Volume 81 Biographies 41: Liu Xiuzhi, Gu Chen, Gu Jizhi

列傳第四十一劉秀之顧琛顧覬之

Biographies 41: Liu Xiuzhi, Gu Chen, and Gu Jizhi

劉秀之，字道寶，東莞莒人，司徒劉穆之從兄子也，世居京口。祖爽，尚書都官郎，山陰令。父仲道，高祖克京城，以補建武參軍，與孟昶留守，事定，以為余姚令，卒官。

Liu Xiuzhi, whose style was Daobao, came from Juxian in Dongguan. He was a nephew of Chief Minister Liu Muzhi by the fraternal line, and his family had lived at Jingkou for generations. His grandfather Shuang had served as a director in the Secretariat's capital-crimes office and as magistrate of Shanyin. His father Zhongdao, when Emperor Gaozu took the capital, was appointed an aide in the Jianwu command and stayed behind with Meng Chang to hold the city. After order was restored he became magistrate of Yuyao and died in that post.

秀子少孤貧，有志操。十許歲時，與諸兒戲於前渚，忽有大蛇來，勢甚猛，莫不顛沛驚呼，秀之獨不動，眾並異焉。東海何承天雅相知器，以女妻之。兄欽之為硃齡石右軍參軍，隨齡石敗沒，秀之哀戚，不歡宴者十年。景平二年，除駙馬都尉、奉朝請。家貧，求為廣陵郡丞。仍除撫軍江夏王義恭、平北彭城王義康行參軍，出為無錫、陽羨、烏程令，並著能名。

Xiuzhi lost his father early and grew up poor, but he possessed firm resolve and moral character. When he was about ten, he was playing with other boys on the riverbank when a huge serpent suddenly appeared, fierce and terrifying. The others all fled in panic, but Xiuzhi alone stood still, and everyone marveled at him. He Chengtian of Donghai recognized his talent and held him in high regard, and gave him his daughter in marriage. His elder brother Qin had been a staff officer in Zhu Lingce's Right Army and died when Lingce's forces were destroyed. Xiuzhi grieved deeply and for ten years refused all banquets and revelry. In the second year of the Jingping era he was appointed Commander of the Stable for Imperial Sons-in-law and made an Attendant at Court. Because his family was poor, he asked to be made assistant magistrate of Guangling commandery. He was next made acting staff officer to Prince Yigong of Jiangxia, General Who Pacifies the Army, and to Prince Yikang of Pengcheng, General Who Pacifies the North. He then served in succession as magistrate of Wuxi, Yangxian, and Wucheng, winning a reputation for ability at each post.

元嘉十六年，遷建康令，除尚書中兵郎，重除建康。性纖密，善糾摘微隱，政甚有聲。吏部尚書沈演之每稱之于太祖。世祖鎮襄陽，以為撫軍錄事參軍、襄陽令。襄陽有六門堰，良田數千頃，堰久決壞，公私廢業。世祖遣秀之修復，雍部由是大豐。改領廣平太守。二十五年，除督梁、南北秦三州諸軍事、甯遠將軍、西戎校尉、梁、南秦二州刺史。時漢川饑儉，境內騷然，秀之善於為政，躬自儉約。先是，漢川悉以絹為貨，秀之限令用錢，百姓至今受其利。

In the sixteenth year of Yuanjia he was transferred to magistrate of Jiankang, appointed Middle Officer for Troops in the Secretariat, and then appointed magistrate of Jiankang a second time. Meticulous by nature and skilled at exposing even the smallest irregularities, he governed with a reputation that rang far and wide. Shen Yanzhi, Minister of the Civil Service, spoke of him repeatedly to Emperor Taizu with high praise. When Emperor Shizu was stationed at Xiangyang, he appointed Xiuzhi Recording Officer on the Pacifying Army staff and magistrate of Xiangyang. Xiangyang had the Six-Gates Weir, which irrigated several thousand qing of fertile land, but the weir had long since burst and collapsed, leaving both public and private fields abandoned. Shizu sent Xiuzhi to repair the weir, and Yong Province thereafter enjoyed a great harvest. He was then transferred to serve concurrently as governor of Guangping commandery. In the twenty-fifth year he was appointed to supervise military affairs in Liang and the three Qin provinces, with the rank of General Pacifying the Distance, as Commandant of the Western Rong, and as provincial governor of Liang and South Qin. Famine had struck the Han River region and the territory was in turmoil. Xiuzhi governed with skill and practiced austerity himself. Previously the Han River region had used silk as its sole medium of exchange. Xiuzhi restricted trade to coin, and the people still benefit from that reform today.

二十七年，大舉北伐，遣輔國將軍楊文德、巴西、梓潼二郡太守劉弘宗受秀之節度，震盪汧、隴。秀之遣建武將軍錫千秋二千人向子午谷南口，府司馬竺宗之三千人向駱谷南口，威遠將軍梁尋千人向斜谷南口。氐賊楊高為寇，秀之討之，斬高兄弟。元兇弑逆，秀之聞問，即日起兵，求率眾赴襄陽，司空南譙王義宣不許。事寧，遷使持節、督益甯二州諸軍事、甯朔將軍、益州刺史。折留俸祿二百八十萬，付梁州鎮庫，此外蕭然。梁、益二州土境豐富，前後刺史，莫不營聚蓄，多者致萬金。所攜賓僚，並京邑貧士，出為郡縣，皆以苟得自資。秀之為治整肅，以身率下，遠近安悅焉。

In the twenty-seventh year the court launched a major northern campaign. The Assisting State General Yang Wende and Liu Hongzong, governor of the Ba and Zitong commanderies, were placed under Xiuzhi's command and drove deep into the Qian and Long regions. Xiuzhi sent the Establishing Martial General Xi Qianqiu with two thousand men toward the southern mouth of Ziwu Valley, the prefectural marshal Zhu Zongzhi with three thousand toward the southern mouth of Luo Valley, and the Prestigious Distance General Liang Xun with one thousand toward the southern mouth of Xie Valley. The Di chieftain Yang Gao had been raiding the borders. Xiuzhi campaigned against him and beheaded Gao and his brothers. When the usurper murdered the emperor, Xiuzhi heard the news and immediately mobilized his troops, asking permission to march to Xiangyang. Prince Yixuan of Nanqiao, Minister of Works, refused. After order was restored he was promoted to Bearer of the Staff, placed in charge of military affairs in Yi and Ning, given the rank of General Pacifying the North, and appointed governor of Yi Province. He set aside 2.8 million in salary and deposited it in the Liangzhou garrison treasury; apart from that he left with nothing. Liang and Yi were wealthy provinces, and successive governors had all hoarded riches—some amassing as much as ten thousand in gold. The aides and staff members governors typically brought from the capital were poor scholars who, once posted to the counties, enriched themselves by any means they could. Xiuzhi governed with strict discipline and led by example. People near and far were content under his rule.

南譙王義宣據荊州為逆，遣參軍王曜徵兵於秀之，秀之即日斬曜戒嚴。遣中兵參軍韋山松萬人襲江陵，出峽。竺超民遣將席天生逆之，山松一戰，即梟其首。進至江陵，為魯爽所敗，山松見殺。其年，進號征虜將軍，改督為監，持節、刺史如故，以起義功，封康樂縣侯，食邑六百戶。明年，遷監郢州諸軍事、郢州刺史，將軍如故。未就。

Prince Yixuan of Nanqiao seized Jingzhou in rebellion and sent his staff officer Wang Yao to demand troops from Xiuzhi. Xiuzhi beheaded Yao that same day and put his forces on full alert. He sent the Middle Troops Officer Wei Shansong with ten thousand men to strike at Jiangling through the gorges. Zhu Chaomin sent the general Xi Tiansheng to block him. Shansong defeated him in a single engagement and took his head. When he advanced to Jiangling he was defeated by Lu Shuang, and Shansong was killed. That year he was promoted to General Who Captures Barbarians, his title of Supervisor changed to Overseer, while he retained the Staff and his governorship. For his service in the righteous rising he was enfeoffed as Marquis of Kangle with a fief of six hundred households. The following year he was transferred to oversee military affairs in Yingzhou and appointed governor of Yingzhou, retaining his general's rank. He never took up the appointment.

五年，雍州刺史海陵王休茂反，為土人所誅，遣秀之以本官慰勞，分別善惡。事畢還都，出為使持節、散騎常侍、都督雍、梁、南北秦四州、郢州之竟陵、隨二郡諸軍事、安北將軍、甯蠻校尉、雍州刺史。上車駕幸新亭，視秀之發引，將征為左僕射，事未行，八年卒，時年六十八。上甚痛惜之，詔曰：「秀之識局明遠，才應通暢，誠著蕃朝，績宣累嶽。往歲逆臣交構，首義萬里，及職司端尹，贊戎兩宮，嘉謀征譽，實彰朝野。漢南法繁民嗛，屬佇良牧，故暫輟心膂，外弘風規，出未逾期，德庇西服。詳考古烈，旅觀終始，淳心忠概，無以尚茲。方式亮皇猷，入衛根本，奄至薨逝，震慟於朕心。生榮之典，未窮寵數，哀終之禮，宜盡崇飾。兼履謙守約，封社弗廣，興言悼往，益增痛恨。可贈侍中、司空，持節、都督、刺史、校尉如故，並增封邑為千戶。諡為忠成公。」秀之野率無風采，而心力堅正。上以其蒞官清潔，家無餘財，賜錢二十萬，布三百匹。

In the fifth year Prince Xiumao of Hailing, governor of Yongzhou, rebelled and was killed by the local populace. The court sent Xiuzhi in his existing capacity to comfort the region and distinguish the innocent from the guilty. When his mission was complete he returned to the capital, then was sent out as Bearer of the Staff, Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry, Commander of military affairs in Yong, Liang, North and South Qin, and the Jingling and Sui districts of Yingzhou, with the rank of General Who Pacifies the North, as Commandant Pacifying the Man, and as governor of Yongzhou. The emperor went in person to Xinting to see Xiuzhi off on his departure. He was about to be summoned as Left Vice Director of the Secretariat, but before the appointment could take effect Xiuzhi died in the eighth year, at the age of sixty-eight. The emperor grieved deeply and issued an edict: "Xiuzhi's vision was clear and far-reaching, his talent responsive and fluent. His loyalty was manifest at court, and his achievements resounded across the frontier ranges. When rebellious ministers conspired in years past, he took the lead in righteous action a thousand miles from the capital. When he held a key post at court he aided the Two Palaces in military affairs. His counsel and his renown were manifest to all, within the palace and beyond. South of the Han the laws were burdensome and the people frugal; they needed a capable governor. We therefore set aside our most trusted minister to carry our standards to the frontier. He had not been gone a full term before his virtue sheltered the western provinces. Surveying the great men of old and weighing their lives from beginning to end, his pure heart and loyal resolve surpass them all. His manner would have illuminated the imperial design and guarded the foundations of the state. His sudden death shakes and grieves my heart. The honors of his life had not exhausted the measure of our favor; the rites of mourning should be elevated to the fullest degree. Moreover he practiced humility and lived in austerity; his enfeoffment was never broad. Speaking of him in grief, my regret only deepens. Let him be posthumously granted Attendant-in-Ordinary and Minister of Works, retaining the Staff, his command, his governorship, and his commandancy, and let his fief be increased to one thousand households. His posthumous title shall be Loyal and Accomplished Duke." Xiuzhi was plain and unassuming in manner, but his resolve was firm and his integrity unwavering. Because he had served with integrity and left his household without surplus wealth, the emperor granted two hundred thousand in cash and three hundred bolts of cloth.

子景遠嗣，官至前軍將軍。景遠卒，子俊，齊受禪，國除。秀之弟粹之，晉陵太守。

His son Jingyuan succeeded to the title and rose to the rank of General of the Vanguard. When Jingyuan died, his son Jun held the title until Qi received the abdication, at which point the fief was abolished. Xiuzhi's younger brother Cuizhi served as governor of Jinling commandery.

顧琛，字弘瑋，吳郡吳人也。曾祖和，晉司空。祖履之，父惔，並為司徒左西掾。

Gu Chen, whose style was Hongwei, came from Wu in Wu commandery. His great-grandfather He had served as Minister of Works under Jin. His grandfather Lüzhi and his father Tan had both served as Left Western Aide to the Chief Minister.

琛謹確不尚浮華，起家州從事，駙馬都尉，奉朝請。少帝景平中，太皇太后崩，除大匠丞。彭城王義康右軍驃騎參軍，晉陵令，司徒參軍，尚書庫部郎，本邑中正。元嘉七年，太祖遣到彥之經略河南，大敗，悉委棄兵甲，武庫為之空虛。後太祖宴會，有荒外歸化人在坐，上問琛：「庫中仗猶有幾許？」琛詭答：「有十萬人仗。」舊武庫仗秘不言多少，上既發問，追悔失言，及琛詭對，上甚喜。

Chen was cautious and solid by nature, with no taste for ostentation. He began his career as a provincial aide, then served as Commander of the Stable for Imperial Sons-in-law and as Attendant at Court. During the Jingping era of Emperor Shao, when the Grand Empress Dowager died, he was appointed Assistant Director of the Imperial Works. He served as staff officer in Prince Yikang of Pengcheng's Right Army and Rapid Cavalry, as magistrate of Jinling, as staff officer to the Chief Minister, as an officer in the Secretariat's arsenal section, and as Rectifier for his native district. In the seventh year of Yuanjia Emperor Taizu sent Dao Yanzhi to secure the region south of the Yellow River. The campaign ended in disaster, with all arms and armor abandoned, and the arsenal left empty. Later, at one of Taizu's banquets, a tribesman from beyond the frontier who had submitted to the dynasty was present. The emperor turned to Chen and asked, "How many weapons remain in the arsenal?" Chen answered evasively, "Enough arms for one hundred thousand men." By custom the arsenal's stores were kept secret and their numbers never disclosed. The emperor, having spoken, immediately regretted his indiscretion—but when Chen gave his evasive answer, the emperor was greatly pleased.

尚書寺門有制，八座以下門生隨入者各有差，不得雜以人士。琛以宗人顧碩頭寄尚書張茂度門名，而與碩頭同席坐。明年，坐遣出，免中正。凡尚書官，大罪則免，小罪則遣出。遣出者，百日無代人，聽還本職。琛仍為彭城王義康所請，補司徒錄事參軍，山陰令，複為司徒錄事，遷少府。十五年，出為義興太守。初，義康請琛入府，欲委以腹心，琛不能承事劉湛，故尋見斥外。十九年，徙東陽太守，欲使琛防守大將軍彭城王義康，固辭忤旨，廢黜還家積年。

Regulations at the Secretariat gate stipulated that retainers accompanying officials below the Eight Seats were admitted according to rank and might not be mingled with outsiders. Chen had registered his clansman Gu Shuotou under the gate-name of Secretariat officer Zhang Maodu, yet sat at the same mat with Shuotou. The following year he was expelled on this charge and stripped of his post as Rectifier. As a rule, great offenses among Secretariat officers resulted in dismissal, while lesser offenses resulted in temporary expulsion. An expelled officer who went unreplaced for one hundred days was permitted to return to his original post. Chen was again invited by Prince Yikang of Pengcheng and appointed Recording Officer on the Chief Minister's staff and magistrate of Shanyin. He served again as Recording Officer and was then transferred to Vice Director of the Palace Privy Purse. In the fifteenth year he was sent out as governor of Yixing commandery. At first Yikang had invited Chen into his household, intending to make him a trusted confidant. Chen could not work under Liu Zhan, however, and was soon cast aside. In the nineteenth year he was transferred to governor of Dongyang, the court intending that he keep watch over Grand General Prince Yikang of Pengcheng. Chen firmly declined, offending the emperor, and was dismissed. He remained at home for many years.

二十七年，索虜南至瓜步，權假琛建威將軍。尋除東海王禕冠軍司馬，行會稽郡事。隨王誕代禕，複為誕安東司馬。元兇弑立，分會稽五郡置會州，以誕為刺史，即以琛為會稽太守，加五品將軍，置將佐。誕起義，加冠軍將軍。事平，遷吳興太守。孝建元年，征為五兵尚書。未拜，複為甯朔將軍、吳郡太守。以起義功，封永新縣五等侯。大明元年，吳縣令張闓坐居母喪無禮，下廷尉。錢唐令沈文秀判劾違謬，應坐被彈。琛宣言於眾：「闓被劾之始，屢相申明。」又雲：「當啟文秀留縣。」世祖聞之大怒，謂琛賣惡歸上，免官。琛母老，仍停家。

In the twenty-seventh year the northern enemy advanced as far south as Guabu, and Chen was provisionally granted the rank of General Establishing Prestige. He was soon appointed Champion Staff Officer to Prince Yi of Donghai and placed in charge of Kuaiji commandery affairs. When Prince Dan of Sui replaced Yi, Chen again served as Dan's Pacifying the East Staff Officer. When the usurper murdered the emperor and seized the throne, the five Kuaiji commanderies were reorganized into Kuai Province with Dan as governor. Chen was immediately appointed governor of Kuaiji, given fifth-rank general's rank, and provided with generals and staff. When Dan joined the righteous rising, Chen was promoted to Champion General. After order was restored he was transferred to governor of Wuxing commandery. In the first year of Xiaojian he was summoned to the capital as Minister of the Five Troops. Before he could take up that post he was again appointed General Pacifying the North and governor of Wu commandery. For his service in the righteous rising he was enfeoffed as fifth-rank Marquis of Yongxin. In the first year of Daming the magistrate of Wu county, Zhang Kai, was charged with impropriety during mourning for his mother and referred to the Court of Justice. The magistrate of Qiantang, Shen Wenxiu, had erred in his judgment and impeachment and should himself have been charged. Chen declared publicly, "From the moment Kai was impeached I repeatedly spoke in his defense." He also said, "I intend to memorialize to have Wenxiu kept at his post in the county." When Shizu heard this he was furious, accusing Chen of shifting blame onto the throne, and dismissed him from office. Chen's mother was elderly, so he remained at home to care for her.

琛及前西陽太守張牧，並司空竟陵王誕故佐，誕待琛等素厚。三年，誕據廣陵反，遣客陸延稔齎書板琛為征南將軍，牧為安東將軍，琛子前尚書郎寶素為諮議參軍，寶素弟前司空參軍寶先為從事中郎，牧兄前吳郡丞濟為冠軍將軍，從弟前司空主簿晏為諮議參軍。

Chen and the former governor of Xiyang, Zhang Mu, had both served as aides to Prince Dan of Jingling when he was Minister of Works. Dan had always treated Chen and the others with great kindness. In the third year Dan seized Guangling in rebellion and sent his agent Lu Yannian with appointment tablets offering Chen the rank of General Campaigning South, Mu the rank of General Pacifying the East, Chen's son Baosu (formerly a Secretariat Gentleman) the post of Advising Officer, Baosu's younger brother Baoxian (formerly on the Chief Minister's staff) Attendant Gentleman, Mu's elder brother Ji (formerly aide in Wu commandery) Champion General, and Mu's younger cousin Yan (formerly registrar to the Chief Minister) Advising Officer.

時世祖以琛素結事誕，或有異志，遣使就吳郡太守王曇生誅琛父子。會延稔先至，琛等即執斬之，遣二子送延稔首啟世祖曰：「劉誕倡狂，遂構釁逆，凡在含齒，莫不駭惋，臣等預荷國恩，特百常憤。忽以今月二十四日中獲賊誕疏，欲見邀誘。臣即共執錄偽使，並得誕與撫軍長史沈懷文、揚州別駕孔道存、撫軍中兵參軍孔璪、前司兵參軍孔桓之、前司空主簿張晏書，具列本郡太守王曇生。臣即日便應星馳歸骨輦轂，臣母年老，身在侍養，輒遣息寶素、寶先束骸詣闕。」世祖所遣誅琛使其日亦至，僅而獲免。上嘉之，召琛出，以為西陽王子尚撫軍司馬，牧為撫軍中兵參軍。琛母孔氏，時年百餘歲。晉安帝隆安初，琅邪王廞于吳中為亂，以女為貞烈將軍，悉以女人為官屬，以孔氏為司馬。及孫恩亂後，東土饑荒，人相食，孔氏散家糧以賑邑裏，得活者甚眾，生子皆以孔為名焉。

Shizu, knowing Chen's long association with Dan, suspected disloyalty and sent an envoy to Wang Tansheng, governor of Wu commandery, ordering the execution of Chen and his sons. Yannian arrived first. Chen and his party immediately seized and beheaded him, then sent two sons bearing Yannian's head with a memorial to Shizu: "Liu Dan, in his mad arrogance, has raised rebellion. Every subject under heaven is shocked and grieved. We who have long received the state's grace are a hundred times more enraged than ordinary men. Suddenly, on the twenty-fourth of this month, we obtained a letter from the rebel Dan attempting to recruit us. We immediately seized the false envoy and also obtained letters from Dan to Shen Huaiwen, Chief Clerk of the Pacifying Army, Kong Daocun, Vice Director of Yangzhou, Kong Zuan, Middle Troops Officer of the Pacifying Army, Kong Huanzhi, former Troops Officer, and Zhang Yan, former registrar to the Chief Minister—letters that also named Wang Tansheng, governor of this commandery. We should have rushed to the capital that very day, but our mother is elderly and we are attending her at home. We therefore send our sons Baosu and Baoxian bound, to present themselves at the palace gate." The executioner Shizu had dispatched arrived that same day. Chen narrowly escaped death. The emperor commended him, summoned Chen to court, and appointed him Pacifying Army Staff Officer to Prince Zishang of Xiyang. Mu was appointed Middle Troops Officer on the same staff. Chen's mother, of the Kong clan, was at the time more than one hundred years old. At the beginning of the Longan era under Emperor An of Jin, Prince Yin of Langye raised a rebellion in Wu. He made his daughter General of Chaste Valor, appointed only women as officials, and made Lady Kong his Staff Officer. After Sun En's rebellion the eastern lands were stricken with famine and people resorted to cannibalism. Lady Kong distributed her household grain to feed the neighborhood, saving a great many lives. Children born thereafter were often given the name Kong in her honor.

琛仍為吳興太守。明年，坐郡民多翦錢及盜鑄，免官。六年，起為大司農，都官尚書，新安王子鸞北中郎司馬、東海太守、行南徐州事，隨府轉撫軍司馬，太守如故。前廢帝即位，複為吳郡太守。太宗泰始初，與四方同反，兵敗，奉母奔會稽。台軍既至，歸降。寶素與琛相失，自殺。琛尋丁母憂，服闋，起為員外常侍、中散大夫。後廢帝元徽三年，卒，時年八十六。

Chen was again appointed governor of Wuxing commandery. The following year he was dismissed from office because the people of his commandery had extensively clipped coins and engaged in illicit casting. In the sixth year he was recalled as Director of the Grand Granary and Minister of the Capital Crimes section, and appointed Northern Central Staff Officer to Prince Luan of Xin'an, governor of Donghai, with charge of South Xuzhou affairs. When the prince's establishment moved, he became Pacifying Army Staff Officer while retaining his governorship. When the Deposed Former Emperor came to the throne, Chen was again appointed governor of Wu commandery. At the beginning of the Taishi era under Emperor Taizong, he joined the rebellions across the realm. When his forces were defeated he fled with his mother to Kuaiji. When the imperial army arrived, he surrendered. Baosu had fallen out with Chen and took his own life. Chen soon entered mourning for his mother. When the mourning period ended he was recalled as Supernumerary Regular Attendant and Grandee Without Specific Duties. In the third year of Yuanhui under the Later Deposed Emperor he died, at the age of eighty-six.

寶先大明中為尚書水部郎。先是，琛為左丞荀萬秋所劾，及寶先為郎，萬秋猶在職，自陳不拜。世祖詔曰：「敕違糾慢，憲司之職，若理有不公，自當更有厘正。而自頃刻無輕重，輒致私絕。此風難長，主者嚴為其科。寶先蓋依附世准，不足問。」

During the Daming era Baoxian served as an officer in the Secretariat's Water Works section. Earlier, Chen had been impeached by Left Vice Director Xun Wanqiu. When Baoxian was appointed an officer, Wanqiu was still in that post, and Baoxian declared that he would not accept the appointment. Shizu issued an edict: "To admonish against violations and correct negligence is the duty of the censorate. If the reasoning is unjust, there should naturally be further rectification. Yet recently, without regard for the severity of the offense, people have repeatedly cut off relations for private reasons. This practice must not be allowed to spread. The responsible officials should strictly enforce the statutes. Baoxian merely followed the standards of his generation and is not worth pursuing further."

顧覬之，字偉仁，吳郡吳人也。高祖謙，字公讓，晉平原內史陸機姊夫。祖崇，大司農。父黃老，司徒左西掾。覬之初為郡主簿。謝晦為荊州，以為南蠻功曹，仍為晦衛軍參軍。晦愛其雅素，深相知待。王弘辟為揚州主簿，仍為弘衛軍參軍，鹽官令，衡陽王義季右軍主簿，尚書都官郎，護軍司馬。時大將軍彭城王義康秉權，殷、劉之隙已著，覬之不欲與殷景仁久接事，乃辭腳疾自免歸。在家每夜常于床上行腳，家人竊異之，而莫曉其意。後義康徙廢，朝廷多以異同受禍。複為東遷、山陰令。山陰民戶三萬，海內劇邑，前後官長，晝夜不得休，事猶不舉。覬之理繁以約，縣用無事，晝日垂簾，門階閑寂。自宋世為山陰，務簡而績修，莫能尚也。還為揚州治中從事史，廣陵王誕、廬陵王紹北中郎左司馬，揚州別駕從事史，尚書吏部郎。嘗于太祖坐論江左人物，言及顧榮，袁淑謂覬之曰：「卿南人怯懦，豈辦作賊。」覬之正色曰：「卿乃複以忠義笑人！」淑有愧色。

Gu Jizhi, whose style was Weiren, came from Wu in Wu commandery. His great-grandfather Qian, whose style was Gongrang, was the brother-in-law of Lu Ji, Interior Governor of Pingyuan under Jin. His grandfather Chong had served as Director of the Grand Granary. His father Huanglao had served as Left Western Aide to the Chief Minister. Jizhi began his career as chief clerk of his commandery. When Xie Hui was posted to Jingzhou, he appointed Jizhi Merit Officer for the Southern Man and then staff officer on Hui's Guard Army. Hui admired his refined simplicity and treated him with deep trust and regard. Wang Hong recruited him as chief clerk of Yangzhou, then as staff officer on Hong's Guard Army, magistrate of Yanguan, Right Army chief clerk to Prince Yiji of Hengyang, an officer in the Secretariat's capital-crimes section, and Protecting Army marshal. At the time Grand General Prince Yikang of Pengcheng held power, and the rift between Yin Jingren and Liu Yilong was already open. Jizhi did not wish to serve alongside Yin Jingren and pleaded a foot ailment to resign and return home. At home he would walk about on his bed each night. His family found this strange but none understood his purpose. Later, when Yikang was demoted and disgraced, many at court suffered ruin for their political affiliations. He again served as magistrate of Dongqian and Shanyin in succession. Shanyin had thirty thousand households and was among the most demanding counties in the realm. Successive magistrates worked day and night without rest, yet still could not keep up with their duties. Jizhi governed complexity through simplicity. The county ran without incident; by day he let the curtain hang down, and his gate and courtyard stood quiet and still. From the Song period onward, no magistrate of Shanyin had matched his combination of simple administration and well-ordered achievement. He returned to serve as Senior Clerk of Yangzhou, Northern Central Left Staff Officer to Princes Dan of Guangling and Shao of Luling, Vice Director of Yangzhou, and an officer in the Secretariat's civil-service section. Once, at a gathering of Taizu discussing figures of the Jiang left, Gu Rong's name came up. Yuan Shu said to Jizhi, "You southerners are timid and weak—how could you ever manage to be rebels?" Jizhi replied with a stern face, "You would mock a man for his loyalty and righteousness!" Shu looked ashamed.

時沛郡相縣唐賜往比村硃起母彭家飲酒還，因得病，吐蠱蟲十餘枚。臨死語妻張，死後刳腹出病。後張手自破視，五藏悉糜碎。郡縣以張忍行刳剖，賜子副又不禁駐，事起赦前，法不能決。律傷死人，四歲刑；妻傷夫，五歲刑；子不孝父母，棄市，並非科例。三公郎劉勰議：「賜妻痛往遵言，兒識謝及理，考事原心，非存忍害，謂宜哀矜。」覬之議曰：「法移路屍，猶為不道，況在妻子，而忍行凡人所不行。不宜曲通小情，當以大理為斷，謂副為不孝，張同不道。」詔如覬之議。加左軍將軍，出為吳郡太守。

At the time Tang Ci of Xiang county in Pei commandery had gone to drink at the home of Zhu Qi's mother, Lady Peng, in a neighboring village. On his return he fell ill and vomited more than ten gu worms. On the verge of death he told his wife Zhang that after he died she should cut open his belly to remove the disease. Later Zhang opened his body with her own hands and found all five viscera utterly destroyed. The commandery and county authorities noted that Zhang had carried out the dissection, that Ci's son Fu had not restrained her, and that the matter had arisen before a general amnesty, so the law could not settle the case. The statutes prescribed four years' punishment for injuring a dead person; five years for a wife injuring her husband; and execution at the market for a son's lack of filial piety—but none of these fit the case as written. Liu Xie, Gentleman of the Three Excellencies, argued: "Ci's wife in her grief followed his last words; the son understood and apologized. Examining the matter by its original intent, there was no wish to harm. The court should show compassion." Jizhi argued: "By law, even moving a corpse found on the road counts as unnatural conduct. How much more so when wife and son perform what ordinary people could not bear to do. One should not bend the great principle to accommodate private feeling. Judgment should follow the greater standard: Fu is guilty of unfilial conduct, and Zhang of unnatural conduct as well." The edict followed Jizhi's argument. He was promoted to General of the Left Army and sent out as governor of Wu commandery.

八年，複為吏部尚書，加給事中，未拜，欲以為會稽，不果。還為吳郡太守。幸臣戴法興權傾人主，而覬之未嘗降意。左光祿大夫蔡興宗與覬之善，嫌其風節過峻。覬之曰：「辛毗有雲：孫、劉不過使吾不為三公耳！」及世祖晏駕，法興遂以覬之為光祿大夫，加金章紫綬。

In the eighth year he was again appointed Minister of the Civil Service with the additional title Attendant Within the Gates. Before he could take up the post he was slated for Kuaiji, but the appointment did not materialize. He returned to serve as governor of Wu commandery. The favored minister Dai Faxing wielded power that overshadowed the throne itself, yet Jizhi never deferred to him. Cai Xingzong, Left Grandee of the Imperial Household, was on good terms with Jizhi but worried that his moral bearing was too severe. Jizhi said, "Xin Pi once remarked that Sun and Liu could do no more than keep me from becoming one of the Three Excellencies!" When Shizu died, Faxing appointed Jizhi Grandee of the Imperial Household with a golden seal and purple cord.

太宗泰始初，四方同反，覬之家尋陽，尋陽王子房加以位號，覬之不受，曰：「禮年六十不服戎，以其筋力衰謝，非複軍旅之日，況年將八十，殘生無幾，守盡家門，不敢聞命。」孔覬等不能奪。時普天叛逆，莫或自免，唯覬之心跡清全，獨無所與。太宗甚嘉之，東土既平，以為左將軍、吳郡太守，加散騎常侍。泰始二年，複為湘州刺史，常侍、將軍如故。三年卒，時年七十六。追贈鎮軍將軍，常侍、刺史如故。諡曰簡子。

At the beginning of the Taishi era under Emperor Taizong, when rebellions broke out across the realm, Jizhi was at home in Xunyang. Prince Zifang of Xunyang offered him rank and title, but Jizhi refused, saying, "By ritual, at sixty one does not take up arms, for one's strength has declined and the days of campaigning are past. At nearly eighty, with only a remnant of life remaining, I shall guard my household to the end and dare not accept your command." Kong Yi and the others could not change his mind. At the time rebellion swept the realm and scarcely anyone escaped involvement. Only Jizhi's conduct remained pure and untouched. Taizong greatly commended him. When the eastern lands were pacified he was appointed General of the Left, governor of Wu commandery, and Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry. In the second year of Taishi he was again appointed governor of Xiangzhou, retaining his titles as Regular Attendant and general. In the third year he died, at the age of seventy-six. He was posthumously granted the rank of General Who Pacifies the Army, retaining his titles as Regular Attendant and provincial governor. His posthumous title was Succinct Master.

覬之家門雍睦，為州鄉所重。五子：約、緝、綽、縝、緄。綽私財甚豐，鄉里士庶多負其責，覬之每禁之，不能止。及後為吳郡，誘綽曰：「我常不許汝出責，定思貧薄亦不可居。民間與汝交關有幾許不盡，及我在郡，為汝督之。將來豈可得。凡諸券書皆何在？」綽大喜，悉出諸文券一大廚與覬之，覬之悉焚燒，宣語遠近：「負三郎責，皆不須還，凡券書悉燒之矣。」綽懊歎彌日。

Jizhi's household was harmonious and held in high esteem throughout the commandery and district. He had five sons: Yue, Ji, Chuo, Zhen, and Gun. Chuo had amassed considerable private wealth, and many gentry and commoners of the district owed him money. Jizhi repeatedly forbade such lending but could not stop it. When he later became governor of Wu commandery, he coaxed Chuo, saying, "I have always forbidden you to lend money. You must have realized that poverty is unbearable as well. How many of your outstanding debts remain unsettled? While I am in the commandery I shall collect them for you. Once I am gone, how will you ever collect them? Where are all the loan documents?" Chuo was delighted and brought out all the loan documents from a large cupboard. Jizhi burned every one of them and proclaimed throughout the district, "Debts owed to the Third Son need not be repaid—all loan documents have been burned." Chuo grieved and sighed for an entire day.

覬之常謂秉命有定分，非智力所移，唯應恭己守道，信天任運，而暗者不達，妄求僥倖，徒虧雅道，無關得喪。乃以其意命弟子願著《定命論》，其辭曰：

Jizhi often said that allotted fate has a fixed portion that intelligence and strength cannot alter. One should respectfully keep to the Way, trust Heaven, and accept one's lot. The obtuse fail to understand this and vainly seek good fortune, harming the refined Way without affecting gain or loss in the least. He therefore had his disciple Yuan compose the Treatise on Fixed Fate according to his views. Its text reads:

仲尼雲：「道之將行，命也；道之將廢，命也。」丘明又稱：「天之所支不可壞，天之所壞不可支。」卜商亦曰：「死生有命，富貴在天。」孟軻則以不遇魯侯為辭。斯則運命奇偶，生數離合，有自來矣。馬遷、劉向、揚雄、班固之徒，著書立言，鹹以為首，世之論者，多有不同。嘗試申之曰：

Confucius said, "When the Way is about to prevail, that is fate; when the Way is about to fall into disuse, that is fate as well." Zuo Qiuming also wrote, "What Heaven supports cannot be destroyed; what Heaven destroys cannot be propped up." Zixia also said, "Life and death are allotted; wealth and honor lie with Heaven." Mencius explained his failure to meet the Marquis of Lu in the same terms. Thus the alternations of fortune, the joining and parting of life's allotments, have had their origin from the beginning. Sima Qian, Liu Xiang, Yang Xiong, Ban Gu, and others, in their writings, all placed this question foremost—yet commentators of later ages have often disagreed. I shall attempt to set forth my view as follows:

夫生之資氣，清濁異原；命之稟數，盈虛乖致。是以心貌詭貿，性運舛殊，故有邪正昏明之差，修夭榮枯之序，皆理定於萬古之前，事征於千代之外，沖神寂鑒，一以貫之。至乃卜相末技，巫史賤術，猶能豫題興亡，逆表成敗。禍福指期，識照不能徙；吉凶素著，威衛不能防。若夏氓宅生於帝宮，豈蠲殘傷之祟；漢臣衍貨于天府，寧免喂斃之魂。且又善惡之理雖詳，而禍福之驗常昧；逆順之體誠分，而吉凶之效常隱。智絡天地，猶罹沈牖之災；明照日月，必嬰深匡之難。增信積德，離患於長饑；席義枕仁，徼禍於促算。何則？理運苟其必至，聖明其猶病諸。況乃蕞跡流惑之徒，投心顓蒙之域，而欲役慮以揣利害，策情以算窮通，其為重傷，豈不惑甚。是以通人君子，閑泰其神，沖緩其度，不矯俗以延聲，不依世以期榮。審乎無假，自求多福，榮辱修夭，夫何為哉！

Life draws on qi, whose clear and turbid sources differ; and fate's allotted numbers arrive in fullness or emptiness according to their own pattern. Hence mind and appearance vary strangely, and nature and fortune diverge. The differences between the perverse and the upright, the dim and the bright, the sequence of long life and early death, glory and decline—all were fixed in principle before the beginning of time and are verified across a thousand generations. The subtle spirit perceives them in silent unity. Even the petty arts of divination and physiognomy, the low crafts of shamans and clerks, can foretell rise and fall in advance and read success and failure before they occur. When fortune and calamity are fixed to their term, knowledge and insight cannot alter them; when good and ill fortune are plainly ordained, authority and guards cannot forestall them. If a commoner of Xia had been born in the imperial palace, he could not have escaped the affliction of mutilation; if a minister of Han had hoarded goods in the imperial storehouse, he could not have escaped a violent end. Moreover, though the principle of good and evil is clear in theory, the verification of fortune and calamity is often obscure; the substance of rebellion and obedience is truly distinct, yet the outcome of good and ill fortune is often hidden. Wisdom spanning Heaven and Earth still suffers calamity; brightness illuminating sun and moon still meets with disaster in a deep pit. Increasing faith and accumulating virtue do not spare one from long famine; resting on righteousness and pillowing benevolence still invite calamity within a shortened lifespan. Why is this? If principle and fortune must arrive as ordained, even the sage and the enlightened still suffer from them. How much more those petty souls adrift in confusion, casting their hearts into obstinate ignorance, yet trying to deploy thought to gauge benefit and harm and deploy feeling to calculate success and failure—the wounds they inflict on themselves are profound indeed, and their delusion extreme. Therefore the penetrating man and the gentleman ease their spirits and moderate their pace. They do not bend to custom to prolong their reputation, nor rely on the age to expect glory. Discerning that nothing is false, they seek blessing for themselves. Glory and shame, long life and early death—what can these matter to such a one!

問曰：夫《書》稱惠迪貽吉，《易》載履信逢祐，前哲餘議，亦以將迎有會，淪塞無兆，宣攝有方，夭閼無命。善游銷魂于深梁，工騎燼生於曠野，明珠招駭於暗至，蟠木取悅于先容。是以罕、樂以陽施長世；景、惠以陰德遐紀。彭、竇以繕衛延命；盈、忌以荒湎促齡。陳、張稱台鼎之崇；嚴、辛衍宰司之盛。若乃遊惡蹈凶，處逆踐禍，宣昭史策，易以研正。至如神仙所序，天竺所書，事雖難征，理未易詰，留滯傾光，思聞通裁。

A questioner asks: The Documents praise following the Way to leave blessing behind; the Changes record that keeping faith meets with divine aid; and former sages have also held that meeting has its occasion, obstruction has no omen, regulation has its method, and premature blocking has no relation to fate. The skilled swimmer loses his soul in a deep beam; the skilled rider's mount founders in open wilds; a bright pearl draws danger in the dark; a gnarled tree wins favor through prior cultivation. Thus the states of Han and Yue, through active benevolence openly bestowed, endured for generations; Kings Jing and Hui of Zhou, through hidden virtue, enjoyed reigns of long duration. Pengzu and Old Dou, through tending and guarding their lives, extended their allotted spans; King Zhou Xin and Li Ji, through reckless debauchery and drink, shortened their years. Chen Ping and Zhang Liang attained the eminence of the highest ministerial rank; Yan Jun and Xin Ping spread the grandeur of chief ministers. As for those who wandered in evil and trod through calamity, who dwelt in rebellion and stepped on disaster—the historical records proclaim them clearly, and their cases are easily examined and set right. But as for what immortals have set down and what India has recorded—though the facts are hard to verify, the principles are not easily refuted. I linger here, inclined to yield, and would hear your comprehensive judgment.

對曰：子可謂扶繩而辨，循刻而議。若乃宣攝有方，豈非吉運所屬；將迎有會，實亦凶數自挻。若夫陽施陰德，長世遐年，揆厥所原，孰往非命。研複來旨，仇校往說，起予惟商，未識所異。資生稟運，參差萬殊，逆順吉凶，理數不一。原夫餐椒非養生之術，咀劍豈衛性之經。命之所延，人肉其骨，而含嚼膏粱，時或嬰患。深澗乖徼寵之津，空谷絕探榮之轍，運之所集，物稊其枯，而俯仰竿牘，終然離沮。爾乃蹻、蹠橫行；曾、原窘步。湯、周延世，詡、邑絕緒。吉凶征應，糾纆若茲。畢萬保軀，宓賤喪領，梁野之言，豈不或妄。谷南、魯北，甘此促生；彭翁、竇叟，將以何術。晉平、趙敬，淫放已該；漢主、魏相，奚獨傷夭。同異若斯，是非孰正。至如雷濱凝分，挫志遠圖；棘津陰拱，振功高世。樊生沖矯，鐫旌善之文，華子高抗，銘懲非之策，皆士衡所雲「同川而異歸」者也。殊塗均致，實繁有征。即理易推，在言可略。昔兩都全盛，六合殷昌，霧集貴寵之閭，雲動權豪之術，鈞貿貽談，豈唯陳、張而已。觀夫二子，才未越眾，而此以藉榮揮價，彼獨擯景淪聲，通否之運，斷可知矣。嚴、辛不安時任命，而委罪亮直，亦地脈之徒歟。若神仙所序，顯明修習，齊強燕平，厥驗未著，李覃董芬，其效安在。喬、松之侶，雲飛天居，夷、列之徒，風行水息，良由理數懸挺，實乃鐘茲景命。天竺遺文，星華方策，因造前定，果報指期，貧豪莫差，修夭無爽，有允瑣辭，無愆鄙說，統而言之，孰往非命。冥期前定，各從所歸，善惡無所矯其趨，愚智焉能殊其理。若乃得議其工，失嗤其拙，操之則栗，舍之則悲，斯固染情於近累，豈不貽誚於通識。

He replied: You may be said to argue by holding the rope of the argument and to debate by following the sundial's shadow—your reasoning is exacting indeed. As for regulating and governing with proper method—is that not the province of fortunate destiny? That meeting has its occasion is true; yet ill-fated numbers also extend themselves of their own accord. As for active benevolence and hidden virtue, long generations and distant years—when one traces them to their origin, where does anything go that is not fate? I have studied your latest meaning and collated it with earlier discourse. You enlighten me—I can discuss with you, yet I do not see where we differ. The endowment of life and received fortune vary among ten thousand differences; rebellion and obedience, good and ill, follow principles and numbers that are not one. For eating pepper is not a method of nourishing life, and chewing swords is hardly a canon for guarding one's nature. Where fate extends life, one may eat human flesh to the bone—yet those who chew rich grains still sometimes contract illness. Deep ravines lack paths to favor; empty valleys cut off tracks to glory—where fortune gathers, things wither to dryness, while those who bow and rise with brush and document still end in separation and dejection. Then Bo Yi and Robber Zhi go unrestrained; Zeng Shen and Yan Yuan walk in distress. Tang and Zhou extended their lines through generations; Xu You and Boyi ended without posterity. The omens of good and ill fortune correspond, tangled together thus. Bi Wan preserved his body, Mi Zijian lost his head—are Liang Yi's words not perhaps mistaken? South of the valley, north of Lu—they willingly accept this shortened span of life; Old Peng and Old Dou—by what arts did they do it? Duke Ping of Jin and King Jing of Zhao were licentious and dissolute to the full; The Han emperor and the Wei minister—why did they alone die young? Similarities and differences like these—which view is right and which wrong? As when at Lei Ford the streams congealed and parted, frustrating ambitions for distant achievement; while at Jiji Ford one waited in hidden stillness and shook the age with lofty merit. Fan Sheng strove upward and engraved words praising the good; Hua Zi stood high in opposition and inscribed policies warning against evil—all examples of what Lu Ji called "the same stream yet different destinations." Different paths reach the same end—instances of this are indeed numerous and verified. Following from principle one can easily infer; in words it may be brief. In former days when both capitals were in full splendor and the realm prospered, mist gathered in lanes of noble favor and clouds stirred in wards of powerful magnates—tales of equal standing were handed down; was it only Chen Ping and Zhang Liang? Considering these two men, their talent did not surpass the multitude, yet one rode borrowed glory to raise his price while the other alone was cast into shadow and sank in repute—the fortune of passage or obstruction can clearly be known. Yan Jun and Xin Ping did not rest content with their allotted times and appointments, yet blamed the straight and bright—is this also the cohort of those who talk of underground veins? As for what immortals set forth and bright cultivation—Qi was strong, Yan was pacified, yet their verification did not appear; Li Tan and Dong Fen—where are their effects? Companions of Wang Qiao and Chi Songzi soar through clouds and dwell in heaven; followers of Boyi and Liezi move with the wind and rest upon the water—truly because principle and number stand far apart, they in fact received this splendid destiny. India's transmitted texts and the star-flowered cubic charts establish prior determination; karmic retribution points to its term; poor and great are not differentiated, long life and early death are not in error; there are trustworthy petty phrases and no fault in humble discourse—unified in speech, where does anything go that is not fate? Dark terms are fixed beforehand; each follows where he is bound; good and evil cannot alter their course—how can fool and sage differ in principle? If one praises another's skill when he succeeds and mocks his clumsiness when he fails, trembles when holding it and grieves when letting go—this is surely staining feeling with nearby entanglements; does it not invite reproach from penetrating understanding?

問曰：清論光心，英辯溢目，求諸鄙懷，良有未盡。若動止皆運，險易自天，理定前期，靡非暗至。玉門犁丘，睿識弗免。豈非聖愚齊致，仁虐同功。昏明之用，將何施而可？

The questioner asked: Your lucid discourse illuminates the heart and your eloquent argument overflows the eye; sought within my humble breast, much still remains unsaid. If every movement and rest is fortune, every hardship and ease from Heaven, principle fixed in an earlier term, nothing not arriving in darkness— Yumen Pass and Líqiū—sagely insight could not escape. Is it not that sage and fool reach the same end, benevolence and cruelty share the same effect? Of what use is the function of darkness and brightness—what may still be applied?

對曰：夫聖人懷虛以涵育，凝明以洞照。惟虛也，故無往而不通；惟明也，故無來而不燭。涸海流金，弗染溫涼之岨；嚴兵猛兕，無累爪刃之災。忘生而生愈全，遺神而神彌暢。若玉門犁丘，蓋同跡於人，故同人有患，然而均心於天，亦均天無害。大賢則體備形器，慮盡藏假，靜默以居否，深拱以違礥，皆數在清全，故鐘茲妙識。是以稟仲尼之道，不在奔車之上；資伯夷之運，不處覆舟之下。若乃越難趨險，逡巡弗獲，履危踐機，黽勉從事，愚之所司，聖亦何為。及中下之流，馳心妄動，是非舛幹，倚伏移貿，故北宮意逆而功順，東門心晦而跡明；宣應遺筮而逢吉，張松協數而遘禍。且智防有紀，患累無方。爾乃猘狗逐而華子奔，腐鼠遺而虞氏滅；匣猿逸而林木殘，櫝珠亡而池水竭。凡厥條流，曲難詳備，搖形役思，其效安征。豈若澡雪靈府，洗練神宅，據道為心，依德為慮，使跡窮則義斯暢，身泰則理兼通，豈不美哉！何必遺此而取彼。

He replied: The sage embraces emptiness to nourish and condenses clarity to illuminate. Only through emptiness is there nowhere he does not penetrate; only through clarity is there nothing coming that he does not illumine. When seas dry and metal flows, he is not stained by the slopes of warmth and coolness; strict troops and fierce rhinoceroses bring no calamity of claw and blade upon him. Forgetting life, life is all the more whole; abandoning spirit, spirit is all the more free. As for Yumen Pass and Líqiū, they share the same tracks as other men; thus other men have afflictions—yet when the heart is equalized with Heaven, Heaven too is equalized and harmless. The great worthy embodies form and vessel, exhausts thought in hidden temporality, dwells in silence to abide in obstruction, deep-bows to avoid thunder—all numbers lie in pure completeness, hence he receives this subtle understanding. Therefore receiving Confucius's Way, one is not upon a racing carriage; relying on Boyi's fortune, one is not beneath an overturned boat. As for crossing hardship and rushing toward danger, hesitating without attainment, treading peril and stepping on triggers, striving diligently in affairs—what fools manage, what would the sage do? As for the middle and lower ranks, the heart races in reckless motion, right and wrong are crossed, leaning and lying shift their trade—thus Beigong's intent was contrary yet his achievement followed, Dongmen's heart was obscure yet his traces were bright; Xuan Ying abandoned divination yet met with good fortune; Zhang Song conformed to numbers yet encountered calamity. Moreover, wisdom's defenses have their rule, but the accumulation of calamity has no fixed form. Then the mad dog pursued and Master Hua fled; a rotten rat was left behind and the house of Yu perished; the caged ape escaped and the forest trees were ruined; the casket pearl was lost and the pool water dried up. All such categories and streams are hard to set forth in full detail; to shake the form and enslave thought—what effect can be verified? How much better to bathe and purify the spirit's dwelling, wash and refine the soul's abode, take the Way as heart and rely on virtue for thought—so that when traces reach their end, righteousness unfolds, and when the body is at peace, principle is fully penetrated—is this not beautiful! Why must one abandon this and take that?

問曰：夫建極開化，樹聲貽則，典防之興，由來尚矣。必乃幽符懸兆，冥數指期，善惡前征，是非素定，名教之道，不亦幾乎息哉！

The questioner asked: Establishing the pole, opening transformation, planting reputation and bequeathing norms—the rise of canonical standards has been honored from of old. If hidden signs hang as omens, dark numbers point to their term, good and evil are foreshadowed beforehand, right and wrong are fixed in advance—would not the Way of name and teaching nearly cease!

對曰：天生蒸民，樹之物則，教義所稟，豈非冥數。何則？形氣之具，必有待而存；顓蒙之倫，豈無因而立。必假纖紈以安生，藉梁豢以延祀，資信禮以繕性，秉廉義以劾情。聖人聰明深懿，履道測化，通體天地，同情日月，仰觀俯察，撫運裁風。於是乎昭日星之紀，正霜雨之度，張雲霞之明，衍風露之渥，浮舟翼滯，騰駕振幽。又乃甄理三才，辨綜五德，弘鋪七體之端，宣昭八經之緒。是以時雍在運，群方自通，抱德煬和，全真保性。故信食相資，代為脣齒；富教相假，遞成輔車。今弛棄纖紈，損絕梁豢，必雲徼生委命，豈不已曉其迷。至乎湮斥廉義，屏黜信禮，責以祈存推數，遂乃未辨其惑；連類若斯，乖妄滋甚。然則教義之道，生運所資，寵辱榮枯，常由此作。斯固命中之一物，非所以為難也。

He replied: Heaven gave birth to the multitude and planted for them things and norms; what teaching and righteousness bestow—is this not dark number? Why is this? The equipment of form and qi must have something to rely on in order to exist; the class of the obstinately ignorant—how could they stand without cause? They must borrow fine silk to settle life, rely on rich grain and meat to extend sacrifice, draw on faith and ritual to repair nature, hold integrity and righteousness to restrain feeling. The sage is intelligent and deeply refined, treads the Way and fathoms transformation, penetrates the body of Heaven and Earth, shares feeling with sun and moon, looks up and down, strokes fortune and trims the wind. Thereupon he displays the records of sun and stars, corrects the measures of frost and rain, spreads the brightness of clouds and mist, extends the richness of wind and dew, floats boats to wing the stagnant, rises in carriage to shake the hidden. Moreover he discriminates and orders the three powers, distinguishes and synthesizes the five virtues, broadly spreads the beginnings of the seven categories, proclaims the threads of the eight classics. Thus harmony in season lies in fortune, the myriad directions of themselves penetrate, embracing virtue and spreading harmony, preserving the whole and guarding nature. Therefore faith and sustenance assist each other, generation after generation as lips and teeth; wealth and teaching borrow from each other, in turn becoming chariot and escort. Now to relax and abandon fine silk, to damage and cut off rich grain and meat, and then say one entrusts life to fate—is this not already to show one's delusion? As for burying and rejecting integrity and righteousness, screening out faith and ritual, yet charging one to pray for preservation and push numbers—then one has still not distinguished one's delusion; Linking categories like these, perversity and error grow all the more. Thus the Way of teaching and righteousness is what life and fortune rely on; favor and disgrace, glory and withering, constantly arise from this. This is surely one thing within allotted fate, not what makes the matter difficult.

問曰：循複前旨，既以理命縣兆，生數冥期。研覆後文，又雲依杖名教，帥循訓範。若藉數任天，則放情蕩思；拘訓馴範，則防慮檢喪。函矢殊用，矛戈異適，雙美之談，豈能兩遂。

The questioner asked: Following and repeating your earlier meaning, you have already hung omens on principle and fate, and set life's numbers in a dark term. Studying and reviewing your later text, you also say one should lean on name and teaching and lead by following norms. If one relies on numbers and entrusts oneself to Heaven, then feeling is released and thought roams free; if one is bound by instruction and tamed by norms, then defenses of thought are checked and lost. The chest-arrow has a different use, spear and dagger-axe a different application—the talk of double beauty, how can both be fulfilled?

對曰：夫性運乖舛，心貌詭殊，請布末懷，略言其要。若乃吉命所鐘，縱情蹈道，訓性而順，因心則靈。凶數所挻，率由踐逆，聞言不信，長惡無悛。此愚智不移，聲訓所遺者也。其有見善如不及，從諫如順流，是則命待教全，運須化立。譬以良醫之室，病者所存，至如澄神清魂，平心實氣，無妄之痾，勿藥有喜，所謂縱情蹈道，無假隱括。若膏肓之疾，長桑不治，體府之病，陽慶弗理，此則率由踐逆，自絕調禦。至乃趙儲之命宜永，須扁鵲而後全，齊後之數必延，待文摯而後濟。亦猶運鐘循獎，彝範所興，善惡無主，唯運所集而異。膏梁方丈，沈疾弗顧；瑤碧盈尺，阽危弗存。夫靜躁之容，造次必於是；曲直之性，顛沛不可移。是以夷、惠均聖而異方；遵、竦齊通而殊事。雖複鉗桎羿、帟，思服巢、許之情；捶勒曾、史，言膺蹻、蹠之慮。不然之事，斷可知也。必幽符鑽仰，冥數修習，雖存陵惰，其可得乎！故運屬波流，勢無防慮，命徼山立，理無放情。用殊函矢，雙美奚躓；談異矛戈，兩濟何傷。

He replied: Nature and fortune diverge and clash, mind and appearance are strange and different—allow me to set forth my final thoughts and speak briefly of the essentials. As for those whom fortunate fate has marked, they release feeling and tread the Way, train nature and follow it, rely on the heart and thereby become numinous. Those whom ill-fated numbers extend follow the path of treading rebellion, hear words and do not believe, nurture evil without repentance. This is what the foolish and the wise do not alter—what voice and instruction leave behind. Those who see good as if they cannot reach it, who follow remonstrance as if downstream—then fate awaits teaching to be made whole, fortune needs transformation to be established. It is like a good physician's chamber where the sick are kept; as for clarifying spirit and purifying soul, leveling heart and solidifying qi—illness without recklessness needs no medicine yet brings joy; this is what is called releasing feeling and treading the Way, with no need for hidden braces. If it is an illness in the vital region, Chang Sang will not treat it; if it is a disease of the body's dwelling, Yang Qing will not attend—this then follows the path of treading rebellion and cuts off regulation and healing of itself. As for the fate of Prince Chu of Zhao, it should have been long—only after Bian Que was it made whole; the numbers of the Queen of Qi were bound to extend—only after Wen Zhi was it brought to completion. It is also like fortune's bell and following reward, what constant norms give rise to—good and evil have no master; only what fortune gathers makes them differ. A table laden with rich grain and meat, yet sinking illness is not regarded; jade and greenstone filling a foot, imminent peril is not preserved. As for the bearing of stillness and agitation, in every hasty moment one must be thus; the nature of crooked and straight, in overturning hardship cannot be shifted. Thus Boyi and Hui were both sages, yet they followed different paths; Zun and Song were equally penetrating in understanding, yet pursued different courses. Though one might fetter Yi and Kuai and imagine adopting the spirit of Chao Fu and Xu You; beat and restrain Zeng Shen and Shi Qiu yet claim to embrace the concerns of Bo Yi and Robber Zhi— such impossibilities can be known for certain. If one must have hidden omens to pore over and hidden numbers to cultivate, how could arrogance and sloth ever yield the desired result! Therefore fortune belongs to the flowing waves, and its momentum admits no defensive calculation. Fate stands like mountains, and principle admits no unrestrained indulgence. Their uses differ like arrow and sheath—why should both beauties fail? Their approaches differ like spear and dagger—what harm if both succeed?

問曰：夫君臣恩深，師資義固，所以沾榮塗施，提飾荷聲。故刳心流腸，捐生以亢節；火妻灰子，霾名以償義。若幽期天兆，則明揚可遺；冥數自賓，則感效宜絕。豈其然乎？

A questioner asks: Between ruler and minister the bond of grace runs deep; between teacher and pupil the tie of righteousness is firm. That is why they are adorned with glory, elevated with honor, and bear reputation upon their shoulders. Therefore they lay bare heart and entrails and cast away life to uphold their integrity; burning their wives and reducing their sons to ash, burying their names to repay righteousness. If dark terms and heavenly omens govern all, then bright promotion may be set aside; if dark numbers determine everything, then heartfelt response and loyal service should cease. Could it really be so?

對曰：論之所明，原本以為理，難之所疑，即末以為用。蓋陰閉之巧不傳，萌漸之調長絕。故知妄言賞理，古人所難。吾所謂命，固以綿絡古今，彌貫終始，爰及君臣父子，師友夫妻，皆天數冥合，神運玄至。逮乎睽愛離會，既命之所甄，昏爽順戾，亦運之所漸。爾乃松柳異質，薺荼殊性，故疾風知勁草，嚴霜識貞木，何異忠孝之質，資行夙昭。至於刻志酬生，題誠複施，殉節投命，馴義忘己。亦由石雖可毀，堅不可銷，丹雖可磨，赤不可滅。因斯而言，君臣師資，既幽期自賓，心力感效，亦冥數天兆。夫獨何怪哉！

He replied: What the discourse clarifies takes root and origin as its principle; what the difficulty questions takes branch and tip as its application. The craft of hidden closure is not transmitted, and the long tuning of gradual growth is cut off. Therefore one knows that reckless words in praise of principle were difficult even for the ancients. What I call fate is continuous through past and present and fills beginning and end. It extends to ruler and minister, father and son, teacher and friend, husband and wife—all are darkly joined by Heaven's numbers and mysteriously brought by the movement of spirit. When it reaches estranged love and parting meetings, these are what fate selects. When dullness and brightness, obedience and rebellion appear, these too are what fortune gradually brings. Pine and willow differ in substance; shepherd's purse and turnip differ in nature. Fierce wind reveals strong grass; harsh frost reveals steadfast trees. How does this differ from the substance of loyalty and filial piety, whose conduct has long been manifest? As for carving one's will to repay life, inscribing sincerity to repay kindness, dying for integrity and casting away life, mastering righteousness and forgetting self— it is also because stone, though it can be destroyed, cannot lose its hardness; cinnabar, though it can be ground, cannot lose its red. From this it follows that between ruler and minister, teacher and pupil—since dark terms govern, heartfelt effort and loyal response are likewise dark numbers and heavenly omens. What is strange about that!

願字子恭，父淵之，散騎侍郎。願好學，有文辭於世。大明中，舉秀才，對策稱旨，擢為著作佐郎，太子舍人。早卒。

Yuan, whose style was Zigong, was the son of Yuanzhi, Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry. Yuan loved learning and was known in his time for his literary compositions. During the Daming era he was recommended as Cultivated Talent. His policy response pleased the emperor, and he was promoted to Assistant Gentleman of the Palace Library and Attendant of the Heir Apparent. He died young.

史臣曰：孝建啟基，西楚放命，難連淮、濟，勢盛江服。硃修之著節漢南，劉秀之推鋒萬里，並誠載艱一，忠惟帝念。而逾峴之鋒，戰有獨克，出硤之師，舟無只反。雖霜霰並時，而計功則異也。及定終之命，等數相懸，蓋由義結蕃朝，故恩有厚薄。雖故舊不遺，聞之前訓，隆名爽實，亦無取焉！

The historiographer says: The Xiaojian era opened a new foundation. Western Chu cast off obedience, troubles linked the Huai and Ji regions, and rebel strength flourished along the Yangtze. Zhu Xiuzhi displayed integrity south of the Han; Liu Xiuzhi drove his forces ten thousand li. Both bore sincerity through a single hardship, loyal only to the emperor's cause. Yet beyond Xian the spear achieved victory in battle, while the army that marched out through the gorges saw not a single boat return. Though frost and sleet fell in the same season, their achievements, when reckoned, were not the same. When it came to their final rewards, the scales hung far apart—probably because their ties to the court differed in degree, and so grace was meted out unequally. Though old ties were not forgotten, as former instruction teaches—a lofty name with substance lost is still nothing to admire!

Cite this Chapter