Volume 42 Biographies 7: Li Delin

李德林李德林，字公輔，博陵安平人也。祖壽，湖州戶曹從事。父敬族，曆太學博士、鎮遠將軍。魏孝靜帝時，命當世通人正定文籍，以為內校書，別在直閤省。德林幼聰敏，年數歲，誦左思《蜀都賦》，十餘日便度。高隆之見而嗟歎，遍告朝士，雲：「若假其年，必為天下偉器。」鄴京人士多就宅觀之，月余，日中車馬不絕。年十五，誦五經及古今文集，日數千言。俄而該博墳典，陰陽緯候，無不通涉。善屬文，辭核而理暢。魏收嘗對高隆之謂其父曰：「賢子文筆終當繼溫子升。」隆之大笑曰：「魏常侍殊已嫉賢，何不近比老彭，乃遠求溫子！」年十六，遭父艱，自駕靈輿，反葬故里。時正嚴冬，單衰跣足，州裡人物由是敬慕之。博陵豪族有崔諶者，僕射之兄，因休假還鄉，車服甚盛。將從其宅詣德林赴吊，相去十餘裡，從者數十騎，稍稍減留。比至德林門，才餘五騎，雲不得令李生怪人燻灼。德林居貧轗軻，母氏多疾，方留心典籍，無複宦情。其後，母病稍愈，逼令仕進。

Li Delin, whose courtesy name was Gongfu, came from Anping in Boling. His grandfather Shou had been a registrar in the household bureau of Huzhou. His father Jingzu served in turn as erudite of the Imperial Academy and as General Who Pacifies the Distance. Under Emperor Xiaojing of Wei, when leading scholars were summoned to collate the canon, Jingzu was appointed inner collator of texts and attached to the Direct Secretariat. Delin showed precocious intelligence: at only a few years old he committed Zuo Si's Rhapsody on the Shu Capital to memory in little more than ten days. Gao Longzhi marveled at him and spread word among the courtiers: "Given time, this boy will become one of the great pillars of the empire. For more than a month curious visitors from Ye thronged his home, and at midday the street before his gate never lacked horses and carriages. By fifteen he was reciting the Five Classics and anthologies old and new at a rate of several thousand characters a day. He soon mastered the classical canon, yin-yang theory, apocryphal weft texts, and calendrical astrology with equal thoroughness. He wrote with skill—his language taut, his argument clear. Wei Shou once told his father in Gao Longzhi's hearing, "Your son's literary talent will one day take up where Wen Zisheng left off. Longzhi laughed aloud: "Vice Censor Wei is jealous of other men's gifts. Compare the boy to Old Peng close at hand—why reach all the way to Wen Zisheng?" At sixteen, when his father died, he drove the bier himself and bore the body home for burial. It was deep winter, yet he wore only thin mourning garb and went barefoot—and for this the people of the district came to admire him. Cui Chen of the great Boling clan, elder brother of a grand master of works, came home on leave with an imposing train of carriage and attendants. When he set out from his estate to offer condolences at Delin's, more than ten li away, his dozens of mounted escorts were dismissed little by little along the road. By Delin's gate only five horsemen remained; Cui said he must not let young Li think his guests were putting on grand airs. Delin lived in poverty while his mother lay often ill; immersed in his books, he had no taste left for official life. When his mother recovered somewhat, she pressed him to seek an appointment.

任城王湝為定州刺史，重其才，召入州館。朝夕同游，殆均師友，不為君民禮數。嘗語德林雲：「竊聞蔽賢蒙顯戮。久令君沈滯，吾獨得潤身，朝廷縱不見尤，亦懼明靈所譴。」於是舉秀才入鄴，于時天保八年也。王因遺尚書令楊遵彥書雲：「燕趙固多奇士，此言誠不為謬。今歲所貢秀才李德林者，文章學識，固不待言，觀其風神器宇，終為棟樑之用。至如經國大體，是賈生、晁錯之儔；雕蟲小技，殆相如、子雲之輩。今雖唐、虞君世，俊乂盈朝，然修大廈者，豈厭夫良材之積也？吾嘗見孔文舉《薦禰衡表》雲：'洪水橫流，帝思俾乂。 '以正平比夫大禹，常謂擬諭非倫。今以德林言之，便覺前言非大。」遵彥即命德林制《讓尚書令表》，援筆立成，不加治點。因大相賞異，以示吏部郎中陸卬。卬雲：「已大見其文筆，浩浩如長河東注。比來所見，後生製作，乃涓澮之流耳。」卬仍命其子乂與德林周旋，戒之曰：「汝每事宜師此人，以為模楷。」時遵彥銓衡，深慎選舉，秀才擢第，罕有甲科。德林射策五條，考皆為上，授殿中將軍。既是西省散員，非其所好，又以天保季世，乃謝病還鄉，闔門守道。乾明初，遵彥奏追德林入議曹。皇建初，下詔搜揚人物，複追赴晉陽。撰《春思賦》一篇，代稱典麗。是時長廣王作相，居守在鄴。敕德林還京，與散騎常侍高元海等參掌機密。王引授丞相府行參軍。未幾而王即帝位，授奉朝請，寓直舍人省。河清中，授員外散騎侍郎，帶齋帥，仍別直機密省。天統初，授給事中，直中書，參掌詔誥。尋遷中書舍人。武平初，加通直散騎侍郎。又敕與中書侍郎宋士素、副侍中趙彥深別典機密。尋丁母艱去職，勺飲不入口五日。因發熱病，遍體生瘡，而哀泣不絕。諸士友陸騫、宋士素，名醫張子彥等，為合湯藥。德林不肯進，遍體洪腫，數日間，一時頓差，身力平復。諸人皆雲孝感所致。太常博士巴叔仁表上其事，朝廷嘉之。才滿百日，奪情起複，德林以羸病屬疾，請急罷歸。

Prince Jian of Rencheng, then governor of Dingzhou, valued his gifts and brought him into the provincial residence. They spent their days together almost as equals, master and friend, heedless of court etiquette between prince and subject. He once told Delin, "They say that whoever hides talent from the throne earns a notorious punishment. I have kept you stuck in obscurity while I alone prosper. Even if the court never censures me, I still dread the spirits' judgment. He then presented Delin as a provincial graduate candidate to Ye—in the eighth year of Tianbao. The prince wrote Yang Zunyan, director of the masters of writing: "That Yan and Zhao breed extraordinary men is no empty boast. This year's candidate Li Delin scarcely needs praise for learning or literary skill; his presence alone marks him as a future pillar of the state. On the great questions of statecraft he belongs with Jia Yi and Chao Cuo; in literary ornament he ranks with Sima Xiangru and Yang Xiong. Even in an age of Yao and Shun, with worthies crowding court, builders of great halls never begrudge another load of good timber. I once read Kong Rong's memorial for Mi Heng: 'Floods spread wide, and the Emperor longs for men who can govern.' Comparing Zhengping to Yu the Great always struck me as a poor likeness. Set against Delin, that old praise now seems almost restrained. Zunyan at once asked him to draft a memorial declining the directorship; Delin wrote it in a single sitting without a single correction. Zunyan was deeply impressed and showed the draft to Lu Ang of the Ministry of Personnel. Ang said, "I already knew his pen could roll like a great river eastward. Beside him, everything young writers have produced lately is a mere creek. Ang had his son Yi keep company with Delin and warned him, "Take this man as your model in all things." Zunyan ran selection with stern care, and top honors among graduates were rare. Delin answered five policy questions, earned top marks on every paper, and was made palace interior general. The post was an idle berth in the Western Secretariat, not to his taste; with Tianbao in its decline he pleaded illness, went home, and shut his door to the world. Early in the Qianming era Zunyan had Delin recalled to the Discussion Bureau. When Huangjian began, an edict called for talent and Delin was summoned again to Jinyang. His Rhapsody on Spring Longing was acclaimed in its day as a model of elegant writing. The Prince of Chaguang was then chancellor, stationed at Ye. Delin was ordered back to the capital to handle secrets alongside attendant cavalier Gao Yuanhai and others. The prince took him on as acting administrative assistant in the chancellor's office. Soon the prince became emperor and made Delin court for the dynasty, with lodging duty in the secretariat. In the Heqing era he became supernumerary attendant cavalier and fast director, with separate watch in the secretariat. At the start of Tiantong he was made supervisor of attendants at the secretariat, drafting edicts. He was soon promoted to secretariat drafter. Early in Wuping he was further made vice director of attendants cavalier. He was then ordered with Song Shisu and Zhao Yanshen to handle confidential affairs separately. Soon after, his mother's death forced him from office; for five days he took not even a spoonful of water. Fever followed; sores covered his body, yet his mourning tears never stopped. Friends Lu Qian and Song Shisu and the physician Zhang Ziyan among others brewed medicines for him. Delin refused the medicines; his body swelled terribly, then within days the swelling vanished and his strength returned. Everyone said filial piety had moved heaven. Ba Shuren of the Board of Ceremonies reported the affair and the court praised him. Hardly had the hundred days passed when he was recalled from mourning; frail and still sick, Delin pleaded to be sent home.

魏收與陽休之論《齊書》起元事，敕集百司會議。收與德林書曰：「前者議文，總諸事意，小如混漫，難可領解。今便隨事條列，幸為留懷，細加推逐。凡言或者，皆是敵人之議。既聞人說，因而探論耳。」德林複書曰：「即位之元，《春秋》常義。謹按魯君息姑不稱即位，亦有元年，非獨即位得稱元年也。議雲受終之元，《尚書》之古典。謹按《大傳》，周公攝政，一年救亂，二年伐殷，三年踐奄，四年建侯衛，五年營成周，六年制禮作樂，七年致政成王。論者或以舜、禹受終，是為天子。然則周公以臣禮而死，此亦稱元，非獨受終為帝也。蒙示議文，扶病省覽，荒情迷識，暫得發蒙。當世君子，必無橫議，唯應閣筆贊成而已。輒謂前二條有益於議，仰見議中不錄，謹以寫呈。」收重遺書曰：「惠示二事，感佩殊深。以魯公諸侯之事，昨小為疑。息姑不書即位，舜、禹亦不言即位。息姑雖攝，尚得書元，舜、禹之攝稱元，理也。周公居攝，乃雲一年救亂，似不稱元。自無《大傳》，不得尋討。一之與元，其事何別？更有所見，幸請論之。」德林答曰：

When Wei Shou and Yang Xiuzhi disputed how the Book of Qi should date its opening year, an edict convened officials from every bureau. Shou wrote Delin: "The earlier discussion lumps every point together; it reads muddy and is hard to follow. I have listed each issue below; please read them carefully and work through each in turn. Every tentative objection I cite comes from our opponents. I raise them only because I have heard others say so. Delin wrote back: "Dating a reign from its inaugural year is standard Spring and Autumn practice. Duke Xigang of Lu is never said to have acceded, yet his chronicle still opens with a first year—so the inaugural year need not mean accession alone. One objection calls the inaugural year of receiving the mandate an ancient rule of the Documents. The Great Tradition says the Duke of Zhou as regent: year one, quelled disorder; year two, attacked Yin; year three, suppressed Yan; year four, enfeoffed Wei; year five, built Chengzhou; year six, made rites and music; year seven, restored King Cheng. Some argue that when Shun and Yu received the mandate they were already Sons of Heaven. Yet the Duke of Zhou died still a subject, and his regency is still dated by an inaugural year—so the inaugural year does not require full imperial status. I have read your discussion, ill as I am, and your arguments have briefly cleared my confusion. No gentleman of our day will gainsay you; they should simply lay down their brushes and assent. I believe the first two points strengthen your case; as they are missing from your draft, I copy them here for you." Shou wrote again: "Thank you for the two points—I am deeply obliged. Yesterday I still had a small doubt about the Duke of Lu as a feudal lord. Xigang's accession is not recorded, nor are Shun's or Yu's. Though Xigang only regented, his chronicle still uses the inaugural year; the same logic applies to Shun and Yu as regents. The Duke of Zhou as regent is dated 'year one, rescued disorder'—which seems not to use the term inaugural year. Without the Great Tradition at hand I could not pursue the point. What distinction is there between first and inaugural? If you see further, please set it out." Delin replied:

攝之與相，其義一也。故周公攝政，孔子曰「周公相成王」；魏武相漢，曹植曰「如虞翼唐」。或雲高祖身未居攝，灼然非理。攝者專賞罰之名，古今事殊，不可以體為斷。陸機見舜肆類上帝，班瑞群後，便雲舜有天下，須格于文祖也，欲使晉之三主異於舜攝。竊以為舜若堯死，獄訟不歸，便是夏朝之益，何得不須格于文祖也？若使用王者之禮，便曰即真，則周公負扆朝諸侯，霍光行周公之事，皆真帝乎？斯不然矣。必知高祖與舜攝不殊，不得從士衡之謬。

Regency and assisting the throne mean the same thing. The Duke of Zhou as regent is what Confucius meant when he said the Duke of Zhou assisted King Cheng; Cao Cao assisting Han is what Cao Zhi meant by Yu supporting Tang. Some say Gaozu had not personally held the regency—that is plainly wrong. Regency names the power to reward and punish alone; ancient and modern cases differ, and outward form cannot decide the matter. Lu Ji saw Shun sacrifice to Heaven and distribute jade to the lords and concluded Shun already held the realm and must visit the ancestral temple—he wanted Jin's three rulers to differ from Shun's regency. If when Yao died lawsuits had not returned to Shun, he would have been Yi of Xia—why would he not still need the ancestral temple? If performing royal rites means becoming true emperor, then the Duke of Zhou receiving the lords behind the screen and Huo Guang acting as the Duke of Zhou did were both true emperors? That cannot be right. Gaozu's regency is no different from Shun's; one cannot follow Lu Ji's mistake.

或以為書元年者，當時實錄，非追書也。大齊之興，實由武帝，謙匿受命，豈直史也？比觀論者聞追舉受命之元，多有河漢，但言追數受命之歲，情或安之。似所怖者元字耳，事類朝三，是許其一年，不許其元年也。案《易》「黃裳元吉」，鄭玄注雲：「如舜試天子，周公攝政。」是以試攝不殊。《大傳》雖無元字，一之與元，無異義矣。《春秋》不言一年一月者，欲使人君體元以居正，蓋史之婉辭，非一與元別也。漢獻帝死，劉備自尊崇。陳壽蜀人，以魏為漢賊。寧肯蜀主未立，已雲魏武受命乎？士衡自尊本國，誠如高議，欲使三方鼎峙，同為霸名。習氏《漢晉春秋》，意在是也。至司馬炎兼併，許其帝號。魏之君臣，吳人並以為戮賊，亦寧肯當塗之世，雲晉有受命之徵？史者，編年也，故魯號《紀年》。墨子又雲，吾見《百國春秋》。史又有無事而書年者，是重年驗也。若欲高祖事事謙沖，即須號令皆推魏氏。便是編魏年，紀魏事，此即魏末功臣之傳，豈複皇朝帝紀者也。

Some hold that writing the inaugural year records events as they happened, not retroactively. Great Qi rose through Emperor Wu; modestly hiding the receipt of the mandate is more than mere historiography. Critics balk at retroactively dating the inaugural year of receiving the mandate, yet seem easier if one only counts back the year of receiving the mandate. They seem to fear only the word inaugural—it is like the fable of morning three: they allow the first year but not the inaugural year. The Changes says 'yellow lower garment, inaugural auspiciousness'; Zheng Xuan glosses it: 'as when Shun tested as Son of Heaven, or the Duke of Zhou regented.' Testing the throne and regency are therefore the same. Though the Great Tradition lacks the word inaugural, first and inaugural mean the same. The Spring and Autumn avoids saying one year or one month so rulers may embody the inaugural and hold the center—it is the historian's euphemism, not a distinction between first and inaugural. After Emperor Xian of Han died, Liu Bei proclaimed himself emperor. Chen Shou, a native of Shu, treated Wei as usurpers against Han. Would he date Cao Cao's receipt of the mandate before Liu Bei had even taken the throne? Lu Ji, as you rightly say, favored his own state and wanted the three realms to stand as rival hegemons. Xi Zuochi's Spring and Autumn of Han and Jin had the same aim. Only after Sima Yan's annexation did Jin recognize their imperial titles. Wu treated Wei's rulers as murderous usurpers—would Wu chroniclers credit Jin's mandate while Wei still held power? History is annalistic chronology—hence Lu's chronicle was called Annals by Year. Mozi too speaks of the Spring and Autumn of the Hundred States. Histories sometimes record a year though nothing happened—because the year itself matters. If Gaozu must appear humble in every act, every order must be credited to Wei. That would make the chronicle Wei's years and Wei's deeds—a biography of Wei's late ministers, not our dynasty's imperial annals.

陸機稱紀元立斷，或以正始，或以嘉平。束皙議雲，赤雀白魚之事。恐晉朝之議，是並論受命之元，非止代終之斷也。公議雲陸機不議元者，是所未喻，願更思之。陸機以刊木著于《虞書》，龕黎見於商典，以蔽晉朝正始、嘉平之議，斯又謬矣。唯可二代相涉，兩史並書，必不得以後朝創業之跡，斷入前史。若然，則世宗、高祖皆天保以前，唯入魏氏列傳，不作齊朝帝紀，可乎？此既不可，彼複何證！

Lu Ji argued the founding year might begin at Zhengshi or at Jiaping. Shu Xi's argument cited the red sparrow and white fish portents. Jin's debate likely concerned the inaugural year of receiving the mandate, not only the dynastic break. Those who say Lu Ji never debated the inaugural year misunderstand him; please reconsider. Lu Ji cited Yu's felling of trees and the dark-haired people of Shang to cloud Jin's Zhengshi and Jiaping debate—another mistake. Only overlapping dynasties may share a chronicle; a later dynasty's founding must never be inserted into an earlier history. By that logic Shizong and Gaozu, both before Tianbao, would appear only in Wei's biographies, not in Qi's imperial annals—is that acceptable? If this cannot stand, what proof supports the other view?

是時中書侍郎杜台卿上《世祖武成皇帝頌》，齊主以為未盡善，令和士開以頌示德林。宣旨雲：「台卿此文，未當朕意。以卿有大才，須敘盛德，即宜速作，急進本也。」德林乃上頌十六章並序，文多不載。武成覽頌善之，賜名馬一匹。三年，祖孝徵入為侍中，尚書左僕射趙彥深出為兗州刺史。朝士有先為孝徵所待遇者，間德林，雲是彥深黨與，不可仍掌機密。孝徵曰：「德林久滯絳衣，我常恨彥深待賢未足。內省文翰，方以委之。尋當有佳處分，不宜妄說。」尋除中書侍郎，仍詔修國史。齊主留情文雅，召入文林館。又令與黃門侍郎顏之推二人同判文林館事。五年，敕令與黃門侍郎李孝貞、中書侍郎李若別掌宣傳。尋除通直散騎常侍，兼中書侍郎。隆化中，假儀同三司。承光中，授儀同三司。

Secretariat vice director Du Taiqing submitted an eulogy for Emperor Wucheng; the Qi ruler found it wanting and had He Shikai show it to Delin. The edict ran: "Taiqing's piece does not suit Our mind. You have great talent—narrate his splendid virtue at once and submit the draft urgently. Delin submitted a sixteen-part eulogy with preface; most of the text is not preserved. Wucheng approved the eulogy and gave him a fine horse. In the third year Zu Xiaozheng became palace attendant and left vice director Zhao Yanshen left for Yanzhou as governor. A courtier once favored by Xiaozheng whispered that Delin was Yanshen's partisan and must not keep handling secrets. Xiaozheng said, "Delin long wore only low rank; I have often regretted Yanshen did not treat talent generously enough. On reflection I am about to entrust literary affairs to him. He will soon receive a fine appointment—do not speak rashly. Soon he was made secretariat vice director and ordered to compile the national history. The Qi ruler, who loved letters, summoned him to the Forest of Literature. He and attendant of the yellow gate Yan Zhitui were ordered to administer the hall together. In the fifth year he, Li Xiaozhen, and Li Ruo were ordered to handle proclamations separately. He was soon made vice director of attendants cavalier direct, while retaining his secretariat post. During Longhua he was provisionally made equal to the three excellencies. During Chengguang he received the rank in full.

及周武帝克齊，入鄴之日，敕小司馬唐道和就宅宣旨慰喻，雲：「平齊之利，唯在於爾。朕本畏爾逐齊王東走，今聞猶在，大以慰懷，宜即入相見。」道和引之入內，遣內史字文昂訪問齊朝風俗政教、人物善惡，即留內省，三宿乃歸。仍遣從駕至長安，授內史上士。自此以後，詔誥格式，及用山東人物，一以委之。武帝嘗于雲陽宮作鮮卑語謂群臣雲：「我常日唯聞李德林名，及見其與齊朝作詔書移檄，我正謂其是天上人。豈言今日得其驅使，複為我作文書，極為大異。」神武公紇豆陵毅答曰：「臣聞明王聖主，得騏驎鳳凰為瑞，是聖德所感，非力能致之。瑞物雖來，不堪使用。如李德林來受驅策，亦陛下聖德感致，有大才用，無所不堪，勝於騏驎鳳凰遠矣。」武帝大笑曰：「誠如公言。」宣政末，授禦正下大夫。大象初，賜爵成安縣男。

When Emperor Wu of Zhou took Qi and entered Ye, he sent junior major Tang Dahe to Delin's home with words of reassurance: "The gain in pacifying Qi lies in you alone. I feared you would flee east with the Qi king; learning you remain greatly comforts me—come at once to an audience. Dahe brought him in; inner scribe Yuwen Ang questioned him on Qi's customs, government, and leading figures; he stayed three nights in the inner secretariat before returning home. He followed the emperor to Chang'an and was made senior inner scribe. Thereafter edict forms and the use of eastern talent were entirely in his hands. At Yunyang Palace the emperor once addressed his ministers in Xianbei: "I had only heard Li Delin's name; when I saw the edicts and proclamations he wrote for Qi, I thought he must be a man from heaven. To have him at my command writing for me today is a marvel beyond words. Duke Shenwu Hedouling Yi replied: "Sage rulers draw qilin and phoenix as portents through virtue, not by force. Such portents, though they appear, cannot be put to work. Li Delin coming to serve is likewise your sagely virtue at work; his great talent can do anything—far better than qilin or phoenix." The emperor laughed and said, "You are quite right." Late in Xuanzheng he was made junior grand master of imperial rectification. Early in Daxiang he was ennobled as baron of Chengan.

宣帝大漸，屬高祖初受顧命，邗國公楊惠謂德林曰：「朝廷賜令總文武事，經國任重，非群才輔佐，無以克成大業。今欲與公共事，必不得辭。」德林聞之甚喜，乃答雲：「德林雖庸芃，微誠亦有所在。若曲相提獎，必望以死奉公。」高祖大悅，即召與語。劉昉、鄭譯初矯詔召高祖受顧命輔少主，總知內外兵馬事。諸衛既奉敕，並受高祖節度。鄭譯、劉昉議，欲授高祖塚宰，鄭譯自攝大司馬，劉昉又求小塚宰。高祖私問德林曰：「欲何以見處？」德林雲：「即宜作大丞相，假黃鉞，都督內外諸軍事。不爾，無以壓眾心。」及發喪，便即依此。以譯為相府長史，帶內史上大夫，昉但為丞相府司馬。譯、昉由是不平。以德林為丞相府屬，加儀同大將軍。未幾而三方構亂，指授兵略，皆與之參詳。軍書羽檄，朝夕填委，一日之中，動逾百數。或機速競發，口授數人，文意百端，不加治點。鄖公韋孝寬為東道元帥，師次永橋，為沁水泛長，兵未得度。長史李詢上密啟雲：「大將梁士彥、宇文忻、崔弘度並受尉遲迥餉金，軍中慅慅，人情大異。」高祖得詢啟，深以為憂，與鄭譯議，欲代此三人。德林獨進計雲：「公與諸將，並是國家貴臣，未相伏馭，今以挾令之威，使得之耳。安知後所遣者，能盡腹心，前所遣人，獨致乖異？又取金之事，虛實難明，即令換易，彼將懼罪，恐其逃逸，便須禁錮。然則鄖公以下，必有驚疑之意。且臨敵代將，自古所難，樂毅所以辭燕，趙括以之敗趙。如愚所見，但遣公一腹心，明于智略，為諸將舊來所信服者，速至軍所，使觀其情偽。縱有異志，必不敢動。」丞相大悟曰：「若公不發此言，幾敗大事。」即令高熲馳驛往軍所，為諸將節度，竟成大功。凡厥謀謨，多此類也。進授丞相府從事內郎。禪代之際，其相國總百揆、九錫殊禮詔策箋表璽書，皆德林之辭也。高祖登阼之日，授內史令。

As Emperor Xuan lay dying and Gaozu had just received the regency, Duke of Hanguo Yang Hui told Delin: "The court has put civil and military affairs in your hands; governing the state is too heavy for one man without able helpers. I wish to work with you—you must not refuse. Delin was delighted and answered: "Though I am only a common reed, I do have some small loyalty to offer. If you favor me, I hope to serve unto death." Gaozu was greatly pleased and summoned him at once. Liu Fang and Zheng Yi first forged an edict summoning Gaozu to the regency to assist the young emperor, with command of all armies. The guard units, once the edict was issued, all fell under Gaozu's command. Zheng Yi and Liu Fang planned to make Gaozu grand minister while Zheng Yi took grand marshal and Liu Fang sought junior grand minister. Gaozu asked Delin privately, "How should I be placed? Delin said, "Make yourself grand chancellor at once, with the yellow battle-axe, commanding all armies within and without. Otherwise you cannot hold the hearts of the multitude." When mourning was proclaimed, he did exactly that. Zheng Yi became the chancellor's chief clerk with senior inner scribe rank; Liu Fang received only the chancellor's major post. Zheng Yi and Liu Fang were displeased. Delin was made an aide in the chancellor's office with rank equal to a grand general. Soon the three regions rebelled; Gaozu consulted Delin on every military plan. Military dispatches piled up morning and night; in a single day he drafted more than a hundred. When urgency pressed, he dictated to several scribes at once, intricate in sense, without a single revision. Duke of Yun Wei Xiaokuan commanded the eastern army; halted at Yong Bridge by a swollen Qin River, his troops could not cross. Chief clerk Li Xun secretly reported: "Generals Liang Shiyan, Yuwen Xin, and Cui Hongdu have all taken gold from Yuchi Jiong; the army is unsettled and morale has shifted. Gaozu was deeply troubled and discussed with Zheng Yi replacing all three generals. Delin alone advised: "You and these generals are all eminent ministers who do not yet defer to one another; only the forged edict's authority holds them now. How do you know replacements will prove loyal, while these three alone cause trouble? The gold charges are hard to prove; even if you replace them they may fear punishment, flee, and force you to imprison them. Then Wei Xiaokuan and those below him will surely grow alarmed and suspicious. Replacing generals on the eve of battle has always been perilous—Yue Yi left Yan for it, and Zhao Kuo ruined Zhao. Send one trusted man of yours, skilled in strategy and respected by the generals, swiftly to camp to observe the truth. Even if they harbor other intentions, they will not dare act. The chancellor exclaimed, "Without your words I would nearly have ruined everything." He sent Gao Jiong post-haste to take command of the generals, and the campaign succeeded. Most of his counsel was of this kind. He was promoted to attendant inner gentleman in the chancellor's office. At the abdication, every edict for the chancellor's total authority, the nine bestowals, and the special rites was Delin's wording. The day Gaozu took the throne he was made director of the palace secretariat.

初，將受禪，虞慶則勸高祖盡滅宇文氏，高熲、楊惠亦依違從之。唯德林固爭，以為不可。高祖作色怒雲：「君讀書人，不足平章此事。」於是遂盡誅之。自是品位不加，出於高、虞之下，唯依班例授上儀同，進爵為子。開皇元年，敕令與太尉任國公于翼、高熲等同修律令。事訖奏聞，別賜九環金帶一腰，駿馬一匹，賞損益之多也。格令班後，蘇威每欲改易事條。德林以為格式已頒，義須畫一，縱令小有踳駁，非過蠹政害民者，不可數有改張。威又奏置五百家鄉正，即令理民間辭訟。德林以為本廢鄉官判事，為其裡閭親戚，剖斷不平，今令鄉正專治五百家，恐為害更甚。且今時吏部，總選人物，天下不過數百縣，于六七百萬戶內，詮簡數百縣令，猶不能稱其才，乃欲於一鄉之內，選一人能治五百家者，必恐難得。又即時要荒小縣，有不至五百家者，複不可令兩縣共管一鄉。敕令內外群官，就東宮會議。自皇太子以下，多從德林議。蘇威又言廢郡，德林語之雲：「修令時，公何不論廢郡為便？今令才出，其可改乎！」然高熲同威之議，稱德林狠戾，多所固勢。由是高祖盡依威議。

When Gaozu was about to take the throne, Yu Qingze urged him to exterminate the Yuwen clan; Gao Jiong and Yang Hui wavered and agreed. Only Delin argued firmly against it. Gaozu flushed with anger: "You are a scholar—not fit to judge this matter. The Yuwen were slaughtered to the last. Thereafter his rank was not raised; he fell below Gao and Yu, receiving only senior equal to the three excellencies by precedent and advancement to viscount. In Kaihuang 1 he was ordered with grand marshal Yu Yi of Renguo and Gao Jiong to revise the code. When the work was done he received a nine-ring gold belt and a fine horse, rewarding his many contributions. After the code was promulgated Su Wei often wanted to revise its articles. Delin held that once promulgated the code must stay uniform; minor inconsistencies that did not corrupt government or harm the people did not justify repeated revision. Wei also proposed village heads for five hundred households to judge local lawsuits. Delin noted that village judges had been abolished because kinship made their rulings unfair; village heads over five hundred households might do even greater harm. The Ministry of Personnel struggles to find capable magistrates for a few hundred counties among millions of households—how can one man per village govern five hundred households? Remote counties often have fewer than five hundred households; two counties cannot jointly administer one village. An edict convened officials at the Eastern Palace for debate. From the crown prince down, most sided with Delin. Su Wei again proposed abolishing commanderies; Delin said to him, "When we compiled the code, why did you not argue then that abolishing commanderies would be expedient? The code has barely been promulgated—surely it cannot be altered now!" Yet Gao Jiong sided with Su Wei, denouncing Delin as fierce and unyielding and accusing him of defending entrenched interests at every turn. Emperor Gaozu therefore adopted Su Wei's position in full.

五年，敕令撰錄作相時文翰，勒成五卷，謂之《霸朝雜集》。序其事曰：

In the fifth year of Kaihuang, an edict ordered the compilation of Delin's writings from his years as chancellor into five fascicles titled the Miscellany of the Hegemon's Court. He prefaced the collection as follows:

竊以陽烏垂曜，微藿傾心，神龍騰舉，飛雲觸石。聖人在上，幽顯冥符，故稱比屋可封，萬物斯睹。臣皇基草創，便豫驅馳，遂得參可封之民，為萬物之一，其為嘉慶，固以多也。若夫帝臣王佐，應運挺生，接踵於朝，諒有之矣。而班爾之妙，曲木變容，硃藍所染，素絲改色。二十二臣，功成盡美；二十八將，效力于時。種德積善，豈皆比於稷、契，計功稱伐，非悉類于耿、賈。書契已還，立言立事，質非殆庶，何世無之。蓋上稟睿後，旁資群傑，牧商鄙賤，屠釣幽微，化為侯王，皆由此也。有教無類，童子羞于霸功；見德思齊，狂夫成於聖業。治世多士，亦因此焉。煙霧可依，騰蛇與蛟龍俱遠；棲息有所，蒼蠅同騏驥之速。因人成事，其功不難。自此而談，雖非上智，事受命之主，委質為臣，遇高世之才，連官接席，皆可以翊亮天地，流名鐘鼎，何必蒼頡造書，伊尹制命，公旦操筆，老聃為史，方可敘帝王之事，談人鬼之謀乎？至若臣者，本慚賓實，非勳非德，廁軒冕之流，無學無才，處藝文之職。若不逢休運，非遇天恩，光大含弘，博約文禮，萬官百辟，才悉兼人，收拙裡閭，退仕鄉邑，不種東陵之瓜，豈過南陽之掾，安得出入閶闔之閫，趨走太微之庭，履天子之階，侍聖皇之側，樞機帷幄，沾及榮寵者也！昔歲木行將季，諒闇在辰，火運肇興，群官總己。有周典八柄之所，大隋納百揆之日，兩朝文翰，臣兼掌之。時溥天之下，三方構亂，軍國多務，朝夕填委。簿領紛紜，羽書交錯，或速均發弩，或事大滔天，或日有萬幾，或幾有萬事。皇帝內明外順，經營區宇，吐無窮之術，運不測之神，幽贊兩儀，財成萬類。諮謀台閣，曉喻公卿，訓率土之濱，責反常之賊。三軍奉律，戰勝攻取之方；萬國承風，安上治民之道。讓受終之禮，報群臣之令，有憲章古昔者矣，有隨事作故者矣。千變萬化，譬彼懸河；寸陰尺日，不棄光景。大則天壤不遺，小則毫毛無失。遠尋三古，未聞者盡聞；逖聽百王，未見者皆見。發言吐論，即成文章，臣染翰操牘，書記而已。昔放勳之化，老人睹而未知；孔丘之言，弟子聞而不達。愚情稟聖，多必乖舛。加以奏閣趨墀，盈懷滿袖，手披目閱，堆案積幾。心無別慮，筆不暫停，或畢景忘餐，或連宵不寐，以勤補拙，不遑自處。其有詞理疏謬，遺漏闕疑，皆天旨訓誘，神筆改定。運籌建策，通幽達冥，從命者獲安，違命者悉禍。懸測萬里，指期來事，常如目見，固乃神知。變大亂而致大平，易可誅而為淳粹，化成道洽，其在人文，盡出聖懷，用成典誥，並非臣意所能至此。伯禹矢謨，成湯陳誓，漢光數行之劄，魏武《接要》之書，濟時拯物，無以加也。屬神器大寶，將遷明德，天道人心，同謨歸往。周靜南面，每詔褒揚，在位諸公，各陳本志，璽書表奏，群情賜委。臣寰海之內，忝曰一民，樂推之心，切于黎獻，欣然從命，輒不敢辭。比夫潘勖之冊魏王，阮籍之勸晉後，道高前世，才謝往人，內手捫心，夙宵慚惕。檄書露板，及以諸文，有臣所作之，有臣潤色之。唯是愚思，非奏定者，雖詞乖黼藻，而理歸霸德，文有可忽，事不可遺。前奉敕旨，集納麓已還，至於受命文筆，當時制述，條目甚多，今日收撰，略為五卷雲爾。

I take it that just as the sun draws even the humblest plant to face it, so a sage ruler draws all hearts toward him; just as a dragon's ascent stirs clouds from the very rocks, so a sovereign's rise stirs the world to respond. When a sage ruler sits enthroned, the seen and unseen worlds fall into harmony—so it is said that every household merits enfeoffment and that all creation bears witness. When the dynasty was first being forged, I was already among those who hurried to its service; to count myself among the people worthy of enfeoffment, one creature in a transformed world—this fortune is immeasurably great. Ministers and kingmakers who rise to meet their age and fill the court one after another—such men have surely existed in every founding. Yet under such a ruler's transforming grace, bent timber takes new form, plain silk takes new color—men are remade as if by dye and craft. The twenty-two ministers of old achieved perfection in their service; the twenty-eight generals gave their strength to their time. Not every man who accumulates virtue equals a Hou Ji or a Qi; not every man who tallies victories matches a Geng Yan or a Jia Fu. Since writing began, every age has produced men of word and deed—though few have ever come close to the greatest models. It is because the ruler draws wisdom from above and talent from every quarter that herders, peddlers, butchers, and anglers in the deepest obscurity can rise to become lords and kings. When teaching knows no rank, even a youth may blush to speak of mere hegemony; when men see virtue and strive to match it, even the reckless can be shaped to the sage's enterprise. That is why an age of good government abounds in worthy men. Given mist and cloud to ride, even a flying serpent may travel as far as a dragon; given a place to alight, even a fly may keep pace with a thoroughbred. When one accomplishes things through the right men, great deeds are not hard to achieve. Seen in this light, even an ordinary man who serves a true Son of Heaven, pledges himself as a minister, and works beside the greatest talents of the age may help sustain the cosmos and win a name for the ages. Must one be Cangjie, Yi Yin, the Duke of Zhou, or Laozi before one may write of kings and speak of affairs beyond the human realm? As for me, I am a hollow ornament among the robed officials—without merit, without virtue, without learning or talent—yet placed in charge of literary affairs. Had I not met this golden age and its boundless grace—had every minister not been a man of doubled talent—I would have stayed in my village, grown melons like a commoner of Dongling, and counted myself lucky to be a petty clerk in Nanyang. How then could I have entered the imperial gates, hurried through the palace halls, climbed the Son of Heaven's steps, stood at the holy emperor's side, touched the inner councils of state, and tasted such honor? When the Wood dynasty was nearing its end, the court sat in mourning, the Fire age was beginning, and every official entrusted power to our lord. From the last days of Zhou's administration of the Eight Handles through the day Great Sui received the hundred officers, I held the literary records of two dynasties in my hands. At that time rebellion flared in three directions across the realm, military and civil business multiplied, and every morning and evening the desk overflowed. Accounts piled up in confusion and urgent dispatches crossed in waves—some matters as pressing as a volley of crossbow bolts, some as vast as heaven itself; some days brought ten thousand decisions, and some decisions touched ten thousand things. The emperor was clear within and harmonious without, ordering the realm with inexhaustible strategy and unfathomable insight, quietly sustaining heaven and earth and shaping the myriad things. He took counsel in the palace, instructed the chief ministers, taught the people to the farthest shore, and held rebels to account. The three armies obeyed his laws and learned the arts of victory and conquest; the myriad states caught his transforming influence and learned the way to secure rulers and govern the people. In the rites of abdication and in edicts answering his ministers, some followed ancient precedent and some created new forms as events required. His words shifted in endless forms, like a river in flood; not a moment of light or shadow was wasted. In great affairs nothing under heaven escaped him; in small affairs not the slightest detail was missed. Searching the three ancient ages, he recovered what had never been heard; listening across the hundred kings, he brought to light what had never been seen. When he spoke, finished prose sprang forth; I only dipped my brush, held the writing board, and took down his words. In the age of Emperor Yao, an old man could witness the sage's transforming rule and still not comprehend it; Confucius's disciples could hear his teaching and still fail to grasp it. When a dull mind receives a sage's words, much must go wrong. On top of that came endless memorials at court, papers filling my sleeves and lap, documents spread before my eyes, piled high on desk and table. My mind held no other thought and my brush never stopped—sometimes I forgot to eat until sunset, sometimes I worked through the night, striving by sheer diligence to make up for my dullness, with no time left for myself. Where my wording was loose, my reasoning flawed, or my text incomplete, the emperor's own hand revised and perfected it. His plans reached into the hidden depths of affairs: those who obeyed him found safety, and those who defied him met ruin. He could measure events a thousand miles away and set dates for things yet to come as though he saw them with his own eyes—truly his knowledge was almost supernatural. To turn great chaos into great peace, to transform a world of punishment into one of purity—this cultural transformation, these canonical edicts, all sprang from the sage emperor's mind and lay far beyond anything I could have conceived. Yu the Great's earnest counsel, King Tang's oath, Emperor Guangwu's edicts, and Cao Cao's Jieyao—nothing in history surpasses such writings for saving an age and rescuing the people, yet our emperor's words stand above even these. When the imperial regalia was about to pass to a ruler of enlightened virtue, Heaven and the people's hearts alike turned toward him in one accord. As the Zhou court sat at peace and the emperor faced south, edict after edict praised his virtue; the ministers in office each declared their loyalty; imperial letters and memorials poured in, entrusting the will of the multitude to him. I, one man among all within the seas, counted myself fortunate even to be called one of the people; when the people's will pressed upon him, I gladly obeyed the command and did not dare refuse. Compared with Pan Xu's enfeoffment of the King of Wei or Ruan Ji's urging of the Jin successor, the cause was greater than any before, yet my talent fell far short of those earlier men; hand on heart, I felt shame and dread from dawn to dark. Among the proclamations, bulletins, and other documents, some I wrote myself and some I revised and polished. What follows is only my own rough thinking, not text formally approved by memorial: though the language may fall short of court elegance, the substance belongs to the founding age; the style may be set aside, but the events must not be lost. Earlier I received an imperial order to compile everything from the first gathering of our rise down to the documents of receiving the mandate; the entries from that time were very numerous, and in compiling them today I have reduced them briefly to these five fascicles.

高祖省讀訖，明旦謂德林曰：「自古帝王之興，必有異人輔佐。我昨讀《霸朝集》，方知感應之理。昨宵恨夜長，不能早見公面。必令公貴與國始終。」於是追贈其父恆州刺史。未幾，上曰：「我本意欲深榮之。」複贈定州刺史、安平縣公，諡曰孝，以德林襲焉。德林既少有才名，重以貴顯，凡制文章，動行於世。或有不知者，謂為古人焉。

After Gaozu had read it through, he said to Delin the next morning, "Since antiquity, every rise of an emperor has had an extraordinary man to assist him. Yesterday I read the Collection of the Hegemon's Court and at last understood how ruler and minister respond to one another. Last night I cursed the long hours that kept me from meeting you sooner. I shall see that you remain honored from the founding of this dynasty to its end. With that he posthumously honored Delin's father as governor of Hengzhou. Before long the emperor said, "My original intent was to honor him even more richly." He then posthumously made Delin's father governor of Dingzhou and Duke of Anping, with the posthumous title Filial, and Delin inherited the title. Delin had been famous for talent since youth, and now with added rank and eminence, whatever he wrote at once circulated throughout the realm. Some who did not know him assumed his writings were the work of an ancient master.

德林以梁士彥及元諧之徒頻有逆意，大江之南，抗衡上國。乃著《天命論》上之，其辭曰：

Because Liang Shiyan, Yuan Xie, and their followers repeatedly showed rebellious intent and the lands south of the Yangzi still contended against the empire, Delin composed the Discourse on the Mandate of Heaven and submitted it. It reads:

粵若邃古，玄黃肇辟，帝王神器，歷數有歸。生其德者天，應其時者命，確乎不變，非人力所能為也。龍圖鳥篆，號諡遺跡，疑而難信，缺而未詳者，靡得而明焉。其在典文，煥乎緗素，欽明至德，莫盛于唐、虞，貽謀長世，莫過於文、武。大隋神功積于文王，天命顯于唐叔。昔邑姜方娠，夢帝謂己：「余命而子曰虞，將與之唐，而蕃育其子孫。」及生，有文在其手曰「虞」，遂以命之。成王滅唐而封太叔。又唐叔之封也，箕子曰：「其後必大。」《易》曰：「崇高富貴，莫大於帝王。」《老子》謂：「域內四大，王居一焉。」此則名虞與唐，美兼二聖，將令其後必大，終致唐、虞之美，蕃育子孫，用享無窮之祚。

From deepest antiquity, when heaven and earth were first divided, the imperial regalia and the turn of dynastic fortune have always had their appointed destination. Heaven begets the virtue; fate answers the hour—this is fixed and unchanging, and no human force can alter it. Dragon charts, bird script, reign titles and posthumous names—much that survives is doubtful, fragmentary, or impossible to verify, and cannot all be made clear. What survives in the canonical texts shines clear upon the page: in reverent brilliance and supreme virtue none surpass Yao and Shun; in planning for enduring rule none exceed King Wen and King Wu. Great Sui's divine merit was accumulated in King Wen, and the Mandate of Heaven was revealed in the Duke of Tang. Long ago, when Yi Jiang was pregnant, she dreamed that the Emperor said to her, "I name your son Yu, shall give him the state of Tang, and shall cause his descendants to flourish." When the child was born, the character Yu was written on his hand, and so he was given that name. King Cheng destroyed the state of Tang and enfeoffed his younger uncle as its ruler. When the Duke of Tang received his fief, Jizi said, "His line will surely become great." The Book of Changes says, "In loftiness, wealth, and nobility nothing surpasses the position of emperor and king." Laozi says, "Within the realm there are four great powers, and the king is one of them." Thus the names Yu and Tang joined the glory of two sage rulers, foretelling that his line would grow great, would ultimately attain the splendor of the eras of Tang and Yu, multiply its descendants, and enjoy boundless fortune.

逮皇家建國，初號大興，箕子必大之言，於茲乃驗。天之眷命，懸屬聖朝，重耳區區，豈足雲也！有娀玄鳥，商以興焉；姜嫄巨跡，周以興焉；邑姜夢帝，隋以興焉。古今三代，靈命如一，本枝種德，奕葉丕基。佐高帝而滅楚，立宣皇以定漢。東京太尉，關西孔子，生感遺鱣之集，歿降巨鳥之奇，累仁積善，大申休命。太祖挺生，庇民匡主，立殊勳于魏室，建盛業于周朝。啟翼軫之國，肇炎精之紀，爰受厥命，陟配彼天。皇帝載誕之初，神光滿室，具興王之表，韞大聖之能。或氣或雲，廕映於廊廟；如天如日，臨照於軒冕。內明外順，自險獲安，豈非萬福扶持，百祿攸集。有周之末，朝野騷然，降志執均，鎮衛宗社。明神饗其德，上帝付其民，誅奸逆於九重，行神化于四海。于斯時也，尉迥據有齊累世之都，乘新國易亂之俗，驅馳蛇豕，連合縱橫，地乃九州陷三，民則十分擁六。王謙乘連率之威，憑全蜀之險，興兵舉眾，震盪江山，鴆毒巴、庸，蠶食秦、楚。此二虜也，窮凶極逆，非欲割鴻溝之地，閉劍閣之門，皆將長戟強弩，睥睨宸極。從漳河而達負海，連岱岳而距華陽，迫脅荊蠻，吐納江漢。佐鬥嫁禍，紛若蝟毛；曝骨履腸，間不容礪。爾乃奉殪戎之命，運先天之略，不出戶庭，推轂分閫，一麾以定三方，數旬而清萬國。蕩滌天壤之速，規摹指畫之神，造化以來，弗之聞也。光熙前緒，罔有不服，煙雲改色，鐘石變音，三靈顧望，萬物影響。木運告盡，褰裳克讓，天曆在躬，推而弗有。百辟庶尹，四方嶽牧，稽圖讖之文，順億兆之請，披肝瀝膽，晝歌夜吟，方屈箕潁之高，式允幽明之願。基命宥密，如恆如升，推帝居歆，創業垂統。殊徽號，改服色，建都邑，敘彝倫，薄賦輕徭，慎刑恤獄，除繁苛之政，興清靜之風，去無用之官，省相監之職。奇才間出，盛德無隱，星精雲氣，共趨走於階墀，山神海靈，咸燮理於台閣。東漸日穀，西被月川，教暨北溟之表，聲加南海之外。悠悠沙漠，區域萬里，蠢蠢百蠻，莫之與競。五帝所不化，三王所未賓，屈膝頓顙，盡為臣妾。殊方異類，書契不傳，梯山越海，貢琛奉贄，欣欣如也。巢居穴處，化以宮室；不火不粒，訓以庖廚。禮樂合天地之同，律呂節寒暑之候，製作詳垂衣之後，淳粹得神農之前。遨遊文雅之場，出入杳冥之極，合神謨鬼，通幽洞微。群物歲成，含生日用，飲和氣以自得，沐玄澤而不知也。丹雀為使，玄龜載書，甘露自天，醴泉出地。神禽異獸，珍木奇草，望風觀海，應化歸風。備休祥於圖牒，罄幽遐而戾止。猶且父天子民，兢兢翼翼，至矣大矣，七十四帝，曷可同年而語哉！

When our imperial house founded the state and first took the name Great Ascent, Jizi's prophecy that the line would become great was fulfilled at last. Heaven's favored mandate rests upon the holy dynasty—what are the petty fortunes of a Duke Wen of Jin compared with this! You Song saw the dark bird, and Shang rose; Jiang Yuan saw the giant footprint, and Zhou rose; Yi Jiang dreamed of the Emperor, and Sui rose. Past and present, the three sage dynasties share one pattern of heavenly mandate: root and branch alike plant virtue, and generation after generation lay a great foundation. One ancestor helped Emperor Gaozu destroy Chu; another helped establish Emperor Xuan and stabilize Han. The Grand Marshal of the Eastern Capital, the Confucius of Guanxi—at birth he was marked by the omen of returning fish, at death by the descent of a giant bird; through accumulated benevolence he greatly fulfilled Heaven's favor. The Grand Ancestor then arose to shelter the people and support his lord, winning extraordinary merit in Wei and building a great enterprise under Zhou. He opened the realm under the Wings and Chariot constellations, began the era of fire brilliance, received the mandate, and ascended to stand as Heaven's counterpart. At the emperor's birth divine light filled the chamber; he bore every outward sign of a founding king and concealed within him the power of a great sage. Whether as breath or cloud, his presence cast its shade over the palace halls; like heaven, like the sun, he looked down upon the court. Clear within and harmonious without, he found safety even in peril—was this not the support of every blessing and the gathering of every fortune? At the end of Northern Zhou, when court and countryside were in turmoil, he humbled his ambition, held the scales of power even, and guarded the altars of state. Bright spirits delighted in his virtue, and High God entrusted the people to him; he executed traitors within the palace and spread his transforming rule across the four seas. At that time Wei Chixiong held the ancient capital of Qi, exploited the disorder of a newly founded state, rallied barbarian allies, and wove a web of alliances—three of the nine provinces and six tenths of the people were in his grasp. Wang Qian wielded the power of a military governor, relied on the natural defenses of all Shu, raised armies that shook the land, poisoned Ba and Yong, and gnawed away at Qin and Chu. These two rebels were utterly vicious and utterly defiant: they did not merely seek to hold the Hong Canal or close the gates of Sword Pass—they meant to train long halberds and strong crossbows upon the imperial throne itself. From the Zhang River to the eastern sea, from Mount Tai to Huayang, they pressed upon the southern tribes and sought to command the Yangzi and Han. They stirred others to fight and shifted disaster onto rivals, tangled as thick as hedgehog quills; Corpses lay so thick that bones were exposed and entrails trampled underfoot—not even a whetstone could be slipped between them. Then he took up Heaven's command to crush the enemy, wielded the strategy ordained before creation, and without leaving his own gate pushed generals forward and divided command: one signal settled the three regions, and within weeks the myriad states were pacified. The speed with which he swept heaven and earth clean, the godlike precision of his design—since the world began, nothing like it had ever been heard of. He restored and enlarged the imperial line, and none remained unsubmissive. Clouds changed hue, bells and chimes altered their tone; heaven, earth, and the spirits turned to look upon him, and the myriad things answered as shadows answer light. When the age of wood had run its course, he was able to step aside and yield; though the heavenly mandate rested upon him, he thrust it away and refused to take it. Ministers and frontier governors consulted portents and charts and bowed to the pleas of the masses; with utter sincerity they sang his praises day and night until even the lofty recluses of Ji and Ying were moved, and the wishes of both worlds were fulfilled. He laid the foundation of the mandate in quiet depth, steady and ever rising; he enlarged the throne and won Heaven's favor, founding the dynasty and bequeathing its succession. He set apart his reign title, changed ceremonial colors, established the capital, and put the moral order in sequence; he lightened taxes and corvée, tempered punishments and showed mercy in the prisons, swept away oppressive laws, fostered a spirit of quiet governance, abolished useless offices, and cut redundant supervisory posts. Men of extraordinary talent emerged in succession, and his great virtue concealed nothing; star-spirits and auspicious clouds gathered at his palace steps, and mountain and sea spirits alike lent their aid in the halls of state. His influence spread east to the Valley of the Sun and west to the River of the Moon; his teachings reached beyond the northern sea, and his fame resounded past the southern sea. Across boundless deserts ten thousand li wide, amid countless barbarian tribes, none could rival him. Peoples whom the Five Emperors had failed to transform and the Three Kings had never brought to court all bent the knee and bowed the head, becoming his subjects and servants. Strange lands and foreign peoples never named in any record climbed mountains and crossed seas to bring tribute and gifts, rejoicing as they came. People who had lived in nests and caves were taught to dwell in halls and chambers; those who neither cooked with fire nor ate grain were taught the ways of hearth and kitchen. Rites and music matched the harmony of heaven and earth; pitch pipes measured the turning of the seasons. His institutions surpassed even the age of effortless rule, and their purity recalled the world before Shennong. He moved freely in the realm of letters, passed in and out of the deepest mysteries, aligned himself with spirits and ghosts, and penetrated what is hidden and subtle. The myriad creatures flourished year by year and lived out their days; they drank the air of harmony and rested content, bathed in his deep beneficence without even knowing it. The crimson sparrow came as Heaven's messenger, the dark tortoise bore the sacred text; sweet dew descended from the sky, and sacrificial springs welled up from the ground. Divine birds and exotic beasts, rare trees and wondrous plants—all turned toward his wind and watched his tide, answering his transforming rule and gathering to his banner. Every auspicious omen was recorded in the annals, and even the farthest corners of the earth came to dwell in peace under him. Yet he was still Heaven's son and the people's father, careful and reverent in all things—how sublime, how vast! Of the seventy-four emperors of history, which could be mentioned in the same breath as he?

若夫天下之重，不可妄據，故唐之許由，夏之伯益，懷道立事，人授而弗可也。軒初四帝，周余六王，藉世因基，自取而不得也。孟軻稱仲尼之德過於堯、舜，著述成帝者之事，弟子備王佐之才，黑不代蒼，泣麟歎鳳，棲棲汲汲，雖聖達而莫許也。蚩尤則黃帝抗衡，共工則黑帝勍敵，項羽誅秦摧漢，宰割神州，角逐爭驅，盡威力而無就也。其餘欻起妖妄，曾何足數！賊子逆臣，所以為亂，皆由不識天道，不悟人謀，牽逐鹿之邪說，謂飛鳧而為鼎。若使四凶爭八元之誠，三監同九臣之志，韓信、彭越深明帝子之符，孫述、隗囂妙識真人之出，尉迥同謳歌之類，王謙比獄訟之民，福祿蟬聯，胡可窮也！而違天逆物，獲罪人神。嗚呼！此前事之大戒矣。誅夷烹醢，歷代共尤，僭逆凶邪，時煩獄吏，其可不戒慎哉！蓋積惡既成，心自絕於善道，物類相感，理必至於誅戮。天奪其魄，鬼惡其盈故也。大帝聰明，群臣正直，耳目濫於率土，賞罰參于國朝，輔助一人，覆育兆庶。豈有食人之祿，受人之榮，包藏禍心而不殲盡者也？必當執法未處其罪，司命已除其籍。自古明哲，慮遠防微，執一心，持一德，立功坐樹，上書削槁，位尊而心逾下，祿厚而志彌約，寵盛思之以懼，道高守之以恭，克念於此，則奸回不至。事乃畏天，豈惟愛禮，謙光滿覆，義在知幾，吉凶由人，妖不自作。

The weight of the realm cannot be seized lightly. That is why Xu You of Tang and Bo Yi of Xia, though they possessed the Way and stood ready to serve, refused the throne even when men would have given it to them. The four emperors at the founding of Xuanyuan's line, the six kings who survived in Zhou—though they inherited power across generations, even when they seized it for themselves they could not keep the realm. Mencius declared that Confucius's virtue exceeded that of Yao and Shun; his writings completed the work of emperors, and his disciples had the talent to assist kings. Yet blue is not replaced by black: he wept when the qilin appeared and sighed at the phoenix's flight, restless and striving—though a sage, no one would grant him the throne. Chiyou stood as the Yellow Emperor's equal; Gonggong was a formidable enemy of the Black Emperor. Xiang Yu overthrew Qin and battered Han, carved up the heartland, and raced rivals for supremacy—yet for all his power he achieved nothing. As for the others who sprang up in demonic madness, they are scarcely worth mentioning! Rebellious sons and treacherous ministers bring chaos because they do not know Heaven's Way or understand human design; they cling to the false doctrine of chasing the deer and imagine that a wild duck in flight can become the imperial cauldron. Had the Four Evils competed in virtue with the Eight Worthies, had the Three Supervisors shared the loyalty of the Nine Ministers, had Han Xin and Peng Yue truly read the signs of Heaven's chosen son, had Sun Shu and Wei Xiao discerned the rise of the true ruler, had Wei Chixiong joined the chorus of praise and Wang Qian been like a people at peace in court—then blessings and honors would have flowed without end! Instead they defied Heaven and turned against the natural order, and so earned condemnation from both men and spirits. Alas! This is the great lesson of times past. Slaughter, extermination, boiling and dismemberment—these horrors repeat in every age; usurpers and wicked rebels keep the prison officers busy. How can one fail to take warning! When evil accumulates to the full, the heart severs itself from the path of goodness; like calls to like, and by natural law punishment must follow. Heaven took their souls, and ghosts loathed their excess—that is why it was so. The great emperor is wise and discerning, his ministers upright; his eyes and ears reach every corner of the realm, his rewards and punishments issue from the court. They assist the one ruler and shelter and nurture the countless people. Can anyone eat the state's salary, accept its honors, hide treacherous intent, and not be utterly destroyed? Even before the law could pronounce sentence, the Director of Fates had already struck their names from the book of life. Since antiquity the wise have looked far ahead and guarded against small beginnings, kept one heart and one virtue; they earned merit yet sat beneath a tree, wrote memorials yet burned the drafts; though high in rank their hearts grew humbler, though richly paid their ambitions grew simpler; in favor they felt fear, in virtue they kept reverence. Hold fast to this, and treachery will never come near. In public life one must fear Heaven—not merely honor ritual. Humility fills and protects; righteousness lies in reading the first signs. Fortune and disaster come from men; evil omens do not arise on their own.

眾星共極，在天成象。夙沙則主雖愚蔽，民盡知歸；有苗則始為跋扈，終而大服。漢南諸國，見一面以從殷；河西將軍，率五郡以歸漢。故能招信順之助，保太山之安。彼陳國者，盜竊江外，民少一郡，地減半州，遇受命之主，逢太平之日，自可獻土銜璧，乞同溥天。乃複養喪家之疹，遵顛覆之軌，趑趄吳越，仍為匪民。雖時屬大道，偃兵舞戚，然國家當混一之運，金陵是殄滅之期，有命不恆，斷可知矣。房風之戮，元龜匪遙；孫皓之侯，守株難得。迷而未覺，諒可湣焉。斯故未辯玄天之心，不聞君子之論也。

The myriad stars revolve around one pole—in heaven this is the pattern of order. In Suosha, though the ruler was foolish and benighted, the people all knew whom to follow; Youmiao at first was arrogant and defiant, but in the end submitted fully. The states south of the Han, upon a single audience, submitted to Yin; the general of Hexi led five commanderies back to Han. Thus they won the support of the willing and kept their dominion secure as Mount Tai. Chen had seized land south of the Yangzi, with fewer people than a single commandery and less territory than half a province; faced with a ruler who had received the Mandate and an age of peace, it could naturally have surrendered its soil and jade and begged to share the realm under Heaven. Instead it nursed the sickness of a doomed house, followed the road to ruin, wavered like a man torn between Wu and Yue, and remained a rebellious people. Though the age belonged to the Great Way, when arms were stilled and peace reigned, the empire was still bound for unification and Jinling was marked for destruction. Heaven's mandate does not linger forever—the outcome was plain to see. Fangfeng's punishment foretold it; the tortoise omen was not far away; Sun Hao's fate as a marquis showed that waiting idly by the tree stump for luck would avail them nothing. They were lost and did not awaken— one can only pity them. This is because they failed to discern Heaven's hidden will and never heeded the counsel of the wise.

德林自隋有天下，每贊平陳之計。八年，車駕幸同州，德林以疾不從。敕書追之，書後御筆注雲：「伐陳事意，宜自隨也。」時高熲因使入京，上語熲曰：「德林若患未堪行，宜自至宅，取其方略。」高祖以之付晉王廣。後從駕還，在途中，高祖以馬鞭南指雲：「待平陳訖，會以七寶裝嚴公，使自山東無及之者。」及陳平，授柱國、郡公，實封八百戶，賞物三千段。晉王廣已宣敕訖，有人說高熲曰：「天子畫策，晉王及諸將戮力之所致也。今乃歸功於李德林，諸將必當憤惋，且後世觀公有若虛行。」熲入言之，高祖乃止。

From the day Sui won the empire, Delin consistently urged a campaign to pacify Chen. In the eighth year, when the emperor traveled to Tongzhou, Delin did not go with him because of illness. An imperial summons was sent after him, and the emperor added in his own hand: "As for the plan to attack Chen, you should come in person. At that time Gao Jiong came to the capital on business, and the emperor told him: "If Delin is too ill to travel, go to his house yourself and obtain his plan." Emperor Gaozu relayed this instruction to Prince Jin Guang. Later, on the return journey, Gaozu pointed south with his whip and said: "When Chen is conquered, I shall honor you with the seven treasures so that no one east of the mountains can equal you. When Chen was pacified, he was made Pillar of the State and Duke of a commandery, with an enfeoffment of eight hundred households and a reward of three thousand bolts of goods. Prince Jin Guang had already read out the edict when someone said to Gao Jiong: "The emperor devised the strategy; the victory was won by the Prince of Jin and the generals working together. To give the credit to Li Delin now will surely anger the generals, and later ages will think you, sir, played no real part. Gao Jiong went in and said this, and Gaozu then halted the proclamation.

初，大象末，高祖以逆人王謙宅賜之，文書已出，至地官府，忽複改賜崔謙。上語德林曰：「夫人欲得，將與其舅。於公無形跡，不須爭之，可自選一好宅。若不稱意，當為營造，並覓莊店作替。」德林乃奏取逆人高阿那肱衛國縣市店八十塸為王謙宅替。九年，車駕幸晉陽，店人上表訴稱：「地是民物，高氏強奪，於內造舍。」上命有司料還價直。遇追蘇威自長安至，奏雲：「高阿那肱是亂世宰相，以諂媚得幸，枉取民地，造店賃之。德林誣誷，妄奏自入。」李圓通、馮世基等又進雲：「此店收利如食千戶，請計日追贓。」上因責德林，德林請勘逆人文簿及本換宅之意，上不聽，乃悉追店給所住者。自是益嫌之。十年，虞慶則等於關東諸道巡省使還，並奏雲：「五百家鄉正，專理辭訟，不便於民。黨與愛憎，公行貨賄。」上仍令廢之。德林複奏雲：「此事臣本以為不可。然置來始爾，複即停廢，政令不一，朝成暮毀，深非帝王設法之義。臣望陛下若于律令輒欲改張，即以軍法從事。不然者，紛紜未已。」高祖遂發怒，大詬雲：「爾欲將我作王莽邪？」初，德林稱父為太尉諮議，以取贈官，李元操與陳茂等陰奏之曰：「德林之父終於校書，妄稱諮議。」上甚銜之。至是，複庭議忤意，因數之曰：「公為內史，典朕機密，比不可豫計議者，以公不弘耳。寧自知乎？朕方以孝治天下，恐斯道廢闕，故立五教以弘之。公言孝由天性，何須設教。然則孔子不當說《孝經》也。又誷冒取店，妄加父官，朕實忿之而未能發。今當以一州相遣耳。」因出為湖州刺史。德林拜謝曰：「臣不敢複望內史令，請預散參。待陛下登封告成，一觀盛禮，然後收拙丘園，死且不恨。」上不許，轉懷州刺史。在州逢亢旱，課民掘井溉田，空致勞擾，竟無補益，為考司所貶。歲餘，卒官，時年六十一。贈大將軍、廉州刺史，諡曰文。及將葬，敕令羽林百人，並鼓吹一部，以給喪事。贈物三百段，粟千石，祭乙太牢。

Earlier, at the end of the Daxiang era, Gaozu had granted him the house of the rebel Wang Qian; the order had already been issued and reached the Land Office when it was suddenly changed and given to Cui Qian instead. The emperor told Delin: "My consort wanted the house; I was going to give it to her uncle. You have no prior claim to it, so do not dispute the matter; choose another fine house for yourself. If it does not please you, I will have one built for you and find shop properties as compensation. Delin then memorialized to take eighty market shops in Weiguo county that had belonged to the rebel Gao Anagong as compensation for Wang Qian's house. In the ninth year, when the emperor visited Jinyang, the shopkeepers submitted petitions saying: "The land belongs to the people; the Gao family seized it by force and built on it. The emperor ordered the authorities to calculate and repay its value. Just then Su Wei was recalled from Chang'an and arrived; he memorialized: "Gao Anagong was a minister of troubled times who won favor through flattery, seized people's land without cause, built shops, and rented them out. Delin lied and falsely memorialized to take the property for himself. Li Yuantong, Feng Shiji, and others further submitted: "The profit from these shops equals the income of a thousand households; we ask that the illicit gains be recovered day by day." The emperor rebuked Delin; Delin asked that rebel property registers and the original terms of the house exchange be investigated, but the emperor refused and ordered all the shops confiscated and returned to their occupants. From then on the emperor disliked him all the more. In the tenth year, Yu Qingze and others returned from inspection tours in the eastern passes and all memorialized: "The heads of five-hundred-household districts who handle lawsuits exclusively are a burden on the people. They play favorites through cliques and take bribes openly. The emperor ordered the system abolished. Delin memorialized again: "Your servant originally thought this policy unwise. Yet it was only just established and is already being abolished; laws are inconsistent, made in the morning and undone at night—this is far from how an emperor should govern. Your servant asks that whenever Your Majesty wishes to change a law or decree on impulse, he be dealt with by military law. Otherwise the turmoil will never end. Gaozu flew into a rage and shouted: "Do you mean to make me another Wang Mang?" Earlier, Delin had styled his father Staff Adviser to the Grand Commandant in order to obtain a posthumous office; Li Yuancao, Chen Mao, and others secretly memorialized: "Delin's father ended his career as a collator of texts, yet Delin falsely claimed he had been a staff adviser." The emperor deeply resented this. Now, when he again contradicted the emperor in court debate, the emperor counted his faults against him: "You serve as Inner Secretary and hold my secrets; the reason you have lately been excluded from planning is that you lack breadth of mind. Do you understand that? I am governing the realm through filial piety, fearing that this virtue may be lost, and so I established the Five Teachings to promote it. You said filial piety comes from inborn nature and asked what need there is to establish teachings. Then Confucius should never have written the Classic of Filial Piety. Then there was your fraud in seizing the shops and falsely inflating your father's rank—I have been angry about that but held my tongue. Now I am sending you away to govern a province. He was accordingly sent out as governor of Huzhou. Delin bowed and thanked him: "Your servant no longer dares hope for the post of Inner Secretary; I ask only to attend court on an irregular basis. Wait until Your Majesty completes the feng and shan sacrifices and I have witnessed that great ceremony, then let me retire in obscurity to my hills and gardens—I would die content. The emperor refused and transferred him to be governor of Huai province. While in office he encountered severe drought and ordered the people to dig wells and irrigate the fields; the effort brought only hardship and no benefit, and the evaluation office demoted him. A little over a year later he died in office, at the age of sixty-one. He was posthumously granted the title Grand General and Governor of Lianzhou, with the posthumous name Wen. When his burial was at hand, an edict ordered a hundred Imperial Guard soldiers and a full band of court music to be provided for the funeral. The court gave three hundred bolts of goods, a thousand shi of grain, and a funeral sacrifice of the grandest grade.

德林美容儀，善談吐，齊天統中，兼中書侍郎，于賓館受國書。陳使江總目送之曰：「此即河朔之英靈也。」器量沉深，時人未能測，唯任城王湝、趙彥深、魏收、陸遝大相欽重，延譽之言，無所不及。德林少孤，未有字，魏收謂之曰：「識度天才，必至公輔，吾輒以此字卿。」從官以後，即典機密，性重慎，嘗雲古人不言溫樹，何足稱也。少以才學見知，及位望稍高，頗傷自任，爭名之徒，更相譖毀，所以運屬興王，功參佐命，十餘年間竟不徙級。所撰文集，勒成八十卷，遭亂亡失，見五十卷行於世。敕撰《齊史》未成。子百藥有子曰百藥，博涉多才，詞藻清贍。釋巾太子通事舍人，後遷太子舍人、尚書禮部員外郎，襲爵安平縣公，桂州司馬。煬帝惡其初不附己，以為步兵校尉。大業末，轉建安郡丞。史臣曰史臣曰：德林幼有操尚，學富才優，譽重鄴中，聲飛關右。王基締構，協贊謀猷，羽檄交馳，絲綸間發，文誥之美，時無與二。君臣體合，自致青雲，不患莫己知，豈徒言也！

Delin was handsome in bearing and skilled in speech; during Northern Qi's Tiantong era, as secretariat vice director he received foreign envoys' state letters at the guest house. The Chen envoy Jiang Zong watched him go and said, "There is the finest spirit of the north country. His depth of character was hard for contemporaries to read; only Prince Jian of Rencheng, Zhao Yanshen, Wei Shou, and Lu Ang held him in the highest regard, and praise of him spread everywhere. Orphaned young, Delin had no courtesy name; Wei Shou told him, "Your talent and vision will carry you to the highest office—I give you the name Gongfu for it. Once in office he handled secrets at once; deeply cautious by nature, he said the ancients did not discuss the locust tree in Huo Guang's garden—what virtue was there in boasting of discretion? Known early for learning, he grew somewhat self-important as his standing rose; rivals for fame slandered him repeatedly—so though he served a founding emperor and helped win the throne, for more than ten years his rank never advanced. His collected writings ran to eighty scrolls; most were lost in the turmoil, and fifty scrolls survive in circulation. He was ordered to compile the History of Qi but did not complete it. His son Baoyao was broadly learned and multitalented, with clear and ample literary style. He served as attendant master of affairs to the crown prince, then became crown prince attendant, supernumerary director in the Ministry of Rites, inherited the dukedom of Anping, and was made military administrator of Guizhou. Emperor Yang disliked his early refusal to side with him and demoted him to vice colonel of footsoldiers. Late in Daye he was made assistant administrator of Jian'an commandery. The historian writes: Delin showed moral resolve from youth, with rich learning and outstanding talent; his fame was great in Ye and his reputation spread through the northwest. When the imperial foundation was laid he helped shape its strategy; as dispatches and edicts flew without cease, the elegance of his prose had no peer in his time. Ruler and minister were perfectly matched and rose together to the heights—this was no empty boast that talent need never fear going unknown!

Cite this Chapter