Volume 7 Treatises 2: Rites 2

禮儀二

Rites 2

《春秋》「龍見而雩」，梁制不為恆祀。四月後旱，則祈雨，行七事：一，理冤獄及失職者；二，振鰥寡孤獨者；三，省繇輕賦；四，舉進賢良；五，黜退貪邪；六，命會男女，恤怨曠；七，撤膳羞，弛樂懸而不作。天子又降法服。七日，乃祈社稷；七日，乃祈山林川澤常興雲雨者；七日，乃祈群廟之主於太廟；七日，乃祈古來百辟卿士有益於人者；七日，乃大雩，祈上帝，遍祈所有事者。大雩禮，立圓壇于南郊之左，高及輪廣四丈，周十二丈，四陛。牲用黃牯牛一。祈五天帝及五人帝於其上，各依其方，以太祖配，位於青帝之南，五官配食於下。七日乃去樂。又遍祈社稷山林川澤，就故地處大雩。國南除地為墠，舞童六十四人。祈百辟卿士於雩壇之左，除地為墠，舞童六十四人，皆袨服，為八列，各執羽翳。每列歌《雲漢》詩一章而畢。旱而祈澍，則報乙太牢，皆有司行事。唯雩則不報。若郡國縣旱請雨，則五事同時並行：一，理冤獄失職；二，存鰥寡孤獨；三，省徭役；四，進賢良；五，退貪邪。守令皆潔齋三日，乃祈社稷。七日不雨，更齋祈如初。三變仍不雨，複齋祈其界內山林川澤常興雲雨者。祈而澍，亦各有報。陳氏亦因梁制，祈而澍則報以少牢。武帝時，以德皇帝配，文帝時，以武帝配。廢帝即位，以文帝配青帝。牲用黃牯牛，而以清酒四升洗其首。其壇墠配饗歌舞，皆如梁禮。天子不親奉，則太宰、太常、光祿行三獻禮。其法皆采齊建武二年事也。梁、陳制，諸祠官皆給除穢氣藥，先齋一日報之，以取清潔。天監九年，有事雩壇。武帝以為雨既類陰，而求之正陽，其謬已甚。東方既非盛陽，而為生養之始，則雩壇應在東方，祈晴亦宜此地。於是遂移於東郊。十年，帝又以雩祭燔柴，以火祈水，於理為乖。儀曹郎硃異議曰：「案周宣《雲漢》之詩，毛注有瘞埋之文，不見有燔柴之說。若以五帝必柴，今明堂又無其事。於是停用柴，從坎瘞典。十一年，帝曰：「四望之祀，頃來遂絕。宜更議複。」硃異議：「鄭眾雲：'四望謂日月星海。 '鄭玄雲：'謂五嶽四鎮四瀆。 '尋二鄭之說，互有不同。竊以望是不即之名，凡厥遙祭，皆有斯目。豈容局於星漢，拘於海瀆？請命司天，有關水旱之義，爰有四海名山大川，能興雲致雨，一皆備祭。」帝從之。又揚州主簿顧協又雲：「《禮》'仲夏大雩'，《春秋》'龍見而雩'，則雩常祭也，水旱且又禱之，謂宜式備斯典。」太常博士亦從協議。祠部郎明岩卿以為：「祈報之祀，已備郊禋，沿革有時，不必同揆。」帝從其議，依舊不改。大同五年，又築雩壇于藉田兆內。有祈珝，則齋官寄藉田省雲。

The Spring and Autumn Annals records that 'when the dragon star appears, the rain sacrifice is performed,' but under Liang practice this was not established as a regular seasonal rite. If drought persisted after the fourth month, the court prayed for rain and undertook seven measures: first, review wrongful cases and reinstate officials who had been dismissed without cause; second, provide relief to widowers, widows, orphans, and those living alone; third, reduce corvée labor and lighten tax burdens; fourth, recommend men of talent and integrity; fifth, remove greedy and corrupt officials from office; sixth, order officials to arrange marriages for the unmarried and show concern for those separated from spouses or left without partners; seventh, withdraw delicacies from the imperial table and suspend the hanging bells so that no music was played. The emperor also put aside his formal robes and wore plain ritual dress. After seven days, prayers were offered at the altars of soil and grain; after another seven days, prayers were offered to mountains, forests, rivers, and marshes known to raise clouds and bring rain; after another seven days, the spirit tablets of the collective ancestral temples were invoked in prayer at the Grand Temple; after another seven days, prayers were offered to ministers and officers of antiquity who had benefited the people; after another seven days, the great rain sacrifice was performed, with prayers to the Supreme Lord and comprehensive supplication to every spirit concerned. In the great rain sacrifice, a round altar was built to the left of the southern suburban precinct, one wheel's height and four zhang across, twelve zhang in circumference, with four stairways. The sacrificial victim was one yellow bull. Upon the altar the Five Heavenly Emperors and the Five Human Emperors were invoked, each positioned according to his direction; the Founding Ancestor was associated in the offering, placed south of the Green Emperor, while the Five Officials received secondary offerings below. After seven days the music was discontinued. Prayers were also offered comprehensively at the altars of soil and grain and at mountains, forests, rivers, and marshes, with the great rain sacrifice performed at each established site. South of the capital, ground was cleared for a ritual dance platform, and sixty-four youths were assigned to dance. To the left of the rain altar, ministers and officers of antiquity were invoked; ground was cleared for a platform where sixty-four youths in ceremonial dress formed eight ranks, each holding feather fans. Each rank sang one stanza from the 'Clouds Ascending' ode and then withdrew. When prayers during drought were answered with timely rain, a response sacrifice of the secondary great offering was performed, with the appropriate officials conducting the rite. Only the rain sacrifice itself was not followed by a response offering. When commanderies, kingdoms, or counties suffered drought and petitioned for rain, five measures were undertaken at once: first, review wrongful cases and reinstate dismissed officials; second, provide for widowers, widows, orphans, and those living alone; third, reduce corvée labor; fourth, recommend men of talent and integrity; fifth, remove greedy and corrupt officials. All prefects and magistrates purified themselves and fasted for three days before offering prayers at the altars of soil and grain. If no rain fell within seven days, they renewed their fast and prayed again as before. If after three repetitions rain still did not come, they fasted once more and prayed to mountains, forests, rivers, and marshes within their jurisdiction that were known to raise clouds and rain. When prayers were answered with timely rain, each site also received its own response sacrifice. The Chen dynasty likewise followed Liang practice: when prayers were answered with timely rain, the response sacrifice was performed with the secondary offering. Under Emperor Wu, the Virtuous Emperor served as associated offering; under Emperor Wen, Emperor Wu served as associated offering. When the Deposed Emperor came to the throne, Emperor Wen was associated with the Green Emperor in the offering. The sacrificial victim was a yellow bull, its head washed with four sheng of clear wine. The altar platform, associated offerings, and dance performances all followed Liang ritual practice. If the emperor did not personally perform the offering, the Grand Steward, Grand Master of Ceremonies, and Director of Imperial Entertainments conducted the triple-presentation rite. These regulations all drew upon precedents from the second year of the Jianwu era in Qi. Under Liang and Chen practice, all sacrificial officials were given medicine to dispel impurity; one day before fasting they reported having taken it, to ensure ritual purity. In the ninth year of Tianjian, a sacrifice was performed at the rain altar. Emperor Wu reasoned that since rain belongs to the yin category, to seek it in the place of utmost yang was a profound error. The east, though not the peak of yang, is where generation and nurture begin; therefore the rain altar should stand in the east, and prayers for clear weather should likewise be offered there. The altar was accordingly moved to the eastern suburb. In the tenth year, the emperor also held that burning firewood in the rain sacrifice—using fire to pray for water—was contrary to ritual principle. Zhu Yi of the Ceremonial Bureau submitted an opinion: 'According to the "Clouds Ascending" ode in Duke Xuan's Book of Songs, Mao's commentary mentions burial offerings, but nowhere mentions burning firewood. If the Five Emperors must always receive fire offerings, yet at the Bright Hall today no such practice exists. The use of firewood was therefore discontinued, and the pit-burial precedent was adopted instead. In the eleventh year, the emperor said: 'The sacrifice to the Four Quarters has lately fallen entirely into disuse. It should be reconsidered and restored.' Zhu Yi submitted an opinion: 'Zheng Zhong says: "The Four Quarters refer to the sun, moon, stars, and sea. Zheng Xuan says: 'They refer to the Five Sacred Peaks, the Four Guardian Mountains, and the Four Rivers.' Examining the two Zheng scholars' explanations, they clearly differ from each other. I hold that 'quarter' is a general term for what is not immediately present; all distant sacrifices fall under this designation. How can the term be confined to the stars and Milky Way, or restricted to seas and rivers alone? I request that the Directorate of Astronomy be consulted: wherever the rites concern water and drought, and wherever within the Four Seas there are famous mountains and great rivers capable of raising clouds and bringing rain—all should be included in the sacrifice.' The emperor approved this proposal. Gu Xie, Registrar of Yang Province, also argued: 'The Rites prescribe a great rain sacrifice in midsummer, and the Spring and Autumn Annals record that when the dragon appears the rain sacrifice is performed—thus the rain sacrifice is a regular seasonal rite, with additional prayers in drought; this canonical precedent should be fully observed.' The Erudite of the Grand Master of Ceremonies also supported Gu's opinion. Ming Yanqing of the Sacrificial Bureau held: 'Prayer and response sacrifices are already provided for in the suburban and fire rites; ritual practice evolves with the times and need not be uniformly applied.' The emperor accepted this opinion and left the existing practice unchanged. In the fifth year of Datong, a rain altar was again constructed within the sacred field precinct. When rain prayers were performed, the fasting official lodged at the sacred field precinct to observe the clouds.

後齊以孟夏龍見而雩，祭太微五精帝于夏郊之東。為圓壇，廣四十五尺，高九尺，四面各一陛。為三壝外營，相去深淺，並燎壇，一如南郊。于其上祈穀實，以顯宗文宣帝配。青帝在甲寅之地，赤帝在丙巳之地，黃帝在己未之地，白帝在庚申之地，黑帝在壬亥之地。面皆內向，藉以槁秸。配帝在青帝之南，小退，藉以莞席，牲以騂。其儀同南郊。又祈禱者有九焉：一曰雩，二曰南郊，三曰堯廟，四曰孔、顏廟，五曰社稷，六曰五嶽，七曰四瀆，八曰滏口，九曰豹祠。水旱癘疫，皆有事焉。無牲，皆以酒脯棗栗之饌。若建午、建未、建申之月不雨，則使三公祈五帝於雩壇。禮用玉幣，有燎，不設金石之樂，選伎工端潔善謳詠者，使歌《雲漢》詩于壇南。自餘同正雩。南郊則使三公祈五天帝於郊壇，有燎，座位如雩。五人帝各在天帝之左。其儀如郊禮。堯廟，則遣使祈於平陽。孔、顏廟，則遣使祈于國學，如堯廟。社稷如正祭。五嶽，遣使祈于嶽所。四瀆如祈五嶽，滏口如祈堯廟，豹祠如祈滏口。

Later Qi, when the dragon star appeared in the first month of summer, performed the rain sacrifice, offering to the Five Essence Emperors of the Great Microcosm in the eastern summer suburban precinct. A round altar was constructed, forty-five chi in width and nine chi in height, with one stairway on each of the four sides. Three outer enclosures formed the outer precinct, spaced at varying depths, with fire altars as at the southern suburb. Upon the altar prayers were offered for grain and fruit, with Emperor Wenxuan of the Manifest Ancestor as associated offering. The Green Emperor stood in the jia-yin position, the Red Emperor in the bing-si position, the Yellow Emperor in the ji-wei position, the White Emperor in the geng-shen position, and the Black Emperor in the ren-hai position. All faced inward, their platforms spread with straw. The associated emperor was placed south of the Green Emperor, slightly withdrawn, upon rush mats; the sacrificial victim was a red bull. The ceremony followed the same order as at the southern suburb. There were also nine forms of prayer: first, the rain sacrifice; second, the southern suburb; third, the Temple of Yao; fourth, the temples of Confucius and Yan; fifth, the altars of soil and grain; sixth, the Five Sacred Peaks; seventh, the Four Rivers; eighth, Fokou; ninth, the Leopard Shrine. For floods, droughts, and pestilence, rites were performed at each of these sites. No sacrificial victims were used; all offerings consisted of wine, dried meat, dates, and chestnuts. If the months of wu, wei, or shen passed without rain, the Three Excellencies were dispatched to pray to the Five Emperors at the rain altar. The rite employed jade and silks with fire offerings; stone and metal instruments were not used; skilled, pure singers were selected to sing the 'Clouds Ascending' ode south of the altar. All other details followed the regular rain sacrifice. At the southern suburb the Three Excellencies were dispatched to pray to the Five Heavenly Emperors at the suburban altar, with fire offerings and seating arranged as at the rain sacrifice. Each of the Five Human Emperors was positioned to the left of his corresponding Heavenly Emperor. The ceremony followed suburban ritual practice. At the Temple of Yao, an envoy was dispatched to offer prayers at Pingyang. At the temples of Confucius and Yan, an envoy was sent to pray at the National Academy, following the same procedure as at the Temple of Yao. The altars of soil and grain followed the regular seasonal sacrifice. For the Five Sacred Peaks, an envoy was dispatched to pray at each peak's shrine. The Four Rivers followed the procedure for the Five Peaks; Fokou followed the Temple of Yao; the Leopard Shrine followed Fokou.

隋雩壇，國南十三裏啟夏門外道左。高一丈，周百二十尺。孟夏之月，龍星見，則雩五方上帝，配以五人帝於上，以太祖武元帝配饗，五官從配於下。牲用犢十，各依方色。京師孟夏後旱，則祈雨，理冤獄失職，存鰥寡孤獨，振困乏，掩骼埋胔，省徭役，進賢良，舉直言，退佞諂，黜貪殘，命有司會男女，恤怨曠。七日，乃祈嶽鎮海瀆及諸山川能興雲雨者；又七日，乃祈社稷及古來百辟卿士有益於人者；又七日，乃祈宗廟及古帝王有神祠者；又七日，乃修雩，祈神州；又七日，仍不雨，複從嶽瀆已下祈如初典。秋分已後不雩，但禱而已。皆用酒脯。初請後二旬不雨者，即徙市禁屠。皇帝禦素服，避正殿，減膳撤樂，或露坐聽政。百官斷傘扇。令人家造土龍。雨澍，則命有司報。州郡尉祈雨，則理冤獄，存鰥寡孤獨，掩骼埋胔，潔齋祈於社。七日，乃祈界內山川能興雨者，徙市斷屠如京師。祈而澍，亦各有報。霖雨則珝京城諸門，三珝不止，則祈山川嶽鎮海瀆社稷。又不止，則祈宗廟神州。報乙太牢。州郡縣苦雨，亦各珝其城門，不止則祈界內山川。及祈報，用羊豕。

The Sui rain altar stood thirteen li south of the capital, to the left of the road outside the Qixia Gate. It was one zhang in height and one hundred twenty chi in circumference. In the first month of summer, when the dragon star appeared, the Five Directional Heavenly Emperors received the rain sacrifice, with the Five Human Emperors associated above, the Founding Ancestor Emperor Wuyuan associated in the feast, and the Five Officials associated below. Ten calves served as victims, each according to the color of its direction. If drought persisted in the capital after the first month of summer, rain prayers were undertaken: wrongful cases were reviewed, dismissed officials restored, widowers, widows, orphans, and the solitary provided for, the destitute relieved, exposed bones and flesh interred, corvée reduced, worthy men recommended, forthright speech encouraged, flatterers removed, the greedy and cruel dismissed, officials ordered to arrange marriages, and the separated and unmarried shown concern. After seven days, prayers were offered to the sacred peaks, guardian mountains, seas, rivers, and all mountains and rivers capable of raising clouds and rain; after another seven days, prayers were offered at the altars of soil and grain and to ministers and officers of antiquity who had benefited the people; after another seven days, prayers were offered at the ancestral temples and to ancient emperors with established spirit shrines; after another seven days, the rain sacrifice was renewed with prayers to the Divine Land; after another seven days, if rain still had not come, prayers from the sacred peaks and rivers downward were repeated according to the original sequence. After the autumn equinox the full rain sacrifice was not performed; only prayers were offered. All these rites employed offerings of wine and dried meat. If twenty days passed after the initial petition without rain, the market was relocated and slaughter was forbidden. The emperor wore plain robes, avoided the main hall, reduced his meals and suspended music, or sat in the open air to conduct affairs of state. All officials ceased using parasols and fans. Households were ordered to make clay dragons. When timely rain came, officials were ordered to perform the response sacrifice. When prefects and commandery officials prayed for rain, they reviewed wrongful cases, provided for widowers, widows, orphans, and the solitary, interred exposed bones and flesh, purified themselves and fasted, and offered prayers at the altars of soil and grain. After seven days, prayers were offered to mountains and rivers within the jurisdiction capable of bringing rain, and the market was relocated and slaughter forbidden as in the capital. When prayers were answered with timely rain, each site also received its response sacrifice. During prolonged rain, prayers were offered at the gates of the capital; if rain did not cease after three prayers, mountains, rivers, sacred peaks, guardian mountains, seas, rivers, and the altars of soil and grain were invoked. If rain still did not cease, prayers were offered at the ancestral temples and to the Divine Land. The response sacrifice employed the secondary great offering. When commanderies, prefectures, and counties suffered prolonged rain, they likewise prayed at their city gates; if rain did not cease, mountains and rivers within the jurisdiction were invoked. Prayers and response sacrifices employed sheep and pigs as victims.

《禮》，天子每以四立之日及季夏，乘玉輅，建大旂，服大裘，各于其方之近郊為兆，迎其帝而祭之。所謂燔柴於泰壇，掃地而祭者也。春迎靈威仰者，三春之始，萬物稟之而生，莫不仰其靈德，服而畏之也。夏迎赤熛怒者，火色氇票怒，其靈炎至明盛也。秋迎白招拒者，招集，拒大也，言秋時集成萬物，其功大也。冬迎葉光紀者，葉拾，光華，紀法也，言冬時收拾光華之色，伏而藏之，皆有法也。中迎含樞紐者，含容也，樞機有開闔之義，紐者結也。言土德之帝，能含容萬物，開闔有時，紐結有法也。然此五帝之號，皆以其德而名焉。梁、陳、後齊、後周及隋，制度相循，皆以其時之日，各於其郊迎，而乙太皞之屬五人帝配祭。並以五官、三辰、七宿于其方從祀焉。

The Rites prescribe that the Son of Heaven, on each of the four establishment days and in the last month of summer, rides the jade chariot, raises the great banner, wears the great fur robe, and at the suburban precinct nearest to each direction welcomes its emperor and offers sacrifice. This is what is meant by burning firewood on the great altar and sweeping the ground to perform the sacrifice. In spring the Lingwei Yang is welcomed: at the opening of the three spring months, all living things receive life from it and none fail to look up to its numinous virtue, submitting to and revering it. In summer the Chih Yan Nu is welcomed: fiery in color and blazing with wrath, its spirit burns with brilliant and supreme brightness. In autumn the Bai Zhao Ju is welcomed: zhao means to gather, ju means great—in autumn all things are gathered together and the achievement is great. In winter the Ye Guang Ji is welcomed: ye means to gather up, guang means brilliance, ji means law—in winter brilliant colors are gathered up and stored in concealment, all according to established law. At the center the Han Shu Niu is welcomed: han means to contain, the pivot has the meaning of opening and closing, and niu means to bind. This signifies that the emperor of earth virtue can contain all things, open and close at the proper season, and bind according to law. These designations of the Five Emperors all derive their names from their respective virtues. Liang, Chen, Later Qi, Later Zhou, and Sui all followed one another in practice; on the day of each season they welcomed the qi at its suburban precinct, with the Five Human Emperors such as Taihao associated in the secondary offering. The Five Officials, the Three Stars, and the Seven Lodges were also associated in sacrifice according to their respective directions.

梁制，迎氣以始祖配，牲用特牛一，其儀同南郊。天監七年，尚書左丞司馬筠等議：「以昆蟲未蟄，不以火田，鳩化為鷹，罻羅方設。仲春之月，祀不用牲，止珪璧皮幣。斯又事神之道，可以不殺明矣。況今祀天，豈容尚此？請夏初迎氣，祭不用牲。」帝從之。八年，明山賓議曰：「《周官》祀昊天以大裘，祀五帝亦如之。頃代郊祀之服，皆用袞冕，是以前奏迎氣、祀五帝，亦服袞冕。愚謂迎氣、祀五帝亦宜用大裘，禮俱一獻。」帝從之。陳迎氣之法，皆因梁制。

Under Liang practice, in welcoming the seasonal qi the Founding Ancestor was associated; a single bull served as victim; the ceremony followed the southern suburban rite. In the seventh year of Tianjian, Left Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing Sima Jun and others submitted an opinion: 'Since insects have not yet awakened from hibernation, fire must not be used in the fields; when doves transform into hawks, nets and snares are just being set up. In the second month of spring, sacrifices do not employ victims—only jade disks, bi disks, and silks. This too is the way of serving the spirits—killing need not be employed, as the principle is clear. Moreover, in sacrificing to Heaven today, how can the use of victims still be permitted? I request that at the beginning of summer, when welcoming the qi, sacrifices not employ victims. The emperor approved this proposal. In the eighth year, Ming Shanbin submitted an opinion: 'The Rites of Zhou prescribe that in sacrificing to the August Heaven the great fur robe is worn, and in sacrificing to the Five Emperors it is likewise. In recent generations the robes for suburban sacrifice all used the dragon-and-phoenix crown robe; therefore in the previous memorial on welcoming the qi and sacrificing to the Five Emperors, the dragon-and-phoenix crown robe was also worn. I hold that in welcoming the qi and sacrificing to the Five Emperors the great fur robe should also be worn, with a single presentation for both rites. The emperor approved this proposal. Chen practice for welcoming the seasonal qi followed Liang regulations throughout.

後齊五郊迎氣，為壇各於四郊，又為黃壇於未地。所祀天帝及配帝五官之神同梁。其玉帛牲各以其方色。其儀與南郊同。帝及後各以夕牲日之旦，太尉陳幣，告請其廟，以就配焉。其從祀之官，位皆南陛之東，西向。壇上設饌畢，太宰丞設饌於其座。亞獻畢，太常少卿乃於其所獻。事畢，皆撤。又雲，立春前五日，於州大門外之東，造青土牛兩頭，耕夫犁具。立春，有司迎春於東郊，豎青幡于青牛之傍焉。

Later Qi, in welcoming the qi of the five seasons, erected altars at each of the four suburbs, and also built a yellow altar in the wei position. The Heavenly Emperors sacrificed to, the associated emperors, and the Five Officials followed the same arrangement as under Liang. The jades, silks, and victims each followed the color of their respective direction. The ceremony followed the southern suburban rite. The emperor and empress each, on the evening before the victim day and at dawn, the Grand Commandant presented silks and reported to their temples before proceeding to the associated offering. Officials participating in associated sacrifice all took their places east of the southern stairway, facing west. When offerings were set on the altar, the Grand Steward's assistant placed offerings at each seat. When the secondary presentation was complete, the Vice Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies then made the offering at the appropriate place. When the rite was complete, all offerings were withdrawn. It was also prescribed that five days before the establishment of spring, east of the prefecture's great gate, two green clay oxen and ploughmen with ploughing implements were to be prepared. At the establishment of spring, officials welcomed spring at the eastern suburb and erected a green banner beside the green ox.

後周五郊壇其崇及去國，如其行之數。其廣皆四丈，其方俱百二十步。內壝皆半之。祭配皆同後齊。星辰、七宿、嶽鎮、海瀆、山林、川澤、丘陵、墳衍，亦各于其方配郊而祀之。其星辰為壇，崇五尺，方二丈。岳鎮為坎，方二丈，深二尺。山林已下，亦為坎。壇，崇三尺，坎深一尺，俱方一丈。其儀頗同南郊。塚宰亞獻，宗伯終獻，禮畢。

Later Zhou's five suburban altars were as high and as distant from the capital as the number associated with their direction. All were four zhang in width; each side measured one hundred twenty paces. The inner enclosures were all half that size. Associated offerings all followed Later Qi practice. The stars, the Seven Lodges, sacred peaks, guardian mountains, seas, rivers, mountains, forests, rivers, marshes, hills, mounds, and plains were also each associated in sacrifice at the suburban precinct of their direction. For the stars an altar was constructed, five chi high and two zhang square. For sacred peaks and guardian mountains a pit was dug, two zhang square and two chi deep. For mountains, forests, and below, pits were likewise constructed. Altars were three chi high; pits one chi deep; all one zhang square. The ceremony largely followed southern suburban practice. The Grand Steward made the secondary presentation, the Grand Herald the final presentation, and the rite was concluded.

隋五時迎氣。青郊為壇，國東春明門外道北，去宮八裏。高八尺。赤郊為壇，國南明德門外道西，去宮十三裏，高七尺。黃郊為壇，國南安化門外道西，去宮十二裏，高七尺。白郊為壇，國西開遠門外道南，去宮八裏，高九尺。黑郊為壇，宮北十一裏醜地，高六尺。並廣四丈。各以四方立日，黃郊以季夏土王日。祀其方之帝，各配以人帝，以太祖武元帝配。五官及星三辰七宿，亦各依其方從祀。其牲依方色，各用犢二，星辰加羊豕各一。其儀同南郊。其嶽瀆鎮海，各依五時迎氣日，遣使就其所，祭之乙太牢。

Sui welcomed the qi of the five seasons. The green suburban altar stood north of the road outside the Chunming Gate east of the capital, eight li from the palace. It was eight chi in height. The red suburban altar stood west of the road outside the Mingde Gate south of the capital, thirteen li from the palace and seven chi high. The yellow suburban altar stood west of the road outside the Anhua Gate south of the capital, twelve li from the palace and seven chi high. The white suburban altar stood south of the road outside the Kaiyuan Gate west of the capital, eight li from the palace and nine chi high. The black suburban altar stood in the chou position eleven li north of the palace, six chi high. All were four zhang in width. Each rite was performed on the establishment day of its direction; the yellow suburb on the day when earth ruled in the last month of summer. The emperor of each direction was sacrificed to, each with a Human Emperor associated; the Founding Ancestor Emperor Wuyuan served as associated offering. The Five Officials and the stars, Three Stars, and Seven Lodges were also associated in sacrifice according to their respective directions. Victims followed the color of each direction, two calves each; for the stars a sheep and pig were added. The ceremony followed the southern suburban rite. For sacred peaks, rivers, guardian mountains, and seas, on the day of welcoming the qi of each season an envoy was dispatched to each site to sacrifice with the secondary great offering.

晉江左以後，乃至宋、齊相承，始受命之主，皆立六廟，虛太祖之位。宋武初為宋王，立廟于彭城，但祭高祖已下四世。中興二年，梁武初為梁公。曹文思議：「天子受命之日，便祭七廟。諸侯始封，即祭五廟。」祠部郎謝廣等並駁之，遂不施用。乃建台，於東城立四親廟，並妃郗氏而為五廟。告祠之禮，並用太牢。其年四月，即皇帝位。謝廣又議，以為初祭是四時常祭，首月既不可移易，宜依前克日於東廟致齋。帝從之。遂于東城時祭訖，遷神主於太廟。始自皇祖太中府君、皇祖淮陰府君、皇高祖濟陰府君、皇曾祖中從事史府君、皇祖特進府君，並皇考，以為三昭三穆，凡六廟。追尊皇考為文皇帝，皇妣為德皇后，廟號太祖。皇祖特進以上，皆不追尊。擬祖遷於上，而太祖之廟不毀，與六親廟為七，皆同一堂，共庭而別室。春祀、夏礿、秋嘗、冬烝並臘，一歲凡五，謂之時祭。三年一禘，五年一袷，謂之殷祭。禘以夏，祫以冬，皆以功臣配。其儀頗同南郊。又有小廟，太祖太夫人廟也。非嫡，故別立廟。皇帝每祭太廟訖，乃詣小廟，亦以一太牢，如太廟禮。天監三年，尚書左丞何佟之議曰：「禘于首夏，物皆未成，故為小。祫于秋冬，萬物皆成，其禮尤大。司勳列功臣有六，皆祭於大烝，知祫尤大，乃及之也。近代禘祫，並不及功臣，有乖典制。宜改。」詔從之。自是祫祭乃及功臣。是歲，都令史王景之，列自江左以來，郊廟祭祀，帝已入齋，百姓尚哭，以為乖禮。佟之等奏：「案《禮》國門在皋門外，今之籬門是也。今古殊制，若禁凶服不得入籬門為太遠，宜以六門為斷。」詔曰：「六門之內，士庶甚多，四時烝嘗，俱斷其哭。若有死者，棺器須來，既許其大，而不許其細也。到齋日，宜去廟二百步斷哭。」四年，何佟之議：「案《禮》未祭一日，大宗伯省牲鑊，祭日之晨，君親牽牲麗碑。後代有冒暗之防，而人主猶必親奉，故有夕牲之禮。頃代人君，不復躬牽，相承丹陽尹牽牲，于古無取。宜依以未祭一日之暮，太常省牲視鑊，祭日之晨，使太尉牽牲出入也。少牢饋食，殺牲於廟門外，今《儀注》詣廚烹牲，謂宜儀舊。」帝可其奏。佟之又曰：「鄭玄雲：'天子諸侯之祭禮，先有裸屍之事，乃迎牲。 '今《儀注》乃至薦熟畢，太祝方執珪瓚裸地，違謬若斯。又近代人君，不復躬行裸禮。太尉既攝位，實宜親執其事，而越使卑賤太祝，甚乖舊典。愚謂祭日之晨，宜使太尉先行裸獻，乃後迎牲。」帝曰：「裸屍本使神有所附。今既無屍，裸將安設？」佟之曰「如馬、鄭之意，裸雖獻屍，而義在求神。今雖無屍，求神之義，恐不可闕。」帝曰：「此本因屍以祀神。今若無屍，則宜立寄求之所。」裸義乃定。佟之曰：「《祭統》雲：'獻之屬，莫重於裸。 '今既存屍卒食之獻，則裸鬯之求，實不可闕。又送神更裸，經記無文，宜依禮革。」奏未報而佟之卒。後明山賓複申其理。帝曰：「佟之既不復存，宜從其議也。」自是始使太尉代太祝行裸而又牽牲。太常任昉又以未明九刻呈牲，又加太尉裸酒，三刻施饌，間中五刻，行儀不辦。近者臨祭從事，實以二更，至未明三刻方辦。明山賓議：「謂九刻已疑太早，況二更非複祭旦。」帝曰：「夜半子時，即是晨始。宜取三更省牲，餘依《儀注》。」又有司以為三牲或離杙，依制埋瘞，豬羊死則不埋。請議其制。司馬褧等議，以為「牲死則埋，必在滌矣。謂三牲在滌，死悉宜埋。」帝從之。五年，明山賓議：「樽彝之制，《祭圖》唯有三樽：一曰象樽，周樽也；二曰山罍，夏樽也；三曰著樽，殷樽也。徒有彝名，竟無其器，直酌象樽之酒，以為珪瓚之實。竊尋裸重於獻，不容共樽，宜循彝器，以備大典。案禮器有六彝，春祠夏礿，裸用雞彝鳥彝。王以珪瓚初裸，後以璋瓚亞裸，故春夏兩祭，俱用二彝。今古禮殊，無複亞裸，止循其二。春夏雞彝，秋冬牛彝，庶禮物備也。」帝曰：「雞是金禽，亦主巽位。但金火相伏，用之通夏，於義為疑。」山賓曰：「臣愚管，不奉明詔，則終年乖舛。案鳥彝是南方之物，則主火位，木生於火，宜以鳥彝春夏兼用。」帝從之。七年，舍人周舍以為：「《禮》「玉輅以祀，金輅以賓'，則祭日應乘玉輅。」詔下其議。左丞孔休源議：「玉輅既有明文，而《儀注》金輅，當由宋、齊乖謬，宜依舍議。」帝從之。又禮官司馬筠議：「自今大事，遍告七廟，小事止告一室。」於是議以封禪，南、北郊，祀明堂，巡省四方，禦臨戎出征，皇太子加元服，寇賊平蕩，築宮立闕，纂戎戒嚴、解嚴，合十一條，則遍告七廟。講武，修宗廟明堂，臨軒封拜公王，四夷款化貢方物，諸公王以愆削封，及詔封王紹襲，合六條，則告一室。帝從之。九年，詔簠簋之實，以藉田黑黍。十二年，詔曰：「祭祀用洗■中水盥，仍又滌爵。爵以禮神，宜窮精潔，而一器之內，雜用洗手，外可詳議。」於是禦及三公應盥及洗爵，各用一■。十六年四月，詔曰：「夫神無常饗，饗於克誠，所以西鄰礿祭，實受其福。宗廟祭祀，猶有牲牢，無益至誠，有累冥道。自今四時烝嘗外，可量代。」八座議：「以大脯代一元大武。」八座又奏：「既停宰殺，無複省牲之事，請立省饌儀。其眾官陪列，並同省牲。」帝從之。十月，詔曰：「今雖無複牲腥，猶有脯修之類，即之幽明，義為未盡。可更詳定，悉薦時蔬。」左丞司馬筠等參議：「大餅代大脯，餘悉用蔬菜。」帝從之。又舍人硃異議：「二廟祀，相承止有一钅幵羹，蓋祭祀之禮，應有兩羹，相承止於一钅幵，即禮為乖。請加熬油羹一钅幵。」帝從之。於是起至敬殿、景陽臺，立七廟座。月中再設淨饌。自是訖於台城破，諸廟遂不血食。普通七年，祔皇太子所生丁貴嬪神主於小廟。其儀，未祔前，先修坎室，改塗。其日，有司行掃除，開坎室，奉皇考太夫人神主于坐。奠制幣訖，眾官入自東門，位定，祝告訖，撤幣，埋於兩楹間。有司遷太夫人神主于上，又奉穆貴嬪神主于下，陳祭器，如時祭儀。禮畢，納神主，閉於坎室。陳制，立七廟，一歲五祠，謂春夏秋冬臘也。每祭共以一太牢，始祖以三牲首，餘唯骨體而已。五歲再殷，殷大祫而合祭也。初，文帝入嗣，而皇考始興昭烈王廟在始興國，謂之東廟。天嘉四年，徙東廟神主，祔于梁之小廟，改曰國廟。祭用天子儀。

From the Jiang-zuo period onward through Song and Qi in succession, each first ruler to receive the mandate established six temples, leaving the Founding Ancestor's place vacant. When Emperor Wu of Song first became Prince of Song, he established temples at Pengcheng, sacrificing only to the four generations from the High Ancestor downward. In the second year of Zhongxing, Emperor Wu of Liang first became Duke of Liang. Cao Wensi submitted an opinion: 'On the day the Son of Heaven receives the mandate, he should immediately sacrifice at the seven temples. When feudal lords are first enfeoffed, they should immediately sacrifice at the five temples. Xie Guang of the Sacrificial Bureau and others all refuted this, and the proposal was not adopted. A platform was then built and four intimate temples established in the eastern city, with Consort Xi added to make five temples in all. For announcement and sacrifice the rite always employed the great offering. In the fourth month of that year he ascended the imperial throne. Xie Guang again submitted an opinion, holding that the initial sacrifice was the regular seasonal sacrifice of the four seasons, and since the first month could not be moved, it was appropriate to follow the previous practice of choosing a day to fast at the eastern temple. The emperor approved this proposal. Thereupon the seasonal sacrifice was performed in the eastern city, after which the spirit tablets were moved to the Grand Temple. Beginning with the Grandfather Grand Director, Grandfather Huaiyin Director, Great-Grandfather Jiyin Director, Great-Great-Grandfather Attendant Secretary Director, Grandfather Special Advance Director, and the Imperial Father—forming three zhao and three mu, six temples in all. The Imperial Father was posthumously honored as Emperor Wen, the Imperial Mother as Empress De, with the temple name Grand Ancestor. From the Grandfather Special Advance upward, none received posthumous honors. It was planned that when ancestors were moved upward in the sequence, the Grand Ancestor's temple would not be destroyed, making seven together with the six intimate temples—all in one hall, sharing a courtyard but with separate chambers. Spring sacrifice, summer yue, autumn chang, winter zheng, and the year-end la—five in a year—were called the seasonal sacrifices. Every three years a di, every five years a xia—these were called the great sacrifices. The di was performed in summer, the xia in winter; both included meritorious ministers as associated offerings. The ceremony largely followed southern suburban practice. There was also a small temple—the temple of the Grand Ancestor's Grand Lady. Because she was not the principal consort, a separate temple was established. Each time the emperor sacrificed at the Grand Temple, he then proceeded to the small temple, also using one great offering, following Grand Temple ritual. In the third year of Tianjian, Left Assistant Director He Tongzhi submitted an opinion: 'The di at the beginning of summer comes when things are not yet fully formed, therefore it is the lesser rite. The xia in autumn and winter comes when all things are complete, and its rite is especially great. The Director of Merits listed six meritorious ministers, all sacrificed to at the great winter zheng—showing that the xia is especially great and therefore includes them. In recent times both the di and xia excluded meritorious ministers—contrary to canonical practice. This should be changed. An edict approved this proposal. From this time the xia sacrifice included meritorious ministers. That year, Capital Commandery Clerk Wang Jingzhi reported that since the Jiang-zuo period, at suburban and temple sacrifices, the common people continued to weep even after the emperor had entered fasting—deemed contrary to ritual propriety. He Tongzhi and others memorialized: 'According to the Rites, the national gate stands outside the inner gate; today's fence gate corresponds to this. Ancient and modern systems differ; if forbidding mourning dress from entering the fence gate sets the boundary too far out, the six gates should serve as the limit instead. An edict proclaimed: 'Within the six gates there are many commoners and gentry; at the four seasonal zheng and chang sacrifices, all weeping should be forbidden. If there are the dead, coffins and vessels must be admitted—having permitted the greater matter, one cannot forbid the lesser. On the day of fasting, weeping should be forbidden within two hundred paces of the temple.' In the fourth year, He Tongzhi submitted an opinion: 'According to the Rites, one day before the sacrifice the Grand Herald inspects the victim and cauldron; on the morning of the sacrifice day the ruler personally leads the victim past the stone tablet. Later generations had precautions against darkness, yet the ruler still had to perform in person; therefore the evening-victim rite was established. In recent generations rulers no longer led the victim in person; the Director of Danyang leading the victim was a practice without precedent in antiquity. It is appropriate to follow the practice of the evening before the sacrifice, when the Grand Master of Ceremonies inspects the victim and cauldron, and on the morning of the sacrifice day have the Grand Commandant lead the victim in and out. In the secondary offering feast, the victim is killed outside the temple gate; today the ritual text says 'proceed to the kitchen to cook the victim'—I hold that the old procedure should be followed.' The emperor approved this memorial. He Tongzhi also said: 'Zheng Xuan says: In the sacrificial rites of Son of Heaven and feudal lords, there is first the libation over the corpse, then the victim is welcomed. Today the ritual text goes so far as to complete the presentation of cooked offerings before the Grand Invoker holds the jade cup and libation vessel for the ground libation—an error as grave as this. Moreover, in recent generations rulers no longer personally perform the libation rite. Since the Grand Commandant holds the position in proxy, he should properly perform this himself; yet he passes it to the lowly Grand Invoker—greatly contrary to the old canon. I hold that on the morning of the sacrifice day the Grand Commandant should first perform the libation presentation, and afterward welcome the victim. The emperor said: 'The libation over the corpse originally enabled the spirit to have something to attach to. Now that there is no corpse, where is the libation to be set?' He Tongzhi said: 'According to Ma and Zheng's meaning, though the libation is presented to the corpse, its purpose is to seek the spirit. Though there is now no corpse, the meaning of seeking the spirit—I fear it cannot be omitted.' The emperor said: 'This originally depended on the corpse to sacrifice to the spirit. Now if there is no corpse, a place for the spirit to attach should be established.' The meaning of the libation was thus settled. He Tongzhi said: 'The Record of Sacrifice says: Among the presentations, none is weightier than the libation. Now that the presentations to the corpse at the end of the feast are retained, the libation of fragrant wine to seek the spirit truly cannot be omitted. Moreover, performing another libation when sending off the spirit has no text in the classics—I hold it should be abolished according to ritual. The memorial received no response before He Tongzhi died. Later Ming Shanbin again submitted this reasoning. The emperor said: 'Since He Tongzhi is no longer alive, his opinion should be followed. From this time the Grand Commandant was made to perform the libation in place of the Grand Invoker and also to lead the victim. Ren Fang of the Grand Master of Ceremonies also held that presenting the victim at the ninth quarter before dawn, adding the Grand Commandant's libation wine, and setting out offerings at the third quarter left the rite incomplete by the middle fifth quarter. Recently in approaching the sacrifice, in practice it began at the second watch, and only at the third quarter before dawn was the rite completed. Ming Shanbin submitted an opinion: 'The ninth quarter is already suspected to be too early—how much more the second watch, which is no longer the morning of sacrifice. The emperor said: 'Midnight, the zi hour, is already the beginning of morning. The third watch should be taken for inspecting the victim; the remainder should follow the ritual text.' The relevant officials also held that among the three victims one might be separated from its tether; according to regulation it should be buried—if pigs and sheep died they were not buried. They requested discussion of this regulation. Sima Rong and others submitted an opinion, holding that 'when the victim dies it is buried—it must be at the washing pen. I hold that the three victims in the washing pen, if dead, should all be buried. The emperor approved this proposal. In the fifth year, Ming Shanbin submitted an opinion: 'The regulations for zun and yi vessels—the Sacrificial Diagram has only three zun: first, the elephant zun, the Zhou zun; second, the mountain lei, the Xia zun; third, the zhuo zun, the Yin zun. There is only the name yi, but no actual vessel; wine from the elephant zun alone is poured as the substance of the jade cup libation. I hold that the libation is weightier than the presentation and cannot share a zun—it is appropriate to follow the yi vessels to complete the great canon. According to the ritual vessels there are six yi; in spring sacrifice and summer yue, the libation uses the ji yi and niao yi. The king with the jade cup performs the initial libation, afterward with the zhang cup the secondary libation—therefore in the two sacrifices of spring and summer, both use two yi. Ancient and modern ritual differ; there is no longer a secondary libation—only these two should be followed. In spring and summer the ji yi, in autumn and winter the niu yi—then the ritual objects would be complete. The emperor said: 'The ji is a metal bird and also governs the xun position. But metal and fire mutually subdue each other; using it through summer is doubtful in meaning.' Shanbin said: 'My humble understanding, without receiving the clear edict, would err throughout the year. According to the niao yi, it is a thing of the southern direction and governs the fire position; wood is generated from fire—it is appropriate to use the niao yi in both spring and summer.' The emperor approved this proposal. In the seventh year, Attendant Zhou She held: 'The Rites say "the jade chariot for sacrifice, the gold chariot for guest reception"—therefore on the sacrifice day one should ride the jade chariot. An edict was issued for discussion of this opinion. Left Assistant Director Kong Xiuyuan submitted an opinion: 'The jade chariot has clear textual authority, while the ritual text specifies the gold chariot—this must be due to Song and Qi error; She's opinion should be followed.' The emperor approved this proposal. The Ceremonial Bureau's Sima Jun also submitted an opinion: 'From now on, for great affairs, report to all seven temples; for small affairs, report to one chamber only.' Thereupon it was decided that for feng and shan, southern and northern suburbs, Bright Hall sacrifice, touring the four directions, personally leading campaigns, the Crown Prince's capping, suppressing bandits, building palaces and gates—eleven items in all—report should be made to all seven temples. Military reviews, repairing the ancestral temple and Bright Hall, enthronement investiture of dukes and princes, submission and tribute from the four barbarians, enfeoffment and succession of princes, reduction or restoration of noble ranks—six items—report should be made to one chamber. The emperor approved this proposal. In the ninth year, an edict prescribed that the substance of the fu and gui vessels should use black millet from the sacred field. In the twelfth year, an edict said: 'In sacrifice, water from the washing vessel is used for hand-washing, and afterward the cups are rinsed. The cups serve to honor the spirits and should attain utmost purity—yet within one vessel, hand-washing water is mixed in; this may be discussed in detail.' Thereupon the emperor and the Three Excellencies who washed and those who rinsed cups each used a separate vessel. In the fourth month of the sixteenth year, an edict said: 'Spirits have no fixed feasting; they feast on sincerity attained—therefore the western neighbor's yue sacrifice truly received its blessing. Ancestral temple sacrifices still use victims—without benefit to utmost sincerity, with harm to the dark way. Apart from the four seasonal zheng and chang, substitutes may be used as appropriate.' The Eight Seats submitted an opinion: 'Use large dried meat in place of one yuan dawu.' The Eight Seats also memorialized: 'Since slaughter has ceased, there is no longer the matter of inspecting victims—an rite for inspecting offerings should be established. Officials in attendance in the accompanying ranks all likewise inspected offerings as they had inspected victims.' The emperor approved this proposal. In the tenth month, an edict said: 'Though there are no longer raw victims, there are still dried meat and prepared foods—in relation to the dark and bright realms, the meaning is not complete. This should be discussed in further detail; all should offer seasonal vegetables.' Left Assistant Director Sima Jun and others jointly submitted an opinion: 'Large cakes replace large dried meat; the remainder all use vegetables.' The emperor approved this proposal. Attendant Zhu Yi also submitted an opinion: 'In the two-temple sacrifice, only one pot of meat broth was handed down—sacrificial ritual should have two broths; handing down only one pot is contrary to ritual. I request adding one pot of stewed oil broth.' The emperor approved this proposal. Thereupon the Hall of Utmost Reverence and the Jingyang Platform were built, with seats for the seven temples established. Twice a month pure offerings were set out. From this until the fall of Taicheng, the temples received no blood offerings. In the seventh year of Putong, the spirit tablet of the Crown Prince's birth-mother Consort Ding was enshrined in the small temple. The ceremony: before enshrinement, the pit chamber was first repaired and replastered. On that day, officials swept and cleaned, opened the pit chamber, and placed the Imperial Father's Grand Lady's spirit tablet on the seat. When the presentation silks were set out and the rite complete, all officials entered from the east gate, took their places, and when the invocation was complete the silks were withdrawn and buried between the two pillars. Officials moved the Grand Lady's spirit tablet upward and placed Consort Mu's spirit tablet below, set out sacrificial vessels, following the seasonal sacrifice rite. When the rite was complete, the spirit tablets were stored and the pit chamber closed. Under Chen practice, seven temples were established; five sacrifices in a year—spring, summer, autumn, winter, and la. Each sacrifice used one great offering together; the Founding Ancestor received the heads of three victims; the remainder received only bones and flesh. Every five years the great xia was performed; the great xia and xia combined the sacrifices. Initially, when Emperor Wen entered the succession, the temple of the Imperial Father, Prince Zhaolie of Shixing, stood in the kingdom of Shixing and was called the Eastern Temple. In the fourth year of Tiancheng, the Eastern Temple spirit tablets were moved and enshrined in Liang's small temple, renamed the State Temple. Sacrifice followed Son of Heaven ritual.

後齊文襄嗣位，猶為魏臣，置王高祖秦州使君、王曾祖太尉武貞公、王祖太師文穆公、王考相國獻武王，凡四廟。文宣帝受禪，置六廟：曰皇祖司空公廟、皇祖吏部尚書廟、皇祖秦州使君廟、皇祖文穆皇帝廟、太祖獻武皇帝廟、世宗文襄皇帝廟，為六廟。獻武已下不毀，已上則遞毀。並同廟而別室。既而遷神主於太廟。文襄文宣，並太祖之子，文宣初疑其昭穆之次，欲別立廟。眾議不同。至二年秋，始祔太廟。春祠、夏礿、秋嘗、冬烝，皆以孟月，並臘，凡五祭。禘祫如梁之制。每祭，室一太牢，始以皇后預祭。河清定令，四時祭廟禘祭及元日廟庭，並設庭燎二所。

When Wenxiang succeeded to the position, he was still a minister of Wei; he established temples to the Wang family's Great-Great-Grandfather Qinzhou Envoy, Great-Grandfather Grand Commandant Wuzhen Duke, Grandfather Grand Master Wenmu Duke, and Imperial Father Chancellor Xianwu King—four temples in all. When Emperor Wenxuan received the abdication, six temples were established: the temple of the Grand Ancestor Director of Works, the temple of the Grand Ancestor Director of the Masters of Writing, the temple of the Grand Ancestor Qinzhou Envoy, the temple of the Grand Ancestor Emperor Wenmu, the temple of the Grand Ancestor Emperor Xianwu, and the temple of the Imperial Ancestor Emperor Wenxiang—six temples in all. From Xianwu downward the temples were not destroyed; above that they were moved upward in sequence. From Xianwu downward the temples were not destroyed; above that they were moved upward in sequence. All shared one temple hall but with separate chambers. Soon afterward the spirit tablets were moved to the Grand Temple. Wenxiang and Wenxuan were both sons of the Grand Ancestor; at first Wenxuan doubted their zhao-mu sequence and wished to establish a separate temple. Collective opinion differed. In the autumn of the second year they were first enshrined in the Grand Temple. Spring sacrifice, summer yue, autumn chang, winter zheng, and la—all in the first month of each season—five sacrifices in all. The di and xia followed Liang practice. At each sacrifice one great offering was used per chamber; the empress first participated in sacrifice.

王及五等開國，執事官、散官從三品已上，皆祀五世。五等散品及執事官、散官正三品已下從五品已上，祭三世。三品已上，牲用一太牢，五品已下，少牢。執事官正六品已下，從七品已上，祭二世，用特牲。正八品已下，達于庶人，祭於寢，牲用特肫，或亦祭祖禰。諸廟悉依其宅堂之制，其間數各依廟多少為限。其牲皆子孫見官之牲。

In the Heqing regulations, at the four seasonal temple sacrifices, di sacrifice, and New Year's temple court, two courtyard fires were set up. Princes and those of fifth rank and enfeoffed states, active officials and honorary officials from third rank upward—all sacrificed to five generations. Those of fifth rank honorary and active officials from third rank downward to fifth rank upward—sacrificed to three generations. From third rank upward, victims were one great offering; from fifth rank downward, the secondary offering. Active officials from sixth rank downward to seventh rank upward—sacrificed to two generations, using a single victim; from eighth rank downward to commoners—sacrificed in the sleeping chamber, using a single shank, or also sacrificing to grandfather and father. All temples followed the system of their residential halls; the number of chambers was limited according to the number of temples. Victims were all determined by the descendants' current official rank.

後周之制，思復古之道，乃右宗廟而左社稷。置太祖之廟，並高祖已下二昭二穆，凡五。親盡則遷。其有德者謂之祧，廟亦不毀。閔帝受禪，追尊皇祖為德皇帝，文王為文皇帝，廟號太祖。擬已上三廟遞遷，至太祖不毀。其下相承置二昭二穆為五焉。明帝崩，廟號世宗，武帝崩，廟號高祖，並為祧廟而不毀。其時祭，各於其廟，祫禘則于太祖廟，亦以皇后預祭。其儀與後齊同。所異者，皇后亞獻訖，後又薦加豆之籩，其實菱芡芹菹兔醢。塚宰終獻訖，皇后親撤豆，降還板位。然後太祝撤焉。

Later Zhou's system, seeking to restore ancient ways, placed the ancestral temple on the right and the altars of soil and grain on the left. The Grand Ancestor's temple was established, with two zhao and two mu from the High Ancestor downward—five in all. When affection was exhausted they were moved upward. Those with virtue were called tiao; their temples were also not destroyed. When Emperor Min received the abdication, the Grand Ancestor was posthumously honored as Emperor De, Emperor Wen as Emperor Wen, with the temple name Grand Ancestor. It was planned that the three temples above would be moved in sequence, up to the Grand Ancestor who would not be destroyed. Below that, two zhao and two mu were established as five in all. When Emperor Ming died, the temple name was Imperial Ancestor; when Emperor Wu died, the temple name was High Ancestor—both were tiao temples and not destroyed. Seasonal sacrifices were each performed at their own temple; xia and di were performed at the Grand Ancestor's temple; the empress also participated in sacrifice. The ceremony followed Later Qi practice. What differed was that after the empress's secondary presentation, she again presented added baskets of beans—their substance being water caltrop, gorgon fruit, pickled celery, and rabbit paste. When the Grand Steward's final presentation was complete, the empress personally withdrew the beans and descended to the bench. Then the Grand Invoker withdrew the offerings.

高祖既受命，遣兼太保宇文善、兼太尉李詢，奉策詣同州，告皇考桓王廟，兼用女巫，同家人之禮。上皇考桓王尊號為武元皇帝，皇妣尊號為元明皇后，奉迎神主，歸於京師。犧牲尚赤，祭用日出。是時帝崇建社廟，改周制，左宗廟而右社稷。宗廟未言始祖，又無受命之祧，自高祖已下，置四親廟，同殿異室而已。一曰皇高祖太原府君廟，二曰皇曾祖康王廟，三曰皇祖獻王廟，四曰皇考太祖武元皇帝廟。擬祖遷於上，而太祖之廟不毀。各以孟月，饗乙太牢。四時薦新於太廟，有司行事，而不出神主。祔祭之禮，並準時饗。其司命，戶以春，灶以夏，門以秋，行以冬，各於享廟日，中霤則以季夏祀黃郊日，各命有司，祭於廟西門道南。牲以少牢。三年一祫，以孟冬，遷主、未遷主合食于太祖之廟。五年一禘，以孟夏，其遷主各食於所遷之廟，未遷之主各於其廟。禘祫之月，則停時饗，而陳諸瑞物及伐國所獲珍奇於廟庭，及以功臣配饗。並以其日，使祀先代王公：帝堯於平陽，以契配；帝舜於河東，咎繇配；夏禹于安邑，伯益配；殷湯于汾陰，伊尹配；文王、武王於斁渭之郊，周公、召公配；漢高帝於長陵，蕭何配。各以一太牢而無樂。配者饗於廟庭。大業元年，煬帝欲遵周法，營立七廟，詔有司詳定其禮。禮部侍郎、攝太常少卿許善心與博士褚亮等議曰：

After the High Ancestor received the mandate, Acting Grand Mentor Yuwen Shan and Acting Grand Commandant Li Xun were dispatched with credentials to Tong Province to announce at the temple of the Imperial Father Prince Huan, also employing a shamaness in the manner of a household rite. The Imperial Father Prince Huan was given the honorific title Emperor Wuyuan, the Imperial Mother the honorific title Empress Yuanming; the spirit tablets were escorted back to the capital. Victims favored red; sacrifice was performed at sunrise. At that time the emperor greatly built the altars of soil and grain, changing Zhou practice—the ancestral temple on the left, altars of soil and grain on the right. The ancestral temple did not yet name a Founding Ancestor, nor was there a tiao of receiving the mandate; from the High Ancestor downward, four intimate temples were established, sharing one hall but with separate chambers. First, the temple of the Great-Great-Grandfather Prince of Taiyuan; second, the temple of the Great-Grandfather Prince Kang; third, the temple of the Grandfather Prince Xian; fourth, the temple of the Imperial Father Grand Ancestor Emperor Wuyuan. It was planned that when ancestors were moved upward in the sequence, the Grand Ancestor's temple would not be destroyed. Each in the first month of the season, feasts were offered with the secondary great offering. Seasonal new offerings at the Grand Temple were performed by officials without removing the spirit tablets. Enshrinement sacrifices all followed seasonal feast practice. For the Director of Fate, the Hearth in spring, the Stove in summer, the Gate in autumn, the Road in winter—each on the day of feasting at the temple; the Central Drain on the day of the yellow suburban sacrifice in the last month of summer—each ordered to relevant officials to sacrifice south of the west gate of the temple. Victims were the secondary offering. Every three years a xia, in the first month of winter—moved and unmoved spirit tablets combined in feast at the Grand Ancestor's temple. Every five years a di, in the first month of summer—moved spirit tablets each feasted at their moved temple, unmoved spirit tablets each at their own temple. In the months of di and xia, seasonal feasts were suspended; auspicious objects and rare treasures captured from conquered states were displayed in the temple court, and meritorious ministers were associated in the feast. On those same days, envoys sacrificed to ancient dynastic kings: Emperor Yao at Pingyang, with Qi associated; Emperor Shun at Hedong, with Gao Yao associated; Yu of Xia at Anyi, with Bo Yi associated; Tang of Yin at Fenyin, with Yi Yin associated; King Wen and King Wu at the Wei and Qi suburbs, with the Duke of Zhou and Duke of Shao associated; Emperor Gaozu of Han at Changling, with Xiao He associated. Each used one great offering without music. Associated figures received feast offerings in the temple court. In the first year of Daye, Emperor Yang wished to follow Zhou practice and establish seven temples; an edict ordered officials to determine the rite in detail. Vice Minister of Rites and Acting Vice Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies Xu Shanshan, together with Erudite Chu Liang and others, submitted an opinion:

謹案《禮記》：「天子七廟，三昭三穆，與太祖之廟而七。」鄭玄注曰：「此周制也。七者，太祖及文王、武王之祧，與親廟四也。殷則六廟，契及湯與二昭二穆也。夏則五廟，無太祖，禹與二昭二穆而已。」玄又據王者禘其祖之所自出，而立四廟。案鄭玄義，天子唯立四親廟，並始祖而為五。周以文、武為受命之祖，特立二祧，是為七廟。王肅注《禮記》：「尊者尊統上，卑者尊統下。故天子七廟，諸侯五廟。其有殊功異德，非太祖而不毀，不在七廟之數。」案王肅以為天子七廟，是通百代之言，又據《王制》之文「天子七廟，諸侯五廟，大夫三廟」，降二為差。是則天子立四親廟，又立高祖之父，高祖之祖，並太祖而為七。周有文、武、薑嫄，合為十廟。漢諸帝之廟各立，無迭毀之義。至元帝時，貢禹、匡衡之徒，始建其禮，以高帝為太祖，而立四親廟，是為五廟。唯劉歆以為天子七廟，諸侯五廟，降殺以兩之義。七者，其正法，可常數也，宗不在數內，有功德則宗之，不可預設為數也。是以班固稱，考論諸儒之議，劉歆博而篤矣。光武即位，建高廟於洛陽，乃立南頓君以上四廟，就祖宗而為七。至魏初，高堂隆為鄭學，議立親廟四，太祖武帝，猶在四親之內，乃虛置太祖及二祧，以待後代。至景初間，乃依王肅，更立五世、六世祖，就四親而為六廟。晉武受禪，博議宗祀，自文帝以上六世祖征西府君，而宣帝亦序于昭穆，未升太祖，故祭止六也。江左中興，賀循知禮，至於寢廟之儀，皆依魏、晉舊事。宋武帝初受晉命為王，依諸侯立親廟四。即位之後，增祠五世祖相國掾府君、六世祖右北平府君，止於六廟。逮身歿，主升從昭穆，猶太祖之位也。降及齊、梁，守而弗革，加崇迭毀，禮無違舊。

Respectfully according to the Record of Rites: 'The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple making seven. Zheng Xuan's commentary says: 'This is Zhou practice. Seven means the Grand Ancestor and the tiao of King Wen and King Wu, together with the four intimate temples. Yin had six temples—Qi and Tang together with two zhao and two mu. Xia had five temples—no Grand Ancestor; Yu together with two zhao and two mu only.' Xuan also held that the king performs di to the ancestor from whom he derives, and establishes four temples. According to Zheng Xuan's meaning, the Son of Heaven establishes only four intimate temples, with the Founding Ancestor making five. Zhou took Wen and Wu as ancestors of receiving the mandate and specially established two tiao—making seven temples. Wang Su's commentary on the Record of Rites: 'The honored honor the line above; the humble honor the line below. Therefore the Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five temples. Those with special merit and virtue, though not the Grand Ancestor, are not destroyed—not counted within the seven temples. According to Wang Su, the Son of Heaven's seven temples is a statement applying to a hundred generations; also according to the Royal Regulations: 'Son of Heaven seven temples, feudal lords five temples, grand masters three temples'—reduced by two at each rank. Thus the Son of Heaven establishes four intimate temples, also establishing the High Ancestor's father and the High Ancestor's grandfather, with the Grand Ancestor making seven. Zhou had Wen, Wu, and Jiang Yuan—together ten temples. Han emperors' temples were each separately established, with no practice of sequential destruction. At the time of Emperor Yuan, Gong Yu, Kuang Heng, and others first established this rite, with Emperor Gaozu as Grand Ancestor and four intimate temples established—making five temples. Only Liu Xin held that the Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five temples—the meaning of reduction by two. Seven is the correct constant number; tiao are not counted within the number—those with merit are honored as tiao and cannot be preset as a number. Therefore Ban Gu praised, examining the opinions of the various scholars, that Liu Xin was comprehensive and solid. When Emperor Guangwu ascended the throne, he built the High Temple at Luoyang and established four temples from Lord Nandun upward, with the ancestors making seven. At the beginning of Wei, Gao Tanglong followed Zheng's learning and proposed establishing four intimate temples, with Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu still within the four intimates—thus leaving the Grand Ancestor and two tiao vacant, awaiting later generations. By the Jingchu period, Wang Su was followed and five-generation and six-generation ancestors were established, with the four intimates making six temples. When Emperor Wu of Jin received the abdication, ancestral sacrifice was broadly debated; from Emperor Wen upward the six-generation ancestor was the Western Expedition Director, and Emperor Xuan was also ordered in zhao-mu sequence without ascending to Grand Ancestor—therefore sacrifice stopped at six. In the Jiang-zuo restoration, He Xun understood ritual; as for sleeping-chamber temple practice, all followed Wei and Jin old affairs. When Emperor Wu of Song first received the Jin mandate as king, he established four intimate temples according to feudal lords. After ascending the throne, he added sacrifice to the five-generation ancestor Chancellor and six-generation ancestor Right Beiping Director—stopping at six temples. At his death the spirit tablet ascended in zhao-mu sequence, still at the Grand Ancestor's position. Down to Qi and Liang, they maintained without change, adding honors and sequential destruction—ritual without violating the old.

臣等又案姬周自太祖已下，皆別立廟，至於禘祫，俱合食于太祖。是以炎漢之初，諸廟各立，歲時嘗享，亦隨處而祭，所用廟樂，皆象功德而歌儛焉。至光武乃總立一堂，而群主異室，斯則新承寇亂，欲從約省。自此以來，因循不變。伏惟高祖文皇帝，睿哲玄覽，神武應期，受命開基，垂統聖嗣，當文明之運，定祖宗之禮。且損益不同，沿襲異趣，時王所制，可以垂法。自歷代以來，雜用王、鄭二義，若尋其指歸，校以優劣，康成止論周代，非謂經通，子雍總貫皇王，事兼長遠。今請依據古典，崇建七廟。受命之祖，宜別立廟祧，百代之後，為不毀之法。至於鑾駕親奉，申孝享于高廟，有司行事，竭誠敬於群主，俾夫規模可則，嚴祀易遵，表有功而彰明德，大復古而貴能變。臣又案周人立廟，亦無處置之文。據塚人處職而言之，先王居中，以昭穆為左右。阮忱撰《禮圖》，亦從此義。漢京諸廟既遠，又不序禘祫。今若依周制，理有未安，雜用漢儀，事難全采。謹詳立別圖，附之議末。

We also examine that from the Grand Ancestor downward under Ji Zhou, separate temples were each established; in di and xia all combined in feast at the Grand Ancestor. Thus at the beginning of Han, temples were each separately established; seasonal chang and xiang were also sacrificed at each location; the temple music used all imitated merit and was sung and danced. When Emperor Guangwu unified in one hall with lords in separate chambers, this was because he newly inherited disorder and wished to follow simplicity. From this time onward it was handed down unchanged. We respectfully consider that the High Ancestor Emperor Wen, with profound wisdom and mysterious insight, divine martial response to the season, received the mandate and opened the foundation, bequeathing the enterprise to the sage successor. In the age of civilization he fixed ancestral ritual; additions and subtractions differ, handed-down practices differ in tendency—the ruler of the age establishes what can be handed down as law. From successive generations, Wang and Zheng's two meanings were mixed; if one seeks their intent and compares their superiority, Zheng Cheng only discussed the Zhou age—not meaning to apply to the classics universally; Ziyong comprehensively covered emperors and kings, with affairs extending far. We now request following the ancient canon and greatly establishing seven temples. The ancestor of receiving the mandate should have a separate tiao temple; after a hundred generations this would be the law of non-destruction. As for the imperial carriage personally performing, extending filial feasting at the High Temple; officials performing, exhausting reverence at the lords—then the model can be followed, solemn sacrifice easily observed, showing merit and displaying bright virtue, greatly restoring antiquity while honoring the ability to change. We also examine that in establishing temples the Zhou people also had no text on placement. According to the Tomb Master in performing duties, the former king was at the center, with zhao and mu as left and right. Ruan Chen's Sacrificial Diagram also follows this meaning. Han capital temples were already distant, and di and xia were not ordered. If one now follows Zhou practice, principle is not yet settled; mixing Han practice, affairs are hard to fully adopt. We respectfully submit a separate diagram, attached at the end of the opinion.

其圖，太祖、高祖各一殿，准周文武二祧，與始祖而三。餘並分室而祭。始祖及二祧之外，從迭毀之法。詔可，未及創制。既營建洛邑，帝無心京師，乃於東都固本裏北，起天經宮，以游高祖衣冠，四時致祭。於三年，有司奏，請准前議，于東京建立宗廟。帝謂秘書監柳抃曰：「今始祖及二祧已具，今後子孫，處朕何所？」又下詔，唯議別立高祖之廟，屬有行役，遂複停寢。

The diagram: the Grand Ancestor and High Ancestor each one hall, following Zhou's two tiao of Wen and Wu, with the Founding Ancestor making three. The remainder all sacrifice in separate chambers. Apart from the Founding Ancestor and two tiao, the sequential destruction law was followed. An edict approved this; construction had not yet been undertaken. After Luoyang was built, the emperor had no heart for the capital; at Benli north of the eastern capital the Tianjing Palace was built to display the High Ancestor's robes and cap, with seasonal sacrifice. In the third year, officials memorialized requesting following the previous opinion to establish the ancestral temple at the eastern capital. The emperor said to Secretary Supervisor Liu Bian: 'Now the Founding Ancestor and two tiao are already complete—where shall later generations place me? Another edict discussed only establishing the High Ancestor's temple separately; because of ongoing labor, it was again suspended.

自古帝王之興，皆稟五精之氣。每易姓而起，以致太平，必封乎太山，所以告成功也。封訖而禪乎梁甫。梁甫者，太山之支山卑下者也，能以其道配成高德。故禪乎梁甫，亦以告太平也。封禪者，高厚之謂也。天以高為尊，地以厚為德，增太山之高，以報天也，厚梁甫之基，以報地也。明天之所命，功成事就，有益於天地，若天地之更高厚雲。《記》曰：「王者因天事天，因地事地。因名山升中於天，而鳳凰降，龜龍格。」齊桓公既霸而欲封禪，管仲言之詳矣。秦始皇既黜儒生，而封太山，禪梁甫，其封事皆秘之，不可得而傳也。漢武帝頗采方士之言，造為玉牒，而編以金繩，封廣九尺，高一丈二尺。光武中興，聿遵其故。晉、宋、齊、梁及陳，皆未遑其議。後齊有巡狩之禮，並登封之儀，竟不之行也。開皇十四年，群臣請封禪。高祖不納。晉王廣又率百官抗表固請，帝命有司草儀注。於是牛弘、辛彥之、許善心、姚察、虞世基等創定其禮，奏之。帝逡巡其事，曰：「此事體大，朕何德以堪之。但當東狩，因拜岱山耳。」十五年春，行幸兗州，遂次岱嶽。為壇，如南郊，又壝外為柴壇，飾神廟，展宮縣於庭。為埋坎二，于南門外。又陳樂設位於青帝壇，如南郊。帝服袞冕，乘金輅，備法駕而行。禮畢，遂詣青帝壇而祭焉。

Since antiquity, the rise of emperors and kings all received the qi of the Five Essences. Each time a dynasty changed and order was restored to attain great peace, feng was necessarily performed on Mount Tai to announce success. After feng was complete, shan was performed at Liangfu. Liangfu is a branch mountain of Mount Tai, low and humble, able with its Way to match and complete high virtue. Therefore shan at Liangfu also announces the achievement of great peace. Feng and shan mean honoring height and thickness. Heaven is honored by height, earth by thickness; Mount Tai's height is increased to repay Heaven, Liangfu's foundation thickened to repay earth. Making clear Heaven's mandate—when achievement is complete and affairs finished, benefiting Heaven and earth, as if Heaven and earth were higher and thicker. The Record says: 'The king because of Heaven serves Heaven, because of earth serves earth. Because of famous mountains ascending to the center of Heaven, then the phoenix descends and the turtle-dragon arrives. Duke Huan of Qi, having achieved hegemony, wished to perform feng and shan—Guan Zhong spoke of it in detail. Emperor Qin Shihuang, having dismissed the literati, performed feng on Mount Tai and shan at Liangfu; the feng affairs were all kept secret and cannot be transmitted. Emperor Wu of Han largely adopted the words of the alchemical masters, making jade registers bound with golden cord, the feng tablet nine chi wide and one zhang two chi high. Emperor Guangwu in the restoration followed the old practice. Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen all had no leisure for this discussion. Later Qi had the touring sacrifice and also the ascending feng ceremony, but ultimately did not perform it. In the fourteenth year of Kaihuang, officials requested feng and shan. The High Ancestor did not accept. Prince of Jin Guang again led all officials in a memorial firmly requesting; the emperor ordered officials to draft the ritual text. Thereupon Niu Hong, Xin Yanzhi, Xu Shanshan, Yao Cha, Yu Shiji, and others created and fixed the rite and memorialized it. The emperor hesitated over the affair and said: 'This matter is of great substance—what virtue have I to bear it? But when touring the east, I shall worship Mount Dai—that is all. In the spring of the fifteenth year he traveled to Yan Province and then stopped at Mount Dai. An altar was made as at the southern suburb; outside the enclosure a firewood altar was made, spirit temples decorated, palace bells displayed in the court. Two burial pits were made outside the south gate. Music and seating were also arranged at the Green Emperor's altar, as at the southern suburb. The emperor wore the dragon-and-phoenix crown robe, rode the gold chariot, and proceeded with full imperial regalia. When the rite was complete, he then proceeded to the Green Emperor's altar and sacrificed.

開皇十四年閏十月，詔東鎮沂山，南鎮會稽山，北鎮醫無閭山，冀州鎮霍山，並就山立祠；東海於會稽縣界，南海于南海鎮南，並近海立祠。及四瀆、吳山，並取側近巫一人，主知灑掃，並命多蒔松柏。其霍山，雩祀日遣使就焉。十六年正月，又詔北鎮于營州龍山立祠。東鎮晉州霍山鎮，若修造，並准西鎮吳山造神廟。大業中，氇昜帝因幸晉陽，遂祭恆嶽。其禮頗采高祖拜岱宗儀，增置二壇，命道士女官數十人，於鹆遺中設醮。十年，幸東都，過祀華嶽，築場於廟側。事乃不經，蓋非有司之定禮也。

In the intercalary tenth month of the fourteenth year of Kaihuang, an edict: the Eastern Guardian at Mount Yi, Southern Guardian at Mount Kuaiji, Northern Guardian at Mount Yiwulu, Huo Mountain as Guardian of Ji Province—all had shrines established on the mountains; the Eastern Sea at the border of Kuaiji County, the Southern Sea at the south of Nanhai Guardian—all had shrines established near the sea. And the Four Rivers, Mount Wu—all took a nearby shaman, one person each, to oversee sweeping, and ordered many pines and cypresses planted. For Huo Mountain, on rain sacrifice days an envoy was sent there. In the first month of the sixteenth year, another edict: the Northern Guardian at Dragon Mountain in Ying Province had a shrine established. The Eastern Guardian at Huo Mountain in Jin Province—if repaired, all followed the Western Guardian Mount Wu in building spirit temples. In the Daye period, Emperor Yang, because he visited Jinyang, then sacrificed at Mount Heng. The rite largely adopted the High Ancestor's worship of Mount Dai, with two altars added; several tens of Daoist priests and female officials set up jiao rites in the Yiwu valley. In the tenth year, visiting the eastern capital, he passed to sacrifice at Mount Hua, building a platform beside the temple. The affair was uncanonical—this was not the fixed rite of the relevant officials.

《禮》：天子以春分朝日于東郊，秋分夕月於西郊。漢法，不俟二分於東西郊，常以郊泰畤。旦出竹宮東向揖日，其夕西向揖月。魏文譏其煩褻，似家人之事，而以正月朝日於東門之外。前史又以為非時。及明帝太和元年二月丁亥，朝日於東郊。八月己丑，夕月於西郊。始合于古。後周以春分朝日于國東門外，為壇，如其郊。用特牲青幣，青圭有邸。皇帝乘青輅，及祀官俱青冕，執事者青弁。司徒亞獻，宗伯終獻。燔燎如圓丘。秋分夕月于國西門外，為壇於坎中，方四丈，深四尺，燔燎禮如朝日。開皇初，于國東春明門外為壇，如其郊。每以春分朝日。又于國西開遠門外為坎，深三尺，廣四丈。為壇于坎中，高一尺，廣四尺。每以秋分夕月。牲幣與周同。

The Rites prescribe that the Son of Heaven at the spring equinox greets the sun at the eastern suburb, at the autumn equinox greets the moon at the western suburb. Han practice did not wait for the two equinoxes at the eastern and western suburbs, but always used the suburban Great Altar. At dawn bowing east toward the sun from the bamboo palace; in the evening bowing west toward the moon. Emperor Wen of Wei criticized this as troublesome and irreverent, like a household affair; therefore in the first month he greeted the sun outside the eastern gate. Previous histories also held this to be untimely. When Emperor Ming of Wei in the first year of Taihe, on dinghai day of the second month, greeted the sun at the eastern suburb. On jichou day of the eighth month, greeted the moon at the western suburb. This first accorded with antiquity. Later Zhou at the spring equinox greeted the sun outside the eastern gate of the capital, making an altar as at the suburb. Used a single victim and green silks, green jade tablet with base. The emperor rode the green chariot; sacrificial officials all wore green crowns; active officials wore green caps. The Grand Steward made the secondary presentation, the Grand Herald the final presentation. Fire offering followed Round Mound practice. At the autumn equinox the moon was greeted outside the western gate of the capital; an altar was made in a pit, four zhang square and four chi deep; fire offering rite as at greeting the sun. At the beginning of Kaihuang, outside the Chunming Gate east of the capital an altar was made as at the suburb. Each spring equinox the sun was greeted. Also outside the Kaiyuan Gate west of the capital a pit was made, three chi deep and four zhang wide. An altar was made in the pit, one chi high and four zhang wide. Each autumn equinox the moon was greeted. Victims and silks were the same as under Zhou.

凡人非土不生，非穀不食，土穀不可偏祭，故立社稷以主祀。古先聖王，法施於人則祀之，故以勾龍主社，周棄主稷而配焉。歲凡再祭，蓋春求而秋報，列於中門之外，外門之內，尊而親之，與先祖同也。然而古今既殊，禮亦異制。故左社稷而右宗廟者，得質之道也；右社稷而左宗廟者，文之道也。

People cannot live without earth or eat without grain—earth and grain cannot be partially sacrificed to; therefore the altars of soil and grain were established as chief objects of sacrifice. Ancient sage kings, when their law benefited the people, sacrificed to them; therefore Gou Long was lord of the soil altar and Hou Ji lord of the grain altar, both associated in sacrifice. In a year there are two sacrifices—in spring seeking, in autumn reporting—placed outside the central gate, inside the outer gate, honored yet intimate, the same as ancestors. Yet ancient and modern differ, and ritual also differs in system. Therefore placing the altars of soil and grain on the left and the ancestral temple on the right is the way of substance; placing the altars of soil and grain on the right and the ancestral temple on the left is the way of refinement.

梁社稷在太廟西，其初蓋晉元帝建武元年所創，有太社、帝社、太稷，凡三壇。門牆並隨其方色。每以仲春仲秋，並令郡國縣祠社稷、先農，縣又兼祀靈星、風伯、雨師之屬。及臘，又各祠社稷於壇。百姓則二十五家為一社，其舊社及人稀者，不限其家。春秋祠，水旱禱祈，祠具隨其豐約。其郡國有五嶽者，置宰祝三人，及有四瀆若海應祠者，皆以孟春仲冬祠之。舊太社，廩犧吏牽牲、司農省牲，太祝吏贊牲。天監四年，明山賓議，以為：「案郊廟省牲日，則廩犧令牽牲，太祝令贊牲。祭之日，則太尉牽牲。《郊特牲》雲'社者神地之道'，國主社稷，義實為重。今公卿貴臣，親執盛禮，而令微吏牽牲，頗為輕末。且司農省牲，又非其義，太常禮官，實當斯職。《禮》，祭社稷無親事牽之文。謂宜乙太常省牲，廩犧令牽牲，太祝令贊牲。」帝唯乙太祝贊牲為疑，又以司農省牲，於理似傷，犧吏執紖，即事成卑。議乙太常丞牽牲，餘依明議。於是遂定。至大同初，又加官社、官稷，並前為五壇焉。

Liang's altars of soil and grain were west of the Grand Temple; initially they were probably created in the first year of Jianwu under Emperor Yuan of Jin—Grand Altar of Soil, Imperial Altar of Soil, and Grand Altar of Grain, three altars in all. Gates and walls all followed the color of their direction. Each spring and autumn equinox, commanderies, kingdoms, and counties all sacrificed at the altars of soil and grain and to the First Farmer; counties also additionally sacrificed to the Spirit Star, Wind Lord, Rain Master, and the like. At la, each again sacrificed at the altars of soil and grain. Common people formed one community per twenty-five households; old communities and sparsely populated areas were not limited by household count. Spring and autumn sacrifices, prayers in flood and drought—sacrificial implements followed local abundance or scarcity. Commanderies and kingdoms with the Five Sacred Peaks established three sacrificial officers; those with the Four Rivers or seas requiring sacrifice—all sacrificed in the first month of spring and eleventh month of winter. Formerly at the Grand Altar of Soil, the granary-sacrifice official led the victim, the Director of Agriculture inspected the victim, and the Grand Invoker's clerk praised the victim. In the fourth year of Tianjian, Ming Shanbin submitted an opinion, holding: 'According to suburban and temple victim-inspection days, the granary-sacrifice director leads the victim and the Grand Invoker director praises the victim. On the sacrifice day, the Grand Commandant leads the victim. The Suburban Sacrifice says "the altars of soil are the way of the spirits of earth"—the state lord's altars of soil and grain, the meaning is truly weighty. Now noble ministers personally perform the great rite, yet lowly clerks lead the victim—quite belittling the essential. Moreover the Director of Agriculture inspecting the victim is also not its proper meaning—the Grand Master of Ceremonies' ritual officers should properly hold this office. The Rites: in sacrificing at the altars of soil and grain there is no text of personally leading the victim. I hold that the Vice Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies should inspect the victim, the granary-sacrifice director lead the victim, and the Grand Invoker director praise the victim. The emperor only doubted the Grand Invoker praising the victim; also holding that the Director of Agriculture inspecting the victim seemed harmful in principle—the sacrifice official holding the tether made the affair base. It was decided that the Vice Director of the Grand Master of Ceremonies would lead the victim; the remainder followed Ming's opinion. Thereupon it was fixed. By the beginning of Datong, official altars of soil and grain were added—together with the previous five altars in all.

陳制皆依梁舊。而帝社以三牲首，餘以骨體。薦粢盛為六飯：粳以敦，稻以牟，黃粱以簠，白粱以簋，黍以瑚，粢以璉。又令太史署，常以二月八日，於署庭中乙太牢祠老人星，兼祠天皇大帝、太一、日月、五星、鉤陳、北極、北斗、三台、二十八宿、大人星、子孫星，都四十六坐。凡應預祠享之官，亦太醫給除穢氣散藥，先齋一日服之以自潔。其儀本之齊制。

Chen practice all followed Liang's old practice. The Imperial Altar of Soil used the heads of three victims; the remainder used bones and flesh. Presented grain offerings as six meals: polished rice in a dun vessel, unhulled rice in a mou vessel, yellow millet in a fu vessel, white millet in a gui vessel, broomcorn millet in a hu vessel, and glutinous millet in a lian vessel. Also ordered the Grand Astrologer's Office, regularly on the eighth day of the second month, in the office courtyard to sacrifice with the great offering to the Old Man Star, also sacrificing to the Celestial Emperor, Grand Unity, sun and moon, Five Stars, Gouchen, North Pole, Big Dipper, Three Platforms, Twenty-eight Lodges, Great Man Star, and Descendants Star—all forty-six seats. All officials who should participate in sacrifice also received impurity-dispelling medicine from the Imperial Physician, fasting one day beforehand and taking it for self-purification. The ceremony originally followed Qi practice.

後齊立太社、帝社、太稷三壇于國右。每仲春仲秋月之元辰及臘，各以一太牢祭焉。皇帝親祭，則司農卿省牲進熟，司空亞獻，司農終獻。後周社稷，皇帝親祀，則塚宰亞獻，宗伯終獻。

Later Qi established the Grand Altar of Soil, Imperial Altar of Soil, and Grand Altar of Grain—three altars on the right of the capital. Each spring and autumn equinox, first day of the month, and la—each sacrificed with one great offering. When the emperor personally sacrificed, the Director of Agriculture inspected the victim and presented the cooked offering, the Director of Works made the secondary presentation, and the Director of Agriculture the final presentation. Later Zhou altars of soil and grain: when the emperor personally sacrificed, the Grand Steward made the secondary presentation and the Grand Herald the final presentation.

開皇初，社稷並列於含光門內之右，仲春仲秋吉戊，各以一太牢祭焉。牲色用黑。孟冬下亥，又臘祭之。州郡縣二仲月，並以少牢祭，百姓亦各為社。又于國城東南七裏延興門外，為靈星壇，立秋後辰，令有司祠以一少牢。

At the beginning of Kaihuang, the altars of soil and grain were both placed inside the Hanguang Gate to the right; on auspicious wu days of spring and autumn equinox, each sacrificed with one great offering. Victims were black in color. On hai day in the last ten days of the first month of winter, la sacrifice was again performed. Prefectures, commanderies, and counties in the two equinox months all sacrificed with the secondary offering; common people also each formed communities. Also seven li southeast of the capital outside the Yanxing Gate, a Spirit Star altar was made; after chen day following the Start of Autumn, officials were ordered to sacrifice with one secondary offering.

古典有天子東耕儀。江左未暇，至宋始有其典。梁初藉田，依宋、齊，以正月用事，不齋不祭。天監十二年，武帝以為：「啟蟄而耕，則在二月節內。《書》雲：'以殷仲春。 '藉田理在建卯。」於是改用二月。「又《國語》雲：'王即齋宮，與百官禦事並齋三日。 '乃有沐浴裸饗之事。前代當以耕而不祭，故闕此禮。《國語》又雲：'稷臨之，太史贊之。 '則知耕藉應有先農神座，兼有贊述耕旨。今藉田應散齋七日，致齋三日，兼於耕所設先農神座，陳薦羞之禮。贊辭如社稷法。」又曰：「齊代舊事，藉田使禦史乘馬車，載耒耜於五輅後。《禮》雲：'親載耒耜，措於參保介之禦間。 '則置所乘輅上。若以今輅與古不同，則宜升之次輅，以明慎重。而遠在余處，於義為乖。且禦史掌視，尤為輕賤。自今宜以侍中奉耒耜，載於象輅，以隨木輅之後。」普通二年，又移藉田于建康北岸，築兆域大小，列種梨柏，便殿及齋官省，如南北郊。別有望耕台，在壇東。帝親耕畢，登此台，以觀公卿之推伐。又有祈年殿雲。

The ancient canon has the Son of Heaven's eastern ploughing ceremony. The Jiang-zuo had no leisure; only under Song did the canon appear. At the beginning of Liang, sacred ploughing followed Song and Qi, using the first month for the affair, without fasting or sacrifice. In the twelfth year of Tianjian, Emperor Wu held: 'When insects awaken and ploughing begins, it falls within the second month. The Documents say: 'using the second month of yin.' Sacred ploughing properly falls in jian-mao. Thereupon the second month was adopted. Also the Discourses of the States say: 'The king then enters the fasting palace; together with all officials in charge of affairs he fasts for three days. Then there are bathing and naked feast affairs. Previous generations probably ploughed without sacrificing, therefore this rite was omitted. The Discourses of the States also say: 'Hou Ji presides; the Grand Astrologer praises.' Then one knows that ploughing and sacred field should have a First Farmer spirit seat, and also praise describing the ploughing intent. Now sacred ploughing should have seven days of general fasting and three days of strict fasting, and also at the ploughing site set up the First Farmer spirit seat and display offering delicacies. The praise text should follow altars of soil and grain practice. Also said: 'Qi dynasty old practice—the sacred field envoy's censor rode a horse carriage, carrying plough and hoe behind the five chariots. The Rites say: 'Personally carry the plough and hoe, placing them in the space between the charioteer and the aide.' Then they should be placed on the chariot ridden. If today's chariots differ from antiquity, they should be placed on the secondary chariot, to show reverence. But placed far in another location—is contrary in meaning. Moreover the censor oversees inspection—especially low and base. From now on the Palace Attendant should carry the plough and hoe, loaded on the elephant chariot, following behind the wood chariot.' In the second year of Putong, sacred ploughing was again moved to the north bank of Jiankang; the precinct was built to size, pear and cypress trees planted in rows, side halls and fasting officials' quarters, as at the southern and northern suburbs. Separately there was a Plough-Viewing Platform, east of the altar. When the emperor finished ploughing personally, he ascended this platform to observe the pushing and ploughing of the dukes and ministers. There was also a Prayer-for-Harvest Hall.

北齊藉于帝城東南千畝內，種赤粱、白穀、大豆、赤黍、小豆、黑穄、麻子、小麥，色別一頃。自餘一頃，地中通阡陌，作祠壇于陌南阡西，廣輪三十六尺，高九尺，四陛三壝四門。又為大營於外，又設禦耕壇於阡東陌北。每歲正月上辛後吉亥，使公卿以一太牢祠先農神農氏於壇上，無配饗。祭訖，親耕。先祠，司農進穜懸之種，六宮主之。行事之官並齋，設齋省。于壇所列宮懸。又置先農坐於壇上。眾官朝服，司空一獻，不燎。祠訖，皇帝乃服通天冠、青紗袍、黑介幘，佩蒼玉，黃綬，青帶、襪、舄，備法駕，乘木輅。耕官具朝服從。殿中監進禦耒于壇南，百官定列。帝出便殿，升耕，壇南陛，即御座。應耕者各進於列。帝降自南陛，至耕位，釋劍執耒，三推三反，升壇即坐。耕官一品五推五反，二品七推七反，三品九推九反。藉田令帥其屬以牛耕，終千畝。以青箱奉穜「Ｌ種，跪呈司農，詣耕所灑之。櫌訖，司農省功，奏事畢。皇帝降之便殿，更衣饗宴。禮畢，班賚而還。

Northern Qi ploughed within a thousand mu southeast of the imperial city, planting red millet, white grain, soybeans, red broomcorn, small beans, black millet, hemp seeds, and wheat—one mu per color. The remaining one mu had cross-paths through the land; a sacrifice altar was made at the south of the south path and west of the cross-path, thirty-six chi in circumference and nine chi high, with four stairways, three enclosures, and four gates. A great camp was also made outside; an imperial ploughing altar was set north of the east path and north of the cross-path. Each year on a fortunate hai day after the first xin day of the first month, dukes and ministers were sent to sacrifice with one great offering to the First Farmer Shennong on the altar, without associated feast. When sacrifice was complete, ploughing was performed personally. Before sacrifice, the Director of Agriculture presented the selected seed; the Six Palaces presided. Officials performing the rite all fasted; a fasting quarter was established. Palace bells were arranged at the altar. The First Farmer seat was also placed on the altar. All officials in court dress; the Director of Works one presentation, no fire offering. When sacrifice was complete, the emperor then wore the Tongtian crown, blue gauze robe, black headcloth, azure jade pendant with yellow sash, blue belt, socks, and shoes, with full imperial regalia, riding the wood chariot. Ploughing officials all in court dress followed. The Director of the Palace presented the imperial plough south of the altar; all officials took their places. The emperor came out of the side hall, ascended the ploughing altar's southern stairway, and took the imperial seat. Those who should plough each advanced to their rank. The emperor descended the southern stairway to the ploughing position, set aside his sword and took the plough, three pushes and three returns, ascended the altar and sat. First-rank ploughing officials five pushes and five returns, second rank seven pushes and seven returns, third rank nine pushes and nine returns. The sacred field director led his subordinates to plough with oxen, completing a thousand mu. With a green box carrying selected seed, kneeling to present to the Director of Agriculture, proceeding to the ploughing site to scatter it. When pounding was complete, the Director of Agriculture inspected the work and memorialized; the affair was complete. The emperor descended to the side hall, changed clothes, and feasted. When the rite was complete, rewards were distributed and he returned.

隋制，于國南十四裏啟夏門外，置地千畝，為壇，孟春吉亥，祭先農於其上，以後稷配。牲用一太牢。皇帝服袞冕，備法駕，乘金根車。禮三獻訖，因耕。司農授耒，皇帝三推訖，執事者以授應耕者，各以班五推九推。而司徒帥其屬終千畝。播殖九谷，納於神倉，以擬粢盛。穰稿以餉犧牲雲。

Sui practice: fourteen li south of the capital outside the Qixia Gate, a thousand mu of land was set aside and an altar made; on a fortunate hai day in the first month of spring, the First Farmer was sacrificed to upon it, with Hou Ji associated. Victims were one great offering. The emperor wore the dragon-and-phoenix crown robe, with full imperial regalia, riding the gold-root chariot. When the triple presentation was complete, ploughing followed. The Director of Agriculture presented the plough; when the emperor's three pushes were complete, active officials received it and each according to rank performed five or nine pushes. The Grand Steward then led his subordinates to complete a thousand mu. Nine grains were sown, stored in the spirit granary to supply grain offerings. Stalks and chaff were used to feed sacrificial victims.

《周禮》王后蠶于北郊，而漢法皇后蠶于東郊。魏遵《周禮》，蠶於北郊。吳韋昭制《西蠶頌》，則孫氏亦有其禮矣。晉太康六年，武帝楊皇后蠶于西郊，依漢故事。江左至宋孝武大明四年，始於台城西白石裏為西蠶，設兆域。置大殿七間，又立蠶觀。自是有其禮。

The Rites of Zhou: the queen raised silkworms at the northern suburb; Han practice: the empress raised silkworms at the eastern suburb. Wei followed the Rites of Zhou, raising silkworms at the northern suburb. Wu's Wei Zhao composed the 'Western Silkworm Eulogy'—then the Sun house also had this rite. In the sixth year of Taikang under Jin, Emperor Wu's Empress Yang raised silkworms at the western suburb, following Han precedent. The Jiang-zuo down to Emperor Xiaowu of Song in the fourth year of Daming first established the western silkworm at Baishi west of Taicheng, setting up a precinct. A great hall of seven bays was built; a Silkworm Pavilion was also established. From this time the rite existed.

後齊為蠶坊於京城北之西，去皇宮十八裏之外，方千步。蠶宮，方九十步，牆高一丈五尺，被以棘。其中起蠶室二十七口，別殿一區。置蠶宮，令丞佐史，皆宦者為之。路西置皇后蠶壇，高四尺，方二丈，四出，階廣八尺。置先蠶壇于桑壇東南，大路東，橫路之南。壇高五尺，方二丈，四出，階廣五尺。外兆方四十步，面開一門。有綠衤詹襦、褠衣、黃履，以供蠶母。每歲季春，穀雨後吉日，使公卿以一太牢祀先蠶黃帝軒轅氏於壇上，無配，如祀先農。禮訖，皇后因親桑于桑壇。備法駕，服鞠衣，乘重翟，帥六宮升桑壇東陛，即御座。女尚書執筐，女主衣執鉤，立壇下。皇后降自東陛，執筐者處右，執鉤者居左，蠶母在後。乃躬桑三條訖，升壇，即御座。內命婦以次就桑，鞠衣五條，展衣七條，褖衣九條，以授蠶母。還蠶室，切之授世婦，灑一簿。預桑者並複本位。後乃降壇，還便殿，改服，設勞酒，班賚而還。

Later Qi made a silkworm compound northwest of the capital, eighteen li outside the palace, a thousand paces square. The Silkworm Palace was ninety paces square, walls one zhang five chi high, covered with thorns. Within it twenty-seven silkworm chambers were built, and one separate hall. Silkworm Palace director, assistant, and clerks were all eunuchs. West of the road the empress's silkworm altar was placed, four chi high and two zhang square, projecting on four sides, stairways eight chi wide. The First Silkworm altar was placed southeast of the mulberry altar, east of the great road, south of the cross-road. The altar was five chi high and two zhang square, projecting on four sides, stairways five chi wide. The outer precinct was forty paces square, with one gate opening on the face. There were green padded jackets, work clothes, and yellow shoes to supply the silkworm mothers. Each year in the last month of spring, on a fortunate day after Grain Rain, dukes and ministers were sent to sacrifice with one great offering to the First Silkworm Yellow Emperor Xuanyuan on the altar, without association, as in sacrificing to the First Farmer. When the rite was complete, the empress personally picked mulberry leaves at the mulberry altar. With full imperial regalia, wearing the ju robe, riding the heavy pheasant chariot, leading the Six Palaces up the mulberry altar's eastern stairway to the imperial seat. The Female Master of Writing held the basket; the Mistress of Female Attire held the hook, standing below the altar. The empress descended the eastern stairway; the basket-holder was on the right, the hook-holder on the left, silkworm mothers behind. She personally picked three branches, ascended the altar, and took the imperial seat. Inner appointed women in turn picked mulberry—five branches in ju robes, seven in zhan robes, nine in tuan robes—to give to the silkworm mothers. Returning to the Silkworm Palace, cutting and giving to the palace women, scattering one sheet. Those who had picked mulberry all returned to their original places. Then descending the altar, returning to the side hall, changing clothes, setting out refreshment wine, distributing rewards and returning.

後周制，皇后乘翠輅，率三妃、三昿弋、禦媛、禦婉、三公夫人、三孤內子至蠶所，以一太牢親祭，進奠先蠶西陵氏神。禮畢，降壇，昭化嬪亞獻，淑嬪終獻，因以公桑焉。

Later Zhou practice: the empress rode the kingfisher chariot, leading three consorts, three yi, yu, imperial attendants, and ladies, the Three Excellencies' wives, and the Three Solitaries' inner ladies to the silkworm site, personally sacrificing with one great offering, presenting to the First Silkworm Spirit of Xiling. When the rite was complete, descending the altar, the Zhaohua Lady made the secondary presentation, the Shubi Lady the final presentation, then proceeding to the public mulberry.

隋制，于宮北三裏為壇，高四尺。季春上巳，皇后服鞠衣，乘重翟，率三夫人、九嬪、內外命婦，以一太牢，制幣，祭先蠶於壇上，用一獻禮。祭訖，就桑位於壇南，東面。尚功進金鉤，典制奉筐。皇后采三條，反鉤。命婦各依班采，五條九條而止。世婦亦有蠶母受切桑，灑訖，還依位。皇后乃還宮。自後齊、後周及隋，其典大抵多依晉儀。然亦時有損益矣。

Sui practice: three li north of the palace an altar was made, four chi high. On shangsi day in the last month of spring, the empress wore the ju robe, rode the heavy pheasant chariot, leading three ladies, nine concubines, and inner and outer appointed women, with one great offering and presentation silks, sacrificing to the First Silkworm on the altar, using one presentation. When sacrifice was complete, she took the mulberry-picking position south of the altar, facing east. The Chief of Works presented the gold hook; the Director of Regulations presented the basket. The empress picked three branches and returned the hook. Appointed women each picked according to rank, stopping at five or nine branches. Palace women also had silkworm mothers receive cut mulberry; when scattering was complete, all returned to their places. The empress then returned to the palace. From Later Qi, Later Zhou, and Sui, the canon largely followed Jin practice. Yet there were also additions and subtractions from time to time.

《禮》：仲春以玄鳥至之日，用太牢祀于高禖。漢武帝年二十九，乃得太子，甚喜，為立禖祠于城南，祀以特牲，因有其祀。晉惠帝元康六年，禖壇石中破為二。詔問石毀今應複不，博士議：「《禮》無高禖置石之文，未知造設所由；既已毀破，可無改造。」更下西府博議。而賊曹屬束皙議：「以石在壇上，蓋主道也。祭器弊則埋而置新，今宜埋而更造，不宜遂廢。」時此議不用。後得高堂隆故事，魏青龍中，造立此石，詔更鐫石，令如舊，置高禖壇上。埋破石入地一丈。案梁太廟北門內道西有石，文如竹葉，小屋覆之，宋元嘉中修廟所得。陸澄以為孝武時郊禖之石。然則江左亦有此禮矣。

The Rites prescribe that in the second month on the day the dark bird arrives, sacrifice with the great offering at the High Altar of Procreation. Emperor Wu of Han at age twenty-nine finally obtained the heir—greatly rejoicing, he established a procreation shrine south of the city, sacrificing with a single victim; thus the sacrifice existed. In the sixth year of Yuankang under Emperor Hui of Jin, the procreation altar stone broke in two in the middle. The court asked whether the broken stone should be restored. The erudites replied that the Rites contain no provision for a stone at the High Altar of Procreation, and the reason for its original placement is unknown. Since it was already broken, they argued, it need not be replaced. The question was referred to the Western Secretariat for further deliberation. Shu Xi of the Bandit Bureau countered that a stone on the altar likely embodied the ritual Way itself. When sacrificial vessels wear out, the old are buried and new ones installed; the broken stone should be treated the same—buried and replaced, not simply abandoned. At the time, this opinion was not accepted. Later the precedent of Gao Tanglong came to light: in Wei's Qinglong era such a stone had been made and erected, and an edict ordered a new stone carved to match the old and placed on the High Altar of Procreation. The broken stone was buried one zhang deep in the earth. At the Liang Grand Temple, west of the road inside the north gate, stood a stone inscribed with bamboo-leaf script, sheltered by a small pavilion—it had been found when the temple was repaired in the Yuanjia era. Lu Cheng identified it as the stone from Emperor Xiaowu's suburban procreation sacrifice. Thus the Jiang-zuo court also observed this rite.

後齊高禖，為壇於南郊傍，廣輪二十六尺，高九尺，四陛三壝。每歲春分玄鳥至之日，皇帝親帥六宮，祀青帝於壇，乙太昊配，而祀高禖之神以祈子。其儀，青帝北方南向，配帝東方西向，禖神壇下東陛之南，西向。禮用青珪束帛，牲共以一太牢。祀日，皇帝服袞冕，乘玉輅。皇后服褘衣，乘重翟。皇帝初獻，降自東陛，皇后亞獻，降自西陛，並詣便坐。夫人終獻，上嬪獻於禖神訖。帝及後並詣欑位，乃送神。皇帝皇后及群官皆拜。乃撤就燎，禮畢而還。隋制亦以玄鳥至之日，祀高禖於南郊壇。牲用太牢一。

Later Qi's High Altar of Procreation stood beside the southern suburb—twenty-six chi around, nine chi high, with four stairways and three enclosures. Each year on the spring-equinox day when the dark bird arrived, the emperor personally led the Six Palaces to sacrifice to the Green Emperor at the altar—with Taihao as associated offering—and to pray for heirs at the High Altar of Procreation. In the ceremony the Green Emperor stood in the north facing south, the associated emperor in the east facing west, and the Procreation spirit below the altar at the south side of the eastern stairway, facing west. The rite employed a green jade tablet and bundled silks, with a single great offering as victim. On the sacrifice day the emperor wore the dragon-and-phoenix crown robe and rode the jade chariot. The empress wore the hui robe and rode the heavy pheasant chariot. The emperor made the initial presentation, descending the eastern stairway; the empress made the secondary presentation, descending the western stairway; both then proceeded to the side seat. A lady made the final presentation; a senior lady presented at the Procreation spirit to complete the rite. The emperor and empress both proceeded to the spirit seat before sending the spirit away. The emperor, empress, and all officials bowed together. Offerings were then committed to the fire; when the rite was complete they returned. Under Sui practice as well, on the day the dark bird arrived sacrifice was performed at the High Altar of Procreation within the southern suburban precinct. The victim was a single great offering.

舊禮祀司中、司命、風師、雨師之法，皆隨其類而祭之。兆風師於西方者，就秋風之勁，而不從箕星之位。兆司中、司命於南郊，以天神是陽，故兆於南郊也。兆雨師於北郊者，就水位，在北也。

The old rites for the Director of Fate, Director of Life, Wind Lord, and Rain Master all classified each spirit and sacrificed accordingly. The Wind Lord's precinct was placed in the west to align with the force of autumn wind, rather than with the Winnowing-Basket constellation. The Director of Fate and Director of Life were placed at the southern suburb because heavenly spirits belong to yang, and the southern suburb is the yang precinct. The Rain Master's precinct stood at the northern suburb, aligned with the water element in the north.

隋制，于國城西北十裏亥地，為司中、司命、司祿三壇，同壝。祀以立冬後亥。國城東北七裏通化門外為風師壇，祀以立春後醜。國城西南八裏金光門外為雨師壇，祀以立夏後申。壇皆三尺，牲以一少牢。

Under Sui practice, ten li northwest of the capital in the hai position, three altars for the Director of Fate, Director of Life, and Director of Salary shared a single enclosure. Sacrifice was performed on the hai day following the Start of Winter. Seven li northeast of the capital outside the Tonghua Gate stood the Wind Lord altar, where sacrifice followed the chou day after the Establishment of Spring. Eight li southwest of the capital outside the Jinguang Gate stood the Rain Master altar, where sacrifice followed the shen day after the Establishment of Summer. All altars were three chi high; victims consisted of a single secondary offering.

昔伊耆氏始為蠟。蠟者，索也。古之君子，使人必報之。故周法，以歲十二月，合聚萬物而索饗之。仁之至，義之盡也。其祭法，四方各自祭之。若不成之方，則闕而不祭。後周亦存其典，常以十一月，祭神農氏、伊耆氏、後稷氏、田畯、鱗、羽、臝、毛、介、水、墉、坊、郵、表、畷、獸、貓之神於五郊。五方上帝、地祇、五星、列宿、蒼龍、硃雀、白獸、玄武、五人帝、五官之神、嶽鎮海瀆、山林川澤、丘陵墳衍原隰，各分其方，合祭之。日月，五方皆祭之。上帝、地祇、神農、伊耆、人帝於壇上，南郊則以神農，既蠟，無其祀。三辰七宿則為小壇於其側，嶽鎮海瀆、山林川澤、丘陵墳衍原隰，則各為坎，余則於平地。皇帝初獻上帝、地祗、神農、伊耆及人帝，塚宰亞獻，宗伯終獻。上大夫獻三辰、五官、後稷、田畯、嶽鎮海瀆，中大夫獻七宿、山林川澤已下。自天帝、人帝、田畯、羽毛之類，牲幣玉帛皆從燎；地祇、郵、表、畷之類，皆從埋。祭畢，皇帝如南郊便殿致齋，明日乃蠟祭於南郊，如東郊儀。祭訖，又如黃郊便殿致齋，明日乃祭。祭訖，又如西郊便殿，明日乃祭。祭訖，又如北郊便殿，明日蠟祭訖，還宮。隋初因周制，定令亦以孟冬下亥蠟百神，臘宗廟，祭社稷。其方不熟，則闕其方之蠟焉。

In antiquity Emperor Yi first instituted the la sacrifice. La means 'to seek out.' The gentlemen of antiquity required those they sent forth to return and report. Therefore in Zhou practice, in the twelfth month, all things were gathered together and offered a feast of thanks. This was benevolence at its utmost and righteousness at its fullest. The sacrificial law required each direction to be honored separately. If a direction's harvest failed, that direction's sacrifice was omitted. Later Zhou also preserved this canon, regularly in the eleventh month sacrificing at the five suburbs to the spirits of Shennong, Emperor Yi, Hou Ji, the Field Director, and all creatures and features of the land—from scales and feathers to walls, dikes, post stations, boundary markers, field paths, beasts, and cats. The Five Directional Heavenly Emperors, earth spirits, Five Stars, stellar lodges, azure dragon, vermilion bird, white beast, black warrior, Five Human Emperors, Five Officials, and all sacred peaks, seas, rivers, mountains, forests, marshes, hills, mounds, plains, and lowlands were each assigned to a direction and honored in combined sacrifice. The sun and moon received sacrifice in all five directions. The Heavenly Emperor, earth spirit, Shennong, Emperor Yi, and Human Emperors stood on the altar; at the southern suburb Shennong was honored—after the la rite, no separate sacrifice was needed. The Three Stars and Seven Lodges received small side altars; sacred peaks, seas, rivers, mountains, forests, marshes, hills, mounds, plains, and lowlands each received pits; the remainder were honored on level ground. The emperor made the initial presentation to the Heavenly Emperor, earth spirit, Shennong, Emperor Yi, and Human Emperors; the Grand Steward made the secondary presentation and the Grand Herald the final presentation. Senior grand masters presented offerings to the Three Stars, Five Officials, Hou Ji, Field Director, and sacred peaks, seas, and rivers; middle grand masters presented to the Seven Lodges, mountains, forests, rivers, marshes, and below. For the Heavenly Emperor, Human Emperors, Field Director, feathered creatures, and the like, victims, silks, and jades were all committed to fire; for earth spirits, post stations, boundary markers, field paths, and the like, all offerings were buried. When sacrifice was complete, the emperor retired to the southern suburb side hall to fast; the next day the la sacrifice was performed at the southern suburb, following the eastern suburban ceremony. When that rite was complete, he again fasted at the yellow suburb side hall and sacrificed the next day. When that rite was complete, he again retired to the western suburb side hall and sacrificed the next day. When that rite was complete, he again retired to the northern suburb side hall; the next day, when the la sacrifice was complete, he returned to the palace. At the beginning of Sui, following Zhou practice, regulations fixed the la feast for the last ten days of the first month of winter to honor the hundred spirits, with la at the ancestral temple and sacrifice at the altars of soil and grain. If a direction's harvest was not ripe, that direction's la feast was omitted.

又以仲冬祭名源川澤於北郊，用一太牢。祭井于社宮，用一少牢。季冬藏冰，仲春開冰，並用黑牡秬黍，於冰室祭司寒神。開冰，加以桃弧棘矢。

Also in the second month of winter, famous springs, rivers, and marshes were sacrificed to at the northern suburb with a single great offering. Wells were sacrificed to at the soil-altar palace with a single secondary offering. In the last month of winter ice was stored; in the second month of spring it was opened—both rites used a black bull and black millet, sacrificing to the Cold Spirit at the ice chamber. When the ice was opened, a peach-wood bow and thorn-wood arrow were added to the offering.

開皇四年十一月，詔曰：「古稱臘者，接也。取新故交接。前周歲首，今之仲冬，建冬之月，稱蠟可也。後周用夏後之時，行姬氏之蠟。考諸先代，於義有違。其十月行蠟者停，可以十二月為臘。」於是始革前制。

In the eleventh month of the fourth year of Kaihuang, an edict proclaimed: 'In antiquity la was called jie—marking the transition between old and new. It marked the handoff from old to new. The former Zhou new year began at what is now mid-winter; the month that establishes winter may properly be called la. Later Zhou kept Xia's calendrical season but performed the Ji clan's la rite. Examined against earlier practice, this was ritually inconsistent. The la performed in the tenth month should be discontinued; the twelfth month should serve as la instead. Thereupon the old system was reformed for the first time.

後齊，正月晦日，中書舍人奏祓除。年暮上臺，東宮奏擇吉日詣殿堂，貴臣與師行事所須，皆移尚書省備設雲。後主末年，祭非其鬼，至於躬自鼓儛，以事胡天。鄴中遂多淫祀，茲風至今不絕。後周欲招來西域，又有拜胡天制，皇帝親焉。其儀並從夷俗，淫僻不可紀也。

Under Later Qi, on the last day of the first month the Palace Scribe performed the exorcism rite. At year's end on the upper platform, the Eastern Palace submitted the choice of an auspicious day to proceed to the hall; all items required by noble ministers and tutors were transferred to the Masters of Writing for preparation. In the last years of the Later Ruler, he sacrificed to spirits not his own—even personally beating drums and dancing in worship of the Hu Heaven. Ye thereupon filled with illicit shrines—a practice that continues to the present. Later Zhou, seeking to draw the Western Regions closer, also established a rite of bowing to the Hu Heaven, which the emperor performed in person. The ceremonies all followed foreign custom—licentious and irregular beyond proper record.

Cite this Chapter