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儒林儒之為教大矣,其利物博矣。 篤父子,正君臣,尚忠節,重仁義,貴廉讓,賤貪鄙,開政化之本源,鑿生民之耳目,百王損益,一以貫之。 雖世或汙隆,而斯文不墜,經邦致治,非一時也。 涉其流者,無祿而富,懷其道者,無位而尊。 故仲尼頓挫于魯君,孟軻抑揚于齊後,荀卿見珍于強楚,叔孫取貴于隆漢。 其餘處環堵以驕富貴,安陋巷而輕王公者,可勝數哉! 自晉室分崩,中原喪亂,五胡交爭,經籍道盡。 魏氏發跡代陰,經營河朔,得之馬上,茲道未弘。 暨夫太和之後,盛修文教,搢紳碩學,濟濟盈朝,縫掖巨儒,往往傑出,其雅誥奧義,宋及齊、梁不能尚也。 南北所治,章句好尚,互有不同。 江左《周易》則王輔嗣,《尚書》則孔安國,《左傳》則杜元凱。 河、洛《左傳》則服子慎,《尚書》、《周易》則鄭康成。 《詩》則並主于毛公,《禮》則同遵于鄭氏。 大抵南人約簡,得其英華,北學深蕪,窮其枝葉。 考其終始,要其會歸,其立身成名,殊方同致矣。 爰自漢、魏,碩學多清通,逮乎近古,巨儒必鄙俗。 文、武不墜,弘之在人,豈獨愚蔽於當今,而皆明哲於往昔? 在乎用與不用,知與不知耳。 然曩之弼諧庶績,必舉德于鴻儒,近代左右邦家,咸取士於刀筆。 縱有學優入室,勤逾刺股,名高海內,擢第甲科,若命偶時來,未有望於青紫,或數將運舛,必委棄於草澤。 然則古之學者,祿在其中,今之學者,困于貧賤。 明達之人,志識之士,安肯滯于所習,以求貧賤者哉? 此所以儒罕通人,學多鄙俗者也。 昔齊列康莊之第,多士如林,燕起碣石之宮,群英自遠。 是知俗易風移,必由上之所好,非夫聖明禦世,亦無以振斯頹俗矣。 自正朔不一,將三百年,師說紛綸,無所取正。 高祖膺期纂曆,平一寰宇,頓天網以掩之,賁旌帛以禮之,設好爵以縻之,於是四海九州強學待問之士,靡不畢集焉。 天子乃整萬乘,率百僚,遵問道之儀,觀釋奠之禮。 博士罄懸河之辯,侍中竭重席之奧,考正亡逸,研核異同,積滯群疑,渙然冰釋。 於是超擢奇秀,厚賞諸儒,京邑達乎四方,皆啟黌校。 齊、魯、趙、魏,學者尤多,負笈追師,不遠千里,講誦之聲,道路不絕。 中州儒雅之盛,自漢、魏以來,一時而已。 及高祖暮年,精華稍竭,不悅儒術,專尚刑名,執政之徒,咸非篤好。 既仁壽間,遂廢天下之學,唯存國子一所,弟子七十二人。 煬帝即位,復開庠序,國子郡縣之學,盛於開皇之初。 徵辟儒生,遠近畢至,使相與講論得失於東都之下,納言定其差次,一以聞奏焉。 于時舊儒多已凋亡,二劉拔萃出類,學通南北,博極今古,後生鑽仰,莫之能測。 所制諸經義疏,搢紳咸師宗之。 既而外事四夷,戎馬不息,師徒怠散,盜賊群起,禮義不足以防君子,刑罰不足以威小人,空有建學之名,而無弘道之實。 其風漸墜,以至滅亡,方領矩步之徒,亦多轉死溝壑。 凡有經籍,自此皆湮沒於煨塵矣。 遂使後進之士不復聞《詩》、《書》之言,皆懷攘奪之心,相與陷於不義。 《傳》曰:「學者將植,不學者將落。」 然則盛衰是系,興亡攸在,有國有家者可不慎歟! 諸儒有身沒道存,遺風可想,皆采其餘論,綴之於此篇雲。 元善元善,河南洛陽人也。 祖叉,魏侍中。 父羅,初為梁州刺史,及叉被誅,奔于梁,官至征北大將軍、青冀二州刺史。 善少隨父至江南,性好學,遂通涉五經,尤明《左氏傳》。 及侯景之亂,善歸於周。 武帝甚禮之,以為太子宮尹,賜爵江陽縣公。 每執經以授太子。 開皇初,拜內史侍郎,上每望之曰:「人倫儀錶也。」 凡有敷奏,詞氣抑揚,觀者屬目。 陳使袁雅來聘,上令善就館受書,雅出門不拜。 善論舊事有拜之儀,雅不能對,遂拜,成禮而去。 後遷國子祭酒。 上嘗親臨釋奠,命善講《孝經》。 於是敷陳義理,兼之以諷諫。 上大悅曰:「聞江陽之說,更起朕心。」 賚絹百匹,衣一襲。 善之通博,在何妥之下,然以風流醖藉,俯仰可觀,音韻清朗,聽者忘倦,由是為後進所歸。 妥每懷不平,心欲屈善。 因善講《春秋》,初發題,諸儒畢集。 善私謂妥曰:「名望已定,幸無相苦。」 妥然之。 及就講肆,妥遂引古今滯義以難,善多不能對。 善深銜之,二人由是有隙。 善以高熲有宰相之具,嘗言於上曰:「楊素粗疏,蘇威怯芃,元胄、元旻,正似鴨耳。 可以付社稷者,唯獨高熲。」 上初然之,及熲得罪,上以善之言為熲遊說,深責望之。 善憂懼,先患消渴,於是疾動而卒,時年六十。 辛彥之辛彥之,隴西狄道人也。 祖世敘,魏涼州刺史。 父靈輔,周滑州刺史。 彥之九歲而孤,不交非類,博涉經史,與天水牛弘同志好學。 後入關,遂家京兆。 周太祖見而器之,引為中外府禮曹,賜以衣馬珠玉。 時國家草創,百度伊始,朝貴多出武人,修定儀注,唯彥之而已。 尋拜中書侍郎。 及周閔帝受禪,彥之與少宗伯盧辯專掌儀制。 明、武時,曆職典祀,太祝、樂部、禦正四曹大夫,開府儀同三司。 奉使迎突厥皇后還,賚馬二百匹,賜爵龍門縣公,邑千戶。 尋進爵五原郡公,加邑千戶。 宣帝即位,拜少宗伯。 高祖受禪,除太常少卿,改封任城郡公,進位上開府。 尋轉國子祭酒。 歲餘,拜禮部尚書,與秘書監牛弘撰《新禮》。 吳興沈重名為碩學,高祖嘗令彥之與重論議,重不能抗,於是避席而謝曰:「辛君所謂金城湯池,無可攻之勢。」 高祖大悅。 後拜隨州刺史。 于時州牧多貢珍玩,唯彥之所貢,並供祭之物。 高祖善之,顧謂朝臣曰:「人安得無學! 彥之所貢,稽古之力也。」 遷潞州刺史,前後俱有惠政。 彥之又崇信佛道,於城內立浮圖二所,並十五層。 開皇十一年,州人張元暴死,數日乃蘇,雲遊天上,見新構一堂,制極崇麗。 元問其故,人云潞州刺史辛彥之有功德,造此堂以待之。 彥之聞而不悅。 其年卒官。 諡曰宣。 彥之撰《墳典》一部,《六官》一部,《祝文》一部,《新要》一部,《新禮》一部,《五經異義》一部,並行於世。 有子仲龕,官至猗氏令。 何妥蕭該包愷何妥,字棲鳳,西城人也。 父細胡,通商入蜀,遂家郫縣,事梁武陵王妃,主知金帛,因致巨富,號為西州大賈。 妥少機警,八歲游國子學,助教顧良戲之曰:「汝既姓何,是荷葉之荷,為是河水之河?」 應聲答曰:「先生姓顧,是眷顧之顧,是新故之故?」 眾咸異之。 十七,以技巧事湘東王,後知其聰明,召為誦書左右。 時蘭陵蕭該亦有俊才,住青楊巷,妥住白楊頭,時人為之語曰:「世有兩俊,白楊何妥,青楊蕭該。」 其見美如此。 江陵陷,周武帝尤重之,授太學博士。 宣帝初欲立五後,以問儒者辛彥之,對曰:「後與天子匹體齊尊,不宜有五。」 妥駁曰:「帝嚳四妃,舜又二妃,亦何常數?」 由是封襄城縣伯。 高祖受禪,除國子博士,加通直散騎常侍,進爵為公。 妥性勁急,有口才,好是非人物。 時納言蘇威嘗言於上曰:「臣先人每誡臣雲,唯讀《孝經》一卷,足可立身治國,何用多為!」 上亦然之。 妥進曰:「蘇威所學,非止《孝經》。 厥父若信有此言,威不從訓,是其不孝。 若無此言,面欺陛下,是其不誠。 不誠不孝,何以事君! 且夫子有云:'不讀《詩》無以言,不讀《禮》無以立。 '豈容蘇綽教子獨反聖人之訓乎?」 威時兼領五職,上甚親重之,妥因奏威不可信任。 又以掌天文律度,皆不稱職,妥又上八事以諫:
Confucian Scholars. The teaching of the Confucian school is vast in scope, and the good it does for the world is far-reaching. It strengthens the bond between father and son, sets ruler and minister in their proper roles, exalts loyalty and integrity, upholds benevolence and righteousness, honors integrity and modesty, and disdains greed and vulgarity. It opens the wellsprings of government and moral transformation and awakens the eyes and ears of the common people; through generations of kings who added to or trimmed away its doctrines, one unbroken thread runs throughout. Though fortunes of the age may wax and wane, this literary tradition does not perish; ordering the realm and achieving good government is never the achievement of a single age alone. Those who enter its stream grow wealthy though they hold no stipend; those who cherish its Way stand honored though they hold no rank. Thus Confucius met setbacks under the ruler of Lu, Mencius was alternately restrained and promoted under the queen mother of Qi, Xun Qing was prized in powerful Chu, and Gongsun Hong won honor in the flourishing Han. As for the countless others who lived in a bare room yet looked down on wealth and rank, or were content in humble lanes yet held kings and dukes lightly—who could number them all? After the Jin dynasty fell apart, the Central Plains were lost to chaos, the Five Barbarian peoples fought one another in succession, and the canonical texts and the Way they embodied were all but destroyed. The Wei rose from Dai in the north and secured the territory north of the Yellow River; having won the realm on horseback, they had not yet spread this teaching widely. From the Taihe era onward the court lavishly promoted literary and moral education; eminent scholars and great learning thronged the halls, and leading Confucians in scholar's robes rose to distinction again and again. In elegant exposition and profound doctrine, even Song, Qi, and Liang could not match them. North and south each had its own commentarial traditions and favored schools of interpretation, and these differed markedly from one another. South of the Yangzi, the Book of Changes followed Wang Bi, the Documents Kong Anguo, and the Zuo Commentary Du Yu. In the Yellow River and Luo heartland the Zuo Commentary followed Fu Qian, while the Documents and Book of Changes followed Zheng Xuan. For the Odes both regions took Master Mao as authority; for the Rites both alike followed the Zheng school. Broadly speaking, southerners were concise and grasped the essential brilliance, while northern scholarship was deep but overgrown and pursued every branch and leaf of the text. When one weighs their beginnings and ends and grasps what they converged upon, in establishing themselves and winning renown they arrived at the same goal by different routes. From Han and Wei times onward, leading scholars were for the most part lucid and penetrating; in more recent ages, great Confucians have tended toward coarseness and vulgarity. Whether civil and military culture endures depends on whether people carry it forward—can it be that only the present age is benighted while all past ages were wise? The matter rests solely on whether they are employed or neglected, known or ignored. Yet in former times those who aided the ruler in governing always promoted men of virtue from among great Confucians, whereas in recent times those who guide the state all recruit their officials from the ranks of clerks and scribes. Even when learning reached the highest mastery, diligence exceeded the student who pricked his thigh to stay awake, fame spread throughout the realm, and one placed first in the examinations—if fate and timing did not align, there was still no prospect of high office; and when several commanders fell from favor, one was inevitably abandoned to obscurity in the wilds. Thus scholars of old found stipend within their learning itself; scholars of today are trapped in poverty and low station. How could the clear-sighted and men of purpose willingly remain fixed in their studies only to court poverty and obscurity? This is why Confucians rarely produce truly accomplished scholars, and learning has grown coarse and vulgar. Formerly Qi lined mansions along the broad avenue and men of talent gathered thick as a forest; Yan raised the Jieshi palace and worthy men came of their own accord from far away. From this one knows that customs change only according to what those above favor; unless a sage and enlightened ruler governs the age, there is no reviving a culture in such decline. For nearly three hundred years after the realm's calendars and regnal titles ceased to be unified, competing schools of interpretation proliferated with no authoritative standard to follow. Emperor Gaozu received Heaven's mandate and took up the imperial calendar, unified the realm, cast the wide net of rule over all, honored scholars with patterned silks and ritual gifts, and offered fine offices to hold them—whereupon eager students and questioners from every corner of the empire gathered without exception. The Son of Heaven then arrayed his imperial train, led the hundred officials, performed the rites of inquiring into the Way, and observed the libation sacrifice to Confucius. Erudites poured forth eloquence like a river in flood; palace attendants plumbed the deepest teachings of the layered mat lectures; lost texts were collated and discrepancies weighed, until long-standing doubts melted away like ice in spring. Thereupon he promoted exceptional talent, richly rewarded the Confucians, and from the capital to the four quarters schoolhouses were opened everywhere. In Qi, Lu, Zhao, and Wei scholars were especially numerous; carrying book-boxes they followed teachers for a thousand li without hesitation, and the sound of lecture and recitation never ceased along the roads. The flowering of Confucian culture in the Central Provinces had not been seen in such fullness since Han and Wei times—yet it lasted only a moment. When Gaozu reached his later years his vigor waned; he lost interest in Confucian learning and favored penal law instead, and none among those who held power were sincere patrons of scholarship. During the Renshou era he abolished schools throughout the realm, retaining only the Imperial University with seventy-two students. When Emperor Yang took the throne he reopened the schools, and the Imperial University together with commandery and county schools flourished as they had at the start of the Kaihuang era. He summoned Confucian scholars from near and far, had them debate the merits and flaws of competing interpretations below the Eastern Capital, and the Director of the Palace Secretariat ranked their conclusions and reported them all to the throne. By then most of the older Confucians had died off; the two Liu scholars stood head and shoulders above the rest, mastering learning from both north and south and ranging across all antiquity and their own age—later students studied under them in awe, and none could match their depth. The exegetical commentaries they composed on the classics were adopted as authoritative by the entire scholarly elite. Then foreign campaigns against the four quarters never ceased; teachers and students drifted apart; bandits rose everywhere; ritual and righteousness could no longer restrain the worthy, nor punishments awe the base—there remained only the name of founding schools, without the reality of spreading the Way. The tradition gradually collapsed until the dynasty itself perished, and many of those scholars in square collars who walked by measured steps likewise died in ditches and gullies. From that time forward the canonical texts were all buried and lost in ashes and dust. Thus the younger generation no longer heard the words of the Odes and Documents; all harbored hearts bent on seizure and plunder, and together they fell into unrighteousness. The Commentary says: "Those who study will rise; those who do not study will fall." Thus prosperity and decline hang upon it, and rise and fall depend upon it—how can rulers of states and clans fail to be cautious! Among the Confucians were men whose bodies perished but whose teaching endured, whose lingering influence can still be imagined—their remaining writings are gathered and appended in this chapter. Yuan Shan was a native of Luoyang in Henan commandery. His grandfather Cha served as Attendant-in-Ordinary under the Wei. His father Luo was initially governor of Liang province; when Cha was executed he fled to the Liang court and rose to general who pacifies the north and governor of Qing and Ji provinces. In youth Shan followed his father south of the Yangzi; he loved learning by nature, mastered the Five Classics, and was especially expert in the Zuo Commentary. When the rebellion of Hou Jing broke out, Shan went over to Northern Zhou. Emperor Wu treated him with great respect, appointed him tutor in the heir apparent's palace, and enfeoffed him as Duke of Jiangyang. He regularly lectured on the classics for the crown prince. At the beginning of the Kaihuang era he was appointed vice director of the Imperial Secretariat; whenever the emperor saw him he would say, "The very model of human conduct." Whenever he presented memorials to the throne, his cadence rose and fell with such grace that all eyes in the hall were drawn to him. When the Chen envoy Yuan Ya came on a diplomatic mission, the emperor ordered Shan to receive his credentials at the guest lodge; Ya left the door without performing a bow. Shan argued that precedent required a bow on such occasions; Ya could not answer, performed the bow, completed the ceremony, and departed. He was later appointed chancellor of the Imperial University. The emperor once attended the libation sacrifice in person and ordered Shan to lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety. He thereupon expounded the text's principles and wove in indirect admonition of the throne. The emperor was greatly pleased and said, "Hearing the Duke of Jiangyang's lecture has stirred my heart anew." He rewarded him with a hundred bolts of silk and a suit of robes. Shan's erudition ranked below He Tuo's, yet his bearing was elegant and refined, his gestures pleasing to watch, and his voice so clear that listeners forgot fatigue—thus later students flocked to him. Tuo always nursed resentment and wished to humble Shan. When Shan was to lecture on the Spring and Autumn Annals and first announced his theme, all the Confucian scholars gathered. Shan privately said to Tuo, "My reputation is already established—please do not make things difficult for me." Tuo agreed. When they entered the lecture hall, Tuo cited knotty points of interpretation from antiquity and the present to challenge him, and Shan often could not answer. Shan deeply resented this, and from that time the two men were at odds. Shan believed Gao Jiong had the makings of a chief minister and once told the emperor, "Yang Su is crude and careless, Su Wei timid and irresolute, and Yuan Zhou and Yuan Min are no better than ducks. Only Gao Jiong can be entrusted with the altars of state." The emperor at first agreed; when Jiong fell from favor the emperor took Shan's words as lobbying on Jiong's behalf and blamed him severely. Shan grew anxious and afraid; he had long suffered from diabetes, his illness suddenly worsened, and he died at the age of sixty. Xin Yanzhi was a native of Didao in Longxi commandery. His grandfather Shixu was governor of Liang province under the Wei. His father Lingfu was governor of Hua province under Northern Zhou. Yanzhi was orphaned at nine; he kept company only with worthy men, mastered the classics and histories, and shared a passion for learning with Niu Hong of Tianshui. Later he entered the Guanzhong region and settled his household in the capital district. Emperor Taizu of Zhou recognized his talent, appointed him to the rites office of the central administration, and rewarded him with robes, horses, pearls, and jade. The state was newly founded and every institution was being established from scratch; most court nobles were military men, and Yanzhi alone was charged with revising ritual regulations. He was soon appointed vice director of the Secretariat. When Emperor Min of Zhou accepted the abdication, Yanzhi and the vice director of the imperial clan Lu Bian were put solely in charge of ritual institutions. Under Emperors Ming and Wu he held successive posts overseeing sacrifices—grand invocator, director of music, director of the four offices of imperial rectitude—and rose to grand master with golden seal and privileges equal to a three-ducal minister. On a mission to escort the Türk empress back he was rewarded with two hundred horses and enfeoffed as Duke of Longmen with a fief of one thousand households. He was soon promoted to duke of Wuyuan commandery with an additional thousand households added to his fief. When Emperor Xuan took the throne he was appointed vice director of the imperial clan. When Gaozu accepted the abdication he was appointed vice minister of imperial sacrifices, re-enfeoffed as duke of Rencheng commandery, and promoted to upper purse-opening office. He was soon transferred to chancellor of the Imperial University. After more than a year he was appointed minister of rites and, together with Niu Hong, director of the imperial library, compiled the New Rites. Shen Chong of Wuxing was famed as a leading scholar; Gaozu once had Yanzhi debate him, and Chong could not hold his ground—he rose from his seat and said, "Master Xin is a golden rampart and boiling moat; there is no point of attack." Gaozu was greatly pleased. He was later appointed governor of Sui province. At that time most provincial governors sent rare curios as tribute; Yanzhi alone sent only items for ritual sacrifice. Gaozu approved and, turning to the court, said, "How can a man do without learning! What Yanzhi presents is the fruit of studying antiquity." He was transferred to governor of Lu province, and in both posts governed with benevolence. Yanzhi also devoutly practiced Buddhism and built two fifteen-story pagodas within the city. In the eleventh year of Kaihuang a local man named Zhang Yuan died suddenly; after several days he revived and said he had wandered in Heaven and seen a newly built hall of surpassing splendor. Yuan asked the reason and was told that Xin Yanzhi, governor of Lu province, had accumulated merit and that the hall had been built to await him. When Yanzhi heard this he was displeased. That same year he died in office. He was posthumously named Xuan. Yanzhi authored six works—the *Fendian*, *Liuguan*, *Zhuwen*, *Xinyao*, *Xinli*, and *Wujing Yiyi*—all of which circulated widely. He had a son named Zhongkan, who rose to become magistrate of Yishi county. [He Tuo. Xiao Gai. Bao Kai.] He Tuo, courtesy name Qifeng, was a native of Xicheng. His father Xihu was a merchant who traveled into Shu and settled in Pixian county. He served the consort of Liang's Prince of Wuling, managed gold and silk accounts, amassed a vast fortune, and was known as the great merchant of the west. Tuo was sharp and clever from childhood. At eight he entered the Imperial Academy, where Assistant Instructor Gu Liang teased him: "Your surname is He—is that the he of lotus leaf, or the he of river water? Tuo replied without hesitation: "Sir, your surname is Gu—is that the gu of 'to look upon fondly,' or the gu of 'old and new'?" Everyone present was astonished. At seventeen he entered the service of the Prince of Xiangdong through his talents; when the prince recognized his intelligence, he was made a recitation attendant at the prince's side. Xiao Gai of Lanling was also a man of outstanding talent; he lived on Qingyang Lane while Tuo lived at Baiyangtou, and people said: "The age boasts two brilliant minds—He Tuo of Baiyangtou, Xiao Gai of Qingyang Lane. Such was the esteem in which he was held. After the fall of Jiangling, Emperor Wu of Zhou held him in special regard and appointed him Erudite of the Grand Academy. Early in Emperor Xuan's reign, when he proposed establishing five empresses, he consulted the Confucian scholar Xin Yanzhi, who answered: "An empress shares the Son of Heaven's dignity as his equal in rank—it is not fitting to have five. Tuo objected: "Emperor Ku had four consorts, and Shun had two—what fixed number is there?" For this he was enfeoffed as Baron of Xiangcheng county. When Gaozu accepted the throne, Tuo was appointed Erudite of the National University, made Tongzhi Attendant-in-Ordinary of the Sanqi Section, and promoted to duke. Tuo was stern and quick-tempered by nature, eloquent of tongue, and fond of finding fault with others. At the time Palace Aide Su Wei once told the emperor: "My forebear often warned me that a single volume of the *Classic of Filial Piety* is enough to conduct oneself and govern the realm—what need for more? The emperor agreed. Tuo spoke up: "Su Wei's learning extends far beyond the *Classic of Filial Piety*. If his father truly spoke thus and Wei failed to follow that teaching, he is unfilial. If no such words were ever spoken, then telling Your Majesty so to his face is deceit. Neither sincere nor filial—how can such a man serve his sovereign! Moreover the Master said: "Without studying the *Odes*, one has nothing to say; without studying the *Rites*, one has no firm footing." Can Su Chuo alone, in instructing his son, presume to contradict the sage's teaching? Su Wei at the time held five concurrent posts, and the emperor held him in close regard; Tuo thereupon submitted a memorial declaring Wei unworthy of trust. He also charged that Wei, though charged with astronomy and the regulation of pitch, was incompetent in both, and submitted an eight-point memorial of remonstrance:
2
其一事曰:臣聞知人則哲,惟帝難之。 孔子曰:「舉直錯諸枉則民服,舉枉錯諸直則民不服。」 由此言之,政之治亂,必慎所舉,故進賢受上賞,蔽賢蒙顯戮。 察今之舉人,良異於此,無論諂直,莫擇賢愚。 心欲崇高,則起家喉舌之任; 意須抑屈,必白首郎署之官。 人之不服,實由於此。 臣聞爵人於朝,與士共之,刑人於市,與眾棄之。 伏見留心獄訟,愛人如子,每應決獄,無不詢訪群公,刑之不濫,君之明也。 刑既如此,爵亦宜然。 若有懋功簡在帝心者,便可擢用。 自斯以降,若選重官,必須參以眾議,勿信一人之舉; 則上不偏私,下無怨望。
The first point reads: I have heard that to know men is wisdom, yet this is what the emperor alone finds difficult. Confucius said: "Promote the upright and set them above the crooked, and the people will be compliant; promote the crooked and set them above the upright, and the people will not comply. From this it follows that whether government is well or ill ordered depends entirely on whom one appoints; thus those who advance the worthy earn the highest reward, while those who conceal talent face conspicuous punishment. Today, however, the practice of promotion differs sharply: no distinction is made between flatterers and upright men, worthy talent and mediocrity. If one aspires to rise quickly, one starts out in a spokesman's post; if one must be held down, one ends a white-haired clerk in some minor bureau. The people's resentment stems precisely from this. I have heard that conferring rank is done at court, shared with the nobility, while inflicting punishment is done in the marketplace, abandoned to public contempt. I observe that Your Majesty attends carefully to the courts, loving the people as a father loves his children; before rendering judgment you always consult your ministers, and punishment is never meted out arbitrarily—this is the mark of a wise sovereign. If punishment is handled thus, the conferring of rank should follow the same principle. When someone of outstanding merit has already won Your Majesty's notice, he may be promoted directly. For all lesser appointments, important posts must be filled only after consultation with many voices—never on the recommendation of a single individual; Then there will be no favoritism above and no resentment below.
3
其二事曰:孔子云:「是察阿黨,則罪無掩蔽。」 又曰:「君子周而不比,小人比而不周。」 所謂比者,即阿黨也。 謂心之所愛,既已光華榮顯,猶加提挈; 心之所惡,既已沈滯屈辱,薄言必怒。 提挈既成,必相掩蔽,則欺上之心生矣; 屈辱既加,則有怨恨,謗讟之言出矣。 伏願廣加逖訪,勿使朋黨路開,威恩自任。 有國之患,莫大於此。
The second point reads: Confucius said: "If one scrutinizes factions and cliques, then wrongdoing cannot be hidden. He also said: "The gentleman is inclusive without forming cliques; the petty man forms cliques without being truly inclusive." What is meant by forming factions is precisely this cliquish behavior. Those whom one favors, though already glittering in rank and honor, are promoted still further; while those one despises, though already sunk in obscurity and humiliation, are provoked to anger at the slightest remark. Once such favoritism takes hold, mutual concealment follows, and the will to deceive one's superiors emerges; once humiliation is piled on, resentment grows and slander spreads. I pray that Your Majesty will cast a wide net in inquiry and not let the path of faction remain open, with power and favor exercised at one's own discretion. For a state, there is no affliction greater than this.
4
其三事曰:臣聞舜舉十六族,所謂八元、八愷也。 計其賢明,理優今日,猶復擇才授任,不相侵濫,故得四門雍穆,庶績咸熙。 今官員極多,用人甚少,有一人身上乃兼數職,為是國無人也? 為是人不善也? 今萬乘大國,髦彥不少,縱有明哲,無由自達。 東方朔言曰:「尊之則為將,卑之則為虜。」 斯言信矣。 今當官之人,不度德量力,既無呂望、傅說之能,自負傅岩、滋水之氣,不慮憂深責重,唯畏總領不多,安斯寵任,輕彼權軸,好致顛蹶,實此之由。 《易》曰:「鼎折足,覆公餗,其形渥,凶。」 言不勝其任也。 臣聞窮力舉重,不能為用。 伏願更任賢良,分才參掌,使各行有餘力,則庶事康哉。
The third point reads: I have heard that Shun elevated sixteen clans—the so-called Eight Worthies and Eight Good Men. Even though their worth exceeded anything we know today, Shun still selected the best talent for each post without overlapping appointments—and so the four quarters lived in harmony and every task flourished. Today there are vast numbers of official posts but very few men appointed to them; one person often holds several concurrent posts—is it because the state lacks talent? Or because the men appointed are simply not up to the work? In a great realm of ten thousand chariots, outstanding men are hardly scarce; yet even the wise and perceptive have no path to advance on their own. Dongfang Shuo said: "Treat a man with honor and he becomes a general; treat him with contempt and he becomes a captive. How true those words are. Today's officeholders do not measure their own virtue and capacity; lacking the ability of Lü Wang or Fu Yue, they nevertheless assume the destiny of men discovered at Fu Yan or Zishui. They give no thought to the weight of responsibility that comes with high office, worrying only that their portfolio is not large enough. Content with such favor, they treat the levers of power lightly—and disaster follows. This is the root cause. The *Book of Changes* says: "The cauldron's legs snap, spilling the lord's feast; its form is disgraced—this is misfortune. This means being unequal to one's duties. I have heard that one who strains every muscle to lift a weight too heavy for him is fit for no task at all. I pray that Your Majesty will appoint worthy men afresh, divide responsibilities according to talent, and give each man room to spare in his duties—then all affairs would prosper.
5
其四事曰:臣聞《禮》云:「析言破律,亂名改作,執左道以亂政者殺。」 孔子曰:「仍舊貫,何必改作。」 伏見比年以來,改作者多矣。 至如範威漏刻,十載不成; 趙翊尺稱,七年方決。 公孫濟迂誕醫方,費逾巨萬; 徐道慶回互子午,糜耗飲食。 常明破律,多曆歲時; 王渥亂名,曾無紀極。 張山居未知星位,前已蹂藉太常; 曹魏祖不識北辰,今復轔轢太史。 莫不用其短見,便自誇毗,邀射名譽,厚相誣罔。 請今日已後,有如此者,若其言不驗,必加重罰,庶令有所畏忌,不敢輕奏狂簡。
The fourth point reads: I have heard the *Rites* declare: "Those who split hairs to break the law, disturb established names with reckless innovation, and practice heterodox ways to throw government into chaos—such men are to be put to death. Confucius said: "Keep to the old ways—why must everything be reinvented?" I observe that in recent years the innovators have grown numerous. Fan Wei's clepsydra took ten years and still was not finished; Zhao Yi's standard foot-measure and scale required seven years before a decision was reached. Gongsun Ji's obscure and far-fetched medical prescriptions cost more than ten thousand; Xu Daoqing's convoluted calendrical revisions wasted vast amounts of grain. Chang Ming's violations of statute dragged on for years; Wang Wo's reckless renaming knew no bounds. Zhang Shanju, ignorant of the stars, had already trampled the office of the Grand Master of Ceremonies; Cao Weizu, who could not even identify the North Star, now crushes the office of the Grand Astrologer as well. All employ their shallow insights, then boast and flatter, chase after renown, and grossly deceive one another. I ask that from this day forward, anyone who submits such proposals and fails to deliver on them face heavy punishment, so that men will fear to offer reckless and ill-considered memorials.
6
其餘文多不載。 時蘇威權兼數司,先嘗隱武功,故妥言自負傅岩、滋水之氣,以此激上。 書奏,威大銜之。 十二年,威定考文學,又與妥更相訶詆。 威勃然曰:「無何妥,不慮無博士!」 妥應聲曰:「無蘇威,亦何憂無執事!」 由是與威有隙。 其後上令妥考定鐘律,妥又上表曰:
The remainder of the memorial is omitted here for brevity. Su Wei at the time held authority across several departments; he had once concealed his origins in Wugong, and Tuo's allusion to Fu Yan and Zishui was meant to rouse the emperor's suspicions. When the memorial reached the throne, Su Wei harbored deep resentment. In the twelfth year, when Su Wei conducted the literary examination, he and Tuo traded insults once again. Su Wei flared up: "Without He Tuo, I hardly need worry about finding an erudite! Tuo shot back: "Without Su Wei, why worry about lacking someone to run affairs!" From that point he and Su Wei were at odds. Later the emperor ordered Tuo to examine and fix the bells and pitch pipes, and Tuo submitted another memorial:
7
臣聞明則有禮樂,幽則有鬼神,然則動天地,感鬼神,莫近于禮樂。 又云樂至則無怨,禮至則不爭,揖讓而治天下者,禮樂之謂也。 臣聞樂有二,一曰奸聲,二曰正聲。 夫奸聲感人而逆氣應之,逆氣成象而淫樂興焉。 正聲感人而順氣應之,順氣成象而和樂興焉。 故樂行而倫清,耳目聰明,血氣和平,移風易俗,天下皆寧。 孔子曰:「放鄭聲,遠佞人。」 故鄭、衛、宋、趙之聲出,內則發疾,外則傷人。 是以宮亂則荒,其君驕; 商亂則陂,其官壞; 角亂則憂,其人怨; 徵亂則哀,其事勤; 羽亂則危,其財匱。 五者皆亂,則國亡無日矣。 魏文侯問子夏曰:「吾端冕而聽古樂則欲寐,聽鄭、衛之音而不知倦,何也?」 子夏對曰:「夫古樂者,始奏以文,復亂以武,修身及家,平均天下。 鄭、衛之音者,奸聲以亂,溺而不止,颻雜子女,不知父子。 今君所問者樂也,所愛者音也。 夫樂與音,相近而不同,為人君者,謹審其好惡。」 案聖人之作樂也,非止苟悅耳目而已矣。 欲使在宗廟之內,君臣同聽之則莫不和敬; 在鄉里之內,長幼同聽之則莫不和順; 在閨門之內,父子同聽之則莫不和親。 此先王立樂之方也。 故知聲而不知音者,禽獸是也,知音而不知樂者,眾庶是也。 故黃鐘大呂,弦歌干戚,僮子皆能儛之。 能知樂者,其唯君子! 不知聲者,不可與言音,不知音者,不可與言樂,知樂則幾於道矣。 紂為無道,太師抱樂器以奔周。 晉君德薄,師曠固惜清徵。
I have heard that where civilization shines, rites and music flourish; in the hidden depths dwell spirits and ghosts—and nothing moves Heaven and earth or touches the spirit world more powerfully than rites and music. It is also said that when music is perfected, resentment fades; when rites are perfected, contention ceases. To govern the realm through courtesy and deference—that is the power of rites and music. I have heard that music divides into two kinds: licentious sounds and correct sounds. Licentious sounds move the human heart and perverse vital forces respond; those forces take form and decadent music rises from them. Correct sounds move the human heart and harmonious vital forces respond; those forces take form and proper music rises from them. When proper music prevails, human relations are clarified, the senses grow keen, the body's vital forces find balance, customs improve, and all under Heaven lives in peace. Confucius said: "Banish the music of Zheng and keep flatterers at a distance. When the music of Zheng, Wei, Song, and Zhao spreads, it breeds illness within and harm without. When the gong mode falls into disorder, the realm grows wasteful and the ruler arrogant; when the shang mode falls into disorder, government grows corrupt and offices collapse; when the jue mode falls into disorder, grief spreads and the people grow resentful; when the zhi mode falls into disorder, mourning prevails and affairs grow burdensome; when the yu mode falls into disorder, danger mounts and coffers run dry. When all five modes fall into disorder together, the state's downfall is imminent. Marquis Wen of Wei asked Zixia: "When I attend in full ceremonial dress to ancient music, I grow drowsy; when I listen to the music of Zheng and Wei, I never grow tired—why? Zixia answered: "Ancient music opens with civil refinement and closes with martial vigor—it cultivates the self, extends to the family, and brings balance to the realm. The music of Zheng and Wei is licentious sound bred for chaos—an intoxication that never ends, tangling men and women together until father and son are scarcely distinguishable. What you ask about is music, my lord—but what you love is mere sound. Music and mere sound are close kin yet not the same; a ruler must carefully discern what he favors and what he rejects." Consider how the sages made music: it was never meant merely to tickle the ears and eyes. They meant that in the ancestral temple, when ruler and ministers heard it together, all would be bound in mutual reverence; in the village, when old and young heard it together, all would live in easy harmony; within the household, when father and son heard it together, affection would bind them as one. Such was the way the ancient kings established music. Those who perceive sound but not musical tone are no better than beasts; those who grasp tone but not music are the common crowd. Even children can dance to the yellow bell and great lü, to string songs and shield-and-axe dances. Only the gentleman truly understands music! Speak of tone to one who knows no sound and you waste your breath; speak of music to one who knows no tone and you waste your breath—but to know music is to stand near the Way itself. When King Zhou abandoned the Way, the Grand Music Master fled to the Zhou court with the ritual instruments in his arms. The Duke of Jin's virtue ran thin, and Music Master Kuang steadfastly refused to release the pure zhi mode.
8
上古之時,未有音樂,鼓腹擊壤,樂在其間。 《易》曰:「先王作樂崇德,殷薦之上帝,以配祖考。」 至於黃帝作《咸池》,顓頊作《六莖》,帝嚳作《五英》,堯作《大章》,舜作《大韶》,禹作《大夏》,湯作《大濩》,武王作《大武》,從夏以來,年代久遠,唯有名字,其聲不可得聞。 自殷至周,備於《詩》《頌》。 故自聖賢已下,多習樂者,至如伏羲減瑟,文王足琴,仲尼擊磬,子路鼓瑟,漢高擊築,元帝吹簫。 漢高祖之初,叔孫通因秦樂人制宗廟之樂。 迎神於廟門,奏《嘉至》之樂,猶古降神之樂也。 皇帝入廟門,奏《永至》之樂,以為行步之節,猶古《采薺》、《肆夏》也。 乾豆上薦,奏《登歌》之樂,猶古清廟之歌也。 《登歌》再終,奏《休成》之樂,美神饗也。 皇帝就東廂坐定,奏《永安》之樂,美禮成也。 其《休成》、《永至》二曲,叔孫通所制也。 漢高祖廟奏《武德》、《文始》、《五行》之儛,當春秋時,陳公子完奔齊,陳是舜後,故齊有《韶》樂,孔子在齊聞《韶》,三月不知肉味是也。 秦始皇滅齊,得齊《韶》樂。 漢高祖滅秦,《韶》傳于漢,高祖改名《文始》,以示不相襲也。 《五行儛》者,本周《大武》樂也,始皇改曰《五行》。 及于孝文,復作四時之儛,以示天下安和,四時順也。 孝景采《武德儛》以為《昭德》,孝宣又采《昭德》以為《盛德》,雖變其名,大抵皆因秦舊事。 至於魏、晉,皆用古樂。 魏之三祖,並制樂辭。 自永嘉播越,五都傾蕩,樂聲南度,是以大備江東。 宋、齊已來,至於梁代,所行樂事,猶皆傳古,三雍四始,實稱大盛。 及侯景篡逆,樂師分散,其四儛、三調,悉度偽齊。 齊氏雖知傳受,得曲而不用之於宗廟朝廷也。 臣少好音律,留意管弦,年雖耆老,頗皆記憶。 及東土克定,樂人悉返,訪其逗遛,果雲是梁人所教。 今三調、四儛並皆有手,雖不能精熟,亦頗具雅聲。 若令教習傳授,庶得流傳古樂。 然後取其會歸,撮其指要,因循損益,更制嘉名。 歌盛德於當今,傳雅正于來葉,豈不美與! 謹具錄三調、四舞曲名,又制歌辭如別。 其有聲曲流宕,不可以陳於殿庭者,亦悉附之於後。
In earliest times there was no formal music at all—people simply patted full bellies and beat the earth, and happiness lived in that. The Book of Changes says: "The ancient kings made music to magnify virtue, and in the fullness of their rites offered it to the Supreme Lord to honor their ancestors. The Yellow Emperor composed "Xianchi," Zhuanxu "Liujing," Emperor Ku "Wuying," Yao "Dazhang," Shun "Dashao," Yu "Daxia," Tang "Dahu," and King Wu "Dawu"—but from Xia onward the ages have grown so distant that only the titles survive; their music can no longer be heard. From the Yin through the Zhou, music was fully preserved in the Odes and Hymns. From sages and worthies downward, many mastered music: Fuxi reduced the se's strings, King Wen added strings to the qin, Confucius struck the chime-stones, Zilu played the se, Gaozu of Han beat the zhu, and Emperor Yuan played the xiao. In the early years of Emperor Gaozu of Han, Shusun Tong drew on Qin court musicians to compose the ancestral temple music. At the temple gate, to welcome the spirits, they played "Jiazhi"—the modern counterpart of the ancient music for the descent of the spirits. When the emperor entered the temple gate, they played "Yongzhi" to mark the pace of his steps—the counterpart of the ancient "Caixi" and "Sixia." When dried meats and beans were presented, they sang "Dengge"—the counterpart of the ancient hymn of the Pure Temple. After "Dengge" had been sung twice, they played "Xiucheng" to celebrate the spirits' acceptance of the offering. When the emperor took his seat in the east wing, they played "Yong'an" to celebrate the rite's completion. The two pieces "Xiucheng" and "Yongzhi" were Shusun Tong's own compositions. At Gaozu's temple they danced "Wude," "Wenshi," and "Wuxing." In Spring and Autumn times Prince Wan of Chen fled to Qi; as Chen was descended from Shun, Qi preserved the "Shao" music—when Confucius heard it in Qi and forgot the taste of meat for three months, it was this music he heard. When the First Emperor of Qin conquered Qi, he seized Qi's "Shao" music. When Gaozu overthrew Qin, "Shao" passed to Han; he renamed it "Wenshi" to show he was not merely inheriting the old order. The "Wuxing Dance" was originally Zhou's "Dawu" music; the First Emperor retitled it "Wuxing." Under Emperor Wen the dances of the four seasons were restored, proclaiming that the realm was at peace and the seasons ran true. Emperor Jing reworked the "Wude Dance" into "Zhaode," and Emperor Xuan reworked "Zhaode" into "Shengde"—the titles changed, but all essentially followed Qin precedent. Under Wei and Jin alike, the court still employed the ancient music. The three founding emperors of Wei all composed lyrics for court music. After the Yongjia upheaval overturned the five capitals, musical traditions fled south—and so the lands east of the Yangtze came to preserve them in full. From Song and Qi through the Liang, the music performed at court still transmitted the ancient rites—the Three Yong and Four Beginnings marked a true golden age. When Hou Jing rebelled, court musicians scattered, and the four dances and three modes all passed into the hands of the puppet Qi regime. The Qi court knew how to preserve and pass them on, yet though it possessed the pieces, it never performed them in the ancestral temple or at court. Your subject has loved music and pitch since youth and kept close watch over strings and pipes; though I am now old, I remember them fairly well. When the eastern lands were pacified, the musicians all returned; on inquiry it proved that they had indeed been taught by men of Liang. Today there are still masters of the three modes and four dances; though not perfectly skilled, they preserve much of the refined court sound. If they were taught and handed down, the ancient music might yet survive. Then, gathering their essential principles and distilling their core points, one could follow precedent while refining them and bestowing new worthy titles. To sing the present age's flourishing virtue and pass refined orthodoxy to later generations—what could be finer! I respectfully submit a full list of the three modes and four dances, with song texts composed separately as an appendix. Pieces whose melodies are too unrestrained for presentation in the imperial hall are also appended at the end.
9
書奏,別敕太常取妥節度。 於是作清、平、瑟三調聲,又作八佾、《鞞》、《鐸》、《巾》、《拂》四舞。 先是,太常所傳宗廟雅樂,數十年唯作大呂,廢黃鐘。 妥又以深乖古意,乃奏請用黃鐘。 詔下公卿議,從之。 俄而妥子蔚為秘書郎,有罪當刑,上哀之,減死論。 是後恩禮漸薄。 六年,出為龍州刺史。 時有負笈遊學者,妥皆為講說教授之。 為《刺史箴》,勒於州門外。 在職三年,以疾請還,詔許之。 復知學事。 時上方使蘇夔在太常,參議鐘律。 夔有所建議,朝士多從之,妥獨不同,每言夔之短。 高祖下其議,朝臣多排妥。 妥復上封事,指陳得失,大抵論時政損益,並指斥當世朋黨。 於是蘇威及吏部尚書盧愷、侍郎薛道衡等皆坐得罪。 除伊州刺史,不行,尋為國子祭酒。 卒官。 諡曰肅。 撰《周易講疏》十三卷,《孝經義疏》三卷,《莊子義疏》四卷,及與沈重等撰《三十六科鬼神感應等大義》九卷,《封禪書》一卷,《樂要》一卷,文集十卷,並行於世。
When the memorial was submitted, a separate edict ordered the Director of Ceremonial to follow Tuo's plan. Thereupon the three modes qing, ping, and se were established, together with the eight-row dance and the four dances Bian, Duo, Jin, and Fu. Previously, in the ancestral temple music preserved by the Director of Ceremonial, the court had for decades used only the great lü and abandoned the yellow bell. Tuo considered this a grave departure from ancient practice and memorialized requesting restoration of the yellow bell. An edict was sent down for deliberation among the high officials, and they assented. Soon afterward Tuo's son Wei, serving as a secretary, was guilty of a capital offense; the emperor took pity on him and commuted the death sentence. After that, imperial favor toward him gradually waned. In the sixth year he was posted out as prefect of Longzhou. When traveling scholars arrived with book bundles, Tuo lectured and taught them all. He wrote an "Admonition for a Prefect" and had it inscribed outside the prefectural gate. After three years in office he asked to return home on account of illness, and the emperor granted his request. He again took charge of academic affairs. At that time the emperor had Su Kui serve under the Director of Ceremonial to deliberate on bells and pitch standards. When Kui put forward proposals, most court officials sided with him; Tuo alone dissented and often criticized Kui's faults. Emperor Gaozu circulated Kui's proposal for debate, and most court officials turned against Tuo. Tuo again submitted a sealed memorial setting forth what should be kept and what discarded in current policy, and denouncing the factions of the day. Thereupon Su Wei, Minister of Personnel Lu Kai, Vice-Minister Xue Daoheng, and others were all punished on account of it. He was appointed prefect of Yizhou but declined to go; soon afterward he was made Director of the Imperial Academy. He died in office. He was posthumously titled Su ("Solemn"). He authored Commentaries on the Zhou Changes in thirteen scrolls, Exegesis of the Classic of Filial Piety in three scrolls, and Exegesis of the Zhuangzi in four scrolls; with Shen Chong and others he compiled Great Themes on Thirty-Six Categories of Spirit Manifestations in nine scrolls; one scroll each on the Feng and Shan sacrifices and on the essentials of music; and ten scrolls of collected writings—all of which circulated widely.
10
蘭陵蕭該者,梁鄱陽王恢之孫也。 少封攸侯。 梁荊州陷,與何妥同至長安。 性篤學,《詩》、《書》、《春秋》、《禮記》並通大義,尤精《漢書》,甚為貴遊所禮。 開皇初,賜爵山陰縣公,拜國子博士。 奉詔書與妥正定經史,然各執所見,遞相是非,久而不能就,上譴而罷之。 該後撰《漢書》及《文選》音義,咸為當時所貴。
Xiao Gai of Lanling was a grandson of Xiao Hui, Prince of Poyang of Liang. In youth he was enfeoffed as Marquis of You. When Liang's Jingzhou fell, he fled to Chang'an together with He Tuo. Deeply devoted to learning by nature, he grasped the broad meaning of the Odes, Documents, Spring and Autumn, and Record of Rites, and was especially expert in the Book of Han; the high nobility held him in great esteem. At the start of the Kaihuang reign he was granted the title Duke of Shanyin County and appointed an erudite of the Imperial Academy. By imperial order he and Tuo were charged with fixing the classics and histories, but each clung to his own views and contradicted the other; after long delay with no result, the emperor rebuked them and called the project off. Gai later compiled phonological glosses on the Book of Han and the Wen Xuan, both highly prized in his day.
11
東海包愷,字和樂。 其兄愉,明《五經》,愷悉傳其業。 又從王仲通受《史記》、《漢書》,尤稱精究。 大業中,為國子助教。 于時《漢書》學者,以蕭、包二人為宗匠。 聚徒教授,著錄者數千人,卒,門人為起墳立碣焉。 房暉遠房暉遠,字崇儒,恆山真定人也。 世傳儒學。 暉遠幼有志行,治《三禮》、《春秋三傳》、《詩》、《書》、《周易》,兼善圖緯,恆以教授為務。 遠方負笈而從者,動以千計。 齊南陽王綽為定州刺史,聞其名,召為博士。 周武帝平齊,搜訪儒俊,暉遠首應辟命,授小學下士。 及高祖受禪,遷太常博士。 太常卿牛弘每稱為五經庫。 吏部尚書韋世康薦之,為太學博士。 尋與沛公鄭譯修正樂章。 丁母憂,解任。 後數歲,授殄寇將軍,復為太常博士。 未幾,擢為國子博士。 會上令國子生通一經者,並悉薦舉,將擢用之。 既策問訖,博士不能時定臧否。 祭酒元善怪問之,暉遠曰:「江南、河北,義例不同,博士不能遍涉。 學生皆持其所短,稱己所長,博士各各自疑,所以久而不決也。」 祭酒因令暉遠考定之,暉遠覽筆便下,初無疑滯。 或有不服者,暉遠問其所傳義疏,輒為始末誦之,然後出其所短,自是無敢飾非者。 所試四五百人,數日便決,諸儒莫不推其通博,皆自以為不能測也。 尋奉詔預修令式。 高祖嘗謂群臣曰:「自古天子有女樂乎?」 楊素以下莫知所出,遂言無女樂。 暉遠進曰:「臣聞'窈窕淑女,鐘鼓樂之',此即王者房中之樂,著於《雅頌》,不得言無。」 高祖大悅。 仁壽中卒官,時年七十二,朝廷嗟惜焉,賵賻甚厚,贈員外散騎常侍。 馬光馬光,字榮伯,武安人也。 少好學,從師數十年,晝夜不息,圖書讖緯,莫不畢覽,尤明《三禮》,為儒者所宗。 開皇初,高祖征山東義學之士,光與張仲讓、孔籠、竇士榮、張黑奴、劉祖仁等俱至,並授太學博士,時人號為六儒。 然皆鄙野無儀範,朝廷不之貴也。 士榮尋病死。 仲讓未幾告歸鄉里,著書十卷,自雲此書若奏,我必為宰相。 又數言玄象事。 州縣列上其狀,竟坐誅。 孔籠、張黑奴、劉祖仁未幾亦被譴去。 唯光獨存。 嘗因釋奠,高祖親幸國子學,王公以下畢集。 光升座講禮,啟發章門。 已而諸儒生以次論難者十餘人,皆當時碩學,光剖析疑滯,雖辭非俊辨,而理義弘贍,論者莫測其淺深,咸共推服,上嘉而勞焉。 山東《三禮》學者,自熊安生後,唯宗光一人。 初,教授瀛、博間,門徒千數,至是多負笈從入長安。 後數年,丁母憂歸鄉里,遂有終焉之志。 以疾卒于家,時年七十三。 劉焯劉焯,字士元,信都昌亭人也。 父洽,郡功曹。 焯犀額龜背,望高視遠,聰敏沈深,弱不好弄。 少與河間劉炫結盟為友,同受《詩》于同郡劉軌思,受《左傳》于廣平郭懋常,問《禮》于阜城熊安生,皆不卒業而去。 武強交津橋劉智海家素多墳籍,焯與炫就之讀書,向經十載,雖衣食不繼,晏如也。 遂以儒學知名,為州博士。 刺史趙煚引為從事,舉秀才,射策甲科。 與著作郎王劭同修國史,兼參議律曆,仍直門下省,以待顧問。 俄除員外將軍。 後與諸儒于秘書省考定群言。 因假還鄉里,縣令韋之業引為功曹。 尋復入京,與左僕射楊素、吏部尚書牛弘、國子祭酒蘇威、國子祭酒元善、博士蕭該、何妥、太學博士房暉遠、崔宗德、晉王文學崔賾等於國子共論古今滯義前賢所不通者。 每升座,論難鋒起,皆不能屈,楊素等莫不服其精博。 六年,運洛陽《石經》至京師,文字磨滅,莫能知者,奉敕與劉炫等考定。 後因國子釋奠,與炫二人論義,深挫諸儒,咸懷妒恨,遂為飛章所謗,除名為民。 於是優遊鄉里,專以教授著述為務,孜孜不倦。 賈、馬、王、鄭所傳章句,多所是非。 《九章算術》、《周髀》、《七曜曆書》十餘部,推步日月之經,量度山海之術,莫不核其根本,窮其秘奧。 著《稽極》十卷,《曆書》十卷,《五經述議》,並行於世。 劉炫聰明博學,名亞於焯,故時人稱二劉焉。 天下名儒後進,質疑受業,不遠千里而至者,不可勝數。 論者以為數百年已來,博學通儒,無能出其右者。 然懷抱不曠,又嗇於財,不行束修者,未嘗有所教誨,時人以此少之。 廢太子勇聞而召之,未及進謁,詔令事蜀王,非其好也,久之不至。 王聞而大怒,遣人枷送於蜀,配之軍防。 其後典校書籍。 王以罪廢,焯又與諸儒修定禮律,除雲騎尉。 煬帝即位,遷太學博士,俄以疾去職。 數年,復被征以待顧問,因上所著《曆書》,與太史令張胄玄多不同,被駁不用。 大業六年卒,時年六十七。 劉炫為之請諡,朝廷不許。 劉炫劉炫,字光伯,河間景城人也。 少以聰敏見稱,與信都劉焯閉戶讀書,十年不出。 炫眸子精明,視日不眩,強記默識,莫與為儔。 左畫方,右畫圓,口誦,目數,耳聽,五事同舉,無有遺失。 周武帝平齊,瀛州刺史宇文亢引為戶曹從事。 後刺史李繪署禮曹從事,以吏幹知名。 歲餘,奉敕與著作郎王劭同修國史。 俄直門下省,以待顧問。 又與諸術者修天文律曆,兼于內史省考定群言,內史令博陵李德林甚禮之。 炫雖遍直三省,竟不得官,為縣司責其賦役。 炫自陳于內史,內史送詣吏部,吏部尚書韋世康問其所能。 炫自為狀曰:「《周禮》、《禮記》、《毛詩》、《尚書》、《公羊》、《左傳》、《孝經》、《論語》孔、鄭、王、何、服、杜等注,凡十三家,雖義有精粗,並堪講授。 《周易》、《儀禮》、《谷梁》,用功差少。 史子文集,嘉言美事,咸誦於心。 天文律曆,窮核微妙。 至於公私文翰,未嘗假手。」 吏部竟不詳試,然在朝知名之士十餘人,保明炫所陳不謬,於是除殿內將軍。
Bao Kai of Donghai, courtesy name Hele. His elder brother Yu was expert in the Five Classics, and Kai fully inherited his learning. He also studied the Records of the Grand Historian and the Book of Han under Wang Zhongtong, and was especially renowned for his thorough mastery. During the Daye reign he served as an assistant instructor at the Imperial Academy. At that time scholars of the Book of Han looked to Xiao and Bao as the leading masters of the field. He gathered disciples to teach, with registered students numbering in the thousands; when he died, his disciples raised his tomb and set up a stele. Fang Huiyuan. Fang Huiyuan, courtesy name Chongru, was a native of Zhending in Hengshan. Confucian learning had been handed down in his family for generations. From youth Huiyuan had strong moral resolve; he studied the Three Rites, the Three Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn, the Odes, Documents, and Zhou Changes, and was also versed in apocryphal cosmology—teaching was his lifelong calling. Students who came from afar with book bundles numbered in the thousands. When Chuo, Prince of Nanyang of Northern Qi, served as prefect of Dingzhou, he heard of Huiyuan's reputation and summoned him as an erudite. When Emperor Wu of Zhou conquered Qi and sought out Confucian talent, Huiyuan was the first to answer the summons and was appointed a lower gentleman of the Minor Learning. When Gaozu ascended the throne, Huiyuan was promoted to erudite under the Director of Ceremonial. Director of Ceremonial Niu Hong often called him a living treasury of the Five Classics. Minister of Personnel Wei Shikang recommended him, and he was appointed an erudite of the Imperial University. Soon afterward he joined Duke of Pei Zheng Yi in revising the ceremonial music. When his mother died, he resigned his office to observe mourning. Several years later he was appointed General for Punishing Bandits and again served as an erudite under the Director of Ceremonial. Before long he was promoted to erudite of the Imperial Academy. It happened that the emperor ordered all academy students who had mastered one classic to be recommended for selection and promotion. After the written examination was finished, the erudites could not promptly decide who had passed or failed. Director Yuan Shan found this strange and questioned him; Huiyuan said: "South of the Yangtze and north of the Yellow River follow different exegetical conventions, and the erudites cannot master them all. Each student seized on others' weaknesses and praised his own strengths; each erudite was left in doubt—hence the long delay in reaching a verdict. The Director then had Huiyuan assess and decide the cases; Huiyuan read through the papers and wrote his verdicts at once, without a moment's hesitation. When any student objected, Huiyuan asked which commentary tradition he followed and would recite it from beginning to end, then expose his errors—after which none dared conceal his faults. For four or five hundred candidates, the verdicts were settled within days; every scholar praised his breadth of learning, each admitting he could not fathom his depth. Soon afterward he received an imperial order to take part in compiling statutes and ordinances. Emperor Gaozu once asked his assembled ministers: "Since antiquity, have emperors ever kept female musicians? From Yang Su on down, no one knew how to reply, and they all said there were no female musicians. Huiyuan stepped forward and said: "Your servant has heard, 'The fair and modest maiden—bells and drums rejoice her'—this is the music a ruler keeps within his chambers, recorded in the Hymns and Eulogies; one cannot say there were none. Emperor Gaozu was greatly pleased. During the Renshou era he died in office at the age of seventy-two; the court mourned his loss, sent lavish funeral gifts, and posthumously invested him as Supernumerary Regular Attendant of the Cavalry. Ma Guang, styled Rongbo, was a native of Wu'an. From youth he loved learning; he studied under teachers for decades without rest day or night, and thoroughly read books, charts, and apocryphal texts; he was especially versed in the Three Rites and was revered by Confucian scholars. In the early Kaihuang era, Gaozu summoned righteous scholars from east of the mountains; Guang arrived together with Zhang Zhongrang, Kong Long, Dou Shirong, Zhang Heinu, Liu Zuren, and others, and they were all appointed erudites of the Imperial University—the age called them the Six Confucians. Yet they were all crude and uncouth, lacking proper bearing, and the court did not regard them highly. Shirong soon died of illness. Before long Zhongrang asked leave to return home, wrote a ten-scroll book, and declared that if it were submitted to the throne, he would surely become chief minister. He also repeatedly spoke of celestial omens and portents. The prefecture and county submitted reports on his conduct, and in the end he was executed for it. Before long Kong Long, Zhang Heinu, and Liu Zuren were also dismissed in disgrace. Only Guang remained. Once, at the Confucian sacrificial rite, Gaozu personally visited the Imperial Academy, and princes, dukes, and all ranks below them gathered. Guang ascended the lectern to expound ritual, opening passages and illuminating their meaning. Then more than ten Confucian students, all eminent scholars of the day, took turns debating with him; Guang resolved every doubt and difficulty. Though his speech was not brilliantly polished, his reasoning was broad and profound; none could plumb the full depth of his learning, and all deferred to him; the emperor praised and rewarded him. Among Three Rites scholars east of the mountains, after Xiong Ansheng only Guang was revered. At first he taught in the Ying and Bo region with disciples numbering in the thousands; by then many followed him to Chang'an with book bundles on their backs. Several years later, when his mother died he returned home to observe mourning and resolved to spend his remaining days there. He died of illness at home at the age of seventy-three. Liu Chuo, styled Shiyuan, was a native of Changting in Xindu. His father He served as merit clerk of the commandery. Chuo had a prominent brow and a broad back; his gaze was elevated and far-reaching; he was clever, keen, and profoundly thoughtful; as a child he had no taste for play. In youth he formed a sworn friendship with Liu Xuan of Hejian; together they studied the Odes under Liu Guisi of the same commandery, the Zuo Commentary under Guo Maochang of Guangping, and inquired into the Rites under Xiong Ansheng of Fucheng—but left each without finishing. Liu Zhihai of Jiaojin Bridge in Wuqiang kept many ancient texts in his home; Chuo and Xuan went there to study and spent ten years immersed in the classics; though they often lacked food and clothing, they remained entirely content. He thereby became renowned for Confucian learning and was appointed provincial erudite. Prefect Zhao Kai summoned him as an aide, recommended him as an Outstanding Talent, and he placed in Grade A on the civil examination. Together with Wang Shao, Gentleman of the Secretariat for Compilation, he revised the dynastic history; he also participated in deliberations on law and the calendar, and was attached to the Chancellery to await imperial consultation. Soon he was appointed supernumerary general. Later he joined various Confucian scholars at the Secretariat Library in examining and establishing the meaning of classical texts. While on leave in his home district, Magistrate Wei Zhiye summoned him as merit clerk. Soon he returned to the capital and at the Imperial Academy debated with Left Vice-Director Yang Su, Minister of Personnel Niu Hong, Academy Directors Su Wei and Yuan Shan, erudites Xiao Gai and He Tuo, Imperial University erudites Fang Huiyuan and Cui Zongde, Literature Aide to the Prince of Jin Cui Yi, and others on obscure passages of past and present that earlier masters had not resolved. Each time he took the floor, debate flared fiercely, yet none could refute him; Yang Su and the others all marveled at his profound erudition. In the sixth year, when the Stone Classics from Luoyang were transported to the capital with their characters worn away beyond legibility, he received an imperial order to examine and establish their text together with Liu Xuan and others. Later, at the Imperial Academy Confucian rite, he and Xuan debated doctrine together and thoroughly humbled the other scholars; all were consumed with envy, and he was slandered by anonymous memorial and stripped of office to commoner status. Thereupon he lived at ease in his home district, devoting himself solely to teaching and writing without rest. On the commentarial traditions of Jia, Ma, Wang, and Zheng, he frequently took sides, affirming some passages and rejecting others. Among more than ten works including the Nine Chapters on Mathematical Procedures, the Zhou Bi, and the Seven Luminaries Calendar Texts, whether calculating the courses of sun and moon or measuring mountains and seas, he verified every fundamental principle and pursued every hidden subtlety. He authored Verification of the Ultimate in ten scrolls, Calendar Book in ten scrolls, and Discussions on the Five Classics—all of which circulated widely. Liu Xuan was brilliant and broadly learned; his reputation was second only to Chuo's, and men of the time called them the Two Lius. Famed Confucian masters and rising students from across the realm came to question him and receive instruction; those who traveled a thousand li or more were beyond counting. Commentators held that for several hundred years no broadly learned Confucian had surpassed him. Yet he was narrow in temperament and stingy with money; those who did not bring the customary teacher's gift never received instruction, and for this men of the time thought less of him. Deposed Crown Prince Yong heard of him and summoned him; before he could present himself at court, an edict ordered him to serve the Prince of Shu—which did not suit him, and for a long time he failed to go. The prince heard of this and was furious; he sent men to shackle him and transport him to Shu, assigning him to military guard duty. Later he was put in charge of collating books. When the prince was deposed for his crimes, Chuo again joined the Confucian scholars in revising rites and law and was appointed Cloud Cavalry Commandant. When Emperor Yang ascended the throne, he was transferred to erudite of the Imperial University; soon he resigned due to illness. Several years later he was again summoned for imperial consultation; he submitted his Calendar Book, which differed greatly from that of Director of Astronomy Zhang Zhouxuan, and was rejected. He died in the sixth year of Daye at the age of sixty-seven. Liu Xuan petitioned for a posthumous title for him, but the court refused. Liu Xuan, styled Guangbo, was a native of Jingcheng in Hejian. From youth he was praised for brilliance; with Liu Chuo of Xindu he shut himself indoors to study and did not go out for ten years. Xuan's eyes were sharp and clear; he could gaze at the sun without being dazzled; his memory was unrivaled. He could draw a square with his left hand and a circle with his right, recite aloud, count with his eyes, and listen with his ears—all five tasks at once, without missing anything. When Emperor Wu of Zhou conquered Qi, Yingzhou Prefect Yuwen Kang summoned him as an aide in the Household Bureau. Later Prefect Li Hui appointed him aide in the Rites Bureau, and he became known for his administrative ability. After more than a year, he received an imperial order to join Wang Shao, Gentleman of the Secretariat for Compilation, in revising the dynastic history. Soon he was attached to the Chancellery to await imperial consultation. He also joined various specialists in revising astronomy, law, and the calendar, and concurrently examined and established classical texts at the Imperial Secretariat; Secretariat Director Li Delin of Boling treated him with great respect. Though Xuan served on attachment across all three central departments, he never received an official appointment; the county authorities pressed him for tax and corvée obligations. Xuan presented his case to the Imperial Secretariat, which referred him to the Ministry of Personnel; Minister Wei Shikang asked what he was capable of. Xuan submitted a written statement saying: "The Zhou Rites, Record of Rites, Mao Odes, Documents, Gongyang Commentary, Zuo Commentary, Classic of Filial Piety, and Analects—the commentaries of Kong, Zheng, Wang, He, Fu, Du, and others, thirteen traditions in all—though varying in refinement, are all fit for me to lecture on. I have devoted somewhat less effort to the Zhou Changes, Ceremonial Rites, and Guliang Commentary. Historical, philosophical, and collected writings—fine words and fine deeds—I have memorized them all. In astronomy, law, and the calendar, I have pursued every subtle point to its root. As for drafting official or private documents, I have never needed anyone else's help. The Ministry of Personnel never tested him in detail, but more than ten renowned men at court vouched that Xuan's claims were accurate, and he was appointed Palace Interior General.
12
時牛弘奏請購求天下遺逸之書,炫遂偽造書百餘卷,題為《連山易》、《魯史記》等,錄上送官,取賞而去。 後有人訟之,經赦免死,坐除名,歸於家,以教授為務。 太子勇聞而召之,既至京師,敕令事蜀王秀,遷延不往。 蜀王大怒,枷送益州。 既而配為帳內,每使執杖為門衛。 俄而釋之,典校書史。 炫因擬屈原《卜居》,為《筮途》以自寄。
At the time Niu Hong memorialized requesting that lost books be sought and purchased throughout the realm; Xuan forged more than a hundred scrolls under titles such as Linked Mountains Changes and Records of the State of Lu, submitted them to the authorities, collected the reward, and left. Later someone exposed him; he was spared death through amnesty but stripped of office and sent home, devoting himself to teaching. Crown Prince Yong heard of him and summoned him; once he reached the capital, an edict ordered him to serve Prince of Shu Xiu, but he delayed and refused to go. The Prince of Shu was furious and had him shackled and sent to Yizhou. He was then assigned as a tent guard and made to stand at the gate holding a staff. Soon he was released and put in charge of collating books and histories. Xuan then modeled himself on Qu Yuan's Divining the Dwelling Place and composed Divining the Road to express his own plight.
13
及蜀王廢,與諸儒修定《五禮》,授旅騎尉。 吏部尚書牛弘建議,以為禮諸侯絕傍期,大夫降一等。 今之上柱國,雖不同古諸侯,比大夫可也,官在第二品,宜降傍親一等。 議者多以為然。 炫駁之曰:「古之仕者,宗一人而已,庶子不得進。 由是先王重適,其宗子有分祿之義。 族人與宗子雖疏遠,猶服縗三月,良由受其恩也。 今之仕者,位以才升,不限適庶,與古既異,何降之有。 今之貴者,多忽近親,若或降之,民德之疏,自此始矣。」 遂寢其事。 開皇二十年,廢國子四門及州縣學,唯置太學博士二人,學生七十二人。 炫上表言學校不宜廢,情理甚切,高祖不納。 開皇之末,國家殷盛,朝野皆以遼東為意。 炫以為遼東不可伐,作《撫夷論》以諷焉,當時莫有悟者。 及大業之季,三征不克,炫言方驗。
When the Prince of Shu was deposed, he joined the Confucian scholars in revising the Five Rites and was appointed Traveling Cavalry Commandant. Minister of Personnel Niu Hong proposed that, according to ritual, feudal lords cut off collateral mourning at one remove, and grand masters reduce mourning obligations by one grade. Today's Superior Pillar of the State, though not identical to the feudal lords of old, is comparable to a grand master; as a second-rank official, mourning for collateral relatives should be reduced by one grade. Most of those debating agreed. Xuan rebutted, saying: "In antiquity only one man from a lineage held office; secondary sons could not advance. Hence the former kings emphasized the legitimate heir; the lineage head had the principle of shared stipends. Clansmen and the lineage head, though distant in kinship, still wore hemp mourning for three months—because they benefited from his bounty. Today's office-holders rise by talent, without regard to heir or secondary son—already unlike antiquity; why should mourning be reduced? Today's high officials mostly neglect close kin; if mourning were reduced, the loosening of popular virtue would begin here. Thereupon the proposal was dropped. In the twentieth year of Kaihuang, the Four Gates of the Imperial Academy and the prefectural and county schools were abolished; only two Imperial University erudites and seventy-two students were retained. Xuan submitted a memorial arguing that schools should not be abolished; his reasoning was urgent and compelling, but Gaozu did not accept it. At the end of the Kaihuang era, the state was prosperous, and court and countryside alike turned their thoughts to Liaodong. Xuan believed Liaodong could not be conquered; he composed On Pacifying the Barbarians to admonish the court, but at the time no one understood. By the end of the Daye era, after three campaigns had failed, Xuan's warning was vindicated.
14
煬帝即位,牛弘引炫修律令。 高祖之世,以刀筆吏類多小人,年久長奸,勢使然也。 又以風俗陵遲,婦人無節。 於是立格,州縣佐史,三年而代之,九品妻無得再醮。 炫著論以為不可,弘竟從之。 諸郡置學官,及流外給廩,皆發自於炫。 弘嘗從容問炫曰:「案《周禮》士多而府史少,今令史百倍于前,判官減則不濟,其故何也?」 炫對曰:「古人委任責成,歲終考其殿最,案不重校,文不繁悉,府史之任,掌要目而已。 古今不同,若此之相懸也,事繁政弊,職此之由。」 弘又問:「魏、齊之時,令史從容而已,今則不遑寧舍,其事何由?」 炫對曰:「齊氏立州不過數十,三府行台,遞相統領,文書行下,不過十條。 今州三百,其繁一也。 往者州唯置綱紀,郡置守丞,縣唯令而已。 其所具僚,則長官自辟,受詔赴任,每州不過數十。 今則不然,大小之官,悉由吏部,纖介之跡,皆屬考功,其繁二也。 省官不如省事,省事不如清心。 官事不省而望從容,其可得乎?」 弘甚善其言而不能用。 納言楊達舉炫博學有文章,射策高第,除太學博士。 歲餘,以品卑去任,還至長平,奉敕追詣行在所。 或言其無行,帝遂罷之,歸於河間。 于時群盜蜂起,穀食踴貴,經籍道息,教授不行。 炫與妻子相去百里,聲問斷絕,鬱鬱不得志,乃自為贊曰:
When Emperor Yang ascended the throne, Niu Hong brought Xuan in to revise statutes and ordinances. During Gaozu's reign, because clerk-scribes were mostly petty men, long years in office bred corruption—the force of circumstance made it so. Also because customs had declined and women lacked restraint. Standards were therefore established: prefectural and county sub-clerks were replaced every three years, and wives of ninth-rank officials were forbidden to remarry. Xuan wrote an essay arguing the policy was wrong, but Niu Hong implemented it anyway. The establishment of school officers in all commanderies and the provision of grain rations to externally enrolled students both originated with Xuan. Hong once asked Xuan casually: "According to the Zhou Rites, gentlemen were many and archive clerks few; today order clerks outnumber those of old a hundredfold, yet reducing case officers would leave work undone—why is this? Xuan replied: "The ancients entrusted responsibility and demanded results; at year's end they examined performance; cases were not double-checked and documents were not elaborate—the job of archive clerks was merely to maintain key records. Past and present differ to this degree—government grows burdensome and corrupt because of this. Hong asked again: "Under Wei and Qi, order clerks enjoyed ample leisure; today they scarcely have a moment's peace—what accounts for this? Xuan replied: "The Qi state established only a few dozen provinces; the three central offices and mobile regional headquarters supervised one another in turn, and downward documents ran no more than ten items at a time. Today there are three hundred provinces—that is the first source of the burden. Formerly each province had only an inspector-general, each commandery a prefect and assistant, and each county a magistrate and nothing more. Each chief officer recruited his own staff; upon receiving an imperial summons they took up their posts—and a province had no more than a few dozen officials. Today it is otherwise: every office, high or low, is appointed by the Ministry of Personnel, and even the smallest conduct is subject to the Directorate of Evaluations—that is the second source of the burden. Reducing staff is inferior to reducing business; reducing business is inferior to clearing the mind. If government business is not cut back, how can one expect officials to have any leisure? Hong greatly approved what Xuan said but had no power to carry it out. Ministerial Counsellor Yang Da recommended Xuan for his broad learning and literary gifts; he placed at the top of the examination field and was appointed an erudite of the Imperial University. After little more than a year he left office because his rank was too low; when he returned to Changping an imperial summons ordered him to proceed to the emperor's traveling residence. Some accused him of misconduct; the emperor dismissed him, and he returned to Hejian. At that time bandits rose everywhere like bees; grain prices soared; the Way of the classics fell silent, and instruction ceased. Xuan was a hundred li from his wife and children; word between them was cut off; depressed and thwarted in his ambitions, he wrote a preface about himself, saying:
15
通人司馬相如、揚子雲、馬季長、鄭康成等,皆自敘風徽,傳芳來葉。 余豈敢仰均先達,貽笑眾昆。 待以日迫桑榆,大命將近,故友飄零,門徒雨散,溘死朝露,埋魂朔野,親故莫照其心,後人不見其跡,殆及余喘,薄言胸臆,貽及行邁,傳示州裡,使夫將來俊哲知餘鄙志耳。 餘從綰發以來,迄于白首,嬰孩為慈親所恕,棰楚未嘗加,從學為明師所矜,榎楚弗之及。 暨乎敦敘邦族,交結等夷,重物輕身,先人後己。 昔在幼弱,樂參長者,爰及耆艾,數接後生。 學則服而不厭,誨則勞而不倦,幽情寡適,心事方違。 內省生平,顧循終始,其大幸有四,其深恨有一。 性本愚蔽,家業貧窶,為父兄所饒,廁縉紳之末,遂得博覽典誥,窺涉今古,小善著於丘園,虛名聞于邦國,其幸一也。 隱顯人間,沈浮世俗,數忝徒勞之職,久執城旦之書,名不掛于白簡,事不染於丹筆,立身立行,慚恧實多,啟手啟足,庶幾可免,其幸二也。 以此庸虛,屢動神眷,以此卑賤,每升天府,齊鑣驥騄,比翼鵷鴻,整緗素于鳳池,記言動於麟閣,參謁宰輔,造請群公,厚禮殊恩,增榮改價,其幸三也。 晝漏方盡,大耋已嗟,退反初服,歸骸故里,玩文史以怡神,閱魚鳥以散慮,觀省野物,登臨園沼,緩步代車,無罪為貴,其幸四也。 仰休明之盛世,慨道教之陵遲,蹈先儒之逸軌,傷群言之蕪穢,馳騖墳典,厘改僻謬,修撰始畢,圖事適成,天違人願,途不我與。 世路未夷,學校盡廢,道不備於當時,業不傳於身後。 銜恨泉壤,實在茲乎? 其深恨一也。
Men of discernment such as Sima Xiangru, Yang Ziyun, Ma Jichang, and Zheng Kangcheng all wrote their own accounts of noble conduct, leaving their fragrance to later generations. How dare I presume to measure myself against those who came before and invite laughter from my peers? But as the sun sinks toward the mulberry trees and my allotted span draws near, old friends drift away and disciples scatter like rain; I may die as suddenly as morning dew and leave my soul buried in the northern wilds, with kin unable to read my heart and posterity unable to see my traces—while my breath still holds, I speak briefly from my inmost breast, leave this on my journey, and show it within the commandery, so that future worthy men may know my humble intent. From childhood until white-haired age, as an infant I was indulged by a loving parent and never felt the rod; in study I was esteemed by an enlightened teacher and never knew the mulberry switch. When it came to treating kinsmen with warmth, befriending equals, valuing things above self, and putting others before oneself— long ago in youth I delighted in the company of my elders; reaching old age, I often received the young. In study I never grew weary of learning; in teaching I toiled without fatigue; my hidden feelings found little satisfaction, and my heart's wishes met with constant opposition. Looking inward over my life from beginning to end, I find four great blessings and one deep regret. By nature I was dull and my family poor; indulged by father and elder brothers, I took the lowest place among the girdled and sashed and thus came to read broadly in the classics and glimpse past and present; small virtues were noted in my garden retreat, empty fame was heard in the state—that is the first blessing. Hidden and manifest in the human world, sinking and floating in worldly affairs, I repeatedly held thankless posts and long kept the convict-register books; my name never appeared on the censor's white bamboo, my deeds were never touched by the red brush; in conduct and standing I had much to blush for, yet in life and limb I might almost escape harm—that is the second blessing. With such mediocrity I repeatedly moved divine favor; with such low rank I repeatedly entered the imperial precincts; I matched reins with fine steeds and flew wing to wing with imperial birds; I arranged silk scrolls in the Phoenix Pool and recorded words and deeds in the Unicorn Pavilion; I attended chief ministers and called upon the great lords—rich gifts and special grace increased my honor and changed my worth—that is the third blessing. The day measure was nearly spent and great old age already lamented; I withdrew to my former garb and returned my bones to my native place; I enjoyed literature and history to soothe the spirit, watched fish and birds to scatter cares, observed wild things and climbed garden ponds, took slow steps in place of carriage, and held innocence dear—that is the fourth blessing. Looking up at a glorious flourishing age, I grieved that the Way of teaching had declined; treading the abandoned tracks of earlier Confucians, I mourned the overgrown filth of many words; I raced through the tombs of the classics, corrected eccentric errors, and had just finished my editorial work when the enterprise was nearly complete—heaven opposed human wishes, and the path would not grant me passage. The age's road was not yet level; schools were utterly abandoned; the Way was not perfected in its time, and the work would not be transmitted after death. To carry regret into the grave—is it not found here? That is the one deep regret.
16
時在郡城,糧餉斷絕,其門人多隨盜賊,哀炫窮乏,詣郡城下索炫,郡官乃出炫與之。 炫為賊所將,過城下堡。 未幾,賊為官軍所破,炫饑餓無所依,復投縣城。 長吏意炫與賊相知,恐為後變,遂閉門不納。 是時夜冰寒,因此凍餒而死,時年六十八。 其後門人諡曰宣德先生。
At the time he was in the commandery city; grain supplies were cut off; many of his disciples had joined the bandits; pitying Xuan's poverty and destitution, they came beneath the commandery walls to demand Xuan, and the commandery officials released him to them. Xuan was led away by the bandits and passed the fort below the city. Before long the bandits were broken by the government army; Xuan, hungry and with nowhere to turn, again sought refuge in the county city. The chief officer thought Xuan was acquainted with the bandits and feared future trouble, so he closed the gates and refused to admit him. At that time the night was icy cold; because of this he died of cold and hunger at the age of sixty-eight. Afterward his disciples gave him the posthumous title Master Xuande.
17
炫性躁競,頗俳諧,多自矜伐,好輕侮當世,為執政所醜,由是官途不遂。 著《論語述議》十卷,《春秋攻昧》十卷,《五經正名》十二卷,《孝經述議》五卷,《春秋述議》四十卷,《尚書述議》二十卷,《毛詩述議》四十卷,《注詩序》一卷,《算術》一卷,並行於世。 褚輝吳郡褚輝,字高明,以《三禮》學稱於江南。 煬帝時,征天下儒術之士,悉集內史省,相次講論,輝博辯,無能屈者,由是擢為太學博士。 撰《禮疏》一百卷。 顧彪余杭顧彪,字仲文,明《尚書》、《春秋》。 煬帝時為秘書學士,撰《古文尚書疏》二十卷。 魯世達余杭魯世達,煬帝時為國子助教,撰《毛詩章句義疏》四十二卷,行於世。 張沖吳郡張沖,字叔玄。 仕陳為左中郎將,非其好也,乃覃思經典,撰《春秋義略》,異于杜氏七十餘事,《喪服義》三卷,《孝經義》三卷,《論語義》十卷,《前漢音義》十二卷。 官至漢王侍讀。 王孝籍平原王孝籍,少好學,博覽群言,遍治五經,頗有文幹。 與河間劉炫同志友善。 開皇中,召入秘書,助王劭修國史。 劭不之禮,在省多年,而不免輸稅。 孝籍鬱鬱不得志,奏記于吏部尚書牛弘曰:
Xuan's nature was restless and contentious; he was quite given to jest and banter, often praised himself, and liked to slight and insult men of the age; he was detested by those in power, and hence his official career did not succeed. He wrote Expositions on the Analects in ten scrolls, Attacking Obscurity in the Spring and Autumn in ten scrolls, Correct Names of the Five Classics in twelve scrolls, Expositions on the Classic of Filial Piety in five scrolls, Expositions on the Spring and Autumn in forty scrolls, Expositions on the Documents in twenty scrolls, Expositions on the Mao Odes in forty scrolls, Commentary on the Preface to the Odes in one scroll, and Arithmetic in one scroll—all circulated in his time. Chu Hui of Wu commandery, styled Gaoming, was famed south of the Yangzi for his study of the Three Rites. In Emperor Yang's time, Confucian scholars were summoned from throughout the realm and gathered in the Imperial Secretariat; they debated in succession, and Hui was so broad and eloquent that none could overcome him—hence he was promoted to erudite of the Imperial University. He compiled Rites Commentary in one hundred scrolls. Gu Biao of Yuhang, styled Zhongwen, was expert in the Documents and the Spring and Autumn. In Emperor Yang's time he served as a secretary academician and compiled Old Text Documents Commentary in twenty scrolls. Lu Shida of Yuhang served as assistant instructor of the Imperial Academy under Emperor Yang and compiled Mao Odes Chapter-and-Line Meaning Commentary in forty-two scrolls, which circulated in his time. Zhang Chong of Wu commandery, styled Shuxuan. He served Chen as left palace gentleman-general—not his preference; he then pondered deeply the classics and compiled Outline of Spring and Autumn Meanings, differing from Du's school in more than seventy matters, Mourning Garments Meanings in three scrolls, Classic of Filial Piety Meanings in three scrolls, Analects Meanings in ten scrolls, and Former Han Pronunciation Meanings in twelve scrolls. He rose to the post of reader to the Prince of Han. Wang Xiaoji of Pingyuan loved learning from youth, read broadly in many writings, thoroughly studied the Five Classics, and had considerable literary talent. He shared the same aims and was on friendly terms with Liu Xuan of Hejian. In the Kaihuang era he was summoned into the Imperial Library to assist Wang Shao in compiling the national history. Shao did not treat him with courtesy; he remained in the office many years yet still had to pay taxes. Xiaoji, depressed and thwarted in his ambitions, submitted a memorial to Minister of Personnel Niu Hong, saying:
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竊以毒螫寔膚,則申旦不寐,饑寒切體,亦卒歲無聊。 何則? 痛苦難以安,貧窮易為蹙。 況懷抱之內,冰火鑠脂膏,腠理之間,風霜侵骨髓,安可齰舌緘脣,吞聲飲氣,惡呻吟之響,忍酸辛之酷哉! 伏惟明尚書公動哀矜之色,開寬裕之懷,咳唾足以活枯鱗,吹噓可用飛窮羽。 芬椒蘭之氣,暖布帛之詞,許小人之請,聞大君之聽。 雖復山川不遠,鬼神在茲,信而有徵,言無不履,猶恐拯溺遲於援手,救經緩於扶足。 待越人之舟楫,求魯匠之雲梯,則必懸於槁樹之枝,沒於深淵之底矣。 夫以一介貧人,七年直省,課役不免,慶賞不沾,賣貢禹之田,供釋之之費,有弱子之累,乏強兄之產。 加以老母在堂,光陰遲暮,寒暑違闕,關山超遠,齧臂為期,前途逾邈,倚閭之望,朝夕已勤。 謝相如之病,無官可以免,發梅福之狂,非仙所能避。 愁疾甚乎厲鬼,人生異夫金石。 營魂且散,恐筮予無徵,齎恨入冥,則虛緣恩顧,此乃王稽所以致言,應侯為之不樂也。 潛鬢髮之內,居眉睫之間,子野未曾聞,離硃所不見,沈淪東觀,留滯南史,終無薦引,永同埋殯。 三世不移,雖由寂寞,十年不調,實乏知己。 夫不世出者,聖明之君也,不萬一者,誠賢之臣也。 以夫不世出而逢不萬一,此小人所以為明尚書幸也。 坐人物之源,運銓衡之柄,反披狐白,不好緇衣,此小人為明尚書不取也。 昔荊玉未剖,刖卞和之足,百里未用,碎禽息之首。 居得言之地,有能用之資,增耳目之明,無手足之蹙,憚而弗為,孰知其解! 夫官或不稱其能,士或未申其屈,一夫竊議,語流天下。 勞不見圖,安能無望! 儻病未及死,狂還克念,汗窮愁之簡,屬離憂之詞,記志于前修,通心於來哲,使千載之下,哀其不遇,追咎執事,有點清塵,則不肖之軀,死生為累,小人之罪,方且未刊。 願少加憐湣,留心無忽!
I venture to think that when poison truly stings the skin, one cannot sleep from dawn to dawn; when hunger and cold cut to the flesh, one passes the year in misery as well. Why is this? Pain is hard to settle into peace; poverty easily brings one to the edge. Moreover, within the breast ice and fire melt the marrow; between the pores wind and frost invade the bones—how can one bite one's tongue and seal one's lips, swallow one's voice and choke back one's breath, hate the sound of groaning, and endure such bitter suffering! I respectfully consider that the enlightened Minister shows a countenance of pity and compassion and opens a generous breast; his cough and spittle could revive a dried fish, his breath and puff could lift the wings of a destitute bird. The fragrance of pepper and orchid, warm words like cloth and silk—grant the petty man's request and let the great lord hear. Even though mountains and rivers are not far and spirits and gods are present here, trust has proof and words are never unfulfilled—I still fear that saving the drowning may lag behind the outstretched hand, and rescuing the hanging man may be slower than steadying the feet. If one waits for the boat of the man of Yue or seeks the cloud ladder of the craftsman of Lu, one will surely hang from the branch of a withered tree or sink to the bottom of the deep abyss. For a single poor man to serve seven years straight in the secretariat, unable to escape tax and corvée, untouched by rewards and honors, selling the fields of Gong Yu to pay the expenses of Shi Zhi, burdened with a weak son, lacking the estate of a strong elder brother— add to this an old mother still at home, the light and shadow of late life, cold and heat missed in attendance, passes and mountains beyond reach, biting the arm to set a date while the road ahead grows ever more distant—the longing at the gate grows keener morning and evening. Like Sima Xiangru's feigned illness, there is no office by which to be excused; like Mei Fu's desperate resignation, not even an immortal could avoid it. Grief and illness are worse than malignant ghosts; human life is not metal and stone. The wandering soul is about to scatter; I fear the divination for me will show no sign; carrying regret into the dark realm, I would have relied on your grace in vain—this is why Wang Ji spoke as he did, and why Marquis Ying was displeased. Hidden within hair and temples, dwelling between brow and lashes—Zi Ye never heard of it, Li Zhu never saw it; sunk in the Eastern Pavilion, detained in the Southern History, with no recommendation in the end, forever like one buried in the coffin. Three generations without transfer—though this comes from obscurity; ten years without promotion—truly because I lack a knowing patron. One who does not appear in every generation is a sage and enlightened ruler; one who is not one in ten thousand is a truly worthy minister. That one not appearing in every generation should meet one not one in ten thousand—this is why your petty servant considers the enlightened Minister fortunate. Sitting at the source of men and things, wielding the balance of selection, yet turning the fox-fur cloak inside out and disliking the dark robe—this your petty servant cannot approve in the enlightened Minister. Formerly before the Jing jade was cut open, Bian He's feet were amputated; before Baili Xi was employed, Qin Xi lost his head. Occupying a place where one may speak, possessing the means to employ talent, adding clarity to eyes and ears without cramping hands and feet—if one fears and does not act, who will understand the reason! An office may not match one's ability; a scholar may not have his grievance heard—one man's private talk spreads through all under heaven. To toil without reward—how can one be without hope! If illness has not yet reached death and madness can still be restrained, I would sweat out words of utter despair on bamboo strips and compose verses of parting sorrow, record my intent for earlier worthies and open my heart to sages to come, so that a thousand years hence men may mourn my ill fortune and trace blame to the responsible officer, staining pure repute—then this unworthy body would be a burden in life and death, and your petty servant's fault would remain unexpunged. I beg you to show a little pity and heed this without neglect!
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弘亦知其有學業,而竟不得調。 後歸鄉里,以教授為業,終於家。 注《尚書》及《詩》,遭亂零落。
Hong also knew he had learning, yet in the end he received no promotion. Later he returned to his native place, made teaching his occupation, and died at home. His commentaries on the Documents and the Odes were scattered and lost in the turmoil.
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史臣曰:古語云:「容體不足觀,勇力不足恃,族姓不足道,先祖不足稱,然而顯聞四方,流聲後胤者,其唯學乎?」 信哉斯言也。 暉遠、榮伯之徒,篤志不倦,自求諸己,遂能聞道下風,稱珍席上。 或聚徒千百,或服冕乘軒,見重明時,實惟稽古之力也。 江陽從容雅望,風韻閑遠,清談高論,籍甚當年; 彥之敦經悅史,砥身礪行,志存典制,動蹈規矩; 何妥通涉俊爽,神情警悟,雅有口才,兼擅詞筆,然訐以為直,失儒者之風焉; 劉焯道冠縉紳,數窮天象,既精且博,洞幽究微,銘深致遠,源流不測,數百年來,斯人而已; 劉炫學實通儒,才堪成務,九流七略,無不該覽,雖探賾索隱,不逮於焯,裁成義說,文雅過之。 並道亞生知,時不我與,或才登于下士,或餒棄於溝壑,惜矣。 子夏有言:「死生有命,富貴在天。」 天之所與者聰明,所不與者貴仕,上聖且猶不免,焯、炫其如命何!
The historiographer says: An old saying runs: "Physique is not worth looking at, courage and strength are not worth relying on, clan name is not worth speaking of, forebears are not worth praising—yet what makes one renowned in the four directions and leaves a name to posterity? Is it not learning?" How true these words are. Men such as Huiyuan and Rongbo, with steadfast resolve never weary, seeking within themselves, were able to hear the Way from below and be called treasures at the mat. Some gathered disciples by the hundreds and thousands; some wore caps and rode chariots; honored in enlightened times—these were truly the power of revering antiquity. Jiangyang had an easy bearing and elegant reputation, a manner leisurely and far-reaching, pure talk and lofty discourse—greatly famed in his day; Yanzhi loved the classics and delighted in history, honed body and sharpened conduct, kept ritual institutions in mind, and in action followed the rule; He Tuo was broadly versed and brilliantly alert, spiritually keen and quick to understand, elegantly gifted in speech, and also skilled with pen and phrase—yet he took denunciation for uprightness and lost the manner of the Confucian; Liu Chuo's Way topped the girdled and sashed; he exhausted the numbers of heaven's signs—both precise and broad, penetrating the hidden and probing the subtle, inscribing the deep and reaching far, his source and flow unfathomable; in several hundred years, this man alone; Liu Xuan's learning was truly that of a comprehensive Confucian; his talent could fulfill affairs; of the Nine Schools and Seven Summaries there was none he did not cover—though in probing the hidden and seeking the obscure he did not reach Chuo, in framing meanings and composing explications his literary elegance surpassed him. Both men's Way approached innate knowledge, yet the age did not grant them time; one reached only the lowest rank of scholar, one was abandoned starving in a ditch—alas. Zixia said: "Life and death are a matter of fate; wealth and rank are in heaven's hands." What heaven grants is intelligence; what it does not grant is noble office—even the highest sage could not escape this; what could Chuo and Xuan do against fate!