1
晉王東平王臨淮王廣陽王南安王
Prince of Jin, Prince of Dongping, Prince of Linhuai, Prince of Guangyang, Prince of Nan'an
2
東平王翰，真君三年封秦王，拜侍中、中軍大將軍，參典都曹事。 忠貞雅正，百僚憚之。 太傅高允以翰年少，作諸侯箴以遺之，翰覽之大悅。 後鎮枹罕，以信惠撫眾，羌戎敬服。 改封東平王。 世祖崩，諸大臣等議欲立翰，而中常侍宗愛與翰不協，矯太后令立南安王余，遂殺翰。
In the third year of Zhenjun, Prince Han of Dongping was enfeoffed as Prince of Qin and appointed Attendant-in-Chief and Grand General of the Central Army, with a role in the administration of the capital offices. Loyal, upright, and refined, he commanded the respect of the entire court. Because Han was still young, Grand Tutor Gao Yun wrote an admonition for feudal lords and sent it to him; Han read it with great delight. Later he garrisoned Fuhan, winning the people through trust and kindness until the Qiang and Rong looked up to him in submission. He was re-enfeoffed as Prince of Dongping. After Shizu's death the chief ministers wished to enthrone Han, but the palace attendant Zong Ai, who was at odds with him, forged an empress dowager's order to install Prince Yu of Nan'an instead, and then had Han killed.
3
子道符，襲爵，中軍大將軍。 顯祖踐阼，拜長安鎮都大將。 皇興元年，謀反，司馬段太陽討斬之，傳首京師。
His son Daofu inherited the title and was appointed Grand General of the Central Army. When Emperor Xianzu took the throne, he was appointed Grand General of the Chang'an Garrison. In the first year of Huangxing he rose in rebellion; Marshal Duan Taiyang defeated and executed him, and his head was sent to the capital.
4
子提，襲。 為梁州刺史，以貪縱削除，加罰，徙配北鎮。 久之，提子員外郎穎免冠請解所居官，代父邊戍，高祖不許。 後詔提從駕南伐，至洛陽，參定遷都之議。 尋卒。 以預參遷都功，追封長鄉縣侯。 世宗時，贈雍州刺史，諡曰懿。
His son Ti inherited the title. While serving as Inspector of Liang Province he was stripped of office for greed and excess, punished further, and sent to the northern garrisons in exile. Years later Ti's son Ying, an acting gentleman of the palace, removed his official cap and asked to resign his post and take his father's place on the frontier; Emperor Gaozu refused. Later an edict summoned Ti to accompany the emperor on the southern campaign; at Luoyang he joined in deliberations on moving the capital. He died soon after. For his part in the deliberations on moving the capital, he was posthumously enfeoffed as Marquis of Changxiang County. Under Emperor Shizong he was posthumously appointed Inspector of Yong Province and given the posthumous title Magnificent.
5
子彧，字文若，紹封。 彧少有才學，時譽甚美。 侍中崔光見彧，退而謂人曰：「黑頭三公，當此人也。」
His son Yu, styled Wenruo, inherited the enfeoffment. From youth Yu showed talent and learning, and his reputation among contemporaries was excellent. When Attendant-in-Chief Cui Guang met Yu, he withdrew and told others, "The dark-haired man destined for the three highest offices — that will be this one."
6
少與從兄安豐王延明、中山王熙並以宗室博古文學齊名，時人莫能定其優劣。 尚書郎范陽盧道將謂吏部清河崔休曰：「三人才學雖無優劣，然安豐少於造次，中山皂白太多，未若濟南風流沉雅。」 時人為之語曰：「三王楚琳琅，[7]未若濟南備圓方。」 彧姿制閑裕，吐發流靡，琅邪王誦有名人也，見之未嘗不心醉忘疲。 拜前軍將軍、中書侍郎。 奏郊廟歌辭，時稱其美。 除給事黃門侍郎。 彧本名亮，字仕明，時侍中穆紹與彧同署，避紹父諱，啟求改名。 詔曰：「仕明風神運吐，常自以比荀文若，可名彧，以取定體相倫之美。」 彧求復本封，詔許，復封臨淮，寄食相州魏郡。 又長兼御史中尉，彧以為倫敍得之，不謝。 領軍于忠忿，言之朝廷曰：「臨淮雖復風流可觀，而無骨鯁之操，中尉之任，恐非所堪。」 遂去威儀，單車而還，朝流為之歎息。 累遷侍中、衞將軍、左光祿大夫、兼尚書左僕射，攝選。
In youth he and his cousins Prince Yanming of Anfeng and Prince Xi of Zhongshan were equally renowned among the imperial clan for classical learning and letters, and contemporaries could not agree which was the better. Lu Daojiang of Fanyang, a gentleman of the Secretariat, told Cui Xiu of the Ministry of Personnel in Qinghe: "Though the three are matched in talent, Anfeng is too rash in a pinch, Zhongshan argues black and white too much, and neither equals Jinan's cultivated, grave elegance. People of the time composed a saying: "The three princes are jewels of Chu, [7] yet none is as complete in roundness and squareness as Jinan." Yu's bearing was relaxed and ample, his speech fluent and graceful. Wang Song of Langye was a man of note, and whenever he met Yu he was so captivated that he forgot his weariness. He was appointed General of the Van and Gentleman Attendant of the Secretariat. He submitted hymns for the suburban and ancestral rites, which contemporaries praised. He was made Attendant Gentleman of the Yellow Gate. Yu had originally been named Liang, styled Shiming. Attendant-in-Chief Mu Shao then served in the same office, and to avoid the taboo on Shao's father's name Yu petitioned to change his name. The edict read: "Shiming's spirit and bearing are lofty; he often compares himself to Xun Yu. Let him be named Yu, to reflect the honor of matching that fixed stature and peer." Yu asked to recover his original enfeoffment; the court assented and re-enfeoffed him at Linhuai, with sustenance drawn from Wei Commandery in Xiang Province. He was also made acting Imperial Censor; Yu thought the appointment suited the order of rank and did not decline. Commander of the Guards Yu Zhong was incensed and told the court: "Linhuai may be pleasing in manner, but he lacks unbending fiber; I doubt he can bear the office of Imperial Censor." He thereupon set aside his insignia and returned alone in a single cart, to the regret of court opinion. He rose through Attendant-in-Chief, General of the Guard, Grand Master of Splendid Happiness on the Left, and Acting Left Vice Director of the Secretariat, with charge of official selection.
7
是時，蕭衍遣將圍逼溫湯，進彧以本官為東道行臺。 [8]會尒朱榮入洛，殺害元氏。 彧撫膺慟哭，遂奔蕭衍。 衍遣其舍人陳建孫迎接，并觀彧為人。 建孫還報，稱彧風神閑儁。 衍亦先聞名，深相器待，見彧於樂遊園，因設宴樂。 彧聞樂聲，歔欷，涕淚交下，悲感傍人，衍為之不樂。 自前後奔叛，皆希旨稱魏為偽，唯彧上表啟，常云魏臨淮王。 衍體彧雅性，不以為責。 及知莊帝踐阼，彧以母老請還，辭旨懇切。 衍惜其人才，又難違其意，遣其僕射徐勉私勸彧曰：「昔王陵在漢，姜維相蜀，在所成名，何必本土。」 彧曰：「死猶願北，況於生也。」 衍乃以禮遣。 彧性至孝，事父母盡禮，自經違離，不進酒肉，容貌憔悴，見者傷之。 累除位尚書令、大司馬、兼錄尚書。
At that time Xiao Yan sent generals to press the siege of Wentang, and Yu was advanced in his existing office to Eastern Route Commissioner. [8] Just then Erzhu Rong entered Luoyang and slaughtered the Yuan clan. Yu beat his breast and wept bitterly, then fled to Xiao Yan. Yan sent his house attendant Chen Jiansun to welcome him and to observe his character. Jiansun returned and reported that Yu's spirit and bearing were easy and distinguished. Yan had already heard of him and held him in high regard; he received Yu at the Park of Joyful Excursions and set out a banquet with music. When Yu heard the music he sighed and wept until tears streamed down, moving those beside him; Yan himself was cast down on his account. Before and after, defectors flattered Yan by calling Wei a false state; only Yu in memorials and reports always styled himself Prince Yu of Linhuai of Wei. Yan understood Yu's refined character and did not reproach him. When he learned that Emperor Zhuang had taken the throne, Yu asked to return because his mother was old; his plea was deeply earnest. Yan prized his talent yet could not easily refuse his wish; he sent Vice Director Xu Mian privately to urge Yu: "Wang Ling once served Han and Jiang Wei served Shu; each won fame where he stood — why must it be one's native soil?" Yu replied: "Even in death I would wish to face north; how much more while I still live." Yan then sent him away with full ceremony. Yu was utterly filial and served his parents with every observance. From the time he was parted from them he took no wine or meat; his face grew haggard, and those who saw him were moved. He was repeatedly appointed Minister of the Secretariat, Grand Marshal, and concurrently Recorder of the Secretariat.
8
莊帝追崇武宣王為文穆皇帝，廟號肅祖，母李妃為文穆皇后，將遷神主於太廟，以高祖為伯考。 彧表諫曰：「漢祖創業，香街有太上之廟； 光武中興，南頓立舂陵之寢。 元帝之於光武，疏為絕服，猶尚身奉子道，入繼大宗。 高祖之於聖躬，親實猶子。 陛下既纂洪緒，豈宜加伯考之名？ 且漢宣之繼孝昭，斯乃上後叔祖，豈忘宗承考妣，蓋以大義斯奪。 及金德將興，宣王受寄，自茲而降，世秉威權。 景王意存毀冕，文王心規裂冠，雖祭則魏主，而權歸晉室，昆之與季，實傾曹氏。 且子元，宣王冢胤，文王成其大業。 故晉武繼文祖宣，景王有伯考之稱。 以今類古，恐或非儔。 又臣子一例，義彰舊典，禘祫失序，著譏前經。 高祖德溢寰中，道超無外。 肅祖雖勳格宇宙，猶曾奉贄稱臣。 穆皇后稟德坤元，復將配享乾位，此乃君臣並筵，嫂叔同室，歷觀墳籍，未有其事。」
Emperor Zhuang posthumously honored Prince Wuxuan as Emperor Wenmu, with temple name Suzu, and his mother Consort Li as Empress Wenmu; their spirit tablets were to enter the Grand Temple, with Emperor Gaozu styled elder paternal ancestor. Yu submitted a memorial of remonstrance: "When Han's founder founded the dynasty, Xiang Street had a temple to the Supreme Emperor; when Guangwu restored the line, Nandun established the lodge of Chunling. Emperor Yuan toward Guangwu was distant enough for severed mourning, yet he still personally observed the son's way and entered to continue the great lineage. Emperor Gaozu toward Your Majesty was in fact as close as a son. Your Majesty has already succeeded to the great succession — how can it be fitting to add the name of elder paternal ancestor? When Han Xuandi succeeded Xiaozhao, he followed a great-uncle — yet he did not forget the ancestors from whom he continued; great principle overrode the bond. When the virtue of Metal was about to rise, the King of Xuan received the mandate; from that time on, his line held power generation after generation. The King of Jing harbored intent to destroy the regalia; the King of Wen in heart plotted to split the crown. Though sacrifice was offered to the Wei ruler, power returned to Jin; Kun and Ji in fact overturned the house of Cao. Moreover Ziyuan was the direct heir of the King of Xuan, and the King of Wen completed his great enterprise. Thus Jin Wu continued Wen and honored Xuan as ancestor, and the King of Jing bore the title of elder paternal ancestor. To class the present with antiquity — I fear it may not be a true parallel. Minister and ruler share one pattern, and the meaning shines in old canons; disorder in di and xia sacrifices is censured in the classics. Emperor Gaozu's virtue filled the realm; his Way surpassed all beyond. Though Suzu's merit matched the cosmos, he had once presented tribute and styled himself a minister. Empress Wenmu embodied the virtue of the earthly principle, yet was again to share sacrifice on Heaven's seat — ruler and minister at one mat, sister-in-law and brother-in-law in one chamber; in all the tomes there is no precedent for this."
9
時莊帝意銳，朝臣無敢言者，唯彧與吏部尚書李神儁並有表聞。 詔報曰：「文穆皇帝勳格四表，道邁百王，是用考循舊軌，恭上尊號。 王表云漢太上於香街，南頓於舂陵。 漢高不因瓜瓞之緒，光武又無世及之德，皆身受符命，不由父祖，別廟異寢，於理何差？ 文穆皇帝天眷人宅，歷數有歸，朕忝承下武，遂主神器，既帝業有統，漢氏非倫。 若以昔況今，不當移寢，則魏太祖、晉景帝雖王跡已顯，皆以人臣而終，豈得與餘帝別廟，有闕餘序。 [9]漢郡國立廟者，欲尊高祖之德，使饗遍天下，非關太廟神主，獨在外祠薦。 漢宣之父，亦非勳德所出，雖不追尊，不亦可乎？ 伯考之名，自是尊卑之稱，何必準古而言非類也。 復云君臣同列，嫂叔共室，當以文穆皇帝昔遂臣道，以此為疑。 禮：『天子元子猶士。』 禘祫豈不得同室乎？ 且晉文、景共為一代，議者云，世限七，主無定數。 昭穆既同，明有共室之理。 禮既有祔，嫂叔何嫌。 禮，士祖禰一廟，豈無婦舅共室也？ 若專以共室為疑，容可更議遷毀。」 莊帝既逼諸妹之請，此辭意黃門侍郎常景、中書侍郎邢子才所替成也。
Emperor Zhuang's mind was set, and no courtier dared speak; only Yu and Li Shenjun, Director of the Ministry of Personnel, also submitted memorials. The reply edict said: "Emperor Wenmu's merit matched the four quarters and his Way surpassed the hundred kings; therefore we followed the old track and raised the honored title. Your memorial says Han's Supreme Emperor was at Xiang Street and Nandun at Chunling. Han Gao did not rely on collateral succession; Guangwu had no virtue of generation upon generation — both personally received the mandate, not through father or grandfather. Separate temples and lodges — wherein lies the difference in principle? Emperor Wenmu was favored by Heaven; the succession had its return. I am shamed to continue the martial line and hold the sacred vessel; since the imperial line has its succession, Han is not the parallel. If past is compared with present and the lodge should not be moved, then Wei Taizu and Jin Jingdi, though kingly traces were clear, both ended as subjects — can they have separate temples while the sequence remains incomplete? [9] Where Han commanderies and kingdoms established temples, it was to honor Gaozu's virtue and spread offerings throughout the realm — not to set Grand Temple spirit tablets apart in outside shrines. The father of Han Xuandi likewise did not issue from merit and virtue; though he was not posthumously honored, would that not also be permissible? The name of elder paternal ancestor is itself a term of rank — why must antiquity be the standard and call it unlike? Again you say ruler and minister in the same row and sister-in-law and brother-in-law in one chamber — you take the fact that Emperor Wenmu once followed the way of a subject as ground for doubt. The Rites say: "The eldest son of Heaven is still like a commoner." Can di and xia sacrifices not share one chamber? Jin Wen and Jin Jing were of one generation; debaters said the limit is seven generations, with no fixed number of lords. Since zhao and mu are aligned, clearly there is reason for a shared chamber. Where the Rites provide for fu, what doubt is there of sister-in-law and brother-in-law? The Rites say a commoner has one temple for ancestor and father — is there not also wife's uncle in one chamber? If shared chamber alone is doubt, it may be discussed again whether to move or destroy. Emperor Zhuang, pressed by his sisters' pleas, had this reply drafted by Gentleman Attendant of the Yellow Gate Chang Jing and Gentleman Attendant of the Secretariat Xing Zicai.
10
又追尊兄彭城王為孝宣皇帝，彧又面諫曰：「陛下中興，意欲憲章前古，作而不法，後世何觀？ 歷尋書籍，未有其事。 願割友于之情，使名器無爽。」 帝不從。 及神主入廟，復敕百官悉陪從，一依乘輿之式。 彧上表，以為爰自中古，迄於下葉，崇尚君親，褒明功懿，乃有皇號，終無帝名。 今若去帝，直留皇名，求之古義，少有依準。 又不納。
He also posthumously honored his elder brother Prince Pengcheng as Emperor Xiaoxuan; Yu again remonstrated face to face: "Your Majesty in restoring the line wishes to take antiquity as model — to act without law, what will later ages see? Searching books and records, there is no precedent. I beg you to set aside brotherly feeling so that titles and offices suffer no harm. The emperor did not assent. When the spirit tablets entered the temple, he again ordered all officials to accompany them in the full form reserved for the imperial carriage. Yu submitted a memorial holding that from middle antiquity down, in honoring ruler and kin and making merit clear, there were honored titles but never imperial names. If the word emperor is removed and only the honored name left, little in ancient meaning supports it. Again he did not accept.
11
尒朱榮死，除彧司徒公。 尒朱世隆率部北叛，詔彧防河陰。 及尒朱兆率眾奄至，彧出東掖門，為賊所獲。 見兆，辭色不屈，為羣胡所毆薨。 出帝贈太師、太尉公、雍州刺史。
When Erzhu Rong died, Yu was appointed Duke of the Secretariat. Erzhu Shilong led his division in rebellion to the north; an edict ordered Yu to guard Heyin. When Erzhu Zhao led his forces in a sudden arrival, Yu went out the eastern side gate and was seized by the rebels. Seeing Zhao, he would not bend in word or color; the barbarian horde beat him to death. Emperor Chu posthumously appointed him Grand Preceptor, Duke of the Grand Commandant, and Inspector of Yong Province.
12
彧美風韻，善進止，衣冠之下，雅有容則。 博覽羣書，不為章句。 所著文藻雖多亡失，猶有傳於世者。 然居官不能清白，所進舉止於親婭，為識者所譏。 無子。
Yu had fine bearing and grace and skilled deportment; beneath cap and gown he showed an elegant presence. He read widely in the classics but did not compose chapter-and-verse commentary. Though much of his literary work was lost, some still circulates. Yet in office he could not keep himself pure; his promotions and recommendations favored kin by marriage, and discerning men ridiculed him for it. He left no son.
13
弟孝友，少有時譽，襲爵淮陽王，累遷滄州刺史。 為政溫和，好行小惠，不能清白，而無所侵犯，百姓亦以此便之。 孝靜帝宴齊文襄王於華林園，孝友因醉自譽，又云陛下許賜臣能。 帝笑曰：「朕恒聞王自道清。」 文襄曰：「臨淮王雅旨舍罪。」 於是君臣俱笑而不罪。
His younger brother Xiaoyou won early renown, inherited the title Prince of Huaiyang, and rose through repeated appointments to Inspector of Cang Province. He governed mildly and generously with small favors; though he could not keep his hands clean, he did not prey on the people, who found his rule easy to live under. At a feast for Prince Wenxiang of Qi in the Hualin Park, Emperor Xiaojing heard the drunken Xiaoyou praise himself and claim that the throne had promised him talent. The emperor laughed and said, "I am always hearing you call yourself incorruptible." Wenxiang added, "The Prince of Linhuai graciously means to let the matter pass." Ruler and ministers all laughed, and no one punished him.
14
孝友明於政理，嘗奏表曰：
Clear in affairs of government, Xiaoyou once submitted a memorial:
15
令制：百家為黨族，二十家為閭，五家為比隣。 百家之內，有帥二十五，[10]徵發皆免，苦樂不均。 羊少狼多，復有蠶食。 此之為弊久矣。 京邑諸坊，或七八百家，唯一里正、二史，庶事無闕，而況外州乎？ 請依舊置，三正之名不改，而百家為四閭，閭二比。 計族省十二丁，得十二匹貲絹。 略計見管之戶，應二萬餘族，一歲出貲絹二十四萬匹。 十五丁出一番兵，計得一萬六千兵。 此富國安人之道也。
Under current regulations, a hundred households form a clan-group, twenty a lane, and five a close neighborhood. Within each group of a hundred households there are twenty-five leaders,[10] all exempt from levies and corvée, so burdens fall unequally. Too few bear the load and too many feed on it, with constant encroachment besides. This abuse has gone on for a very long time. In the capital wards some hold seven or eight hundred households with only one lane chief and two clerks, yet routine affairs are not neglected — how much more so in the provinces? I ask that we restore the old arrangement, keep the titles of the three chiefs unchanged, make a hundred households into four lanes, and each lane into two neighborhoods. By this reckoning each clan-group would spare twelve adult males and yield twelve bolts of levy silk. Roughly estimating the households now under administration at more than twenty thousand clan-groups, one year would yield two hundred forty thousand bolts of levy silk. Requiring one soldier for every fifteen adult males would yield sixteen thousand troops. This is the way to enrich the state and bring peace to the people.
16
古諸侯娶九女，士有一妻、二妾。 晉令：諸王置妾八人，郡公、侯妾六人。 官品令：第一、第二品有四妾，第三、第四有三妾，第五、第六有二妾，第七、第八有一妾。 所以陰教聿修，繼嗣有廣。 廣繼嗣，孝也； 修陰教，禮也。 而聖朝忽棄此數，由來漸久。 將相多尚公主，王侯亦娶后族，故無妾媵，習以為常。 婦人多幸，生逢今世，舉朝略是無妾，天下殆皆一妻。 設令人強志廣娶，則家道離索，身事迍邅，內外親知，共相嗤怪。 凡今之人，通無準節。 父母嫁女，則教之以妒； 姑姊逢迎，必相勸以忌。 持制夫為婦德，以能妬為女工。 自云不受人欺，[11]畏他笑我。 王公猶自一心，已下何敢二意。 夫妬忌之心生，則妻妾之禮廢； 妻妾之禮廢，則姦淫之兆興。 斯臣之所以毒恨者也。 請以王公第一品娶八，通妻以備九女； 稱事二品備七； 三品、四品備五； 五品、六品則一妻、二妾。 限以一周，悉令充數，若不充數及待妾非禮，使妻妒加捶撻，免所居官。 其妻無子而不娶妾，斯則自絕，無以血食祖父，請科不孝之罪，離遣其妻。
In antiquity feudal lords took nine wives, and gentlemen kept one wife and two concubines. Under the Jin code, princes could take eight concubines and commandery dukes and marquises six. The office-rank code allowed four concubines for the first and second ranks, three for the third and fourth, two for the fifth and sixth, and one for the seventh and eighth. Thus women's instruction within the household was cultivated and the line of succession was broadened. To broaden the succession is filial; to cultivate the inner quarters is ritual propriety. Yet our court has abruptly abandoned these quotas, and the custom has deepened over time. Ministers and generals mostly married imperial princesses, and kings and marquises took empresses' kin as wives, so they kept no concubines and the habit became normal. Women are fortunate indeed to live in this age: the whole court scarcely keeps concubines, and the realm is nearly all monogamous. Suppose a man forced his will and took many wives: his household would fall apart, his affairs would go awry, and relatives near and far would mock him. People today universally lack a fixed standard. When parents marry off a daughter, they teach her to be jealous; when aunts and elder sisters receive her, they urge her to be forbidding. Controlling the husband is called wifely virtue, and skill in jealousy is called woman's craft. They say they will not be imposed upon,[11] yet fear being laughed at. Even kings and dukes keep to one heart; how dare those below harbor two? When jealousy arises, the rites governing wife and concubine are abandoned; when those rites are abandoned, the omens of licentiousness appear. This is what your servant bitterly deplores. I ask that princes and dukes of the first rank take eight wives, with the principal wife counting toward the full nine; those of the second rank, seven according to office; the third and fourth ranks, five; the fifth and sixth ranks, one wife and two concubines. Within one year all must meet the quota; if they fail to meet it, keep concubines contrary to ritual, or let a jealous wife beat them, strip them of office. If a wife bears no son and he will not take a concubine, he cuts off his own line and cannot feed his ancestors by sacrifice; apply the crime of unfilial conduct and divorce the wife.
17
臣之赤心，義唯家國，欲使吉凶無不合禮，貴賤各有其宜，省人帥以出兵丁，立倉儲以豐穀食，設賞格以擒姦盜，行典令以示朝章，庶使足食足兵，人信之矣。 又冒申妻妾之數，正欲使王侯、將相、功臣子弟，苗胤滿朝，傳祚無窮，此臣之志也。
My loyal heart is for family and state alone: I wish fortune and misfortune to accord with ritual and noble and base each to have its place; to cut neighborhood chiefs and raise levies of soldiers, to build granaries and fill them with grain, to set bounties for catching thieves, and to publish statutes so that arms and food suffice and the people trust the throne. I also venture to prescribe numbers of wives and concubines so that the sons and grandsons of the royal and ministerial houses may fill the court with heirs and transmit blessing without end — that is my aim.
18
詔付有司議奏不同。
The throne referred the matter to the relevant offices for deliberation; their opinions differed and the proposal was not adopted.
19
孝友又言：「今人生為皁隸，葬擬王侯，存沒異途，無復節制，崇壯丘壠，盛飾祭儀，隣里相榮，稱為至孝。 又夫婦之始，王化所先，共食合瓢，足以成禮。 而今之富者彌奢，同牢之設，甚於祭槃。 累魚成山，山有林木，林木之上，鸞鳳斯存。 徒有煩勞，終成委棄，仰惟天意，其或不然。 請自茲以後，若婚葬過禮者，[12]以違旨論，官司不加糾劾，即與同罪。」
Xiaoyou also said: "Today men live as commoners yet bury themselves like kings and marquises; in life and death alike restraint is gone; they heap lofty tombs and lavish funeral rites, and neighbors praise one another, calling it utmost filial piety. Moreover the bond of husband and wife is where royal transformation begins; sharing food and joining halves of a gourd is enough to complete the rite. Yet the rich grow ever more extravagant; their wedding feasts outdo sacrificial banquets. They pile fish into mountains, set trees upon the mountains, and place phoenixes in the trees. All of it is vain labor doomed to be cast away; Heaven's intent, surely, cannot approve. I ask that hereafter anyone whose wedding or funeral exceeds ritual[12] be punished as defying the throne, and that officials who fail to investigate share the guilt."
20
孝友在尹積年，[13]以法自守，甚著聲稱。 然性無骨鯁，善事權勢，為正直者所譏。 齊受禪，爵例降。
Xiaoyou served many years as Intendant of the Capital,[13] held himself to the law, and won a strong reputation. Yet he lacked backbone by nature, courted the powerful, and upright men ridiculed him. When Qi received the abdication, noble ranks were lowered according to precedent.
21
昌弟孚，字秀和。 少有令譽，侍中游肇、并州刺史高聰、司徒崔光等見孚，咸曰：「此子當準的人物，恨吾徒衰暮，不及見耳。」 累遷兼尚書右丞。 靈太后臨朝，宦者干政，孚乃總括古今名妃賢后，凡為四卷，奏之。 遷左丞。
Fu, younger brother of Chang, styled Xiuhe. From youth he enjoyed fine repute. When Attendant-in-Chief You Zhao, Inspector of Bing Province Gao Cong, Minister of State Cui Guang, and others met Fu, they all said, "This boy will become a man of mark; we regret our old age and will not live to see it." He rose to Acting Right Vice Director of the Secretariat. When Empress Dowager Ling held court and eunuchs meddled in affairs, Fu compiled famous consorts and worthy empresses through the ages in four scrolls and submitted them. He was promoted to Left Vice Director.
22
蠕蠕王阿那瓌既得返國，其人大飢，相率入塞，阿那瓌上表請臺賑給。 詔孚為北道行臺，詣彼賑恤。 孚陳便宜，表曰：
After the Rouran king Anagui returned to his realm, his people starved and poured through the passes; Anagui memorialized the court for relief. An edict made Fu Northern Route Commissioner to go and relieve them. Fu proposed what was expedient in a memorial:
23
皮服之人，未嘗粒食。 宜從俗因利，拯其所無。 昔漢建武中，單于款塞，時轉河東米糒二萬五千斛、牛羊三萬六千頭以給之。 斯即前代和戎、撫新、柔遠之長策也。 乞以牸牛產羊餬其口命。 且畜牧繁息，是其所便，毛血之利，惠兼衣食。
People who dress in hides have never lived on grain. One should follow their customs and circumstances and supply what they lack. In the Jianwu era of Han, when the Chanyu submitted at the passes, the court sent twenty-five thousand hu of rice from Hedong and thirty-six thousand head of cattle and sheep. That was the long-tested policy of former ages for harmonizing with barbarians, comforting newcomers, and gentling the distant. I ask that cows and breeding sheep be granted to sustain their lives. Livestock moreover breed readily, which suits them; hides and blood profit both clothing and food.
24
又尚書奏云，如其仍住七州，隨寬置之。 臣謂人情戀本，寧肯徙內。 若依臣請，給賑雜畜，愛本重鄉，必還舊土。 如其不然，禁留益損。 假令逼徙，事非久計。 何者？ 人面獸心，去留難測，既易水草，痾恙將多，憂愁致困，死亡必甚。 兼其餘類尚在沙磧，脫出狂勃，翻歸舊巢，必殘掠邑里，遺毒百姓。 亂而方塞，未若杜其未萌。
The Secretariat also memorialized that if they remain in the seven provinces, they should be settled wherever there is room. I hold that people cling to their native soil and would rather not move inland. If my request is granted and mixed herds are given in relief, loving their roots and honoring their homes, they will surely return to their old lands. If not, detaining them will only increase the harm. Even forced relocation cannot be a lasting policy. Why? Their faces are human but their hearts bestial; stay or go is hard to predict; change their fodder and water and sickness will multiply; grief and hardship will wear them down and deaths will be many. Moreover their kinsmen remain in the deserts; if they burst into violence and return to their old haunts, they will ravage the districts and harm the people. Blocking disorder after it has begun is inferior to stopping it before it sprouts.
25
又貿遷起於上古，交易行於中世，漢與胡通，亦立關巿。 今北人阻飢，命懸溝壑，公給之外，必求巿易，彼若願求，宜見聽許。
Commerce arose in high antiquity and exchange in the middle ages; Han too established border markets in dealing with the Hu. The northerners are starving, their lives over the abyss; beyond public relief they will surely seek to trade, and if they wish to buy, they should be allowed.
26
又云：
He also said:
27
營大者不計小名，圖遠者弗拘近利。 雖戎狄衰盛，歷代不同，叛服之情，略可論討。 周之北伐，僅獲中規； 漢氏外攘，裁收下策。 昔在代京，恒為重備，將帥勞止，甲士疲力。 前世苦之，計未能致。 今天祚大魏，亂亡在彼。 朝廷垂天覆之恩，廓大造之德。 鳩其散亡，禮送令返。 宜因此時，善思遠策。
Great undertakings do not fuss over small reputations; far-sighted plans do not cling to immediate gain. Though the barbarians' strength shifts from age to age, the pattern of submission and rebellion can broadly be judged. Zhou's northern campaigns won only middling success; Han outward expansion barely achieved the lesser strategy. Formerly at Dai the capital was always heavily garrisoned; commanders wore themselves out and armored men were exhausted. Former ages suffered from this and could not solve it by planning. Today Heaven's mandate rests on Great Wei, while disorder and ruin lie with them. The court extends grace that covers heaven and the virtue of vast creation. It gathers their scattered people, treats them with ritual, and sends them home under command. This is the time to devise a far-reaching policy.
28
竊以理雖萬變，可以一觀； 來事雖懸，易以往卜。 昔漢宣之世，呼韓款塞，漢遣董忠、韓昌領邊郡士馬，送出朔方，因留衞助。 又光武時，亦令中郎將段彬置安集掾史，隨單于所在，參察動靜。 斯皆守吉之元龜，安邊之勝策。 計今朝廷成功，不減曩時； 蠕蠕國弊，亦同疇日。 宜準昔成謨，略依舊事。 借其所閑地，聽使田牧； 粗置官屬，示相慰撫； 嚴戒邊兵，以見保衞。 馭以寬仁，縻以久策。 使親不至矯詐，疏不容叛反。 今北鎮諸將舊常云一人代外邏，[14]因令防察。 所謂天子有道，守在四夷者也。
Though principle has ten thousand changes, it may be viewed from one standpoint; though the future is uncertain, the past may be used to divine it. In the era of Han Xuandi, Huhanye submitted at the passes; Han sent Dong Zhong and Han Chang with border troops and horses to escort him out through Shuofang and remain to guard and assist. Under Emperor Guangwu as well, the court ordered Palace Attendant Duan Bin to appoint pacification clerks to follow the Chanyu and observe his movements. These are the great tortoises of guarding antiquity, the winning policies for securing the frontier. The court's accomplishment today is no less than in those times; the Rouran state's exhaustion is likewise the same. Take former successful plans as the standard and broadly follow old precedents. Lend them idle land and let them farm and pasture; Post a modest staff to offer reassurance and comfort; Strictly warn the border troops to show that protection is at hand; Govern them with magnanimity and bind them with a long-range policy; Keep intimates from deception and the distant from rebellion; The northern garrison commanders have long had one man deputize for outer patrol,[14] and use that arrangement for surveillance; That is what is meant by saying that when the Son of Heaven holds the Way, defense rests with the four quarters;
29
又云：
He also said:
30
先人有奪人之心，待降如受強敵。 武非專外，亦以防內。 若從處分割配，諸州鎮遼遠，非轉輸可到，悔叛之情，變起難測。 又居人畜業，布在原野，戎夷性貪，見則思盜。 防彼肅此，少兵不堪，渾流之際，易相干犯。 驅之還本，未必樂去，配州內徙，復不肯從。 既其如此，為費必大。
Our forebears treated submitters like powerful enemies, bent on seizing advantage; Arms serve not only the frontier but also internal security; If they are split up and reassigned, the provinces and garrisons are too distant for supply lines; regret and defection will arise and changes will be unpredictable; Their herds roam the open steppe, and the barbarians are greedy by nature — where they see livestock they think of theft; Guarding them while securing our own side takes more troops than we have; when the populations mingle, clashes come easily; Drive them home and they may not wish to go; assign them to inland provinces and again they will refuse; Since matters stand thus, the cost will surely be great.
31
朝廷不許。
The court did not permit it.
32
孚持白虎幡勞阿那瓌於柔玄、懷荒二鎮間。 阿那瓌眾號三十萬，陰有異意，遂拘留孚，載以轀車，日給酪一升，肉一段。 每集其眾，坐孚東廂，稱為行臺，甚加禮敬。 阿那瓌遂南過至舊京，後遣孚等還，因上表謝罪。 有司以孚事下廷尉，丞高謙之云孚辱命，處孚流罪。
Fu, bearing the white-tiger banner, went to comfort Anagui between the Rouxuan and Huaihuang garrisons. Anagui's followers were said to number three hundred thousand; harboring secret designs, he detained Fu, carried him in a covered wagon, and each day gave him one sheng of kumiss and one portion of meat. Whenever he assembled his host, he seated Fu in the eastern wing, called him Commissioner, and showed him great respect. Anagui then passed south as far as the old capital; afterward he sent Fu and the others back and submitted a memorial asking pardon. The relevant offices referred Fu's case to the Court of Justice; Vice Director Gao Qianzhi said Fu had disgraced his commission and sentenced him to exile.
33
後拜冀州刺史，孚勸課農桑，境內稱為慈父，隣州號曰神君。 先是，州人張孟都、張洪建、馬潘、崔獨憐、張叔緒、崔醜、張天宜、崔思哲等八家，皆屯保林野，不臣王命，州郡號曰八王。 孚至，皆請入城，願致死効力。 後為葛榮所陷，為榮所執。 兄祐為防城都督，兄子子禮為錄事參軍，榮欲先害子禮，孚請先死以贖子禮，叩頭流血，榮乃捨之。 又大集將士議其死事，孚兄弟各誣己引過，爭相為死。 又孟都、潘、紹等數百人皆叩頭就法，[15]請活使君。 榮曰：「此魏之誠臣義士也。」 凡同禁五百人，皆得免。 榮平，[16]還，除冀州刺史。
Later he was appointed Inspector of Ji Province; Fu urged farming and sericulture, and within the province he was called a kindly father, while neighboring provinces called him a divine lord. Before this, eight clans of the province — Zhang Mengdu, Zhang Hongjian, Ma Pan, Cui Dulian, Zhang Shuxu, Cui Chou, Zhang Tianyi, and Cui Sizhe — all held fortified camps in forest and wild and did not submit to the royal command; the province and commanderies called them the Eight Kings. When Fu arrived, all asked to enter the cities and pledged to die in his service. Later he was overrun by Ge Rong and seized by him. His elder brother You was Defense Commander of the city; his brother's son Zili was Recording Secretary; Ge Rong wished first to kill Zili, but Fu begged to die first in Zili's stead, knocking his head until it bled, and Ge Rong thereupon spared him. Ge Rong also gathered officers and men to decide their deaths; Fu and his brothers each falsely accused themselves and vied to die in the other's place. Moreover Mengdu, Pan, Shao, and several hundred others all kowtowed and submitted to the law,[15] begging that the commissioner be spared. Ge Rong said: "These are Wei's loyal servants and men of righteousness. In all, five hundred men held together in detention were spared. When Ge Rong was pacified,[16] Fu returned and was again made Inspector of Ji.
34
元顥入洛，授孚東道行臺、彭城郡王，孚封顥逆書送朝廷，天子嘉之。 顥平，封孚萬年鄉男。
When Yuan Hao entered Luoyang, Fu was made Eastern Route Commissioner and Prince of Pengcheng; Fu sealed Yuan Hao's treasonous letter and sent it to court, and the Son of Heaven praised him. When Yuan Hao was defeated, Fu was enfeoffed as Baron of Wannian Township.
35
永安末，樂器殘缺，莊帝命孚監儀注，孚上表曰：「昔太和中，中書監高閭、太樂令公孫崇修造金石，數十年間，乃奏成功。 時大集儒生，考其得失。 太常卿劉芳請別營造，久而方就。 復召公卿量校合否，論者沸騰，莫有適從。 登被旨敕，並見施用。 往歲大軍入洛，戎馬交馳，所有樂器，亡失垂盡。 臣至太樂署，問太樂令張乾龜等，云承前以來，置宮懸四箱，簨簴六架。 東北架編黃鍾之磬十四，雖器名黃鍾，而聲實夷則，考之音制，不甚諧韻。 姑洗懸於東北，太蔟編於西北，蕤賓列於西南，並皆器象差位，調律不和。 又有儀鍾十四，虛懸架首，初不叩擊，今便刪廢，以從正則。 臣今據周禮鳧氏修廣之規，磬氏倨句之法，吹律求聲，叩鍾求音，損除繁雜，討論實錄，依十二月為十二宮，各準辰次，當位懸設，月聲既備，隨用擊奏，則會還相為宮之義，又得律呂相生之體。 今量鍾磬之數，各以十二架為定。」 奏可。 于時搢紳之士，咸往觀聽，靡不咨嗟歎服而返。 太傅、錄尚書長孫承業妙解聲律，特復稱善。
At the end of the Yongan era, musical instruments were damaged and incomplete; Emperor Zhuang ordered Fu to supervise ritual regulations. Fu submitted a memorial: "In the Taihe era, Director of the Secretariat Gao Lao and Director of the Grand Music Office Gongsun Chong repaired and cast metal and stone instruments; only after several decades was success reported. At that time the court greatly gathered Confucian scholars to examine what was right and wrong. Minister of Ceremonies Liu Fang requested a separate construction; only after a long while was it completed. The court again summoned princes and ministers to weigh whether it was correct; debaters boiled over, and none could agree. Emperor Xiaowen received an imperial directive and all were put into use. In past years the great army entered Luoyang; war-horses crossed in tumult; nearly all musical instruments were lost. Your servant arrived at the Grand Music Office and questioned Grand Music Director Zhang Qiangui and others, who said that from previous times onward they had set up four cases of palace bells and chimes and six bell-frames with feathered shafts. On the northeast frame were strung fourteen sounding-stones of Huangzhong; though the instrument was named Huangzhong, the tone was actually Yize — examining the pitch system, it was not very harmonious. Guxian hung in the northeast, Taicu arrayed in the northwest, Ruibin ranged in the southwest — all had instrument forms and positions at variance, and pitch regulation was not in accord. There were also fourteen ceremonial bells hung vainly at the frame-top and never struck at first; now let them be abolished to follow proper rule. Your servant now follows the Regulator's rules of breadth in the Zhou li and the Regulator of Chimes' method of obtuse and acute angles; blowing pipes to seek sound and striking bells to seek pitch, I have removed the superfluous and discussed what is real. According to the twelve months as twelve palaces, each matching its chronological station, set at the proper position when suspended — once the monthly sounds are complete and struck as needed, the principle of mutual generation among tones is achieved and the substance of pitch-pipe mutual generation is obtained. Now measuring the number of bells and chimes, set each at twelve frames as fixed. The memorial was approved. At that time gentry and officials all went to observe and listen, and none returned without sighing in admiration. Grand Tutor and Recorder of the Secretariat Changsun Chengye had a marvelous grasp of pitch and mode and especially praised it.
36
後從出帝入關。
Later he followed Emperor Chu exiting the passes westward.
37
子石侯，襲。 薨，諡曰哀王。
His son Shihou inherited. He died; posthumous title Prince Ai (Lamented).
38
子遺興，襲。 薨，諡曰定王。 無子。
His son Yixing inherited. He died; posthumous title Prince Ding (Settled). He had no son.
39
石侯弟嘉，少沉敏，喜慍不形於色，兼有武略。 高祖初，拜徐州刺史，甚有威惠。 後封廣陽王，以紹建後。 高祖南伐，詔嘉斷均口。 嘉違失指授，令賊得免。 帝怒，責之曰：「叔祖定非世孫，何太不上類也！」 及將大漸，遺詔以嘉為尚書左僕射，與咸陽王禧等輔政。 遷司州牧，嘉表請於京四面，築坊三百二十，各周一千二百步，乞發三正復丁，以充茲役，雖有暫勞，姦盜永止。 詔從之。 拜衞大將軍、尚書令，除儀同三司。
Shihou's younger brother Jia, from youth was deep and keen; joy and anger did not show on his face, and he had martial strategy as well. At the beginning of Emperor Gaozu's reign he was appointed Inspector of Xu Province and possessed great authority and grace. Later he was enfeoffed as Prince of Guangyang to continue the enfeoffment line. When Gaozu campaigned south, an edict ordered Jia to cut off the Jun ford. Jia violated and missed the instruction and let the bandits escape. The emperor was angry and rebuked him: "Uncle-forebear Ding was no heir of the age — how can you be so unlike your kind! When he was about to die, his final edict made Jia Left Vice Director of the Secretariat, to assist in government with Prince Xianyang of Xi and others. He was transferred to Governor of Si Province; Jia memorialized asking that around the capital on four sides three hundred twenty wards be built, each with a perimeter of twelve hundred paces; he begged that the three chiefs' restored adult males be levied to fill this labor — though there would be temporary toil, brigands and thieves would cease forever. An edict followed his request. He was appointed Grand General of the Guard and Director of the Secretariat, and granted parity of three offices.
40
嘉好飲酒，或沉醉，在世宗前言笑自得，無所顧忌。 帝以其屬尊年老，常優容之。 與彭城、北海、高陽諸王每入宴集，極歡彌夜，數加賞賜。 帝亦時幸其第。 性好儀飾，車服鮮華，既居儀同，又任端首，出入容衞，道路榮之。 後遷司空，轉司徒。
Jia loved wine and sometimes grew drunk; before Emperor Shizong he spoke and laughed as he pleased without restraint. The emperor, because of his eminent kinship and advanced age, always treated him leniently. With the princes of Pengcheng, Beihai, and Gaoyang he entered feast upon feast, reveling through the night, and received frequent rewards. The emperor also sometimes visited his mansion. By nature he loved ceremony and adornment; carriages and robes were fresh and splendid; having attained parity of three offices and serving as head of the levee, he went out and in with guards and retinue, and the road honored him. Later he was transferred to Minister of Works, then to Minister of Education.
41
嘉好立功名，有益公私，多所敷奏，帝雅委付之。 愛敬人物，後來才俊未為時知者，侍坐之次，轉加談引，時人以此稱之。 薨，遺命薄葬。 世宗悼惜之，贈侍中、太保，諡曰懿烈。
Jia loved to establish merit and fame; what benefited public and private he often memorialized, and the emperor deeply entrusted him. He loved and respected men of talent; when younger men of promise were not yet known to the age, at sessions when seated he would turn and draw them into talk, and men of the time praised him for this. He died and left instructions for a plain burial. Shizong mourned him and posthumously appointed him Palace Attendant and Grand Tutor, with posthumous title Yi Lie (Steadfast and Ardent).
42
嘉後妃，宜都王穆壽孫女、司空從妹也，聰明婦人。 及為嘉妃，多所匡贊，光益家道。
Jia's consort was granddaughter of Prince Yidu Mu Shou and younger cousin of the Minister of Works — a clever woman. When she became Jia's princess-consort, she often corrected and assisted him, brightening and enriching the household.
43
子深，[18]字智遠，襲爵。 肅宗初，拜肆州刺史。 預行恩信，胡人便之，劫盜止息。 後為恒州刺史，在州多所受納，政以賄成，私家有馬千匹者必取百匹，以此為恒。 累遷殿中尚書，未拜，坐淫城陽王徽妃于氏，為徽表訟，詔付丞相高陽王雍等宗室議決其罪，以王還第。
His son Shen,[18] styled Zhiyuan, inherited the title. At the beginning of Emperor Suzong's reign he was appointed Inspector of Si Province. He beforehand practiced grace and trust; the Hu found him convenient, and robbery and banditry ceased. Later he became Inspector of Heng Province; in the province he received many bribes, and government was accomplished through gifts — households with a thousand horses in private stock he surely took a hundred, and made this the norm. He was repeatedly promoted to Director within the Palace, but before assuming the post he was convicted of violating Lady Yu, consort of Prince Chengyang of Hui; Prince Hui memorialized accusing him; an edict referred the case to the Chief Minister Prince of Gaoyang, Yong, and other royal kin to decide his crime, and he was sent back to his mansion as a prince.
44
及沃野鎮人破六韓拔陵反叛，臨淮王彧討之，失利，詔深為北道大都督，[19]受尚書令李崇節度。 時東道都督崔暹敗於白道，[20]深上書曰：
When the people of Woye Garrison, Poliuhan Baling, rebelled, Prince Linhuai of Yu campaigned against them and failed; an edict made Shen Grand Commander of the Northern Route,[19] subject to the command of Director of the Secretariat Li Chong. At that time Eastern Route Commander Cui Xuan was defeated at White Road;[20] Shen submitted a memorial:
45
邊豎構逆，以成紛梗，其所由來，非一朝也。 昔皇始以移防為重，盛簡親賢，擁麾作鎮，配以高門子弟，以死防遏，不但不廢仕宦，至乃偏得復除。 當時人物，忻慕為之。 及太和在歷，僕射李沖當官任事，涼州土人，悉免厮役，豐沛舊門，仍防邊戍。 自非得罪當世，莫肯與之為伍。 征鎮驅使，但為虞候白直，一生推遷，不過軍主。 然其往世房分留居京者得上品通官，在鎮者便為清途所隔。 或投彼有北，以御魑魅，多復逃胡鄉。 乃峻邊兵之格，鎮人浮遊在外，皆聽流兵捉之。 於是少年不得從師，長者不得遊宦，獨為匪人，言者流涕。
Border villains have raised rebellion and formed disorder; its causes did not arise in a single morning. In antiquity, at Huangshi, shifting garrisons was held important; they carefully chose kin and worthies, grasped banners and served as commandants, paired with sons of eminent houses who would die blocking the frontier — not only were they not removed from office, they even received special exemption privileges. Men of that time admired this and aspired to it. When the Taihe era came, Vice Director Li Chong held office and managed affairs: natives of Liang Province were all exempted from menial service, while the old families of Feng and Pei still guarded the border garrisons. Unless one had offended the age, none would join them. The frontier garrisons employed them only as scouts and runners; advancement in a lifetime went no higher than garrison chief. Yet branches of their clans that remained in the capital in former generations could obtain high-ranking regular offices, while those at the garrisons were shut off from the clear path of advancement. Some fled to the northern wastes to escape demons; many again fled to barbarian villages. Then the standards for border troops were made harsh; garrison men drifting outside were all subject to capture by roving patrols. Thereupon youths could not follow teachers, elders could not seek office abroad — they alone were made outlaws, and those who spoke of it wept.
46
自定鼎伊洛，邊任益輕，唯底滯凡才，出為鎮將，轉相模習，專事聚斂。 或有諸方姦吏，犯罪配邊，為之指蹤，過弄官府，政以賄立，莫能自改。 咸言姦吏為此，無不切齒憎怒。
From the time the capital was fixed at Yiluo, border posts grew ever lighter; only stagnant mediocrity was sent out as garrison commanders, each imitating the other, devoted solely to amassing wealth. Some corrupt officials from various regions, convicted and assigned to the border, charted their tracks for them and toyed with the government offices; government was established through bribes, and none could reform themselves. All said corrupt officials did this, and none failed to gnash teeth in hatred.
47
及阿那瓌背恩，縱掠竊奔，命師追之，十五萬眾度沙漠，不日而還。 邊人見此援師，便自意輕中國。 尚書令臣崇時即申聞，求改鎮為州，將允其願，抑亦先覺。 朝廷未許。 而高闕戍主率下失和，拔陵殺之，敢為逆命，[21]攻城掠地，所見必誅。 王師屢北，賊黨日盛。 此段之舉，指望銷平。 其崔暹隻輪不反，臣崇與臣逡巡復路。 今者相與還次雲中，馬首是瞻，未便西邁，將士之情，莫不解體。 今日所慮，非止西北，將恐諸鎮尋亦如此，天下之事，何易可量。
When Anagui betrayed his favor, plundered, and fled in secret, the court ordered armies in pursuit; one hundred fifty thousand men crossed the desert and returned within days. The border people, seeing such relief troops, themselves conceived a light estimate of China. Minister of State Chong then immediately reported it, asking to change garrisons into provinces — a wish about to be granted, and also a foresight. The court did not permit it. But the garrison chief at Gaogue lost harmony with his men; Baling killed him and dared to take treasonous command;[21] attacking cities and seizing land, wherever he went he slew. Imperial forces were beaten again and again in the north, and the rebels grew stronger by the day. This campaign was meant to crush the rebellion and restore order. Cui Xian was wiped out to a man; Li Chong and I fell back along the road in retreat. We have fallen back to Yunzhong together; the whole army hangs on your will, yet we cannot march west, and the troops' morale has utterly collapsed. Today's fear is not only for the northwest; soon every garrison may follow suit. Who can fathom what will become of the realm?
48
時不納其策。 東西部敕勒之叛，朝議更思深言，遣兼黃門侍郎酈道元為大使，欲復鎮為州，以順人望。 會六鎮盡叛，不得施行。 深後上言：「今六鎮俱叛，二部高車，亦同惡黨，以疲兵討之，不必制敵。 請簡選兵，或留守恒州要處，更為後圖。」
The court rejected his proposal. After the eastern and western Tiele rose in revolt, the court reconsidered Shen's advice and sent Concurrent Palace Attendant Li Daoyuan as grand envoy to convert the garrisons back into provinces and satisfy popular expectation. Before the plan could be enacted, all six garrisons had rebelled. Shen memorialized again: "All six garrisons are in revolt, and the two Gaoche confederacies are allied with them. Exhausted troops cannot be relied on to defeat the enemy. Select picked troops and either hold the vital points around Heng Province or devise another plan."
49
及李崇徵還，深專總戎政。 拔陵避蠕蠕，南移渡河。 先是，別將李叔仁以拔陵來逼，請求迎援，深赴之，前後降附二十萬人。 深與行臺元纂表求恒州北別立郡縣，安置降戶，隨宜賑賚，息其亂心。 不從，詔遣黃門郎楊昱分散之於冀、定、瀛三州就食。 [22]深謂纂曰：「此輩復為乞活矣，禍亂當由此作。」 既而鮮于脩禮叛於定州，杜洛周反於幽州，其餘降戶，猶在恒州，遂欲推深為主。 深乃上書乞還京師，令左衞將軍楊津代深為都督，以深為侍中、右衞將軍、定州刺史。 時中山太守趙叔隆、別駕崔融討賊失利，臺使劉審考覈，未訖，會賊逼中山，深乃令叔隆防境。 審馳驛還京，云深擅相放縱。 城陽王徽與深有隙，因此構之，乃徵深為吏部尚書，兼中領軍。 及深至都，肅宗不欲使徽深相憾，敕因宴會令相和解。 徽銜不已。
When Li Chong was recalled from the field, Shen alone held overall military command. Baling, evading the Rouran, moved south across the river. Earlier, Assistant General Li Shuren, harried by Baling, had asked for reinforcements; Shen marched to relieve him, and in all two hundred thousand people surrendered. Shen and the mobile court commissioner Yuan Zuan asked to set up separate commanderies and counties north of Heng Province to resettle the surrendered households, grant relief as needed, and calm their rebellious hearts. The court refused and ordered Palace Attendant Yang Yu to scatter them through Ji, Ding, and Ying provinces to find sustenance. [22] Shen told Zuan, "They will become refugees begging to live again — trouble will start here. Soon Xianyu Xiuli rebelled in Ding Province and Du Luozhou in You Province; the surrendered households still at Heng Province then tried to make Shen their leader. Shen then asked to return to the capital, had Left Guard General Yang Jin replace him as commander, and was appointed Palace Attendant, Right Guard General, and Administrator of Ding Province. The Administrator of Zhongshan, Zhao Shulong, and Vice-Prefect Cui Rong had been defeated by the rebels; court envoy Liu Shen was still investigating when the rebels threatened Zhongshan, and Shen ordered Shulong to hold the border. Liu Shen raced back to the capital by relay and reported that Shen had overstepped his authority and let them go free. Prince Yangyang Hui, who bore a grudge against Shen, used the charge to frame him; Shen was recalled as Minister of the Civil Service and concurrent Commander of the Central Army. When Shen reached the capital, Emperor Xiaozong did not want Hui and Shen to remain enemies and ordered them to reconcile at a banquet. Hui nursed his resentment without end.
50
後河間王琛等為鮮于脩禮所敗，乃除深儀同三司、大都督，章武王融為左都督，裴衍為右都督，並受深節度。 徽因奏靈太后構深曰：「廣陽以愛子握兵在外，不可測也。」 乃敕章武王等潛相防備。 融遂以敕示深，深懼，事無大小，不敢自決。 靈太后聞之，乃使問深意狀。 乃具言曰：
Later, after Prince Hejian Chen and others were defeated by Xianyu Xiuli, Shen was made Supervisor of the Left and Grand Commander; Prince Zhangwu Rong became Left Commander and Pei Yan Right Commander, both under Shen's command. Hui then memorialized Empress Dowager Ling to slander Shen: "Guangyang has his beloved son commanding troops abroad — he is unpredictable." An edict secretly ordered Prince Zhangwu and the others to guard against him. Rong showed the edict to Shen; Shen was terrified and dared not decide anything, great or small, on his own. When Empress Dowager Ling heard of this, she sent to ask Shen for a full account. He then laid out the whole case, saying:
51
往者元叉執權，移天徙日，而徽託附，無翼而飛。 今大明反政，任寄唯重，以徽褊心，銜臣切骨。 臣以疏滯，遠離京輦，被其構阻，無所不為。 然臣昔不在其後，自此以來，翻成陵谷。 徽遂一歲八遷，位居宰相； 臣乃積年淹滯，有功不錄。
In the old days Yuan Cha held power and turned the world upside down, yet Hui attached himself to him and rose without wings. Now that enlightened rule has been restored, he alone holds the heaviest trust; but Hui's petty heart nurses a hatred for me that cuts to the bone. I am slow and undistinguished, far from the capital, and he has blocked me with intrigue at every turn. Yet I was not formerly behind him; since then fortunes have reversed like mountain and valley. Hui was promoted eight times in a single year and stood as chief minister; while I languished for years with my merits unrecorded.
52
自徽執政以來，非但抑臣而已，北征之勳，皆被擁塞。 將士告捷，終無片賞。 雖為表請，多不蒙遂。 前留元標據于盛樂，後被重圍，析骸易子，倒懸一隅，嬰城二載。 賊散之後，依階乞官，徽乃盤退，不允所請。 而徐州下邳戍主賈勳，法僧叛後，暫被圍逼，固守之勳，比之未重，乃立得州，即授開國。 天下之事，其流一也，功同賞異，不平謂何。 又驃騎李崇，北征之日，啟募八州之人，聽用關西之格。 及臣在後，依此科賞，復言北道征者不得同於關西。 定襄陵廟之至重，平城守國之要鎮，若計此而論，功亦何負於秦楚？ 但以嫉臣之故，便欲望風排抑。
Since Hui took power, he has suppressed not only me but every merit won on the northern campaigns. When officers and soldiers reported victory, they received not a shred of reward. Though memorials were submitted, most requests went ungranted. Earlier Yuan Biao was left to hold Shengle and later was tightly besieged — families split flesh and exchanged children, trapped in desperate straits, and held the city for two years. After the rebels dispersed, he petitioned for office by seniority; Hui obstructed him and refused what he asked. Yet Jia Xun, garrison chief at Xiapi in Xuzhou, was only briefly besieged after Faseng's rebellion; his defense was nothing beside Biao's, yet he was made a provincial governor at once and enfeoffed as state founder. Under Heaven the rule is one: equal merit but unequal reward — where is the fairness in that? Grand General Li Chong, when the northern expedition set out, proposed recruiting from eight provinces and applying the Guanxi reward scale. When I served in the rear, rewards followed that standard — then he said northern-route soldiers could not be treated like those of Guanxi. The imperial tombs at Dingxiang and the capital bastion at Pingcheng are matters of the highest weight — judged by that, how did our merit fall short of Qin and Chu? But solely from hatred of me, he tried to crush them at a breath.
53
然其當途以來，何直退勳而已，但是隨臣征者，即便為所嫉。 統軍袁叔和曾經省訴，徽初言有理，又聞北征隸臣為統，應時變色。 復令臣兄子仲顯異端訟臣，緝緝翩翩，謀相誹謗。 言臣惡者，接以恩顏； 稱臣善者，即被嫌責。 甄琛曾理臣屈，乃視之若仇讎； 徐紇頗言臣短，即待之如親戚。 又驃騎長史祖瑩，昔在軍中，妄增首級，矯亂戎行，蠹害軍府，獲罪有司，避命山澤。 直以謗臣之故，徽乃還雪其罪。 臣府司馬劉敬，比送降人，既到定州，翻然背叛。 賊如決河，豈其能擁。 且以臣府參僚，不免身首異處。 徽既怒遷，捨其元惡。 〈闕〉 及胥徒。 從臣行者莫不悚懼。
Since he took power, it was not only my promotions he blocked — anyone who campaigned with me became his target of jealousy. Army Commander Yuan Shuhe once appealed to the ministry; Hui at first said he was in the right, but when he heard that on the northern expedition he would serve under me, his face changed on the spot. He again had my elder brother's son Zhongxian bring a strange suit against me — whispering and plotting slander together. Those who spoke ill of me he greeted with kindness; those who praised me he at once suspected and blamed. Zhen Chen once redressed my grievance, yet Hui treated him like an enemy; Xu He often spoke of my faults, yet Hui treated him like kin. Grand General Chief Clerk Zu Ying, while in the army, had falsely inflated head-counts, perverted military order, and harmed the headquarters; found guilty by the authorities, he fled into the hills. Solely for slandering me, Hui cleared his crime. My headquarters marshal Liu Jing, who had lately escorted surrendered men, rebelled as soon as they reached Ding Province. The rebels were like a river breaking its banks — how could he hold them? Moreover, as staff of my headquarters, we did not escape losing our heads. Hui, angry, shifted the blame and let the chief culprit go. 〈The source text is missing at this point.〉 And to the clerks and runners as well. Those who traveled with me were all terrified.
54
頃恒州之人，乞臣為刺史，徽乃斐然言不可測。 及降戶結謀，臣頻表啟，徽乃因執言此事。 及向定州，遠彼姦惡，又復論臣將有異志。 翻覆如此，欲相陷沒。 致令國朝遽賜遷代。 賊起之由，誰使然也？ 徽既優幸，任隆一世，慕勢之徒，於臣何有。 是故餘人攝選，車馬填門，及臣居邊，賓遊罕至。 臣近比為慮其為梗，是以孜孜乞赴京闕。 屬流人舉斧，元戎垂翅，復從後命，自安無所，僶俛先驅，不敢辭事。 及臣出都，行塵未滅，已聞在後復生異議。 言臣將兒自隨，證為可疑之兆，忽稱此以構亂。 悠悠之人，復傳音響，言左軍臣融、右軍臣衍，皆受密敕，伺察臣事。 徽既用心如此，臣將何以自安！
Recently the people of Heng Province asked that I be made their administrator; Hui grandly called me unpredictable. When the surrendered households plotted, I memorialized repeatedly; Hui seized on the matter and denounced me. When I marched to Ding Province, far from those villains, he again claimed I harbored rebellious intent. Reversing himself thus, he meant to trap and destroy me. That is what made the court hastily transfer and replace me. Who made the rebels rise in the first place? Hui, favored and privileged, towered over a generation; what did power-seekers owe me? So when others held office, carriages and horses filled their gates; when I served on the frontier, guests scarcely came. I lately feared he would obstruct me and earnestly begged to return to the capital. Just then refugees took up arms and the supreme commander was beaten down; obeying the later order with nowhere to rest, I bent low as vanguard and did not dare refuse the task. When I left the capital, the dust of my departure had not settled before fresh accusations arose behind me. They said I took my sons with me — proof of suspicious intent — and suddenly used this to frame me for rebellion. Idle people spread rumors that Left Army Commander Rong and Right Army Commander Yan had secret orders to watch my every move. With Hui's mind set thus, how can I feel secure!
55
竊以天步未夷，國難猶梗，方伯之任，於斯為急。 徽昔臨藩，乃有人譽，及居端右，蔑爾無聞。 今求出之為州，使得申其利用。 徽若外從所長，臣無內慮之切。 脫蒙。 〈闕〉 公私幸甚。
I venture to think the realm is not yet pacified and national peril still blocks the way — the post of regional commander is urgent now. When Hui governed a fief he had some reputation; once he stood at court center, nothing was heard of him. I ask that he now be sent out to govern a province where he can put his talents to use. If Hui is sent out to do what he does best, I shall have no gnawing fear within. If I may receive [your favor]. 〈The source text is missing at this point.〉 It will be great fortune for public and private alike.
56
深以兵士頻經退散，人無鬬情，連營轉柵，日行十里。 行達交津，隔水而陳。 賊脩禮常與葛榮謀，後稍信朔州人毛普賢，榮常銜之。 普賢昔為深統軍，及在交津，深使人諭之，普賢乃有降意。 又使錄事參軍元晏說賊程殺鬼，果相猜貳，葛榮遂殺普賢、脩禮而自立。 榮以新得大眾，上下未安，遂北度瀛州，深便率眾北轉。 榮東攻章武王融，戰敗於白牛邏。 [23]深遂退走，趨定州。 聞刺史楊津疑其有異志，乃止於州南佛寺。 停三日夜，乃召都督毛諡等六七人，臂肩為約，危難之際，期相拯恤。 諡疑深意異，乃密告津云，深謀不軌。 津遣諡討深，深走出，諡叫噪追躡。 深與左右行至博陵郡界，逢賊遊騎，乃引詣葛榮。 賊徒見深，頗有喜者。 榮新自立，內惡之，乃害深。 莊帝追復王爵，贈司徒公，諡曰忠武。
Because the troops had been routed again and again and men had lost the will to fight, Shen moved camp by camp, shifting palisades, and advanced only ten li a day. When they reached Jiaojin, they drew up their lines across the water. The rebel Xiuli often plotted with Ge Rong; later he came to trust Mao Puxian of Shuozhou, and Rong nursed a grudge. Puxian had once served as Shen's army commander; at Jiaojin Shen sent men to win him over, and Puxian was ready to surrender. He also sent Recorder of Affairs Yuan Yan to sway the rebel Cheng Shaygui; suspicion took hold between them, and Ge Rong killed Puxian and Xiuli and made himself leader. Rong, having just taken command of a huge force, was not yet secure in his rule and marched north across Ying Province; Shen then led his troops north. Rong attacked east against Prince Zhangwu Rong and was defeated at Bainiuluo. [23] Shen then fled in retreat toward Ding Province. Learning that Administrator Yang Jin suspected him of disloyalty, he stopped at a Buddhist temple south of the city. After three days and nights he summoned Commanders Mao Yi and six or seven others, linked arms in covenant, and pledged to save one another in peril. Yi suspected Shen's intentions, secretly reported to Jin that Shen plotted treason. Jin sent Yi against Shen; Shen fled, and Yi shouted and pursued close behind. Shen and his attendants reached the border of Boling commandery, met rebel scouts, and were taken to Ge Rong. Many of the rebels who saw Shen were glad. Rong, having just seized power, hated him inwardly and killed him. Emperor Zhuang posthumously restored his princely title, made him Minister of State, and gave him the posthumous name Loyal-Warlike.
57
湛弟瑾，尚書祠部郎。 後謀殺齊文襄，事泄，合門伏法。
Zhan's younger brother Jin served as Director of the Ancestral Temple Office in the Ministry of Rites. Later he plotted against Qi Wenxiang; when the plot leaked, his entire household was executed.
58
湛子法輪，紫光所生也。 齊王矜湛覆滅，乃啟原之，復其爵土。
Zhan's son Falun was born to Lady Ziguang. The Qi king, pitying Zhan's destruction, petitioned for his restoration and returned his title and fief.
59
南安王余，真君三年封吳王，後改封南安王。 世祖暴崩，中常侍宗愛矯皇太后令迎余而立之，然後發喪。 大赦，改年為永平。 余自以非次而立，厚賞羣下，取悅於眾。 為長夜之飲，聲樂不絕，旬月之間，帑藏空罄。 尤好弋獵，出入無度，邊方告難，余不恤之，百姓憤惋，而余晏如也。 宗愛權恣日甚，內外憚之。 余疑愛將謀變，奪其權，愛怒，因余祭廟，夜殺余。 高宗葬以王禮，諡曰隱。
Prince Yu of Nan'an was enfeoffed as Prince of Wu in the third year of Zhenjun and later renamed Prince of Nan'an. When Emperor Shizu died suddenly, the eunuch Zong Ai forged an empress-dowager order to bring Yu to court and install him before the death was announced. The court proclaimed a general amnesty and adopted the reign title Yongping. Knowing he had seized the throne out of turn, Yu lavished rewards on his followers to win popular favor. He threw endless night-long feasts with ceaseless music, and within a month the treasury was drained. He loved hunting above all and came and went without restraint. Border alarms went unheeded; the people seethed with anger, yet Yu remained unruffled. Zong Ai's power grew daily more lawless, and court and realm alike feared him. Yu suspected Ai of plotting rebellion and stripped him of power. Enraged, Ai killed Yu one night while he was offering at the ancestral temple. Emperor Gaozong buried him with the rites due a prince and gave him the posthumous name Yin (the Concealed).
60
校勘記
Collation Notes
61
魏書卷十八諸本目錄此卷注「闕」。 百衲本、南本、汲本、局本卷後有宋人校語云：「魏收書太武五王列傳亡。」 殿本考證云：「魏收書闕，後人所補。」 按此傳以北史補，間有溢出字句，當出於高氏小史。
The tables of contents in various editions of the Book of Wei mark juan 18 as deficient. At the end of the Baibaina, Nan, Ji, and Ju editions a Song-dynasty collation note reads: "Wei Shou's original Biographies of Emperor Taiwu's Five Princes is lost. The Dian edition's textual verification states: "Wei Shou's text is deficient; this was supplied by later hands." This biography was restored from the History of the Northern Dynasties; occasional stray phrases likely come from the Xiaoshi compiled by the Gao family."
62
閭左昭儀生南安王余諸本及北史卷一六「左」作「石」。 按卷一０三蠕蠕傳 〈補〉 ，延和三年二月「遣使人納吳提妹為夫人，又進為左昭儀。」 卷一四望都公頹傳稱：「使迎左昭儀於蠕蠕。」 茹茹主吳提妹為魏左昭儀，歷見記載，「閭」是茹茹姓木骨閭的改姓。 「石」乃「左」之訛。 「閭左昭儀」連讀。 今改正。
Regarding "the Lü Zuo Lady of the Hall bore Prince Yu of Nan'an": various editions and Beishi juan 16 read "zuo" (left) as "shi" (stone). Compare juan 103, Rouran treatise 〈Supplement〉 In the second month of Yanhe year 3: "envoys were sent to take Wuti's younger sister as consort, and she was later advanced to Zuo Lady of the Hall." Juan 14, biography of Duke Wangdu of Tui, states that envoys were sent to welcome the Zuo Lady of the Hall from the Rouran. The Rouran ruler Wuti's younger sister served as Wei's Zuo Lady of the Hall and appears repeatedly in the records; "Lü" is the shortened form of the Rouran clan name Muguilü. "Stone" is a corruption of "zuo." "Lü Zuo Lady of the Hall" should be read as a single phrase. The text is corrected accordingly.
63
其小兒猫兒真虎頭龍頭並闕母氏諸本無「真」字，北史卷一六有。 按卷四下世祖紀下太平真君十一年二月記「皇子真薨」。 此傳脫去「真」字，十一男就少了一人，今據北史補。
His younger sons Mao'er, Zhen, Hutou, and Longtou all lack their mothers' names; various editions omit "zhen," but Beishi juan 16 has it. Compare juan 4b of Shizu's annals, second month of the eleventh year of Taiping Zhenjun: "Prince Zhen died." This biography dropped "zhen," leaving one son too few among the eleven; it is restored here from Beishi.
64
慕利延兄子拾寅走河曲諸本及北史卷一六「子」上無「兄」字，「河」作「阿」。 御覽卷三一六 〈一四五五頁〉 如上摘句。 按卷一０一吐谷渾傳 〈補〉 作「慕利延兄子拾寅走河西」。 拾寅是慕利延兄樹洛干子，作「兄子」是，「阿」是「河」之訛，今皆補正。 「河曲」「河西」都通，諸本作「曲」，今仍之。
Muliyan's elder brother's son Shibin fled to Hequ; various editions and Beishi juan 16 lack "elder brother" before "son" and read "he" (river) as "a." Imperial Readings, juan 316 〈p. 1455〉 as quoted above. Compare juan 101, Tuyuhun treatise 〈Supplement〉 reads "Muliyan's elder brother's son Shibin fled to Hexi." Shibin was the son of Muliyan's elder brother Shuluogan; "elder brother's son" is correct and "a" is a corruption of "he"; both are corrected here. "Hequ" and "Hexi" are both acceptable; various editions read "qu," which is retained here.
65
有榮胡家按晉書卷一一０慕容雋載記永和八年記「晉寧朔將軍榮胡以彭城、魯郡叛降於儁」。 鄒山屬魯郡，當即此榮胡，「家」疑是「冢」之訛。
There was the house of Rong Hu — compare Jinshu juan 110, annals of Murong Jun: in Yonghe year 8, "Jin General of Pacifying the North Rong Hu rebelled with Pengcheng and Lu commandery and submitted to Jun." Zou Mountain belonged to Lu commandery; this should be the same Rong Hu; "house" is likely a corruption of "tomb."
66
三王楚琳琅御覽卷四九五 〈二二六五頁〉 「楚」下有「楚盡」二字。 按「楚琳琅」不甚可解，當脫此二字。
Three princes, Chu's fine jades — Imperial Readings, juan 495 〈p. 2265〉 Below "Chu" are the two characters "Chu jin" (Chu exhausted). "Chu's fine jades" is hard to understand; these two characters were likely lost.
67
有闕餘序諸本「序」下旁注「疑」字，通志卷八四上「餘」作「倫」，疑是。
There is a lacuna in the remaining preface; various editions mark "preface" as doubtful; Tongzhi juan 84a reads "yu" as "lun," which is likely correct.
68
令制百家為黨族二十家為閭五家為比隣百家之內有帥二十五按百家之內，二十家為閭，應有閭長五人； 五家為比隣，應有隣長二十人，合計已達「有帥二十五」之數，再加黨族之長，就有二十六人，數目不符。 疑當作「二十五家為閭」，則閭長四人，正合二十五之數。
The statute made a hundred households a dangzu, twenty a lü, and five a bilin; within a hundred households there were to be twenty-five leaders — with twenty households per lü there should be five lü heads; and five households per bilin should yield twenty bilin heads, already reaching "twenty-five leaders"; adding the dangzu head makes twenty-six, which does not match. It should read "twenty-five households make a lü"; then four lü heads would exactly make twenty-five.
69
自云不受人欺諸本及北史卷一六脫「不」字，今據冊府卷二八八 〈三三九七頁〉 、北齊書卷二八元孝友傳 〈補〉 補。
He said of himself that he would not be deceived by others; various editions and Beishi juan 16 drop "not"; restored here from Cefu yuangui juan 288 〈p. 3397〉 and Beiqishu juan 28, biography of Yuan Xiaoyou 〈Supplement〉 Restored here.
70
若婚葬過禮者諸本脫「禮」字，今據冊府卷二八八 〈三三九七頁〉 及北史卷一六補。
If wedding or funeral exceeded ritual — various editions drop "li" (ritual); restored here from Cefu yuangui juan 288 〈p. 3397〉 and Beishi juan 16.
71
孝友在尹積年北、汲、殿、局四本「尹」作「郡」，百衲本的底本和南本作「尹」，百衲本已從他本改。 按北史卷一六、北齊書卷二八元孝友傳也作「尹」。 孝友當是魏尹，北史刪略，致此「尹」字沒有着落。 後人遂臆改為「郡」，其實上面也不云孝友曾為某郡太守，仍然沒有着落。 百衲本的底本和南本不誤，今從之。
Xiaoyou served many years as Intendant; the Bei, Ji, Dian, and Ju editions read "commandery" for "Intendant"; the Baibaina base and Nan editions read "Intendant," and the Baibaina was already changed from other editions. Beishi juan 16 and Beiqishu juan 28, Yuan Xiaoyou's biography, also read "yin." Xiaoyou must have been Intendant of the Capital; Beishi abbreviates, leaving this "yin" without a clear referent. Later editors guessed and changed it to "commandery," yet the text above never says Xiaoyou served as administrator of any commandery, so it still lacks a referent. The Baibaina base and Nan editions are correct; the text follows them.
72
今北鎮諸將舊常云一人代外邏按此句不甚可解。 「云」即「雲」，疑本作「舊常一人雲、代外邏」。 「雲代」指雲中、代京。 傳本誤倒，「雲」寫作「云」，遂不可通。
Regarding "now the northern garrison generals long customarily said one man deputizes for outer patrol" — this sentence is hard to understand. "Said" is "yun"; the original likely read "long customarily one man Yun-Dai outer patrol." "Yun-Dai" refers to Yunzhong and Daijing. The transmitted text was inverted in error; "yun" was written as the homophone "cloud," and the passage became unintelligible.
73
又孟都潘紹等數百人皆叩頭就法按上文見張孟都、馬潘、張叔緒，疑「紹」字乃「緒」之訛，「叔緒」單稱「緒」。
Also Meng Du, Pan Shao, and several hundred others all kowtowed and submitted to the law; the text above mentions Zhang Meng Du, Ma Pan, and Zhang Shuxu; "shao" is likely a corruption of "xu," with "Shuxu" abbreviated as "xu."
74
榮平諸本及北史卷一六「平」作「卒」，獨殿本作「平」。 按葛榮被擒就法，過去史籍不可能稱之為「卒」，今從殿本。
Rong Ping — various editions and Beishi juan 16 read "died" for "ping"; only the Dian edition reads "ping." Ge Rong was captured and executed; past histories could not have called him "died"; the Dian edition is followed.
75
廣陽王建諸本「建」下有「閭」字。 按這是後人誤讀傳序，把「閭左昭儀」的「閭」字和上「建」字連讀，以為廣陽王名「建閭」，這裏又妄增「閭」字。 今據冊府卷二八四 〈三三四六頁〉 、北史卷一六刪。
Guangyang Wang Jian — various editions have the character "Lü" after "jian." Later readers misread the preface and joined the "Lü" of "Lü Zuo Lady of the Hall" with "jian," inventing the name "Jianlü" for the Guangyang prince; the spurious "Lü" was added here. Deleted here according to Cefu yuangui juan 284 〈p. 3346〉 and Beishi juan 16.
76
子深按魏書紀傳都作「廣陽王淵」。 此傳以北史補，北史避唐諱，改「淵」作「深」。
Son Shen — the Wei annals and biographies all write "Guangyang Wang Yuan." This biography was supplemented from Beishi; Beishi avoids Tang taboo and changes "Yuan" to "Shen."
77
詔深為北道大都督按卷九肅宗紀正光五年五月：「詔尚書令李崇為大都督，率廣陽王淵等北討。」 當時李崇是大都督，元淵受他節度，不得有「大都督」之號，下文崔暹只稱東道都督，可證。 這裏「大」字衍。
An edict appointed Shen Grand Commander of the Northern Route — compare juan 9, Suzong's annals, fifth month of Zhengguang year 5: "An edict appointed Minister of State Li Chong Grand Commander, leading Guangyang Wang Yuan and others on a northern campaign." At that time Li Chong was Grand Commander; Yuan could not have held the title Grand Commander under him; below, Cui Xuan is called only Eastern Route Commander, which confirms this. The character "grand" here is spurious.
78
時東道都督崔暹敗於白道北史卷一六，冊府卷四０四 〈四八０八頁〉 此下有「深率諸軍退還朔州」一句，此傳脫。
At that time Eastern Route Commander Cui Xuan was defeated at Baidao — Beishi juan 16 and Cefu juan 404 〈p. 4808〉 have after this the sentence "Shen led the armies in retreat to Shuozhou"; this biography omits it.
79
敢為逆命諸本及北史卷一六無「敢」字，據冊府卷四０四 〈四八０八頁〉 補。
Dared to take treasonous command — various editions and Beishi juan 16 lack "dared"; restored from Cefu juan 404 〈p. 4808〉 Restored here.
80
詔遣黃門郎楊昱分散之於冀定瀛三州就食諸本及北史卷一六「昱」作「置」。 按事見卷五八楊昱傳，「置」字訛，今改正。
An edict sent Palace Attendant Yang Yu to disperse them among Ji, Ding, and Ying provinces for subsistence; various editions and Beishi juan 16 read "place" for "Yu." The matter appears in juan 58, Yang Yu's biography; "place" is a corruption and is corrected here.
81
戰敗於白牛邏諸本及北史卷一六「邏」都作「還」。 按元融敗於白牛邏，歷見卷九肅宗紀孝昌二年九月辛亥條和卷一九下融本傳。 「還」字訛，今改正。
Defeated at Bainiu Luo — various editions and Beishi juan 16 read "return" for "luo." Yuan Rong was defeated at Bainiu Luo, as repeatedly recorded in juan 9, Suzong's annals, ninth month of Xiaochang year 2, and juan 19b, Rong's biography. "Return" is a corruption and is corrected here.
82
子湛字士深諸本及北史卷一六「深」都作「淵」，墓誌集釋元湛墓誌 〈圖版九六〉 作「字士深」。 按父名「淵」，子不可能以「淵」為字。 又北史例避唐諱，何故於其父則改「淵」為「深」，於子則直書不諱？ 顯然這裏本作「士深」，後人不知「元深」之「深」本是「淵」字，反疑這裏「士深」為北史諱改，實是適得其反。 今據墓誌回改。
Son Zhan, styled Shishen — various editions and Beishi juan 16 read "shen" as "yuan"; the collected epitaphs, Yuan Zhan's epitaph 〈plate 96〉 reads "styled Shishen." The father's name was Yuan; the son could not take Yuan as his style. Moreover, Beishi routinely avoids Tang taboo — why change the father's "Yuan" to "Shen" yet write the son's name without taboo? Clearly the original here read "Shishen"; later readers, not knowing that Yuan Shen's "shen" was originally "yuan," suspected "Shishen" was Beishi's taboo alteration — the opposite of the truth. The text is reverted here according to the epitaph.