← Back to 宋書

卷七十五 列傳第三十五 王僧達 顏竣

Volume 75 Biographies 35: Wang Sengda, Yan Jun

Chapter 75 of 宋書 · Book of Song
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 75
Next Chapter →
1
Wang Sengda
2
殿
Wang Sengda, a native of Linyi in Langye, was the youngest son of Grand Tutor Wang Hong. His elder brother Wang Xi was stolid and unimpressive in bearing. When the Founder Emperor heard of Sengda's early brilliance, he summoned him to the Deyang Hall and questioned him on his studies and household affairs. Sengda answered with fluent ease, and the emperor took a strong liking to him and married him to a daughter of Prince Linchuan Liu Yiqing.
3
滿 祿 退
From youth he loved study and excelled at writing. Before he turned twenty he was appointed Rear Army Aide to Prince Shixing Liu Jun, then promoted to Attendant of the Heir Apparent. While claiming illness in his household he went to Yanglie Bridge to watch duck fights; the authorities reported him, but he was forgiven and not punished. He was fond of hawking and hunting dogs, raced with neighborhood youths, and even butchered cattle with his own hands. When Yiqing heard of this conduct, he sent the attendant monk Huiguan to call on him and see for himself. Sengda had books piled across his mat and debated literary matters with him; Huiguan could barely keep pace in answering and spoke of him with high praise. At odds with his brother Xi, he pleaded poverty and asked for a prefecture. The Founder Emperor meant to give him Qin Commandery, but Yu Bingzhi, Director of the Ministry of Personnel, said, "Wang Hong's sons are already ill-suited to Qin Commandery, and Sengda is no less unfit to govern the people." The appointment was dropped. He was soon made Palace Writer to the Heir Apparent, then left office to observe mourning for his mother. When his brother Xi returned from Linhai Commandery, his farewell gifts and salary totaled more than a million cash. In a single night Sengda had his slaves haul it all away, leaving nothing. After mourning he was appointed Administrator of Xuancheng. Fond of hunting, and with little trouble in that mountain prefecture, Sengda rode wherever he pleased and sometimes stayed out three to five days. He heard lawsuits mostly at his hunting camps. When commoners met him and did not know him, they asked where the prefect was; Sengda replied, "Just back there." In spring of the twenty-eighth year of Yuanjia the northern foe pressed the capital, and the court was alarmed. Sengda asked to come defend the capital and was allowed. After the enemy withdrew he was again made Administrator of Xuancheng, then soon transferred to Yixing.
4
使 便
In year 30 the deposed crown prince murdered his father and seized the throne. The Founder Emperor's son Liu Jun marched to punish him, issuing a general call to the provinces and prefectures and ordering troops raised. Sengda did not know which side to take. A visitor advised him: "Rebellion now fills the realm as never before in history. For you, the best course is to accept the loyal army's proclamation, notify neighboring prefectures, and send eloquent men to show the stakes plainly. Anyone with a conscience will answer. That is the first-best plan. If you cannot manage that, lead those loyal to the cause yourself, choose the best route by land or water, and go south in person. That is the second-best course." Sengda then fled south along the courier road, met Liu Jun at Quetou, and was at once made Chief Clerk with the additional rank of General Who Suppresses Barbarians. Earlier, when Liu Jun set out from Xunyang, Shen Qingzhi told others, "Wang Sengda will certainly come to the loyal cause." When they asked why, Qingzhi said, "With barbarian horses at the river, Wang will come to the crisis. I have seen him before the late emperor—open in debate, clear and firm in purpose. From that I say he is certain to come."
5
使 便
When the emperor took the throne, Sengda was made Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, then soon sent out as Bearer of the Staff of Authority and Colonel of Southern Man with the additional rank of General Who Suppresses Barbarians. At that time Prince Nanjun Liu Yixuan asked to stay at Jiangling, so the Southern Man post could not be assumed and the tour never took place. He was then appointed Defender of the Army. Sengda trusted in his talent and pedigree and thought no one alive could equal him. As soon as the emperor took the throne, Sengda stood at the chief right hand of power, and within a year or two he expected the premiership. Made Defender of the Army and frustrated, he petitioned for Xuzhou, writing:
6
:
Your subject clings to what is left of a failing life and, meeting this age, rests on inherited standing. The late emperor, remembering meritorious servants, extended his regard even to the humblest remnant of our house, glossing my faults and overlooking my meanness while he showered policy upon policy. I have served in plain office for eleven years. Early I enjoyed fortunate peace; late I drew near your splendid reign. I wish to learn, yet lack keen insight of my own; I bear duties, yet lack the discerning eye to judge them—so I am hardly fit to counsel on governing the realm or to read the needs of the hour. I venture to think heaven's grace can never be fully repaid, and idleness in office cannot be borne forever; hence my reckless, clumsy words whenever I lay bare what I feel.
7
:
Your Majesty's filial sincerity springs from the heart, and righteous accord moves all living things; since your accession the nine domains ought to rejoice as one and the three luminaries shine anew. Yet when I watch the lanes and listen to folk songs, the common people [text missing] have not yet been won, and opinion near and far shows no improvement—this is what keeps me in anguish day and night and guilty in waking and sleep. I take the records of the past and set them beside the present. Under Emperor Wen of Han the throne rested on a finished enterprise and a settled age, and the emperor himself wore plain cloth and ate simple fare while laboring over government—yet Jia Yi still poured out his heart and offered the counsel that moved him to sighs and tears. How much more now, when you inherit turmoil, when the myriad affairs have only just begun, when favor has not yet spread everywhere and trust has not yet circled the realm. I have also heard the ancients say that the realm is a weighty vessel: once secure it must not be suddenly endangered, and once endangered it must not be suddenly secured. Your Majesty's mind is profound and penetrating—may you weigh this in your sacred deliberation.
8
:
I venture to say that today's task is to make all things your own concern, to share the worry of house and state, to win the people's hearts, and to follow their desires. When the people voice bitter complaint, the ruler should show the will to take their troubles upon himself. Below lie the pains of fault and abuse; above let there be no mood of extravagant ease. Offices should fit men's talents, ranks should match their deserts, and it is better to reward in error than to punish in error. As for pivot posts and weighty offices, frontier commands and key garrisons—on these order and disorder depend, to these action and rest turn. Though the hundred measures are all new, some may be left as they are; what matters is fitness, not fixing in advance who goes where. Talent abounds under heaven; what matters is to use it.
9
: 退 使 使祿
I do not only, by watching the world's course from afar, misread its difficulties; applied to myself, I see its abuses in detail. How so? Though I escaped the shame of ignorance, my writings never entered the schools, my conduct is without offense, yet by myself I am no near match for ability; I rest only on my clan's patronage and long stood among the honored ranks. Moreover, though I lately rushed along the river road and submitted to the southern court, what achievement is there that deserves to be recorded for reward? Yet favor from within the palace has come again and again; within a few dozen days Your Majesty's intimate regard has issued many bright edicts. Unless talent and strategy were already formed and reputation matched the charge, how could one hear this without alarm or bear it without fear? I ought to withdraw and examine my station, know how deep your grace runs, and wonder when I can ever repay it. To face peril and give one's life, to die and only then stop—these are the earnest teachings of former ages, honoring those who forget themselves. Moved by the maxims of the former sages, I think of the place where I can be of certain use, so that in life I may fulfill my aim and in death find my due. If I were to enjoy rich salary, dwell in high honor, wear fox fur and sit on bear skins, yet have no work in the world, I truly could not be at ease. The four quarters still give alarm, the state has not forgotten war, and the braided-haired foe is treacherous and cunning—above all he must be checked and guarded against. Lately, though our armies have not yet won, they have already shown their contempt for Han; I fear the northern peoples, greedy and insatiable, still harbor defiance. Should the sacred land be briefly disturbed and the central realm suffer hunger of troops, their roaming spirits within the passes might again peer at our frontier walls. High autumn is at hand, when barbarian horses grow bold; one should plan while matters are easy and act early. Thrice each day I examine myself, with the will to repay your grace. Near and far, small and great, I look to what is fitting; to serve in one corner, to hold an office one can manage—that is what I believe I can do, and in that I have no doubt. To head military and civil affairs and oversee the imperial armies is beyond my talent and truly not my wish. Your Majesty's compassionate understanding is already generous; I beg you again to bend to this wish. I dare not hold the post of Defender of the Army; the Pengcheng military headquarters has just been established. Moreover I belong by nature in the field, not aspiring to lofty display; a modest post and small title are enough for me. I beg your forgiveness and a special grant of my plea; then within and without all will honor your grace, and living or dead I shall be bound to you.
10
The emperor refused. Sengda memorialized three times and held firm; the emperor was greatly displeased. He was appointed General Who Suppresses Barbarians and Administrator of Wu Commandery. Within a year he was moved five times, and Sengda grew only more frustrated.
11
西簿 姿
Xitai Temple outside Wu held many wealthy monks. When Sengda's requests for funds went unsatisfied, he sent his registrar Gu Kuang with gate guards to rob the monk Fayaou of the temple and seized several million cash. When Jing and Jiang rebelled, Sengda was ordered to raise aides and lead troops. The court document allowed a thousand men, but he promptly formed thirty companies of eighty men each. He also built a mansion in Wu, drawing heavily on public labor. For this he was dismissed from office. Earlier, while Sengda was Palace Writer in the Eastern Palace, he favored the soldier Zhu Lingbao. When he left for Xuancheng, Lingbao had already come of age. Sengda falsely reported him dead, entered him on Zuo Yongzhi's Xuancheng register as his own son under the name Yuanxu, and petitioned the Founder Emperor to make him Commandery Guard Director of Wuling, then also secured him posts as Commandery Secretary Director of Jingling and Central Army General of Jianping. In spring of Xiaojian 1 the affair came to light, and he was further placed under detention. He submitted a memorial of apology, writing, "I could not court those at your side and pour out my heart to the powerful." The emperor grew angrier still. Sengda's clansman Que was young and handsome; Sengda was intimate with him. Que's uncle Xiu was Administrator of Yongjia and was about to take Que to his post. Sengda meant to force him to stay, but Que understood and stayed away. Sengda flew into a rage, secretly dug a large pit behind his house, and meant to lure Que to a farewell visit, kill him, and bury him there. His cousin Sengqian learned of the plot, forbade and scolded him, and he stopped. Censor-in-Chief Liu Yu memorialized to have him arrested and punished; the emperor refused.
12
In Xiaojian 3 he was made Minister of Ceremonies and was especially displeased. Soon after he submitted a memorial resigning office, writing:
13
:宿 祿 便 西祿
I find myself mediocre and brief in talent, with little taste for office, and I have long carried a grave illness that worsens with the years. All my life I have wished for quiet seclusion. The former court's grace in remembering the distant early placed me among the honored ranks. Once, because my kin were poor and needed support, I bent low to accept salary and left plain dress for the rear office, for more than a hundred days. Soon I was made Attendant and scarcely attended court duty. I truly had no cause to sit idle under imperial favor, holding rank without serving the house. Two or three times I reported my wish and at last won approval to return to private life. I had not yet returned to private life when I was again made Palace Writer. The intent was especially generous: I was ordered to accept for the time being, with promise that a prefecture would be found when a vacancy arose. When Langye was reorganized I at once received an edict to go and return with the imperial writ. Your kind inducement was earnest, ordering me to make ready and follow immediately. Lingbao in former years was lost at Changxi and scattered thereby. Looking up I felt your deep grace; looking down I marked your passing favor. My offenses piled up and disasters joined; I still met with the punishment of mourning. Barely drawing breath, I was summoned for questioning, reported the full facts, and bore many petty charges. I was sent to Xuancheng at the lowest point of my fall. In mid-spring I was transferred; by winter the northern foe had invaded south. Ashamed to share the same flesh and bone as the throne, I was moved by duty, begged bitterly to return to the capital, and guarded the imperial carriage. On the day I arrived, the army banners had already been raised. Though my time in the prefecture was brief, I wished greedily to settle affairs and had just put on farming dress to return to plowing and herding when the people of Xuancheng went to court to petition. At that time an edict from my late cousin Sengchuo announced the intent to keep me. Dim of illness and scant in capacity, with a wild heart long accumulated, I still appended a memorial bitterly begging to return to my post for the time being. Before my return to duty was due, my late brother Xi suddenly died. I memorialized to be released to rush there, was granted to return to the capital still bearing my prefecture, and before long was again appointed to Yixing. I have flown through heaven and swum the sea by your grace—what need had I of fins or wings? I only think of what you have spread upon me, growing deeper day by day. Since I took office I have never saved even a jot. Weakened by illness and dim with grief, I have no one on whom I can rely. By nature I am drawn to forests and streams and love birds and fish; the pursuits I choose constantly miss the essentials of governance. I must restrain myself every moment, for what I need is hard to afford—proper dress still lacking, the salary of an eastern commandery too light and that of a western post too heavy. I have fully stated my earnest plea and held firm to my original wish: place me in a distant Jiang or Xiang commandery so that within a year or two, when I return to the plow, I may have grain and medicine to rely upon. Now that I have received Your enlightened consent, grant compassionate approval of my request.
14
:
: I met evil fortune when heaven and earth collapsed. Our house received the holy dynasty's familial regard; as for me, I again bore Your special recognition—though the relation was lord and minister, the grace was like that of father and son. I am truly dull and obtuse, my heart no better than grass or trees. On the day the late emperor died, I would have given my life without a thought. Alone in body with a weak heir, a thousand li away yet sharing the same breath, I again walked the road of disaster and constantly faced death. Life was slight as morning dew, thin as unseen silk; upheld by faith and obedience I was wholly saved, and again saw heaven and earth and the sun, moon, and stars. At that time my nephew Sengliang and others, trapped in that foul rebellion, had their whole households shut in prison. Mountains and rivers were steep and the roads of life and death blocked—who could not labor with distant worry? To taste gall and wet his feet was his allotted wish; to split my heart and hang my belly in worry was my private anguish.
15
:
: Fortunately the age belonged to holy martial power. The great enterprise was recovered, the cosmos cleared, and the four quarters were calm and at peace. My father, son, uncles, and nephews together obtained this grand era. Tracing my feelings to their root, I wished to prove my heart with death and mistakenly still had days remaining; My feelings and wishes were already fulfilled. To yield the contrary and follow the proper is the eternal norm, yet wit and strength were useless—what achievement or merit had I, that grace and glory should repeatedly be heaped upon me beyond my rank? But when sudden illness came I dared not firmly refuse; therefore I swallowed my complaint at Magpie Ford and drank shame at Xinting. When the prime culprit was destroyed and men and spirits restored to order, I immediately petitioned in full against the appointment to the Right-side. Heaven's compassion was generous beyond every normal rule: General of the Southern Man and Protector General were privately conferred upon me within a month. Thrice I examined my unmerited status and knew I must fail in my charge. In ordinary light duties I still feared the law—how much more holding important inner office while favored in the outer capital? That I would be overturned and broken needed no insight to see. Therefore I opened my heart and petitioned again and again—begging to descend from high to low, or to exchange an important post for a quiet one—words of bitter oath spread across my memorials. I truly know that obstinacy and rusticity must touch the enlightened statutes. Last year and the years before I repeatedly violated penal prohibitions. Reason allowed no petition; crime had its fixed law. I empty and pollute the court order and shame and burden my house. I accept the end; public opinion demands my exhaustion. Your Majesty set aside my bodily flaws, pitied my noble lineage, passed over the laws and statutes, and bent to preserve and nurture me wholly. Such first grace—I can never forget to declare it. Favor raised me through grace to my present rank. At the time I was shocked and lost my footing; my original wish for quiet forgotten, I dared not refuse the command. Inwardly I considered myself; outwardly I asked my kin—we thought heaven and earth's benevolence is given not expecting repayment, and grace of second creation cannot be recklessly attributed. Therefore I washed off the dust and bathed in rich dew; above I received holy grace, below I was born again in this era. Like fragrance leaving its shell, near and far changed their view of me. But stealing glory and trusting luck suddenly brought me to this year. Seeing that I obstruct my elder, I can no longer be at peace. I should be cast down and released; ambition and office are altogether exhausted.
16
: 退
: I prostrate and wish Your Majesty to inherit the virtue of the Grand Beginning and complete the grace that forms all things. While my mad obtuseness has not yet arrived, grant me release from rank by my own request—the holy court's grace from beginning to end, and this lone subject's undying favor preserved. To yield merit is noble; I have no merit yet yield; Plain purity is beautiful; my glory and honors have already accumulated. To seek withdrawal on these grounds is truly pitiable as well. My wife and children are my only dependents; I have no further burdens. A dozen or so maidservants and bondsmen bring a modest field income; seasonal levies are enough to sustain morning and evening. Moreover my dizziness and blindness have grown worse day by day, and wind vacuity grows severe. My pores should be closed, my vital guard is confused, heart and breath are weak, spirit and mind scattered—considering this root affliction, I cannot last months and years. In public and private alike my sincere wish should receive understanding and consent. I beg to follow my remaining days to the end of this petty fortune. White water and bright sun are insufficient comparison—I beg You to look with compassionate inspection and pityingly grant this request.
17
The tone of Sengda's memorial was insubordinate; an edict sent it to the Secretariat. Attendant-in-Ordinary He Yan, finding his words insubordinate, memorialized to send the case to the Southern Administration. Sengda was again stripped of office.
18
Soon after he was made Chief Clerk to Grand Tutor Prince of Jiangxia Yigong and Administrator of Linhuai, then transferred to Chief Clerk of the Grand Preceptor while retaining the same prefecture. In the first year of Daming he was transferred to General of the Left Guard and concurrently made Heir Apparent Vice-Director. For meritorious return to allegiance he was enfeoffed as fifth-rank Marquis of Ningling County. In the second year he was transferred to Director of the Secretariat.
19
殿 西 便
Earlier, Gao Zhe, a commoner of Fancheng County in Southern Pengcheng, the monk Shi Tanbiao, Daofang, and others deceived one another, claiming omens of ghosts, spirits, dragons, and phoenixes and constantly hearing flute and drum music. With Lan Hongqi of Moling and others they plotted rebellion. They further sought to join Palace Guards General Miao Yun, Supernumerary Cavalier Attendant Yan Xinzhi, Staff Member of the Minister of Works Kan Qianzuan, General of the Grand Preceptor's Office Cheng Nong, Wang Tian, and others, planning to raise troops on the night of the first day of the eighth month in year 2, attack the palace gates at dawn, seize Grand Preceptor Prince of Jiangxia Yigong, divide forces to strike and kill the ministers, and make Zhe emperor. When the plot was discovered, dozens of conspirators were put to death. Sengda had repeatedly been wildly rebellious. The emperor, seeing he ultimately had no heart of reform, used the Gao Zhe affair to entrap him and issued an edict saying: "Wang Sengda, favored by residual blessing, early ascended to glory; light and dangerous in conduct, notorious in public talk. When the nation's road was hard, his whole household wished to serve. We distinguished his slight sincerity and pardoned his great wickedness; ranks were spread inside and outside, and he was exhausted in glory and favor. He never showed the virtue of the academy or gratitude for kindness received, yet conspired in the west and disturbed the eastern region; he openly plundered and visibly joined violent factions, relying on wicked groups and deceiving sight and hearing. Each time I tolerated and concealed him, thinking to cleanse him—never did he show the gratitude of dog or horse. Yet fire formed a prairie blaze and a trickle foretold a river's shape; he then joined lips and teeth with Gao Zhe, covenanted with Su Bao, searched sorcerous charts, and spied at celestial signs. When the bandit chief was near execution and the remaining party came to trial, all spread words in prison documents and declared them empty market talk; still I wished to tolerate and conceal, bending law for feeling. Petty villains stirred confusion and public rumor grew fierce. Falsely raising wind and dust, he hoped for improper ambition—already known to the ministers and clear in court and countryside. How can I lightly treat the weight of altars and state and act the private benevolence of a common man? To execute evildoers on the mountain is the same in the sagely canon; to kill slanderers and cut off lawbreakers is honored in Han law. Let him be taken and delivered to the Court of Judicial Review and solemnly corrected by written punishment. Former Grand Tutor Duke Wen Zhao of Huarong, Wang Hong, bound through dynasties by covenant and tender regard—how could We forget his achievements and virtue and suddenly cut off his ancestral sacrifices? Gate rank and state marriage shall not one be demoted or cut off." He was granted death in prison. He was thirty-six years old.
20
His son Daoyan was relocated to Xin'an Commandery. When the Former Deposed Emperor took the throne, he was allowed to return to the capital. In the Yuanhui era of the Later Deposed Emperor he was made Interior Administrator of Luling Principality; before reaching the commandery he died.
21
Su Bao, personal name Baosheng, was originally of humble birth and possessed literary talent. When Yuanjia established the National University he was Assistant Instructor in the Mao Classic, came to the Founder Emperor's notice, and reached office as Attendant Censor of the Southern Administration and Magistrate of Jiangning. He was convicted of knowing of Gao Zhe's rebellion yet failing to report it immediately, and was executed together with Zhe.
22
Yan Jun
23
祿
Yan Jun, styled Shixun, was a native of Linyi in Langye and the son of Grand Master of Splendor Yan Yanzhi. The Founder Emperor asked Yanzhi, "Which of your sons has your style?" He replied, "Jun got my brush, Ce got my prose, Yu got my moral sense, and Yue got my wine."
24
簿 簿 忿
Jun at first was Erudite of the Imperial University and Heir Apparent Attendant. He went out as Chief Clerk to the Heir Apparent's Pacification Army and was greatly favored; Jun also devoted himself wholly to assisting him. In the Yuanjia era the emperor did not wish the various princes each to form faction cliques and was about to summon Jun to fill a Palace Writer post. Minister of Personnel Jiang Zhan thought Jun had a good reputation in the prince's office and should not be transferred; the emperor then stopped. Thereupon he followed the prince's office through transfers as Chief Clerk to the Pacification of the North, Pacification Army, and Northern Center General. In year 28 the barbarians returned north from Pengcheng and again sought mutual trade. Jun opined: "In my dull view, peace and alliance with the barbarians bring no benefit—a lesson already clearly shown. Why do I say this is so? The barbarians' desire to invade and plunder arises precisely because their strength is not yet enough. Never once were they restrained by trust and righteousness so as to pause their plots. The river battle of former years was precisely what peace and alliance invited. Years of diplomatic exchange led them to seek a royal marriage. The court's policy of restraint hesitated without end; months and years accumulated until deception was no longer possible. Their beastly hearts knew no satiety; anger mounted again—and so they penetrated deep. Fortunately, now after arms have crossed, Chinese and barbarian are divided. If we speak of mutual trade, we again open the sprout of former corruption. Those who debate speak only of the benefit of getting horses from trade. Now we abandon what is weighty here to get their inferior mounts—even a thousand or more is hardly worth mention; moreover the number obtained is barely one in ten or a hundred. Once trade relations are opened, they are suddenly hard to close and cut off. The bandits rely on strength and treat victory as a game; their arrogance and craft are already extreme. Though called mutual trade, it is truly spying on the state's condition. If we richly grant their requests, fierce arrogance knows no bound; if we connect yet set limits, border alarms must arise. Better to block the beginning and stop their hopes of encroachment; inwardly cultivate virtue and transformation, outwardly manage border affairs, and preserve the borders to watch for their provocation—in affairs this is the longer course."
25
殿 便
Earlier the monk Shi Senghan had some learning and said to Jun: "This humble monk has roughly seen prophecy records: a true man will respond to the omen, and name and rank in order belong to Your Highness. Jun once narrated this to kin at Pengcheng; the words were spread abroad and reached the Founder Emperor. At the time the prime culprit's witchcraft affair had already erupted, so the emperor did not pursue the matter further. When the Heir Apparent garrisoned Xunyang, Jun was transferred to Records Aide to the Southern Center General. In the spring of year 30, because his father Yanzhi had retired, he firmly sought release from office but was not permitted. Leave had been granted but he had not yet departed when news of the Founder Emperor's death arrived. The Heir Apparent raised troops to march in punishment. He was transferred to Advisory Aide and concurrently Records Officer, with responsibility over all affairs inside and outside, and also drafted the proclamation. When the Heir Apparent set out from Xunyang he fell ill. From Records Officer Shen Qingzhi down, none could meet with him face to face; only Jun entered and exited the inner quarters and decided military affairs. At the time the Heir Apparent was repeatedly gravely ill and unable to consult on all matters; Jun exclusively decided and executed every public affair. When the Heir Apparent ascended the throne he was made Attendant-in-Ordinary; soon he was transferred to Left Guard General and given the additional rank of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. He declined the Attendant-in-Ordinary rank and was permitted. He was enfeoffed as Marquis of Fengcheng County with a fief of two thousand households.
26
姿
In the first year of Xiaojian he was transferred to Minister of Personnel and concurrently made General of Agile Cavalry. Attentive to selection and appointment, he strengthened himself without ceasing. His trust and treatment were already lofty, and none of his memorials went unapproved. Thereafter Xie Zhuang replaced Jun in leading selection, and many of his intended appointments were not carried out. Jun's appearance was stern and severe; Zhuang's bearing was very handsome. When guests clamored with complaints, Zhuang often laughed in reply. People of the time said: "Yan Jun scowling yet gives people office; Xie Zhuang smiling yet does not give people office."
27
When Prince of Nanjun Yixuan, Zang Zhi, and others rebelled, Jun concurrently commanded the army. The sons of Yixuan and Zhi were hidden within the boundaries of Jiankang, Moling, Hushu, and Jiangning. The emperor was greatly angered, stripped Danyang Magistrate Chu Zhanzhi of office, and arrested the chief officials of the four counties. Jun was made Magistrate of Danyang with the additional rank of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. Earlier Jun had no sons yet, and Grand Marshal Prince of Jiangxia Yigong's sons had been killed by the prime culprit. At this point each produced a male heir, and the emperor himself chose names: he named Yigong's son Boqin, comparing him to Boqin, Duke of Lu, son of the Duke of Zhou; and named Jun's son Piqiang, comparing him to the son of Han Attendant-in-Ordinary Zhang Liang.
28
Earlier in the Yuanjia era four-zhu coins were cast—the rim and form the same as five-zhu coins. The cost was wasteful and unprofitable, so the common people did not illicitly cast them. When the emperor ascended the throne, Xiaojian four-zhu coins were cast again. In year 3 Secretariat Right Assistant Xu Ai opined: "Precious goods benefit the people—a principle recorded since the Five Governmental Functions; opening casting and circulating round coins—law formed in the Nine Treasuries—makes the people rich, the state solid, teaching established, and transformation bright. When times shift and customs change, policy must adapt flexibly to fit the age. Therefore Zhou and Han each reformed their coinage, adjusting weight to the times. By later generations wealth was abundant and expenditures ample; they merely followed former practice, with no further reforms or innovations. As years passed and repeated wars and upheavals took their toll, coins were buried, burned, clipped, and destroyed, dwindling day by day. Goods grew scarce and the people poor; public and private coffers alike were straitened. Without reform, a grave shortage was imminent. He argued that one should follow ancient precedent, gather copper for recoining, and accept copper in lieu of corporal punishment—a practice recorded in former statutes. Copper redemption of punishments should now be adopted, with grades set according to the severity of the offense. The emperor approved the proposal. The coins cast were thin and small, with rims poorly formed. Illicit casters sprang up everywhere among the people, mixing in lead and tin so that the coins were not sound. People also clipped and filed old coins to extract their copper, so that coins grew ever thinner and smaller, gradually deviating from the official standard. Though heavy laws and severe punishments were imposed—commoners, clerks, and magistrates executed or dismissed in unbroken succession—illicit casting grew ever worse. The price of all goods soared, and the people suffered bitterly. Grades and standards were established, and thin coins without rims were entirely banned.
29
Duke of Shixing Shen Qingzhi submitted a proposal: "In antiquity Qin coins were too heavy—a plague on Gaozu of Han, who ordered universal private casting and reformed the currency into elm-seed coins; yet money grew too light and goods too dear, again out of step with the age. Emperor Wen opened casting to private hands, drawing Jia Yi's censure—for mining still flourished, copper was plentiful and profits large, and the implements of farming and warfare that had once been essential were now hoarded by all four classes of society competing to cast coins, to great harm. Yet Emperor Wen did not heed such objections; private casting went ahead, and strings of coins rotted in overflowing treasuries—the realm grew wealthy. Moreover farming and warfare no longer depend on copper; mining and minting have long been abandoned. What smelters draw on is mostly already-wrought vessels—the labor is hard and the profit slim. This would cut off the resources of places like Wu and Deng. Farmers are unskilled at casting, and there is no danger of their abandoning the plow. The dynasty has been restored and a new reign begun; though arms are sheathed and spears melted down, granaries remain unfilled and what both public and private coffers lack is coin alone. I humbly propose permitting private coinage: commanderies and counties should open mint offices; households willing to cast should all reside within those offices. Standards should be equalized and counterfeits eliminated; the government should collect the rims and store them as permanent reserves. The new coins banned last spring should be put back into circulation for a time; all casting should now follow that standard. Of every ten thousand coins cast, three thousand should be taxed; illicit casting should be strictly inspected, and clipping and filing forbidden as well. Within a few years public and private coffers would be ample; when copper was exhausted the matter would end, and fraud would cease of its own accord. Moreover, when casting is forbidden copper becomes vessels; when casting is opened vessels become wealth. Trimming excess and putting resources to use would benefit the state."
30
使
The matter was referred to the ministers. Grand Tutor Prince of Jiangxia Yigong opined: "I have read Shen Qingzhi's proposal: 'Permit private casting; households willing to cast should all enter the mint offices to reside. Equalize standards and eliminate counterfeits.'" I consider that the common people have long been unwilling to deal with the government—and most illicit casters are gentry who would scarcely wish to enter a mint office. The profit in illicit casting lies in adulteration; once adulteration is forbidden, few will willingly enter the offices. As for the proposal to 'collect the rims and store them as permanent reserves'— what the court favors the people will surely pursue. If the people hear that the government collects rims, rim prices will rise a hundredfold; with large and small coins exchanged at such rates, who would comply? Compelling exchange would look like outright confiscation. As for 'putting last spring's banned new coins back into circulation for a time'— I consider this point acceptable. As for 'all casting should follow this standard with a tax of three thousand per ten thousand'— and 'strict inspection to forbid illicit casting'— prohibitions are not established overnight. The multitude's common habit is to chase profit in defiance of law—the worry is not that penalties are too light but that violations persist. Entering the offices means paying three thousand per ten thousand, while private casting pays no such thirty-percent tax—profit-seeking violations will plainly continue unabated. As for 'when copper is exhausted the matter ends and fraud ceases of its own accord'— copper within the empire cannot be suddenly exhausted; long before it runs out, fraud will have piled up. As for 'forbidding casting turns copper into vessels, opening casting turns vessels into wealth'— our recent troubles lie in unequal coin standards and clipping and filing, while adulteration with lead and tin is limited to illicit casters—there is no need for harsh prohibitions on that score either."
31
使
Yan Jun opined: "The utility of currency has been a shared concern since antiquity. Debates over weight and denomination were settled in Han times, and from Wei and Jin onward none could alter that settlement. Truly, once goods and currency are in balance, any change breeds counterfeiting. As generations pass, decay arrives suddenly, and the path of reform ought to have its methods. Opening mint offices to private casting is something I would gladly support. Yet I worry that with mining ceased and daily depletion of vessels and implements, copper grows scarce and vessels ever costlier. If a vessel worth a thousand cash were melted down for coin, only half its value could be recouped—there is no profit, and the order would not be obeyed. As for 'putting last spring's banned coins back into circulation for a time'— that is meant to enrich the realm. Yet if light coins must circulate while casting is left to private hands, profits will run deep and fraud without limit—private casting, clipping, and filing will be wholly unstoppable, and five-zhu and half-liang coins will within a year be utterly exhausted. Before new wealth is amassed the large coins will be spent—within a few years all will be dust. How can a policy of ruin become the foundation of our dynasty? Though the people's coin has grown somewhat scarcer, market folk have not yet complained. The new ban has only just begun and standards are not yet uniform—the disorder will soon cease on its own and does not warrant the sage ruler's concern. Only the emptiness of the government coffers is a grave worry. Even if light coins were circulated, there is no principle by which the government would gain revenue; though the people might be supplied, it would not relieve the government's shortage. Only to cut expenditure, remove extravagance, and establish frugality—is there any nobler path to sufficiency. Yet coin has fixed limits while its disappearance has no bound; though clipping and illicit casting may cease, it will ultimately be exhausted. The answer is not to open government copper offices, block the supply of vessels and implements, fix standards, and cast gradually month by month—in a few years that would benefit the world not at all."
32
使 使
At the time some debaters, finding copper increasingly hard to obtain, proposed casting two-zhu coins. Yan Jun again opined: "The debaters hold that the treasury is empty and coin should be recast; copper is scarce empire-wide and the coin standard should be reduced to rescue monetary disorder and relieve the state and people. I consider this wrong. Casting two-zhu coins now and letting new thin coins circulate freely would not relieve the government's shortage, while popular fraud would flourish and the realm's currency would be ground to fragments until nothing remained. Empty prohibitions would be erected while deep profits made them impossible to stop; within a year or two the damage would be beyond repair. This is the first great objection. Profit from smelting and casting offers no prospect of suddenly gaining one or two hundred million; even if obtained, it would take years. Year-end taxes are collected and revenue briefly changes, but daily expenses cannot be covered for even a few months. What shortage would temporary levies relieve? They would only unleash fraudsters' schemes and bequeath blameworthy policies. This is the second great objection. The people, chastened by past changes to large coins and fearful of recent new prohibitions, would stir up clamor in the markets. Distant benefits are unheard of while immediate troubles abound—the rich would prevail and the poor be crushed. This is the third great objection. If even a deeply beneficial exchange were still unworkable, how much less this, whose benefits are unseen and whose evils are so many—a miscalculation for the age and a laughingstock for a hundred generations."
33
When the Former Deposed Emperor ascended the throne, two-zhu coins were cast, ever thinner in form. Whenever official coins were issued, the people immediately copied them, but in size, thickness, and weight they fell short. Without rims, unpolished and unfiled—like today's clipped coins—they were called leizi. In the first year of Jinghe, Shen Qingzhi memorialized to permit private casting, and currency fell into chaos. A thousand coins strung together measured less than three inches; coins of this size were called "goose-eye" coins. Those inferior to these were called "thread-ring" coins. They would not sink in water and crumbled at a touch. Markets no longer counted by measure—a hundred thousand coins did not fill a handful; a peck of rice cost ten thousand, and commerce ceased. Early in Emperor Xiaowu's reign, only goose-eye and thread-ring coins were banned; the rest remained in circulation. Private casting was again forbidden, the government mints also shut down, and soon all new coinage was halted—only old coins were used.
34
Yan Jun, who had been Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and Magistrate of Danyang, was additionally appointed Director of the Secretariat while retaining the magistracy. He submitted a memorial declining the Directorate: "I have undeservedly stolen the state's grace and undeservedly occupy a forbidden key post. Hearing the order I am ashamed and alarmed, my body and soul trembling. I am a crude man of the eastern provinces, born of a humble clan, raised in the lanes, never glimpsing the ways of office. My house knows no wealth or eminence; my ambition shuns gilded ranks. Having devoted myself to the fields, hunger and cold pressing upon me, the former court harmonized all classes and did not overlook the foolish and lowly, sparing me the toil of farming and taxes and allowing me a foot on the ladder of office. When Your Majesty's splendid virtue held the frontier fief and gathered the outstanding, you raised my unworthy self above the dust into the clear path of service. These many years I have served; my labors cannot be recorded. I relied on your gracious cultivation and wished only to complete my term as a local magistrate. Who could expect heaven and earth to falter, deep grief to summon a sage, and by clinging to the rising fortune to be lifted to a divine height—soaring like clouds, swimming like fish, surpassing all peers? In less than three years, eight extraordinary appointments have been heaped upon me. Weighing the standards of reward, I do not qualify; considering the diligent and worthy, I stand among the noble. I had meant to plead my sincerity before the court, step down from lofty rank, diminish the state's words about me, and slightly clear my reputation—yet an edict has abruptly descended and honors piled ever higher. I am a small man, incapable of far-sighted counsel. Favor and profit having come, how can I remain modest? I only profane heaven's clarity above and muddy public opinion below—the rise of calamity and reproof, I fear, is near. This excessive appointment, given my humble person—if the post is unearned, peril and disgrace will follow. When ten fingers point, the warning reaches the marrow; hence my waking and sleeping dread and ceaseless anguish. I humbly pray Your Majesty discern my sincere heart, pity my urgent plea, cease your grace and withdraw favor to preserve this fool's proper measure—even then your creative bounty would still seem excessive. His request was granted. In a year of drought and famine, Yan Jun memorialized to forbid malt-sugar for one month, saving nearly ten thousand piculs of grain. He was again to replace Xie Zhuang as Minister of the Ministry of Personnel and concurrently command the Left Guard of the Heir Apparent, but before taking office he entered mourning. Called back to serve as General of the Right while retaining the magistracy of Danyang.
35
便 忿 使
Relying on his long standing in the princely court, Yan Jun spoke freely on merits and flaws. After the mourning period ended the emperor undertook many construction projects. Yan Jun remonstrated earnestly without evasion. The emperor was deeply displeased and often did not heed him. Yan Jun considered his talent sufficient to serve the age and his favor unmatched; he expected to assist at court and hold power permanently. When his counsel was often rejected he suspected the emperor meant to distance him, and sought an outside posting to test the emperor's intent. In the first year of Daming he was appointed Governor of Eastern Yang Province, retaining his general's rank. Once his request was granted, he was alarmed and at his wit's end. On reaching his province he again mourned his mother. He was not permitted to leave office but was allowed to escort the coffin to the capital. Favor remained lavish, and Yan Jun grew ever more uneasy. Among relatives and old friends he often voiced resentment, criticizing court affairs as mistaken and discussing the ruler's flaws. When Wang Sengda was executed, it was said Yan Jun had slandered him. At his death Wang cited Yan Jun's successive resentments and his constant regret that his words went unheeded. Wang Sengda's statements found considerable corroboration. The emperor then had Supervising Censor Yin Huizhi impeach him, saying:
36
: 祿 宿 滿
"I have heard that ministers serving their lord should ruin their households to glorify the state and devote themselves without selfishness. Yet those who are rude and bully others, who rely on wealth to demean their superiors—for this Wang Shu was made a warning and Zixi was executed. Never has one who turned against his roots, blocked the source, loved profit and forgot righteousness, yet found ease in a flourishing age and muddied the clear current. General of the Right, Governor of Eastern Yang Province, and Marquis of Jiancheng County Yan Jun, riding the winds of fortune, absurdly received nurturing growth; when heaven and earth were remade he was promoted out of turn. The emperor personally handled affairs and concentrated all power in his own hands, yet Yan Jun watched for a chance at the reins of government and secretly plotted to seize them. Once placed in charge of personnel appointments, his factional agitation grew worse still; when he was sent out to govern the capital region, his arrogance became utterly unchecked. Couriers bearing imperial edicts who broke regulations had always been required to report to the throne, but Yan Jun had any courier whose report displeased him whipped and humiliated on the spot, utterly heedless of imperial authority—nothing could exceed this. Stern edicts were issued again and again and officials were held accountable for results, yet Yan Jun willfully refused to obey. Resentment mounted, he nursed treacherous designs, and concealed dark malice in his heart. Whenever he learned the emperor's private intentions in advance, he always leaked them. He ascribed punishments to the throne but kept every favor for himself; at the homes of those in favor he spread slander and insult, while in the houses of those under censure he contrived sympathetic consolation. He subverted court order, cunningly misled what people heard and saw, intimidated the chief ministers, and stirred up the common people. Afraid his conduct would reach the emperor's ears, he inwardly grew suspicious and fearful and falsely requested a provincial governorship in the east to test the throne's intent. Once he was posted outside the capital, his curses poured forth without restraint; muttering slander and speaking ill behind backs—what had gone before seemed mild by comparison. Moreover, whenever memorials were submitted to the throne, he always colluded for private ends, showed them to kin and friends, and stirred up petty factions. The previous winter his mother died. An edict granted him leave to return and bury her, but when the rites were finished he would not depart. He lingered for a long while, seeking to drive wedges among meritorious nobles and sow division. He also feigned terror, worked hard at self-preservation, and probed senior ministers indirectly, fearing he might not survive. Finding himself cast out, he claimed the nation's course was about to collapse; grievances piled in his breast and malice showed plainly on his face. His conduct at home had long been deficient and had drawn public censure. Once he held supreme favor with an income of more than ten thousand in cash, he flaunted his glory before kin yet would not use his salary to support his parents. Bearing an old grudge against his younger brother by the same mother, he relied on his rank to have him killed. Family bonds turned poisonous and friends and kin were appalled. In every office he held he neglected governance and law, opening goods from the Danyang treasury to lend to his subordinates. He often made pretense of gift payments and took men on as disciples; they filled the court and the countryside, numbering nearly a thousand. Arrogant from the bottom up, he harmed the public for private gain, seizing cash held in escrow to supply his personal staff. Guests and travelers sang and drank as freely as in ordinary months; street talk and gossip no longer reflected the proper tone of public life.
37
: 耀
Yan Jun rose from a clerk in the capital administration and was especially favored by heaven's partiality; his flaws were set aside and he was employed, joining weighty affairs in advance. He performed no labor worthy of a sweating horse, yet his rewards matched rivers and mountains; favor from within and without placed him beyond his proper rank. Like mountains and rivers, he grew more insatiable with each passing day; like streams and gorges, the more he had, the more he swelled. Even the tiger's cap and the wolf's greed are insufficient as comparison. Now that imperial brilliance shines forth and all things flourish, he harms custom and stains civilization—he is truly nothing but harm. He should receive public execution to manifest the greatness of our age. I request that he be immediately dismissed from all his offices, that the Minister of Ceremonials be instructed to strip his rank and fief, and that he then be handed over to the Minister of Justice for trial in the legal prison.
38
便 宿
The emperor did not yet wish to impose capital punishment and only dismissed him from office. Yan Jun repeatedly submitted apologies and also begged for his life. The emperor grew angrier still and replied by edict: "What the censorate reports is not what we long expected. You received honor and favor—you ought to have gone to the utmost in loyalty. Slander, remonstrance, and resentment have already betrayed my hopes. And yet you again trouble yourself with anxious thoughts, fearing you cannot preserve yourself—is this the utmost sincerity of a subordinate serving his superior!" When Prince of Jingling Liu Dan rebelled, the emperor used this to frame Yan Jun. He summoned Supervising Censor Yu Huizhi before him to draft the memorial. When it was done, the edict said: "Yan Jun betrayed the favor with which he was nurtured—how could it come to this? He was granted death in prison; his wife and children were spared and exiled to a distant place." His son Biqiang was exiled to Jiaozhou and was killed on the road as well. Yan Jun's collected writings circulated in the world.
39
Historical Appraisal
40
The historian writes: When Emperor Shizu was young at his princedom, his grasp of the Way was not yet broad; opening his heart and loosening his belt meant no more than intimacy among guests and staff. When fate struck at the tipping point and his person was in peril with anxious thoughts acute, he poured out gall and liver—yet still feared his words were not fully spoken. Once he leaned on the jade mat and rested against the imperial screen, his authority moved all things—what he wished was always obeyed and affairs never briefly went awry. Then joy and sorrow differed by day and sweet turned to bitter in their hearts—the lord held to present feeling while the minister recalled past warmth. The reward owed to Song Chang: the emperor's favor had already been given; the anxiety of sharing one boat: the minister's hopes grew ever tighter. Once suspicion and resentment took root, punishment and blame arose of themselves. Yan Jun's downfall in the world probably stemmed from this. For one who serves as minister, if he can serve his lord and cast aside private interest, establish merit and forget reward—even if he sought ruin, he could not obtain it.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →