎。

Pei Songzhi, courtesy name Shiji, was a native of Wenxi in Hedong commandery. His grandfather Mei served as superintendent of the imperial household. His father Gui held the post of regular master of writing. By the age of eight Songzhi had thoroughly mastered the Analects and the Mao version of the Book of Odes. He read widely in the classics and histories and lived a plain, unadorned life. At twenty he was appointed commandant of the palace gentlemen. This post served as a direct guard at the emperor's side; during the Taiyuan era of Emperor Xiaowu of Jin the selection was reformed to draw on eminent families for imperial consultation, and the first appointees were Wang Maozhi of Langye and Xie Zhou of Kuaiji — both leading figures of north and south. His uncle Yu Kai was stationed at Jiangling and wanted Songzhi to join him in the west; Songzhi was appointed governor of Xinye, but because of the troubled circumstances the appointment never took effect. He was appointed supernumerary attendant of the dispersed cavalry. At the beginning of the Yixi era he served as magistrate of Guchang in Wuxing commandery, where he achieved a notable record of governance. He was recalled to the capital as gentleman of the Imperial Secretariat in the section for sacrifices.

松之以世立私碑，有乖事實，上表陳之曰：「碑銘之作，以明示後昆，自非殊功異德，無以允應茲典。大者道勳光遠，世所宗推；其次節行高妙，遺烈可紀。若乃亮采登庸，績用顯著，敷化所蒞，惠訓融遠，述詠所寄，有賴鐫勒，非斯族也，則幾乎僭黷矣。俗敝偽興，華煩已久，是以孔悝之銘，行是人非；蔡邕制文，每有愧色。而自時厥後，其流彌多，預有臣吏，必為建立，勒銘寡取信之實，刊石成虛偽之常，真假相蒙，殆使合美者不貴，但論其功費，又不可稱。不加禁裁，其敝無已。」以為「諸欲立碑者，宜悉令言上，為朝議所許，然後聽之。庶可以防遏無徵，顯彰茂實，使百世之下，知其不虛，則義信於仰止，道孚於來葉。」由是並斷。

Because private steles were being erected in his day in ways that distorted the facts, Songzhi submitted a memorial stating: "Stele inscriptions are meant to instruct posterity clearly; unless a man has performed extraordinary service or possessed exceptional virtue, he does not qualify for such an honor. At the highest level are those whose achievements in the Way shine far and whom the age honors and upholds; next are those of lofty character and conduct whose lasting legacy deserves to be recorded. If one merely displays talent in office, achieves visible results in governance, and spreads benevolent instruction far and wide, yet relies on carved inscriptions to preserve one's praise — when such a person does not belong to either of these categories, the practice comes close to presumptuous overreach. Custom has long been corrupt and false, and ostentatious excess has persisted for ages — hence the inscription for Kong Kui, in which the praise did not match the man; Even Cai Yong, when drafting such inscriptions, would flush with shame. From that time on the custom spread ever wider: whenever an official was expected, people inevitably erected a stele. Inscriptions rarely rested on verified fact; stone-carving became routine pretense, truth and falsehood piled on one another until genuine merit seemed worthless. To speak only of the cost and labor involved would be equally unflattering. Without prohibition, the abuse would never cease." He proposed that anyone wishing to erect a stele must first petition the throne and receive court approval before proceeding. In this way unsubstantiated praise could be blocked, genuine achievement clearly honored, and future generations assured that what was carved in stone was no lie—so that faith in worthy example would endure and the Way inspire ages yet to come. On this basis, the practice of erecting steles was banned entirely.

高祖北伐，領司州刺史，以松之為州主簿，轉治中從事史。既克洛陽，高祖敕之曰：「裴松之廊廟之才，不宜久尸邊務，今召為世子洗馬，與殷景仁同，可令知之。」於時議立五廟樂，松之以妃臧氏廟樂亦宜與四廟同。除零陵內史，徵為國子博士。

During the Founding Emperor's northern campaign, he also served as governor of Sizhou, appointing Songzhi chief clerk of the province and later promoting him to registrar and attendant official. After Luoyang fell, the Founding Emperor issued orders: "Pei Songzhi possesses the caliber of a statesman and should not remain tied to frontier affairs. Summon him to serve as Groom-in-Waiting to the Heir Apparent alongside Yin Jingren, and inform him accordingly." When the court debated establishing music for the five ancestral temples, Songzhi argued that the music honoring Lady Zang's shrine should match that of the four principal temples. He was appointed interior administrator of Lingling, then recalled to serve as erudite at the National University.

太祖元嘉三年，誅司徒徐羨之等，分遣大使，巡行天下。通直散騎常侍袁渝、司徒左司掾孔邈使揚州，尚書三公郎陸子真、起部甄法崇使荊州，員外散騎常侍范雍、司徒主簿龐遵使南兗州，前尚書右丞孔默使南、北二豫州，撫軍參軍王歆之使徐州，冗從僕射車宗使青、兗州，松之使湘州，尚書殿中郎阮長之使雍州，前竟陵太守殷道鸞使益州，員外散騎常侍李耽之使廣州，郎中殷斌使梁州、南秦州，前員外散騎侍郎阮園客使交州，駙馬都尉、奉朝請潘思先使寧州，並兼散騎常侍。班宣詔書曰：「昔王者巡功，群后述職，不然則有存省之禮，聘眺之規。所以觀民立政，命事考績，上下偕通，遐邇咸被，故能功昭長世，道歷遠年。朕以寡闇，屬承洪業，夤畏在位，昧於治道，夕惕惟憂，如臨淵谷。懼國俗陵頹，民風凋偽，眚厲違和，水旱傷業。雖躬勤庶事，思弘攸宜，而機務惟殷，顧循多闕，政刑乖謬，未獲具聞。豈誠素弗孚，使群心莫盡，納隍之愧，在予一人。以歲時多難，王道未壹，卜征之禮，廢而未修，眷被氓庶，無忘欽恤。今使兼散騎常侍渝等申令四方，周行郡邑，親見刺史二千石官長，申述至誠，廣詢治要，觀察吏政，訪求民隱，旌舉操行，存問所疾。禮俗得失，一依周典，每各為書，還具條奏，俾朕昭然，若親覽焉。大夫君子，其各悉心敬事，無惰乃力。其有咨謀遠圖，謹言中誠，陳之使者，無或隱遺。方將敬納良規，以補其闕。勉哉勖之，稱朕意焉。」

In the third year of Yuanjia, after executing Grand Secretary Xu Xianzhi and his co-conspirators, Emperor Wen dispatched imperial commissioners to tour the entire realm. Yuan Yu, palace attendant and regular court gentleman, and Kong Miao, left clerk of the grand secretary's office, were sent to Yangzhou; Lu Zizhen of the secretariat and registry officer Zhen Fachong to Jingzhou; Fan Yong and secretariat clerk Pang Zun to South Yanzhou; former assistant director Kong Mo to both Yuzhou provinces; adjutant Wang Xinzhi to Xuzhou; attendant Che Zong to Qing and Yan provinces; Songzhi to Xiangzhou; Ruan Changzhi to Yongzhou; former Jingling prefect Yin Daoluan to Yizhou; Li Danzhi to Guangzhou; Yin Bin to Liang and South Qin provinces; former cavalry attendant Ruan Yuank to Jiaozhou; and Pan Sixian, commandant for imperial affines, to Ningzhou—each also bearing the concurrent rank of regular court gentleman. They circulated the imperial edict, which read: "In antiquity a true king toured the realm to inspect achievements while his lords reported on their duties; when such tours were not possible, he sent envoys to observe local conditions on his behalf. Through this the ruler observes his people and sets policy, assigns duties and evaluates performance, keeping court and countryside in communication so that all regions benefit—thereby ensuring that his achievements shine through the ages and his Way endures for generations. Though I am dull and unworthy, I have inherited this vast empire. I hold office with trembling reverence, still unclear on how best to govern, and lie awake each night in anxiety, as if perched above a chasm. I fear national custom is slipping, local morality corrupted, pestilence and disaster disrupting peace, and floods and drought ruining livelihoods. Though I personally attend to every branch of government and strive to do what is right, affairs of state press incessantly and I miss much in my oversight; wrongs in government and law reach me only piecemeal. Perhaps my sincere intent has failed to inspire confidence, and the people's hearts go unheard. The shame of this failure falls on me alone. Times are hard and the realm not yet fully united; the ancient rite of divining before an imperial tour has fallen into disuse. Yet I have not forgotten my duty of tender concern for the common people. I now dispatch Yuan Yu and the other commissioners bearing the rank of regular court gentleman to proclaim this edict throughout the realm, tour every commandery and district, meet personally with regional inspectors and prefects, convey my deepest sincerity, inquire widely into effective governance, scrutinize local administration, uncover hidden grievances, commend worthy conduct, and comfort the sick. On rites and customs, follow the standards of the Zhou; each commissioner shall write a separate report and submit a detailed memorial upon return, so that I may understand conditions as clearly as if I had seen them myself. Gentlemen of the realm, apply yourselves wholeheartedly to this task and spare no effort. Whoever has far-sighted counsel or earnest advice should bring it frankly to the commissioners—nothing must be withheld. I shall welcome good counsel and use it to remedy my failings. Take up this charge with vigor and bear out my intentions."

松之反使，奏曰：「臣聞天道以下濟光明，君德以廣運為極。古先哲后，因心溥被，是以文思在躬，則時雍自洽，禮行江漢，而美化斯遠。故能垂大哉之休詠，廓造周之盛則。伏惟陛下神睿玄通，道契曠代，冕旒華堂，垂心八表。咨敬敷之未純，慮明揚之靡暢。清問下民，哀此鰥寡，渙焉大號，周爰四達。遠猷形於《雅》、《誥》，惠訓播乎遐陬。是故率土仰詠，重譯咸說，莫不謳吟踴躍，式銘皇風。或有扶老攜幼，稱歡路左，誠由亭毒既流，故忘其自至，千載一時，於是乎在。臣謬蒙銓任，忝廁顯列，猥以短乏，思純八表，無以宣暢聖旨，肅明風化，黜陟無序，搜揚寡聞，慚懼屏營，不知所措。奉二十四條，謹隨事為牒。伏見癸卯詔書，禮俗得失，一依周典，每各為書，還具條奏。謹依事為書以繫之後。」松之甚得奉使之議，論者美之。

Upon his return, Songzhi submitted a memorial: "Your servant has learned that Heaven's Way sheds light upon all below, and a ruler's virtue finds its fullest expression in benevolence spread far and wide. The sage-kings of antiquity governed from the heart and showered blessings on all beneath them; when wisdom dwelled in the ruler himself, the realm achieved harmony spontaneously, and as ritual spread even to the Yangtze and Han rivers, culture's refining influence reached the farthest corners. Thus they left behind great songs of praise and established the magnificent patterns of the Zhou dynasty. Your Majesty's divine wisdom penetrates all mysteries; your Way matches the greatest rulers of ages past. From the throne in your resplendent hall, your concern reaches to the farthest corners of the realm. You worry that your benevolent care has not yet reached every corner, and that worthy men have not yet been fully discovered and elevated. With earnest inquiry you reach down to the people and pity the widowed and orphaned; your great proclamation resounds, extending your care to every quarter of the realm. Your far-sighted policies echo the wisdom of the Book of Odes and the Great Announcements, and your benevolent teaching reaches even the remotest regions. Therefore the whole realm looks up and sings your praise; even those who speak through double translation rejoice alike—all join in song and celebration, recording the glories of your reign. Some, supporting the elderly and leading children, declared their joy by the roadside—for such nourishing grace had touched them that they hardly noticed how naturally it came. A moment that comes once in a thousand years is upon us now. Your servant, unworthy though I am, was entrusted with this high commission despite my limited abilities. I strove to carry your benevolent intent to every corner of the realm but lacked the power to do so fully; I could neither clarify local customs nor promote or demote officials as merit required. Overwhelmed with shame and anxiety, I scarcely knew how to proceed. I submit twenty-four recommendations, each documented in a separate report according to its subject. As instructed in the guimao edict, regarding rites and customs I have followed the Zhou standards, prepared a separate report on each matter, and shall submit detailed memorials upon my return. I have accordingly prepared separate reports on each matter, which are appended below." Songzhi's mission was widely judged a success, and commentators praised his performance.

轉中書侍郎、司冀二州大中正。上使注陳壽《三國志》，松之鳩集傳記，增廣異聞，既成奏上。上善之，曰：「此為不朽矣！」出為永嘉太守，勤恤百姓，吏民便之。入補通直為常侍，復領二州大中正。尋出為南琅邪太守。十四年致仕，拜中散大夫，尋領國子博士。進太中大夫，博士如故。續何承天國史，未及撰述，二十八年，卒，時年八十。子駰，南中郎參軍。松之所著文論及《晉紀》，駰注司馬遷《史記》，並行於世。

He was transferred to gentleman of the central secretariat and appointed grand rectifier for Sizhou and Jizhou. The emperor commissioned him to annotate Chen Shou's Records of the Three Kingdoms. Songzhi collected biographical sources, expanded the narrative with additional material, and presented the finished work to the throne. The emperor praised it, declaring, "This work will never perish!" He was appointed prefect of Yongjia, where he devoted himself to the people's welfare; both officials and commoners benefited from his administration. Recalled to court as regular attendant for direct communication, he again served as grand rectifier for both provinces. Soon afterward he was appointed prefect of Southern Langye. In the fourteenth year he retired and was granted the title of grand master of enjoyment; he soon took charge as erudite at the National University. He was promoted to grand master of the palace while retaining his position as erudite. He took up the continuation of He Chengtian's national history but died in the twenty-eighth year, at age eighty, before completing it. His son Yin served as staff officer to the southern palace guard. Songzhi's essays and Annals of Jin, together with Yin's commentary on Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian, all circulated widely.

何承天，東海郯人也。從祖倫，晉右衛將軍。承天五歲失父，母徐氏，廣之姊也，聰明博學，故承天幼漸訓議，儒史百家，莫不該覽。叔父肹為益陽令，隨肹之官。

He Chengtian was a native of Tan in Donghai commandery. His father's cousin Lun had served as right guard general under the Jin. Chengtian lost his father at the age of five. His mother, née Xu—elder sister to Xu Guang—was brilliant and well-read, and from early childhood she tutored him in scholarly discourse. He mastered the Confucian classics, history, and the works of the hundred schools. When his uncle Xi became magistrate of Yiyang, Chengtian accompanied him to his post.

隆安四年，南蠻校尉桓偉命為參軍。時殷仲堪、桓玄等互舉兵以向朝廷，承天懼禍難未已，解職還益陽。義旗初，長沙公陶延壽以為其輔國府參軍，遣通敬於高祖，因除瀏陽令，尋去職還都。撫軍將軍劉毅鎮姑孰，版為行參軍。毅嘗出行，而鄢陵縣史陳滿射鳥，箭誤中直帥，雖不傷人，處法棄市。承天議曰：「獄貴情斷，疑則從輕。昔驚漢文帝乘輿馬者，張釋之劾以犯蹕，罪止罰金。何者？明其無心於驚馬也。故不以乘輿之重，加以異制。今滿意在射鳥，非有心於中人。按律過誤傷人，三歲刑，況不傷乎？微罰可也。」出補宛陵令。趙惔為寧蠻校尉、尋陽太守，請為司馬。尋去職。

In the fourth year of Long'an, Colonel of the Southern Man Hun Wei appointed him to his staff. When Yin Zhongkan, Huan Xuan, and others repeatedly took up arms against the court, Chengtian, fearing endless turmoil, resigned and returned to Yiyang. When the righteous armies first rose, Duke Tao Yanshou of Changsha took him onto his staff and sent him to pay respects to the future Founding Emperor. He was briefly appointed magistrate of Liuyang, then resigned and returned to the capital. When General Liu Yi was posted at Gtu, he appointed Chengtian acting staff officer. Once when Yi was on an outing, Chen Man, a county clerk from Yiling, was shooting birds when an arrow accidentally struck a chief attendant in Yi's retinue. Though no one was injured, the sentence under law was execution in the marketplace. Chengtian argued: "The essence of justice lies in judging intent; when doubt remains, the lighter penalty applies. Long ago, when someone startled Emperor Wen's carriage horse, Zhang Shizhi prosecuted the offense as a breach of the imperial progress, and the penalty was a fine—nothing more. Why? Because it was clear he had no intention of startling the horse. Therefore the law did not impose a harsher penalty simply because an imperial carriage was involved. Chen Man's purpose was to shoot birds; he had no intent to strike anyone. Under the code, accidental injury carries a three-year sentence—how much more so when no one was hurt at all? A minor penalty would suffice." He was next appointed magistrate of Wanling. When Zhao Tan served as colonel who pacifies the Man and prefect of Xunyang, he invited Chengtian to serve as his chief administrator. He soon resigned that post.

高祖以為太尉行參軍。高祖討劉毅，留諸葛長民為監軍。長民密懷異志，劉穆之屏人問承天曰：「公今行濟否云何？」承天曰：「不憂西不時，別有一慮爾。公昔年自左里還入石頭，甚脫爾，今還，宜加重複。」穆之曰：「非君不聞此言。頃日願丹徒劉郎，恐不復可得也。」除太學博士。義熙十一年，為世子征虜參軍，轉西中郎中軍參軍，錢唐令。高祖在壽陽，宋臺建，召為尚書祠部郎，與傅亮共撰朝儀。永初末，補南臺治書侍御史。

The Founding Emperor appointed him acting staff officer to the grand commandant. When the Founding Emperor marched against Liu Yi, he left Zhuge Changmin behind as army supervisor. Changmin secretly harbored rebellious intentions. Liu Muzhi dismissed all attendants and asked Chengtian, "Will the Duke's campaign succeed?" Chengtian replied, "I do not worry about the western campaign's timing—there is another concern altogether. When the Duke returned from Zuoli and entered Jiankang years ago, security was dangerously lax. When he returns this time, precautions must be doubled." Muzhi said, "Without you, I would never have heard this warning. These past days I have counted on Prince Liu of Dantu—I fear he may no longer be available to us." Chengtian was appointed erudite at the imperial university. In the eleventh year of Yixi he served as staff officer to the heir apparent's expel-barbarians command, then transferred to staff officer under the western headquarters central army and magistrate of Qiantang. While the Founding Emperor was at Shouyang and the Song regime was being established, Chengtian was summoned as gentleman of ceremonial affairs in the secretariat, and together with Fu Liang drafted court protocol. At the end of the Yongchu era, he was appointed supervising secretary and attendant censor at the southern censorate.

謝晦鎮江陵，請為南蠻長史。時有尹嘉者，家貧，母熊自以身貼錢，為嘉償責。坐不孝當死。承天議曰：「被府宣令，普議尹嘉大辟事，稱法吏葛滕籤，母告子不孝，欲殺者許之。法云，謂違犯教令，敬恭有虧，父母欲殺，皆許之。其所告惟取信於所求而許之。謹尋事原心，嘉母辭自求質錢，為子還責。嘉雖虧犯教義，而熊無請殺之辭。熊求所以生之而今殺之，非隨所求之謂。始以不孝為劾，終於和賣結刑，倚旁兩端，母子俱罪，滕籤法文，為非其條。嘉所存者大，理在難申，但明教爰發，矜其愚蔽。夫明德慎罰，文王所以恤下；議獄緩死，《中孚》所以垂化。言情則母為子隱，語敬則禮所不及。今舍乞宥之評，依請殺之條，責敬恭之節，於饑寒之隸，誠非罰疑從輕，寧失有罪之謂也。愚以謂降嘉之死，以普春澤之恩；赦熊之愆，以明子隱之宜。則蒲亭雖陋，可比德於盛明；豚魚微物，不獨遺於今化。」事未判，值赦，並免。

When Xie Hui was posted at Jiangling, he invited Chengtian to serve as chief administrator of the southern barbarian command. There was a man named Yin Jia whose family was poor. His mother Xiong had sold herself into bondage to pay his debts. Convicted of unfilial conduct, he was sentenced to death. Chengtian argued: "Under the prefecture's order for general deliberation on Yin Jia's capital case, legal clerk Ge Teng ruled that when a mother accuses her son of unfilial conduct and asks for his death, the law permits it. The statute applies when a child violates parental instruction and shows deficient respect, and the parents wish him dead—the law permits them to ask for execution. The law permits execution only when the parent's accusation accords with what they actually seek. Examining the facts in light of the parties' intentions, Jia's mother stated that she had pledged herself for money to repay her son's debts. Though Jia had indeed failed in filial duty, Xiong never asked for his death. Xiong sought a way for her son to live; to execute him now is not to honor what she asked for. The prosecution began with a charge of unfilial conduct but ended with the penalty for contractual sale of persons—straddling two statutes to condemn both mother and son. Ge Teng's citation simply does not fit the case. Jia's motive was noble though his reasoning was hard to express; the court should recognize his ignorant error and show mercy. Manifest virtue and measured punishment were how King Wen showed compassion to his subjects; deliberate review of cases and commutation of death sentences, as the Zhong Fu hexagram teaches, are how sagely rule transforms the people. In matters of feeling, a mother may conceal her son's fault; as for strict ritual propriety, the rites do not extend to such desperate circumstances. To set aside a plea for mercy and apply the statute permitting a parent's request for execution, demanding full ritual propriety from a destitute son and mother, violates the principle of leniency in doubtful cases and the sage maxim that it is better to spare the guilty than execute the innocent. I propose that commuting Jia's death would spread the emperor's springtime mercy; and pardoning Xiong would affirm the recognized propriety of a mother shielding her son. Though our court may seem humble beside the sage kings, such mercy would compare favorably with the greatest ages of governance; and even the lowliest creatures would share in the benevolence of this age." Before the court could render judgment, a general amnesty was declared and all parties were pardoned.

晦進號衛將軍，轉諮議參軍，領記室。元嘉三年，晦將見討，其弟黃門郎皭密信報之，晦問承天曰：「若果爾，卿令我云何？」承天曰：「以王者之重，舉天下以攻一州，大小既殊，逆順又異，境外求全，上計也。其次，以腹心領兵戍於義陽，將軍率眾於夏口一戰，若敗，即趨義陽以出北境，其次也。」晦良久曰：「荊楚用武之國，兵力有餘，且當決戰，走不晚也。」使承天造立表檄。晦以湘州刺史張邵必不同己，欲遣千人襲之；承天以為邵意趨未可知，不宜便討。時邵兄茂度為益州，與晦素善，故晦止不遣兵。前益州刺史蕭摹之、前巴西太守劉道產去職還江陵，晦將殺之，承天盡力營救，皆得全免。晦既下，承天留府不從。及到彥之至馬頭，承天自詣歸罪，彥之以其有誠，宥之，使行南蠻府事。

Xie Hui was promoted to Defender-General, appointed Consultative Staff Officer, and put in charge of the secretariat staff. In the third year of Yuanjia, Xie Hui learned that punitive action against him was imminent. His younger brother Jiao, a Yellow Gate Attendant, sent a secret warning. Hui asked Chengtian, "If it comes to that, what should I do? Chengtian replied, "A king can mobilize the entire realm against a single province—the odds favor him, and justice favors him as well. Your best course is to flee beyond the frontier and save yourself. Second best: post your trusted lieutenants with troops at Yiyang while you lead the main force to give battle at Xiakou. If you lose, retreat to Yiyang and escape across the northern frontier. After a long pause, Hui said, "Jing and Chu are warrior country—we have plenty of troops. We should give decisive battle first; there will still be time to flee if we must." He ordered Chengtian to draft the memorials and military proclamations. Hui believed that Zhang Shao, the inspector of Xiang province, would not join his cause and planned to send a thousand men to seize him by surprise; Chengtian argued that Zhang Shao's intentions were still unclear and that a preemptive strike was premature. Zhang Shao's elder brother Maodu was then in Yi province and had long been friendly with Hui, so Hui abandoned the plan and sent no troops. The former inspector of Yi province, Xiao Muzhi, and the former administrator of Baxi, Liu Daochan, were returning to Jiangling after leaving office. When Hui was about to execute them, Chengtian intervened energetically on their behalf and saved them all. When Hui marched out against the imperial forces, Chengtian stayed behind at headquarters and refused to accompany him. When Dao Yan's army reached Matou, Chengtian went to surrender himself. Dao Yan pardoned him in recognition of his good faith and assigned him to manage the southern barbarian command.

七年，彥之北伐，請為右軍錄事。及彥之敗退，承天以才非軍旅，得免刑責。以補尚書殿中郎，兼左丞。吳興餘杭民薄道舉為劫。制同籍期親補兵。道舉從弟代公、道生等並為大功親，非應在補謫之例，法以代公等母存為期親，則子宜隨母補兵。承天議曰：「尋劫制，同籍期親補兵，大功不在此例。婦人三從，既嫁從夫，夫死從子。今道舉為劫，若其叔尚存，制應補謫，妻子營居，固其宜也。但為劫之時，叔父已沒，代公、道生並是從弟，大功之親，不合補謫。今若以叔母為期親，令代公隨母補兵，既違大功不謫之制，又失婦人三從之道。由於主者守期親之文，不辨男女之異，遠嫌畏負，以生此疑，懼非聖朝恤刑之旨。謂代公等母子並宜見原。」故司徒掾孔邈奏事未御，邈已喪殯，議者謂不宜仍用邈名，更以見官奏之。承天又議曰：「既沒之名不合奏者，非有它義，正嫌於近不祥耳。奏事一卻，動經歲時，盛明之世，事從簡易，曲嫌細忌，皆應蕩除。」

In the seventh year, during Dao Yan's northern expedition, Chengtian was appointed recorder on his right-wing staff. After Dao Yan's defeat and retreat, Chengtian escaped punishment on the grounds that he was a civilian advisor, not a military commander. He was appointed Gentleman Attendant in the Masters of Writing office, with concurrent duties as left assistant. Bo Daoqü, a commoner of Yuhang in Wuxing commandery, committed robbery. Under the law, consanguine relatives within one household register in the second degree of mourning were liable for military conscription as a penalty. Daoqü's cousins Daigong, Daosheng, and others were third-degree relatives, not normally subject to the conscription penalty. But the law office argued that because their mother was a second-degree relative still living, her sons should be conscripted along with her. Chengtian argued: "The robbery statute applies conscription to second-degree relatives within the same household register. Third-degree relatives are not covered. A woman observes the threefold submission: after marriage she follows her husband; after his death she follows her son. In Daoqü's case, if his uncle were still alive, conscription of the household would be proper—the wife and children sharing his residence as the law requires. But at the time of the robbery, the uncle was already dead. Daigong and Daosheng were younger cousins—third-degree relatives—not subject to conscription. To treat the aunt as a second-degree relative and conscript Daigong because of his mother violates both the exemption for third-degree kin and the principle of a woman's threefold submission. The responsible official clung literally to the statute on second-degree kin without distinguishing the roles of men and women, and out of excessive caution created this confusion. That cannot accord with our court's humane approach to punishment. I propose that Daigong, his mother, and his brothers all be pardoned." A memorial by the late chief clerk Kong Miao of the Minister Over the Masses had not yet reached the throne when Miao died and was buried. Officials argued that his name should no longer be used and that a living official should resubmit the memorial. Chengtian argued again, "The rule against submitting a dead man's name has no deeper purpose—it merely reflects squeamishness about recent death. A returned memorial can languish for a year. In an enlightened age, such mincing taboos should be abolished and procedures simplified."

承天為性剛愎，不能屈意朝右，頗以所長侮同列，不為僕射殷景仁所平，出為衡陽內史。昔在西與士人多不協，在郡又不公清，為州司所糾，被收繫獄，值赦免。十六年，除著作佐郎，撰國史。承天年已老，而諸佐郎並名家年少，潁川荀伯子嘲之，常呼為奶母。承天曰：「卿當云鳳凰將九子，奶母何言邪！」尋轉太子率更令，著作如故。

Chengtian was stubborn by nature and refused to defer to senior court officials, often condescending to his colleagues with his expertise. Yin Jingren, the Vice Director, took no liking to him, and Chengtian was posted out as internal administrator of Hengyang. In the west he had long been at odds with many scholars; as administrator he proved corrupt and was impeached by the provincial inspectorate, imprisoned, and then released by amnesty. In the sixteenth year he was appointed assistant historiographer and assigned to compile the dynastic history. Chengtian was already elderly, while his fellow assistant historiographers were all young men from eminent families. Xun Bozi of Yingchuan teased him, habitually calling him "the wet nurse." Chengtian retorted, "You should say the phoenix is about to hatch nine chicks—what nonsense is this about a wet nurse! Soon afterward he was transferred to Grand Master of Splendor for the Heir Apparent while retaining his historiographical post.

時丹陽丁況等久喪不葬，承天議曰：「禮所云還葬，當謂荒儉一時，故許其稱財而不求備。丁況三家，數年中，葬輒無棺櫬，實由淺情薄恩，同於禽獸者耳。竊以為丁寶等同伍積年，未嘗勸之以義，繩之以法。十六年冬，既無新科，又未申明舊制，有何嚴切，欻然相糾。或由鄰曲分爭，以興此言。如聞在東諸處，此例既多，江西、淮北尤為不少。若但謫此三人，殆無整肅。開其一端，則互相恐動，里伍縣司，競為奸利。財賂既逞，獄訟必繁，懼虧聖明烹鮮之美。臣愚謂況等三家，且可勿問，因此附定制旨，若民人葬不如法，同伍當即糾言，三年除服之後，不得追相告列，於事為宜。」

At the time Ding Kuang of Danyang and others had left their dead unburied for years. Chengtian argued, "The rites permit 'return burial' only during times of famine and hardship, allowing families to bury according to their means without demanding full ceremony. The three Ding households had buried their dead for years without coffins or outer cases. This reflects not poverty but callous ingratitude little better than beasts. For years their neighbors in the same ward never exhorted them with moral duty or restrained them with law. In the winter of the sixteenth year, no new statute had been issued and no old regulation clarified—what urgency justified sudden denunciation? The accusations may simply have sprung from neighborhood quarrels. I hear that such cases are already common in the eastern provinces, especially west of the Yangzi and north of the Huai. Punishing only these three men would scarcely restore order. Open this door and mutual denunciation will spread; neighborhood wards and county offices will compete for illicit gain. Once bribery flourishes, lawsuits will multiply, to the detriment of the sage principle of governing lightly, like cooking a small fish without stirring it too much. I propose that the three Ding households be left alone for now, and that a permanent regulation be enacted: when commoners bury improperly, neighbors should report it at once, but after the three-year mourning period no further accusations may be brought. That would serve the public good."

十九年，立國子學，以本官領國子博士。皇太子講《孝經》，承天與中庶子顏延之同為執經。頃之，遷御史中丞。時索虜侵邊，太祖訪群臣威戎禦遠之略，承天上表曰：

In the nineteenth year the Imperial University was founded, and Chengtian retained his post while serving concurrently as university erudite. When the heir apparent lectured on the Classic of Filial Piety, Chengtian and the household mentor Yan Yanzhi served jointly as lecturers. Soon afterward he was promoted to Imperial Censor-in-Chief. When the northern barbarians were raiding the frontier, the Founder asked his ministers for strategies to awe the enemy and secure the borders. Chengtian submitted a memorial:

伏見北藩上事，虜犯青、兗，天慈降鑒，矜此黎元，博逮群策，經綸戎政，臣以愚陋，預聞訪及。竊尋獫狁告難，爰自上古，有周之盛，南仲出車，漢氏方隆，衛、霍宣力。雖飲馬瀚海，揚旍祁連，事難役繁，天下騷動，委興負海，貲及舟車。凶狡倔強，未肯受弱，得失報復，裁不相補。宣帝末年，值其乖亂，推亡固存，始獲稽服。自晉喪中原，戎狄侵擾，百餘年間，未暇以北虜為念。大宋啟祚，兩耀靈武，而懷德畏威，用自款納。陛下臨御以來，羈縻遵養，十餘年中，貢譯不絕。去歲三王出鎮，思振遠圖，獸心易駭，遂生猜懼，背違信約，深構攜隙。貪禍恣毒，無因自反，恐烽燧之警，必自此始。臣素庸懦，才不經武，率其管窺，謹撰《安邊論》。意及淺末，懼無可采。若得詢之朝列，辨核同異，庶或開引群慮，研盡眾謀，短長畢陳，當否可見。其論曰：

I have read the northern frontier's report that the barbarians are raiding Qing and Yan provinces. His Majesty, in Heaven's compassion for the people, has sought counsel broadly on military affairs. Though I am unworthy, I have been honored with a request for my views. Barbarian raids have troubled China since antiquity. At the height of Zhou, Nan Zhong took the field; when the Han flourished, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing won their fame. Though the Han drove the enemy to drink their horses in the distant sea and raised banners on Qilian Mountain, such campaigns were arduous and costly, stirring the realm and burdening the people to the limit of land and sea transport. The enemy remained fierce and unyielding; gains and losses, attack and reprisal, scarcely balanced each other. Only in the last years of Emperor Xuan, when the barbarians fell into internal disorder, did the Han exploit their weakness and win formal submission. Since the Jin lost the central plains, barbarian raids continued for more than a century, and the court had no leisure to concern itself with the northern enemy. When the Song dynasty arose, its military glory shone forth, and the barbarians, awed by its virtue and power, voluntarily submitted. Since Your Majesty's accession, the court has restrained and nurtured them, and for more than ten years tribute missions have never ceased. Last year, when the three princes took up their frontier posts with plans to recover lost territory, the barbarians' suspicious nature was easily alarmed. They broke faith, and deep enmity arose between us. Greedy and ruthless, they will not turn back of their own accord. I fear that frontier alarms will begin from this moment. I am by nature mediocre and timid, with no military expertise. Drawing on my limited understanding, I have respectfully drafted a "Treatise on Securing the Borders." My views are shallow and I fear they merit no attention. If the court will discuss it among the ministers, weighing agreement and disagreement, it may draw out broader counsel and exhaust the range of proposals, so that strengths and weaknesses are fully aired and the right course becomes clear. The treatise reads:

漢世言備匈奴之策，不過二科，武夫盡征伐之謀，儒生講和親之約，課其所言，互有遠志。加塞漠之外，胡敵掣肘，必未能摧鋒引日，規自開張。當由往年冀土之民，附化者眾，二州臨境，三王出藩，經略既張，宏圖將舉，士女延望，華、夷慕義。故昧於小利，且自矜侈，外示餘力，內堅偽眾。今若務存遵養，許其自新，雖未可羈致北闕，猶足鎮靜邊境。然和親事重，當盡廟算，誠非愚短，所能究言。若追蹤衛、霍瀚海之志，時事不等，致功亦殊。寇雖習戰未久，又全據燕、趙，跨帶秦、魏，山河之險，終古如一。自非大田淮、泗，內實青、徐，使民有贏儲，野有積穀，然後分命方、召，總率虎旅，精卒十萬，使一舉蕩夷，則不足稍勤王師，以勞天下。何以言之？今遺黎習亂，志在偷安，非皆恥為左衽，遠慕冠冕，徒以殘害剝辱，視息無寄，故繦負歸國，先後相尋。虜既不能校勝循理，攻城掠地，而輕兵掩襲，急在驅殘，是其所以速怨召禍，滅亡之日。今若遣軍追討，報其侵暴，大翦幽、冀，屠城破邑，則聖朝愛育黎元，方濟之以道。若但欲撫其歸附，伐罪弔民，則駿馬奔走，不肯來征，徒興巨費，無損於彼。復奇兵深入，殺敵破軍，苟陵患未盡，則困獸思鬥，報復之役，將遂無已。斯秦、漢之末策，輪臺之所悔也。

Han discussions of how to guard against the Xiongnu fell into two schools: warriors urged all-out conquest, scholars advocated marriage alliances. Each camp pursued its own distant aim. Moreover, beyond the desert frontier the barbarians are constrained and cannot sustain a prolonged offensive or expand their territory at will. The cause lies rather in recent years: many people of Ji province have submitted to our rule; the two frontier provinces border the enemy; the three princes have taken up their posts; our grand strategy is unfolding and the people, Chinese and barbarian alike, look to us with hope. Blinded by petty advantage, they have grown arrogant, making a show of strength while secretly hardening their forces. If we continue to restrain and nurture them and permit repentance, we may not yet bring them to court, but we can still secure the frontier. Yet peace through alliance is a weighty matter requiring full deliberation in the ancestral temple—beyond what my limited understanding can fully address. To emulate Wei Qing and Huo Qubing's ambition to drive the enemy to the distant sea would be to ignore how times differ and how outcomes differ as well. Though the enemy has not long been at war, they hold all of Yan and Zhao and control the territories linking Qin and Wei. The natural defenses of mountains and rivers have been the same since antiquity. Unless we first develop the Huai and Si regions, strengthen Qing and Xu within, ensure that the people have surplus grain and the countryside ample stores, and only then dispatch commanders like the Duke of Zhou and Duke of Shao at the head of a hundred thousand elite troops to sweep the barbarians away—it is not enough merely to mobilize the imperial army and weary the realm. Why do I say this? The people of the lost north are accustomed to turmoil and care only for survival. They are not all ashamed to wear barbarian dress or yearning for Chinese civilization; they come to us swaddled on their backs because oppression and plunder have left them nowhere else to turn. The barbarians cannot win by fair contest or seize territory by siege; they rely on swift raids to slaughter and drive out the people. That is why they quickly earn hatred and invite their own destruction. If we now send armies in pursuit, retaliating for their raids by ravaging You and Ji, slaughtering in cities and towns, we would contradict the sage court's mission to cherish and succor the people. If we wish only to welcome those who submit and wage a punitive campaign to succor the people, the enemy's swift cavalry will refuse pitched battle, and we will incur vast expense to no effect. If we send elite troops deep into enemy territory to kill and rout their armies, any remaining grievance will make them fight like cornered beasts, and cycles of reprisal will never end. Such was the failed late policy of Qin and Han, the very course that the Luntai edict repented.

安邊固守，於計為長。臣以安邊之計，備在史策，李牧言其端，嚴尤申其要，大略舉矣。曹、孫之霸，才均智敵，江、淮之間，不居各數百里。魏舍合肥，退保新城，江陵移民南涘，濡須之戍，家停羨溪。及表陵之屯，民夷散雜，晉宣王以為宜從江南以北岸，曹爽不許，果亡柤中，此皆前代之殷鑒也。何者？斥候之郊，非畜牧之地，非耕桑之邑。故堅壁清野，以俟其來，整甲繕兵，以乘其敝。雖時有古今，勢有強弱，保民全境，不出此塗。要而歸之有四：一曰移遠就近；二曰浚復城隍；三曰纂偶車牛；四曰計丁課仗。良守疆其土田，驍帥振其風略。搜獵宣其號令，俎豆訓其廉恥。縣爵以縻之，設禁以威之。徭稅有程，寬猛相濟。比及十載，民知義方。然後簡將授奇，揚旌雲朔，風卷河冀，電掃嵩恆，燕弧折卻，代馬摧足，秦首斬其右臂，吳蹄絕其左肩，銘功於燕然之阿，饗徒於金微之曲。

Securing the borders through firm defense is the soundest long-term strategy. The strategy for securing the borders is fully recorded in history: Li Mu stated its principles, Yan You elaborated its essentials—the broad outline is already clear. When Cao Cao and Sun Quan contended for supremacy, their talents and strategies were evenly matched, and their domains along the Yangzi and Huai lay only a few hundred li apart. Wei abandoned Hefei and withdrew to Xincheng; Jiangling moved its population south of the river; the garrison at Ruxu quartered families along Xian Creek. At the Biaoling encampment, with Chinese and barbarians intermixed, Sima Yi urged moving populations from south of the Yangzi to the north bank; Cao Shuang refused, and defeat at Zuzhong followed. These are all stern lessons from history. Why? The frontier zones where scouts operate are neither pastureland nor farmland. Therefore fortify defenses and clear the countryside to await their coming; ready armor and weapons to strike when they are spent. Though times and relative strength differ, the way to preserve the people and secure the whole territory does not change. In sum, the strategy has four elements: first, relocate distant populations closer to safety; second, dredge moats and repair city walls; third, organize carts and draft animals; fourth, register households and levy arms. Capable administrators should secure the farmland; valiant commanders should inspire martial spirit. Hunting exercises should enforce discipline; ritual instruction should cultivate honor and shame. Bestow ranks to bind them to service; impose prohibitions to enforce discipline. Corvée and taxation should follow fixed schedules, with lenience and severity balanced. Within ten years the people will understand their moral duty. Only then may we select commanders and deploy brilliant stratagems, raise banners in the northern frontier, sweep like wind through Hebei and Ji, strike like lightning across the sacred mountains—break the enemy's bowmen of Yan, shatter the cavalry of Dai, sever their right arm in Qin and cut their left shoulder in Wu—inscribe our merit on Mount Yanshan and feast the troops at Jinwei.

寇雖亂亡有徵，昧弱易取，若天時人事，或未盡符，抑銳俟機，宜審其算。若邊戍未增，星居布野，勤惰異教，貧富殊資，疆場之民，多懷彼此，虜在去就，不根本業，難可驅率，易在振盪。又狡虜之性，食肉衣皮，以馳騁為儀容，以游獵為南畝，非有車輿之安，宮室之衛。櫛風沐雨，不以為勞；露宿草寢，維其常性；勝則競利，敗不羞走，彼來或驟，而此已奔疲。且今春逾濟，既獲其利，乘勝忸忲，未虞天誅，比及秋末，容更送死。猋騎蟻聚，輕兵鳥集，並踐禾稼，焚爇閭井，雖邊將多略，未審何以禦之。若盛師連屯，廢農必眾，馳車奔馹，起役必遲，散金行賞，損費必大，換土客戍，怨曠必繁。孰若因民所居，並脩農戰，無動眾之勞，有捍衛之實，其為利害，優劣相縣也。

Though the enemy shows signs of disorder and weakness, if heaven and human affairs are not yet fully aligned, we should restrain our ardor, await the right moment, and calculate carefully. If border garrisons are not strengthened while scattered settlements dot the countryside, if diligence and indolence follow different customs and rich and poor hold unequal means, then frontier people will harbor divided loyalties. The barbarians, unsettled in their allegiance and without rooted livelihoods, cannot be reliably led and are easily thrown into turmoil. Moreover, the barbarians are by nature meat-eaters who clothe themselves in hides; they take horsemanship as their dignity and hunting as their livelihood, knowing nothing of the comforts of carriages or the protection of walled dwellings. They endure wind and rain without counting it hardship; sleeping under the open sky on grass is their ordinary way. When they win they rush for spoils; when they lose they flee without shame. They may arrive in a sudden rush while our men are already worn out from pursuit. This spring they crossed the Ji and took their fill of plunder; flushed with victory they grow reckless, heedless of retribution—and by autumn's end they may well return to throw themselves against us again. Their swift horsemen swarm like ants and their light troops gather like flocking birds, trampling the harvest and burning homesteads. Though our frontier commanders are resourceful, it is hard to see how they can be held off. Massing armies in chained encampments would idle countless farmers; racing couriers and chariots would make mobilization slow; scattering gold for rewards would drain the treasury; rotating garrisons of outsiders would breed resentment and desertion. Far better to work from where the people already live, training them in both farming and fighting—no need to mobilize the masses, yet real defense is gained. The difference in cost and benefit is immense.

一曰移遠就近，以實內地。今青、兗舊民，冀州新附，在界首者二萬家，此寇之資也。今悉可內徙，青州民移東萊、平昌、北海諸郡，泰山以南，南至下邳，左沭右沂，田良野沃，西阻蘭陵，北扼大峴，四塞之內，其號險固。民性重遷，闇於圖始，無虜之時，喜生咨怨。今新被鈔掠，餘懼未息，若曉示安危，居以樂土，宜其歌抃就路，視遷如歸。

First: relocate distant populations closer in, to strengthen the interior. The old settlers of Qing and Yan and the newly submitted people of Ji number twenty thousand households on the frontier—resources for the enemy. All may now be resettled inland. The people of Qingzhou should move to Donglai, Pingchang, Beihai, and related commanderies—the region south of Mount Tai down to Xiapi, bounded by the Shu and Yi rivers, with rich fields and fertile countryside, Lanling blocking the west and Great Xian guarding the north, enclosed within four passes—a terrain famed for its strength. People naturally resist relocation and cannot see long-term advantage; in peacetime they readily complain. Fresh from looting and raid, their fear not yet faded, if we show them security and settle them on good land, they should go forth clapping and singing, treating the move as coming home.

二曰浚復城隍，以增阻防。舊秋冬收斂，民人入保，所以警備暴客，使防衛有素也。古之城池，處處皆有，今雖頹毀，猶可修治。粗計戶數，量其所容，新徙之家，悉著城內，假其經用，為之閭伍，納稼築場，還在一處。婦子守家，長吏為師，丁夫匹婦，春夏佃牧。寇至之時，一城千室，堪戰之士，不下二千，其餘羸弱，猶能登陴鼓噪。十則圍之，兵家舊說，戰士二千，足抗群虜三萬矣。

Second: repair city walls and moats to strengthen defensive barriers. Formerly after the autumn harvest people would withdraw into fortified settlements, a standing guard against raiders so defense was systematic. Ancient walls and moats stood everywhere; though ruined now, they can still be restored. Estimate household numbers and capacity, register all new settlers within the walls, supply their needs, organize them into wards and groups, and concentrate harvest and threshing in one place. Women and children remain at home while officials act as instructors; men and their wives farm and pasture in spring and summer. When the enemy comes, a city of a thousand households can field at least two thousand fighting men; even the weak can man the walls and raise the alarm. The classic military maxim says ten besiege one; two thousand defenders can hold off thirty thousand barbarians.

三曰纂偶車牛，以飾戎械。計千家之資，不下五百耦牛，為車五百兩。參合鉤連，以衛其眾。設使城不可固，平行趨險，賊所不能干。既已族居，易可檢括。號令先明，民知夙戒。有急徵發，信宿可聚。

Third: organize teams of oxen and carts as military equipment. A thousand households can muster at least five hundred ox-teams—five hundred carts. Link them together with couplings to shield the community. If walls cannot hold, they can move along level paths to safer ground where raiders cannot reach them. Clustered together, they are easy to register and mobilize. Clear advance orders ensure the people are forewarned. In an emergency they can be assembled within a day or two.

四曰計丁課仗，勿使有闕。千家之邑，戰士二千，隨其便能，各自有仗，素所服習，銘刻由己，還保輸之於庫，出行請以自衛。弓干利鐵，民不辦得者，官以漸充之，數年之內，軍用粗備矣。

Fourth: register every able man and assign arms, leaving none unarmed. A settlement of a thousand households fields two thousand fighters, each equipped according to skill with familiar, personally marked weapons stored in the armory and issued for outings. Where civilians cannot afford bows and blades, the state should gradually supply them; within a few years armaments will be largely ready.

臣聞軍國異容，施於封畿之內；兵農並修，在於疆場之表。攻守之宜，皆因其習，任其怯勇。山陵川陸之形，寒暑溫涼之氣，各由本性，易則害生。是故戍申作師，遠屯清濟，功費既重，嗟怨亦深。以臣料之，未若即用彼眾之易也。管子治齊，寄令在民；商君為秦，設以耕戰。終申威定霸，行其志業，非苟任強，實由有數。梁用走卒，其邦自滅；齊用技擊，厥眾亦離。漢、魏以來，茲制漸絕，搜田非復先王之禮，治兵徒逞耳目之欲，有急之日，民不知戰，至乃廣延賞募，奉以厚秩，發遽奔救，天下騷然。方伯刺史，拱手坐聽，自無經略，唯望朝廷遣軍，此皆忘戰之害，不教之失也。

I have heard that military and civil administration differ in form within the capital domains; while combined farming and fighting belongs on the frontier. Tactics for attack and defense should follow local custom and suit each man's courage or timidity. Mountain, hill, river, and plain each have their nature; cold, heat, and climate follow local habit—change breeds harm. Hence the gengshen campaign that garrisoned far along the Qing and Ji cost heavily in effort and bred deep resentment. In my judgment, using the local population directly would be far easier. Guan Zhong governed Qi by entrusting authority to the people; Lord Shang of Qin instituted the system of farming and fighting. Qin at last achieved supremacy and realized its ambitions—not by crude force alone but by systematic method. Liang employed hired runners and perished; Qi relied on martial champions and its forces scattered as well. Since Han and Wei this system has faded; military hunts no longer follow ancient ritual, and drill serves only display. When crisis comes the people do not know how to fight, and the court must offer lavish bounties, send urgent rescuers, throwing the realm into turmoil. Regional governors sit idle without strategy, merely awaiting imperial armies—all the harm of forgetting war and failing to train.

今移民實內，浚治城隍，族居聚處，課其騎射，長吏簡試，差品能不，甲科上第，漸就優別，明其勳才，表言州郡。如此則屯部有常，不遷其業。內護老弱，外通官塗，朋曹素定，同憂等樂，情由習親，藝因事著，晝戰見貌足相識，夜戰聞聲足相救，斯教戰之一隅，先哲之遺術。論者必以古城荒毀，難可修復。今不謂頓便加功，整麗如舊，但欲先定民，營其閭術，墉壑存者，因而即之，其有毀缺，權時柵斷。足以禦彼輕兵，防遏遊騎，假以方將，漸就只立。車牛之賦，課仗之宜，攻守所資，軍國之要，今因民所利，導而率之。耕農之器，為府庫之寶，田蠶之氓，兼城之用，千家總倍旅之兵，萬戶具全軍之眾，兵強而敵不戒，國富而民不勞，比於優復隊伍，坐食廩糧者，不可同年而校矣。

Resettle populations inland, repair walls, cluster communities, drill them in archery and riding; officials should test and grade them, promoting top performers and reporting merit to the provinces. Thus garrison districts remain stable and occupations unchanged. They protect the weak within and maintain contact with officials without; settled companions share sorrows and joys; familiarity breeds trust and practice breeds skill. By day fighters recognize one another's faces; by night they know one another's voices—a fragment of the ancients' way of training for war. Critics will surely object that ruined ancient cities cannot be restored. I do not propose instantly restoring them to former splendor, but first settling the people and organizing wards—using surviving walls where possible and erecting temporary palisades where broken. Enough to hold off light raiders and roaming horsemen; given time and proper commanders, full restoration can follow. Ox-carts and weapon levies, essentials of defense and statecraft, should follow what benefits the people and guide them accordingly. Farming tools become armory treasure; farmers double as defenders. A thousand households equal twice a brigade; ten thousand households a full army—strong forces the enemy does not expect, a rich state without exhausting the people. Nothing compares to privileged units that sit idle on government grain.

今承平未久，邊令弛縱，弓竿利鐵，既不都斷，往歲棄甲，垂二十年，課其所住，理應消壞。謂宜申明舊科，嚴加禁塞，諸商賈往來，幢隊挾藏者，皆以軍法治之。又界上嚴立關候，杜廢間蹊。城保之境，諸所課仗，並加雕鐫，別造程式。若有遺鏃亡刃，及私為竊盜者，皆可立驗，於事為長。又鉅野湖澤廣大，南通洙、泗，北連青、齊，有舊縣城，正在澤內。宜立式脩復舊堵，利其埭遏，給輕艦百艘。寇若入境，引艦出戰，左右隨宜應接，據其師津，毀其航漕。此以利制車，運我所長，亦微徹敵之要也。

Peace has not lasted long and frontier laws are lax; weapons are not fully controlled, and armour abandoned for nearly twenty years must by now have decayed. Old regulations should be reasserted and strictly enforced; merchants and armed convoys concealing arms should be punished under military law. Furthermore, establish strict border checkpoints and close secret paths. In every fortified district, assigned weapons should be engraved with standard markings. Lost arrows or stolen blades can be quickly traced—highly effective. The vast Juye marshes connect south to the Zhu and Si rivers and north to Qing and Qi; an old county seat lies within them. We should restore the old dikes, improve sluice controls, and supply a hundred light warships. If the enemy invades, sortie with warships, respond flexibly on both flanks, seize their crossings, and destroy their supply routes. This turns our advantages against them and strikes at the enemy's weak point.

承天素好弈棋，頗用廢事。太祖賜以局子，承天奉表陳謝，上答：「局子之賜，何必非張武之金邪！」承天又能彈箏，上又賜銀裝箏一面。承天與尚書左丞謝元素不相善，二人競伺二臺之違，累相糾奏。太尉江夏王義恭歲給資費錢三千萬，布五萬匹，米七萬斛。義恭素奢侈，用常不充，二十一年，逆就尚書換明年資費。而舊制出錢二十萬，布五百匹以上，並應奏聞，元輒命議以錢二百萬給太尉。事發覺，元乃使令史取僕射孟顗命。元時新除太尉諮議參軍，未拜，為承天所糾。上大怒，遣元長歸田里，禁錮終身。元時又舉承天賣茭四百七十束與官屬，求貴價。承天坐白衣領職。元字有宗，陳郡陽夏人，臨川內史靈運從祖弟也。以才學見知，卒於禁錮。

He Chengtian was fond of go and often neglected his duties for it. The Founding Emperor gave him a chess set; He Chengtian thanked him in a memorial, and the Emperor replied: 'Must a gift of chess pieces be Zhang Wu's gold?' He Chengtian also played the zither, and the Emperor gave him a silver-mounted zither. He Chengtian was on bad terms with Left Assistant Minister Xie Yuansu; the two spied on each other's infractions at court and repeatedly denounced one another. The Grand Marshal Prince Jiangxia Yigong received annual stipends of thirty million cash, fifty thousand bolts of cloth, and seventy thousand piculs of grain. Yigong was extravagant and his stipend never enough; in year twenty-one he improperly obtained next year's allowance from the Ministry of Revenue ahead of time. By regulation any disbursement over two hundred thousand cash or five hundred bolts had to be reported; Yuan directly authorized two million for the Grand Marshal. When this was discovered, Yuan had a clerk forge Vice Director Meng Yan's authorization. Yuan had just been appointed staff officer to the Grand Marshal but had not taken office; He Chengtian denounced him. The Emperor was furious and sent Yuan home to his estate under lifetime house arrest. Yuan also denounced He Chengtian for selling four hundred seventy bundles of fodder to officials at inflated prices. He Chengtian was reduced to serving in office as a commoner. Yuan, styled Youzong, was from Yangxia in Chen commandery and a cousin of Xie Lingyun, Administrator of Linchuan. Esteemed for talent and learning, he died under house arrest.

二十四年，承天遷廷尉，未拜，上欲以為吏部，已受密旨，承天宣漏之，坐免官。卒於家，年七十八。先是，《禮論》有八百卷，承天刪減併合，以類相從，凡為三百卷，並《前傳》、《雜語》、《纂文》、論並傳於世。又改定《元嘉曆》，語在《律曆志》。

In year twenty-four He Chengtian was promoted to Minister of Justice but before taking office was tipped for the post of Director of Personnel; he leaked the secret appointment and was dismissed. He died at home at the age of seventy-eight. Earlier the Rites Discussions ran to eight hundred scrolls; He Chengtian condensed them into three hundred arranged by topic, along with his Prior Tradition, Miscellaneous Sayings, Compiled Writings, and other treatises, all passed down to posterity. He also revised the Yuanjia calendar, as recorded in the Treatise on Harmonics and the Calendar.

史臣曰：治邊之術，前世言之詳矣。夫戎夷狡黠，飄迅難虞，必宜完其障塞，謹其烽柝，使來徑可防，去塗易梗，然後乃能禁暴止奸，養威攘寇。漢世案秦舊跡，嚴塞以限外夷，吳、魏交戰，亦以江、淮為疆場，莫不先憑地險，卻保民和，且守且耕，伺隙乘釁。高祖受命，王略未遠，雖綿河作守，而兵孤援闊，盛衰既兆，用啟戎心。蓋由王業始基，經創多闕，先內後外，以至於此乎。自茲以降，分青置境，無圍守之宜，闕耕戰之略，恃寇不來，遂無其備。周、漢二策，在宋頓亡，遂致胡馬橫行，曾無藩落之固，使士民跼蒼天，蹐厚地，繫虜俘囚，而無所控告，哀哉！承天《安邊論》，博而篤矣，載之云爾。

The historian writes: Methods of governing the frontier were discussed thoroughly in earlier ages. The barbarians are cunning and swift, unpredictable; barriers and beacons must be complete so their approach can be blocked and retreat cut off—only then can violence be curbed and raids repelled. Han followed Qin's frontier system to hem in outsiders; Wu and Wei likewise made the Yangzi and Huai their battleground—all relied first on terrain, protecting the people while farming and fighting, watching for openings. When Emperor Gaozu founded the dynasty his power had not reached far; though he extended the Yellow River line of defense, garrisons were thin and support distant—the tide of fortune shifting stirred barbarian ambitions. Perhaps because the dynasty was newly founded with many institutions still unbuilt—prioritizing the interior before the frontier—that it came to this. Thereafter Qing was partitioned and border policy abandoned encircled defense and farming-army strategy, assuming the enemy would not come—until there was no defense at all. The Zhou and Han strategies died utterly under the Song, so barbarian horsemen ranged unchecked without frontier bastions, leaving officers and people bound captive under heaven with nowhere to appeal—alas! He Chengtian's treatise On Securing the Borders is comprehensive and earnest—thus it is recorded.

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