1
李彪高道悅
Li Biao; Gao Daoyue
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李彪，字道固，頓丘衞國人，高祖賜名焉。 家世寒微，少孤貧，有大志，篤學不倦。 初受業於長樂監伯陽，伯陽稱美之。 晚與漁陽高悅、北平陽尼等將隱於名山，不果而罷。 悅兄閭，博學高才，家富典籍，彪遂於悅家手抄口誦，不暇寢食。 既而還鄉里。 平原王叡年將弱冠，[1]雅有志業，娶東徐州刺史博陵崔鑒女，路由冀相，聞彪名而詣之，修師友之禮，稱之於郡，遂舉孝廉，至京師館而受業焉。 高閭稱之于朝貴，李沖禮之甚厚，彪深宗附。
Li Biao, whose courtesy name was Daogu, came from Dunqiu in Weiguo; Emperor Gaozu granted him this name. Born into a poor family, he lost his parents early and grew up in poverty, yet he cherished lofty aims and pursued learning without cease. He first studied under Bo Yang, Director of Music in Changle, who spoke highly of him. In later years he and Gao Yue of Yuyang, Yang Ni of Beiping, and others intended to retire to famous mountains, but the plan came to nothing. Yue's elder brother Lü was a scholar of wide learning and great talent, and his house held a rich library; Biao copied texts by hand and recited them aloud at Yue's home, scarcely pausing to eat or sleep. He then returned to his home district. Prince Rui of Pingyuan was approaching manhood [1] and had long shown serious purpose; when he married the daughter of Cui Jian, inspector of Eastern Xuzhou, his route passed through Ji and Xiang. Hearing of Biao's reputation, he called on him, treated him with the courtesies due a teacher and friend, and commended him in the commandery. Biao was thereupon nominated as Filial and Incorrupt, came to the capital, lodged with the prince, and received instruction from him. Gao Lü praised him among the great families at court; Li Chong honored him generously, and Biao became his devoted follower.
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高祖初，為中書教學博士，後假員外散騎常侍、建威將軍、衞國子，使於蕭賾。 遷祕書丞，參著作事。 自成帝以來至于太和，崔浩、高允著述國書，編年序錄，為春秋之體，遺落時事，三無一存。 彪與祕書令高祐始奏從遷固之體，創為紀傳表志之目焉。
Early in Emperor Gaozu's reign he was appointed Erudite for Instruction at the Secretariat; later he served provisionally as Supernumerary Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry, General Who Establishes Might, and heir of Weiguo, and was dispatched on a mission to Xiao Ze. He was promoted to Secretary of the Palace Library and took part in the compilation of the national history. From Emperor Cheng's reign through the Taihe era, Cui Hao and Gao Yun had compiled the national history as annals and chronicles in the manner of the Spring and Autumn Annals, but events were lost and none of the three categories of records remained. Biao and Palace Library Director Gao You were the first to petition that the history follow the annal-biography form of Sima Qian and Ban Gu, establishing the categories of annals, biographies, tables, and treatises.
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彪又表曰：
Biao submitted another memorial, saying:
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臣聞昔之哲王，莫不亹亹孜孜，思納讜言，以康黎庶。 是以訪童問師，不避淵澤； 詢謀諮善，不棄芻蕘。 用能光茂實於竹素，播徽聲於金石。 臣屬生有道，遇無諱之朝，敢修往式，竊揆時宜，謹冒死上封事七條。 狂瞽之言，伏待刑戮。
I have heard that the sage kings of antiquity were all diligent and untiring, eager to receive honest counsel so that the people might prosper. Hence they sought counsel from the young and questioned their teachers, not shrinking from the deepest waters; they sought advice and consulted the worthy, and did not reject the words of the lowly. By this means their achievements were recorded on bamboo and silk, and their noble fame was inscribed on bronze and stone. I was born in an age guided by the Way and have met a court where nothing may not be spoken; I dare follow the precedents of old, judge as best I can what the times require, and humbly risk my life to present this sealed memorial in seven sections. These rash words from a blind man await your punishment.
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其一曰：自太和建號，踰于一紀，典刑德政，可得而言也。 立圓丘以昭孝，則百神不乏饗矣； 舉賢才以酬諮，則多士盈朝矣； 開至誠以軌物，則朝無佞人矣； 敦六順以教人，則四門無凶人矣； 制冠服以明秩，則典式復彰矣； 作雅樂以協人倫，則人神交慶矣； 深慎罰以明刑，則庶獄得衷矣； 薄服味以示約，則儉德光昭矣； 單宮女以配鰥，則人無怨曠矣； 傾府藏以賑錫，則大賚周渥矣； 省賦役以育人，則編戶巷歌矣； 宣德澤以懷遠邇，則華荒抃舞矣； 垂至德以暢幽顯，則禎瑞效質矣。 生生得所，事事惟新，巍巍乎猶造物之曲成也。 然臣愚以為行儉之道，猶自闕如。 [2]何者？ 今四人豪富之家，習華既深，敦樸情淺，未識儉素之易長，[3]而行奢靡之難久。 壯制第宅，美飾車馬，僕妾衣綾綺，土木被文繡，僭度違衷者眾矣。 古先哲王之為制也，自天子以至公卿，下及抱關擊柝，其宮室車服各有差品，小不得踰大，賤不得踰貴。 夫然，故上下序而人志定。 今時浮華相競，情無常守，大為消功之物，巨制費力之事，豈不謬哉！ 消功者，錦繡彫文是也； 費力者，廣宅高宇、壯制麗飾是也。 其妨男業、害女工者，焉可勝言哉！ 漢文時，賈誼上疏云「今之王政可為長太息者六」，此即是其一也。 夫上之所好，下必從之。 故越王好勇而士多輕死，楚靈好瘠而國有飢人。 今二聖躬行儉素，詔令殷勤，而百姓之奢猶未革者，豈楚越之人易變如彼，大魏之士難化如此？ 蓋朝制弗宣，人未見德，使之然耳。 臣愚以為第宅車服，自百官以至于庶人，宜為其等制，使貴不逼賤，卑不僭高，不可以稱其侈意，用違經典。 今或者以為習俗日久，不可卒革，臣謹言古人革之之漸。 昔子產為政一年，百姓歌之曰：「我有田疇，子產伍之，我有衣冠，子產貯之，孰殺子產，吾其與之。」 及三年，乃改歌曰：「我有田疇，子產殖之，我有子弟，子產誨之，子產若死，其誰繼之？」 然則鄭人之智，豈前昏而後明哉？ 且從政者須漸，受化者難頓故也。 今若為制以差品之，始末之情，魏士與鄭人同矣。 既同鄭人，是為卒有善歌，豈可憚其初怨而不為終善哉？ 夫尚儉者開福之源，好奢者起貧之兆。 然則儉約易以教行，華靡難以財滿，是以聖人留意焉，賢人希準焉。 故夏禹卑宮室而惡衣服，殷湯寢黃屋而乘輅輿。 此示儉於後王，後王所宜觀其意而取折衷也。 孔子為魯司寇，乘柴車而駕駑馬； 晏嬰為齊正卿，冠濯冠而衣故裘。 此示儉於後臣，後臣所宜識其情而消息之也。 前志云：「作法於涼，其弊猶貪。」 此言雖略，有達治道。 臣之瞽言，儻或可採，比及三年，可以有成。 有成則人務本，人務本則奢費除，奢費除則穀帛豐，穀帛豐則人逸樂，人逸樂則皇基固矣。
The first point: Since the Taihe era began, more than twelve years have passed, and the rites, punishments, virtue, and governance may now be assessed. Establish the Round Mound to manifest filial piety, and the myriad spirits will never want for sacrifice; raise worthy men to answer your consultations, and the court will brim with talent; open your utmost sincerity to guide the realm, and there will be no sycophants at court; cultivate the six harmonies to instruct the people, and no wicked men will pass the four gates; regulate caps and robes to clarify rank, and the canonical forms will shine forth again; compose elegant music to harmonize human relations, and men and spirits will celebrate together; weigh punishments with care to clarify the law, and the multitude of legal cases will be judged aright; keep food and dress plain to show restraint, and the virtue of frugality will be manifest; release palace women to wed widowers, and the people will not lament lonely beds; pour out the treasury to grant relief, and great bounty will reach all; reduce taxes and corvée to nurture the people, and households throughout the realm will sing in the lanes; proclaim virtue and grace to embrace near and far, and the civilized and the barbarian will dance for joy; extend supreme virtue to the hidden and the manifest, and auspicious omens will show their true form. The living each have their proper place; every affair is renewed; the grandeur is as though the Creator himself had perfected the work. Yet I am convinced that the practice of frugality still falls short. [2] Why is this? Today the wealthy and powerful of the four ranks, long accustomed to luxury, are shallow in plain sincerity; they do not see how easily thrift can be sustained [3], nor how hard extravagance is to keep up. They build palatial residences, lavishly ornament carriages and horses, clothe servants and concubines in brocade silk, and drape timber and plaster in embroidered patterns—transgressors of rank and propriety are legion. When the sage kings of antiquity established their regulations, from the Son of Heaven down through the ministers to the gatekeepers who barred the doors and beat the night watches, dwellings, carriages, and apparel each had its proper grade; the humble could not surpass the exalted, nor the low the high. Only thus are high and low set in order and men's minds made firm. Today men vie in empty display; constancy is gone; they lavish effort on things that waste labor and undertake projects that squander strength—is this not folly? What wastes labor: brocades and carved ornament; what squanders strength: vast houses and towering halls, grand building and gorgeous decoration. As for what hinders men's farming and harms women's weaving—who could recount it all! Under Emperor Wen of Han, Jia Yi submitted a memorial saying that the present royal government offered six matters for deep lament—and this was one of them. What the ruler loves, his subjects will surely follow. The King of Yue loved valor, and his warriors readily faced death; King Ling of Chu loved slender figures, and his realm had men who starved themselves. Today both sage rulers personally practice thrift, and their edicts are earnest—yet the people's extravagance is not reformed. Are the people of Chu and Yue so easily changed, and the subjects of Great Wei so stubborn? Surely it is because court regulations have not been made clear and the people have not seen the virtue in action—that is what makes them so. I believe that dwellings, carriages, and dress—from officials down to commoners—should be governed by graded regulations, so that the exalted do not overwhelm the humble, the low do not overstep the high, and none may indulge extravagance in defiance of the canon. Some may say that custom is too deeply rooted to be changed at once; I respectfully explain how the ancients reformed it by degrees. When Zichan first took office in Zheng, after one year the people sang: 'I have fields—Zichan has measured them; I have clothes—Zichan has taxed them; who kills Zichan, I will help them.' After three years they sang instead: 'I have fields—Zichan has made them fertile; I have sons—Zichan has taught them; if Zichan dies, who will follow him?' Were the people of Zheng foolish before and wise after? Those who govern must act gradually; those who are transformed cannot change all at once—that is why. If regulations are now established to grade ranks, the beginning and end of the affair will show that the gentlemen of Wei are no different from the people of Zheng. Being like the people of Zheng, they will in the end sing praise—how can one fear their first resentment and refuse to seek the good that comes at last? Those who honor thrift open the fountain of blessing; those who love luxury sow the seeds of want. Frugality is easy to teach and to practice; luxury is hard to sustain with wealth—therefore sages took heed of it, and worthy men strove to emulate it. Yu of Xia built low palaces and wore coarse garments; Tang of Yin slept beneath a thatched roof and rode in an unadorned carriage. They showed frugality to kings who came after; later kings should read their intent and strike the proper balance. Confucius, as Minister of Crime in Lu, rode in a cart of firewood and drove worn-out horses; Yan Ying, as chief minister of Qi, wore a cap he had washed again and an old fur robe. They showed frugality to ministers who came after; later ministers should understand their spirit and act accordingly. An old text says: 'Establish law in an age of leniency, and the harm will still be greed.' Though brief, these words grasp the way of good government. My blind words may perhaps be heeded; within three years there may be results. With achievement the people will turn to fundamentals; when they turn to fundamentals, extravagance ceases; when extravagance ceases, grain and cloth abound; when grain and cloth abound, the people rest in contentment; when they rest in contentment, the imperial foundation is secure.
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其二曰：易稱：「主器者，莫若長子。」 傳曰：「太子奉冢嫡之粢盛。」 然則祭亡主則宗廟無所饗，冢嫡廢則神器無所傳。 聖賢知其如此，故垂誥以為長世之法。 昔姬王得斯道也，故恢崇儒術以訓世嫡，世嫡於是乎習成懿德，用大協於黎蒸，是以世統生人，載祀八百。 逮嬴氏之君於秦也，殆棄德政，坑焚儒典，弗以義方教厥冢子，於是習成凶德，肆虐以臨黔首，是以饗年不永，二世而亡。 亡之與興，其道在於師傅，師傅之損益，可得而言。 益者，周公傅成王，教以孝仁禮義，逐去邪人，不使見惡人，選天下之端士、孝悌博聞有道術者以為衞翼。 衞翼良，成王正，周道之所以長久也。 損者，趙高傅胡亥，教以刑戮斬劓及夷人族，逐去正人，不得見善士，諂佞讒賊者為其左右。 左右邪，胡亥僻，秦祚之所以短促也。 夫皇天，輔德者也，豈私周而疏秦哉？ 由所行之道殊，故禍福之途異耳。 昔光武議為太子置傅，以問其羣臣，羣臣望意，皆言太子舅執金吾、新陽侯陰就可。 博士張佚正色曰：「今立太子為陰氏乎？ 為天下乎？ 即為陰氏，則陰侯可； 為天下，則固宜用天下之賢才。」 光武稱善，曰：「置傅，以輔太子也。 今博士不難正朕，況太子乎？」 即拜佚為太子太傅，漢明卒為賢主。 然則佚之傅漢明，非迺生之漸也，尚或有稱，而況迺生訓之以正道，其為益也固以大矣。 故禮曰「太子生，因舉以禮，使士負之，有司齊肅端冕，見于南郊」，明冢嫡之重，見乎天也。 「過闕則下，過廟則趨」，明孝敬之道也。 然古之太子，「自為赤子，而教固以行矣」。 此則遠世之鏡也。 高宗文成皇帝慨少時師不勤教，嘗謂羣臣曰：「朕始學之日，年尚幼沖，情未能專，既臨萬機，不遑溫習，今而思之，豈唯予咎，抑亦師傅之不勤。」 尚書李訢免冠而謝，此則近日之可鑒也。 伏惟太皇太后翼贊高宗，訓成顯祖，使巍巍之功邈乎前王。 陛下幼蒙鞠誨，聖敬之躋，及儲宮誕育，復親撫誥，日省月課，實勞神慮。 今誠宜準古立師傅以訓導太子，訓導正則太子正，太子正則皇家慶，皇家慶則人幸甚矣。
The second point: The Book of Changes says: 'He who holds the sacred vessel—none is fitter than the eldest son.' The Documents say: 'The heir apparent presents the sacrificial grain of the direct line.' If sacrifice has no lord, the ancestral temple has no one to receive offerings; if the heir of the direct line is cast aside, the sacred vessel has no one to inherit it. The sages knew this, and therefore left instructions as the law for ages to come. The Zhou kings grasped this Way; they exalted Confucian learning to train each generation's heir, who thereby formed virtuous character and harmonized the people—so their line endured and sacrifice continued for eight hundred years. When the Ying clan ruled Qin they nearly cast aside virtuous rule, entombed and burned the Confucian canon, and did not teach their heirs by righteous example; the heirs formed vicious character and tyrannized the people—so their dynasty was brief and ended in the second generation. Whether a realm falls or flourishes depends on the tutor; what tutors add or subtract can be plainly seen. What adds: the Duke of Zhou tutored King Cheng, teaching filial piety, benevolence, ritual, and righteousness; he drove away evil men and kept the king from seeing the wicked; he chose the most upright men in the realm—filial, learned, and possessed of the Way—to guard and assist him. With good guardians, King Cheng was upright—that is why the Zhou endured. What subtracts: Zhao Gao tutored Hu Hai, teaching execution, mutilation, and the wiping out of families; he drove away upright men and kept Hu Hai from seeing the good; flatterers and slanderers stood at his side. With evil attendants, Hu Hai grew crooked—that is why Qin's fortune was short. Heaven assists the virtuous—did it favor Zhou and slight Qin? Because the paths they walked differed, their roads to blessing and disaster diverged. When Emperor Guangwu of Han considered appointing a tutor for the heir apparent, he asked his ministers; reading his wish, they all named the heir's uncle Yin Jiu, Bearer of the Golden Mace and Marquis of Xin. Erudite Zhang Yi said sternly: 'Are you establishing the heir for the Yin family? Or for the realm? If for the Yin clan, the Marquis of Yin will suffice; if for the realm, you should use the worthiest talent in the realm. Guangwu praised him, saying: 'To appoint a tutor is to assist the heir apparent. If an erudite does not fear to correct me, how much more should he correct the heir! He at once appointed Yi Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent; Emperor Ming of Han in the end became an excellent ruler. Zhang Yi tutored Emperor Ming only after his birth, yet even so won praise—how much greater the benefit if the heir were trained in the right Way from the cradle. The Rites say: 'When the heir apparent is born, he is raised according to ritual, a gentleman carries him, officials don formal caps and robes, and he is presented at the southern suburb'—showing the weight of the direct heir and his presentation to Heaven. 'When he passes the palace gate he dismounts; when he passes the temple he quickens his step'—showing the way of filial reverence. Yet the crown princes of old were taught from infancy: 'From the moment he is a newborn, instruction is already at work.' This is the mirror of distant ages. Emperor Gaozong, the Cultured Emperor, lamented that in youth his teachers had not instructed him diligently. He once told his ministers: 'When I first began to study I was still young and could not concentrate; once I assumed the myriad affairs of state I had no leisure to review my lessons. Looking back, is the fault mine alone? My tutors too were not diligent.' Minister of Works Li Xin removed his cap and apologized—this is a mirror of recent times. I bow before the Grand Empress Dowager, who assisted Emperor Gaozong and trained the Manifest Ancestor, raising achievements that surpass the kings of old. Your Majesty from childhood received nurturing instruction, and sacred reverence has grown; when the heir was born you again personally taught him, reviewing day by day and month by month—truly this has taxed your spirit. Now you should truly follow antiquity and establish tutors to instruct the heir apparent; if instruction is correct the heir will be correct, if the heir is correct the imperial house will prosper, and if the imperial house prospers the people will be blessed beyond measure.
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其三曰：臣聞國本黎元，人資粒食，是以昔之哲王莫不勤勸稼穡，盈畜倉廩。 故堯湯水旱，人無菜色者，蓋由備之有漸，積之有素。 暨于漢家，以人食少，乃設常平以給之； 魏氏以兵糧乏，制屯田以供之。 用能不匱當時，軍國取濟。 又記云：國無三年之儲，謂國非其國。 光武以一畝不實，罪及牧守。 聖人之憂世重穀，殷勤如彼； 明君之恤人勸農，相切若此。 頃年山東饑，去歲京師儉，內外人庶出入就豐，既廢營產，疲而乃達，又於國體實有虛損。 若先多積穀，安而給之，豈有驅督老弱餬口千里之外？ 以今況古，誠可懼也。 臣以為宜析州郡常調九分之二，京都度支歲用之餘，各立官司，年豐糴積於倉，時儉則加私之二，[4]糶之於人。 如此，民必力田以買官絹，又務貯財以取官粟，年登則常積，歲凶則直給。 又別立農官，取州郡戶十分之一以為屯民，[5]相水陸之宜，料頃畝之數，以贓贖雜物餘財市牛科給，令其肆力。 一夫之田，歲責六十斛，蠲其正課并征戍雜役。 行此二事，數年之中，則穀積而人足，雖災不為害。 臣又聞前代明主，皆務懷遠人，禮賢引滯。 故漢高過趙，求樂毅之胄； 晉武廓定，旌吳蜀之彥。 臣謂宜於河表七州人中，擢其門才，引令赴闕，依中州官比，隨能序之。 一可以廣聖朝均新舊之義，二可以懷江漢歸有道之情。
The third point: I have heard that the foundation of the state is the common people, who live by grain; therefore the sage kings of old all diligently encouraged farming and filled the storehouses. When Yao and Tang suffered flood and drought, the people did not go hungry—because stores had been built up gradually over time. Under the Han, because food was scarce, Ever-Normal Granaries were established to supply the people; the Wei, because military grain ran short, instituted colony fields to supply the armies. Thus they did not want in their own day, and both army and state were sustained. A classic also says: A state without three years' reserves is not truly a state. Emperor Guangwu held prefects and governors guilty when a single mu failed to yield. The sages' concern for the world and emphasis on grain were as earnest as that; enlightened rulers' care for the people and urging of agriculture were as urgent as this. In recent years Shandong has known famine; last year the capital was straitened; people within and without traveled far seeking grain, abandoning their trades and arriving only in exhaustion—an empty loss to the state itself. Had grain been stored abundantly beforehand and distributed calmly, who would have driven the old and weak a thousand li away merely to eat? Measured against antiquity, the present situation is truly alarming. I believe two-ninths of the regular levies of provinces and commanderies, together with the capital's annual surplus, should fund separate offices: in good years grain should be bought and stored; in lean years an extra two-tenths [4] should be added and grain sold to the people. Then the people will work the fields to buy official silk and save to buy official grain; in good years stores will grow, in bad years grain will be issued directly. Further, establish agricultural officials, take one-tenth of households in each province and commandery as colony farmers [5], suit water and land, calculate acreage, use redemption fines and surplus goods to buy oxen and allot them by rule, and set them to work. Each man's holding should yield sixty hu per year; regular tax, frontier duty, and miscellaneous corvée should be remitted. Carry out these two measures and within a few years grain will accumulate and the people will be secure; even disaster will not undo them. I have also heard that enlightened rulers of old all embraced distant subjects, honored the worthy, and drew forth the neglected. Emperor Gaozu of Han, passing through Zhao, sought descendants of Yue Yi; Emperor Wu of Jin, when he pacified the realm, honored the eminent men of Wu and Shu. I propose that in the seven provinces south of the river men of talent be selected from their clans, summoned to court, and ranked by central-province standards according to ability. This would broaden the court's even treatment of old and new subjects, and move the Jiang and Han to return to our rule.
9
其四曰：昔帝舜命咎繇惟刑之恤，周公誥成王勿誤于庶獄，斯皆君臣相誡，重刑之至也。 今二聖哀矜罪辜，小大二情，[6]讞決之日，多從降恕，時不得已，必垂惻隱，雖前王之勤聽肆赦，亦如斯而已。 至若行刑犯時，愚臣竊所未安。 漢制，舊斷獄報重，常盡季冬，至孝章時改盡十月，以育三微。 後歲旱，論者以十月斷獄，陰氣微，陽氣泄，以故致旱。 事下公卿，尚書陳寵議：冬至陽氣始萌，故十一月有射干、芸、荔之應，周以為春； 十二月陽氣上通，雉雊雞乳，殷以為春； 十三月陽氣已至，蟄蟲皆震，夏以為春。 三微成著，以通三統，三統之月，斷獄流血，是不稽天意也。 月令：仲冬之月，身欲寧，事欲靜。 以起隆怒，不可謂寧； 以行大刑，不可謂靜。 章帝善其言，卒以十月斷。 今京都及四方斷獄報重，常竟季冬，不推三正以育三微。 寬宥之情，每過於昔； 遵時之憲，猶或闕然。 豈所謂助陽發生、垂奉微之仁也？ 誠宜遠稽周典，近採漢制，天下斷獄，起自初秋，盡於孟冬，不於三統之春，行斬絞之刑。 如此，則道協幽顯，仁垂後昆矣。
The fourth point: Emperor Shun charged Gao Yao to be tender in punishments; the Duke of Zhou warned King Cheng not to err in the multitude of cases—these are ruler and minister admonishing one another, the utmost regard for criminal justice. Today both sage rulers pity the guilty, weighing circumstances great and small [6]; on judgment day they mostly reduce sentences or pardon; when they cannot, they show compassion—former kings who diligently heard cases and granted amnesties did no more. As for executing punishments out of season, I am privately uneasy. Under Han law, capital cases were formerly concluded by winter's end; under Emperor Zhang this was moved to the tenth month to nurture the three micro-seasons. Later, in a drought year, critics said that concluding cases in the tenth month weakened yin and leaked yang, causing the drought. The matter went to the high ministers; Chen Chong argued: at the winter solstice yang first stirs, so in the eleventh month plants sprout—the Zhou treated it as spring; in the twelfth month yang rises, pheasants call and hens brood—the Yin treated it as spring; in the thirteenth month yang has arrived and insects stir—the Xia treated it as spring. When the three micro-seasons are clear they harmonize the three systems; to execute and shed blood in those months is to disobey Heaven. The Monthly Ordinances say: in mid-winter the body should rest and affairs should be still. To rouse great anger is not rest; to carry out great punishments is not quiet. Emperor Zhang approved and continued to conclude cases in the tenth month. Today in the capital and throughout the realm, capital cases usually run to winter's end, not honoring the three correct months to nurture the micro-seasons. Leniency exceeds that of former times; yet observance of seasonal law is still sometimes lacking. Is this truly assisting yang to generate life and extending kindness to the micro-seasons? You should examine the Zhou canon and adopt Han practice: capital cases should begin in early autumn and end in early winter, not executing by beheading or strangulation in the spring months of the three systems. Then the Way will harmonize hidden and manifest, and benevolence will reach generations to come.
10
其五曰：古者，大臣有坐不廉而廢者，不謂之不廉，乃曰簠簋不飾。 此君之所以禮貴臣，不明言其過也。 臣有大譴，則白冠氂纓，盤水加劍，造請室而請死，此臣之所以知罪而不敢逃刑也。 聖朝賓遇大臣，禮同古典。 自太和以降，有負罪當陷大辟者，多得歸第自盡。 遣之日，深垂隱愍，言發悽淚，百官莫不見，四海莫不聞。 誠足以感將死之心，慰戚屬之情。 然恩發至衷，未著永制，此愚臣所以敢陳末見。 昔漢文時，人有告丞相周勃謀反者，逮繫長安獄，頓辱之與皂隸同。 賈誼乃上書，極陳君臣之義，不宜如是。 夫貴臣者，天子為其改容而體貌之，吏人為其俯伏而敬貴之。 其有罪過，廢之可也，賜之死可也。 若束縛之，輸之司寇，榜笞之，小吏詈罵之，殆非所以令眾庶見也。 及將刑也，臣則北面再拜，跪而自裁。 天子曰：子大夫自有過耳，吾遇子有禮矣。 上不使人抑而刑之也。 孝文深納其言，是後大臣有罪，皆自殺不受刑。 至孝武時，稍復入獄，良由孝文行之當時，不為永制故耳。 伏惟聖德慈惠，豈與漢文比隆哉。 今天下有道，庶人不議之時，臣安可陳瞽言於朝，但恐萬世之後，繼體之主有若漢武之事焉。 夫道貴長久，所以樹之風聲也； 法尚不虧，所以貽厥孫謀也，焉得行恩當時，而不著長世之制乎？
The fifth point: In antiquity, when great ministers were dismissed for lack of integrity, they were not called dishonest but said to have 'unadorned ritual vessels.' This is how a ruler honors his ministers with ritual without plainly stating their fault. When a minister faces great censure, he wears white cap and yak-tail tassel, carries basin and sword, goes to the chamber and asks for death—knowing guilt and not fleeing punishment. Our sage court treats great ministers with the same ritual as antiquity. Since the Taihe era, ministers who should suffer capital punishment have mostly been allowed to return home and take their own lives. On the day they were sent off, deep pity was shown and words came with tears—every official saw it, all under heaven heard it. It truly moved those about to die and comforted their kin. Yet this grace came from the heart and was not fixed in lasting law—why I dare offer this final view. Under Emperor Wen of Han, someone reported that Chancellor Zhou Bo plotted rebellion; he was imprisoned in Chang'an and humiliated like a common clerk. Jia Yi submitted a memorial arguing that ruler and minister should not be treated thus. Honored ministers are those for whom the Son of Heaven alters his bearing and shows bodily courtesy, whom clerks bow before and honor. If they have faults, dismiss them or grant them death—that is permissible. To bind them, hand them to the minister of justice, flog them, and let petty clerks revile them—that is scarcely what the multitude should witness. When execution nears, the minister faces north, bows twice, kneels, and takes his own life. The Son of Heaven says: You, grandee, have your own fault; I have treated you with ritual. The ruler does not have others restrain and punish them. Emperor Wen deeply accepted this; thereafter guilty great ministers killed themselves rather than accept punishment. By Emperor Wu's time they were again imprisoned—because Emperor Wen's practice was not made permanent law. Your sage virtue is benevolent and gracious—how could it be compared with Emperor Wen's? Today the realm is well governed and the people are silent; yet I fear that ages hence succeeding rulers may act like Emperor Wu. The Way values what endures—that is how one plants reputation; law esteems not being broken—that is how one bequeaths counsel to descendants; how can grace be shown for a moment without lasting institutions?
11
其六曰：孝經稱：「父子之道天性。」 書云：「孝乎，惟孝友于兄弟。」 二經之旨，蓋明一體而同氣，可共而不可離者也。 及其有罪，罪不相及者，乃君上之厚恩也。 至若有懼，懼應相連者，固自然之恒理也。 無情之人，父兄繫獄，子弟無慘惕之容； 子弟逃刑，父兄無愧恧之色。 宴安榮位，遊從自若，車馬仍華，衣冠猶飾，寧是同體共氣、分憂均戚之理也？ 昔秦伯以楚人圍江，素服而示懼； 宋仲子以失舉桓譚，免冠而謝罪。 然則子弟之於父兄，父兄之於子弟，惟其情至，豈與結盟相知者同年語其深淺哉？ 二聖清簡風俗，孝慈是先。 臣愚以為父兄有犯，宜令子弟素服肉袒，詣闕請罪； 子弟有坐，宜令父兄露板引咎，乞解所司。 若職任必要，不宜許者，慰勉留之。 如此，足以敦厲凡薄，使人知有所耻矣。
The sixth point: The Classic of Filial Piety says: 'The way of father and son is inborn.' The Documents say: 'Be filial—be filial and brotherly.' Both classics show one body and shared breath—joined, not to be torn apart. When they are guilty, guilt does not extend to one another—that is the ruler's deep grace. When there is fear, fear should bind them together—that is nature's constant law. Men without feeling: when father or elder brother is imprisoned, sons and brothers show no dread; when sons and brothers flee punishment, fathers and elder brothers show no shame. They feast in ease, ride splendid carriages, wear fine robes—is that sharing one body, one breath, one grief? Duke Mu of Qin, when Chu besieged Jiang, wore plain robes to show fear; Zhongzi of Song, having wrongly recommended Huan Tan, removed his cap and apologized. Between father and son, elder and younger, feeling runs as deep as sworn friendship cannot match. Both sage rulers have purified customs, putting filial piety first. I propose that when fathers or elder brothers offend, their sons and brothers should wear plain robes, bare the shoulder, and beg punishment at the gate; when sons and brothers are guilty, fathers and elder brothers should post confession and beg to relieve them of office. If the post is essential and they cannot be released, comfort them and keep them in office. This would discipline the shallow and teach men shame.
12
其七曰：禮云：臣有大喪，君三年不呼其門。 此聖人緣情制禮，以終孝子之情者也。 周季陵夷，喪禮稍亡，是以要絰即戎，素冠作刺，逮于虐秦，殆皆泯矣。 漢初，軍旅屢興，未能遵古。 至宣帝時，民當從軍屯者，遭大父母、父母死，未滿三月，皆弗徭役； 其朝臣喪制，未有定聞。 至後漢元初中，大臣有重憂，始得去官終服。 暨魏武、孫、劉之世，日尋干戈，前世禮制復廢而不行。 晉時，鴻臚鄭默喪親，固請終服，武帝感其孝誠，遂著令以為常。 聖魏之初，撥亂返正，未遑建終喪之制。 今四方無虞，百姓安逸，誠是孝慈道洽，禮教興行之日也。 然愚臣所懷，竊有未盡。 伏見朝臣丁父憂者，[7]假滿赴職，衣錦乘軒，從郊廟之祀，鳴玉垂緌，同節慶之醼，傷人子之道，虧天地之經。 愚謂如有遭大父母、父母喪者，皆聽終服。 若無其人有曠庶官者，則優旨慰喻，起令視事，但綜司出納敷奏而已，國之吉慶，一令無預。 其軍戎之警，墨縗從役，雖愆於禮，事所宜行也。 如臣之言少有可採，願付有司別為條制。
The seventh point: The Rites say: When a minister has great mourning, the ruler for three years does not call at his gate. The sage fashioned ritual from feeling to fulfill the filial son's heart. When the Zhou declined, mourning rites faded; men wore mourning sashes into battle and plain caps to assassinate—under brutal Qin they nearly vanished. Early Han armies rose repeatedly and could not follow antiquity. Under Emperor Xuan, those called to military colony service whose great-grandparents or parents had died within three months were exempt from corvée; mourning rules for court ministers were not fixed. By early Later Han, great ministers with heavy grief could leave office to complete mourning. In the age of Cao Wei, Sun, and Liu, war was daily; former rites were again abandoned. In Jin, Grand Herald Zheng Mo, his parents having died, firmly requested full mourning; Emperor Wu was moved and made it law. At the founding of our sage Wei, restoring order, full mourning institutions were not yet established. Now the four quarters are secure and the people at ease—truly the day for filial piety and ritual to flourish. Yet what I privately still find lacking has not been exhausted. I see ministers who mourn fathers [7]: when leave ends they resume office in brocade and tall carriages, attend suburban rites and banquets—it wounds the son's way and Heaven's canon. I propose that all who mourn great-grandparents or parents be permitted to complete mourning. If offices lack replacements, comfort them and summon them only to manage accounts and memorials; bar them from state celebrations. For military emergencies, ink mourning while on campaign—though it breaches ritual, necessity allows it. If any of my words may be adopted, let the relevant offices draft separate regulations.
13
高祖覽而善之，尋皆施行。
Emperor Gaozu reviewed and approved them; soon all were implemented.
14
彪稍見禮遇，加中壘將軍。 及文明太后崩，羣臣請高祖公除，高祖不許，與彪往復，語在禮志。 高祖詔曰：「歷觀古事，求能非一。 或承藉微蔭，著德當時； 或見拔幽陋，流名後葉。 故毛遂起賤，奮抗楚之辯，苟有才能，何必拘族也。 彪雖宿非清第，本闕華資，然識性嚴聰，學博墳籍，剛辯之才，頗堪時用，兼憂吏若家，載宣朝美，若不賞庸敍績，將何以勸奬勤能？ 可特遷祕書令，以酬厥款。」 以參議律令之勤，賜帛五百匹、馬一匹、牛二頭。
Biao gradually received honor and was made General of the Central Bastion. When Empress Dowager Wenming died, ministers asked Gaozu to leave mourning; he refused—he and Biao debated, recorded in the Treatise on Rites. Emperor Gaozu issued an edict: 'Looking back through antiquity, the ways of seeking talent are many. Some draw on modest patronage and show virtue in their own day; some are lifted from obscurity and their fame reaches later ages. Mao Sui rose from humble rank and boldly debated Chu; where there is talent, why be confined by birth? Though Biao was never of an eminent house and lacked glittering pedigree, his nature is sharp and serious, his learning deep in the classics, and his forceful eloquence well suited to the age; he treats officials like kin and has spread the court's praise—without rewarding merit, how can diligence be encouraged? Let him be specially promoted to Director of the Palace Library in reward for his service. For his work on statutes and ordinances he was granted five hundred bolts of silk, one horse, and two oxen.
15
其年，加員外散騎常侍，使於蕭賾。 賾遣其主客郎劉繪接對，并設讌樂。 彪辭樂。 及坐，彪曰：「齊主既賜讌樂，以勞行人，向辭樂者，卿或未相體。 自喪禮廢替，於茲以久，我皇孝性自天，追慕罔極，故有今者喪除之議。 去三月晦，朝臣始除衰裳，猶以素服從事。 裴、謝在此，固應具此，我今辭樂，想卿無怪。」 繪答言：「辭樂之事，向以不異。 請問魏朝喪禮，竟何所依？」 彪曰：「高宗三年，孝文踰月，今聖上追鞠育之深恩，感慈訓之厚德，執於殷漢之間，可謂得禮之變。」 繪復問：「若欲遵古，何為不終三年？」 彪曰：「萬機不可久曠，故割至慕，俯從羣議。 服變不異三年，而限同一期，可謂亡禮之禮。」 繪言：「汰哉叔氏！ 專以禮許人。」 彪曰：「聖朝自為曠代之制，何關許人。」 繪言：「百官總己聽於冢宰，萬機何慮於曠？」 彪曰：「我聞載籍：五帝之臣，臣不若君，故君親攬其事； 三王君臣智等，故共理機務； 五霸臣過於君，故事決於下。 我朝官司皆五帝之臣，主上親攬，蓋遠軌軒唐。」 彪將還，賾親謂曰：「卿前使還日，賦阮詩云『但願長閑暇，後歲復來遊』，果如今日。 [8]卿此還也，復有來理否？」 彪答言：「使臣請重賦阮詩曰『宴衍清都中，一去永矣哉』。」 賾惘然曰：「清都可爾，一去何事？ 觀卿此言，似成長闊，朕當以殊禮相送。」 賾遂親至琅邪城，登山臨水，命羣臣賦詩以送別，其見重如此。 彪前後六度銜命，南人奇其謇諤。
That year he was appointed Supernumerary Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry and sent to Xiao Ze. Xiao Ze sent his Master of Guests Liu Hui to receive him and provided feasts and music. Biao declined the music. When seated, Biao said: 'Your lord has granted feast and music to comfort us travelers; those who declined the music may not yet have made themselves understood. Mourning rites have long been in disrepair; our emperor's filial nature is heaven-sent and his longing boundless—hence today's debate over leaving mourning. On the last day of the third month, ministers first removed full mourning but still served in plain dress. Pei and Xie are here and should know this; I decline music—surely you understand. Hui replied: 'Declining music was never a disagreement between us. Tell me, what does the Wei court rely on for mourning rite? Biao said: 'Emperor Gaozong mourned three years, Emperor Xiaowen more than one month; our sage ruler, cherishing nurturing grace and kind instruction, stands between Yin and Han—a proper ritual change. Hui asked again: 'If you wish to follow antiquity, why not complete three years? Biao said: 'The myriad affairs of state cannot long be idle; he therefore cuts short his deepest grief and yields to the assembly's counsel. The change of dress differs from three years yet the term is the same—ritual that is not ritual. Hui said: 'Enough, sir! You use ritual only to grant favors. Biao said: 'Our sage court makes institutions for an age apart—what has that to do with granting favors? Hui said: 'All officials entrust affairs to the heir who governs—why fear neglect? Biao said: 'Records say: under the Five Emperors ministers were lesser than their lords, so lords handled affairs themselves; under the Three Kings ruler and minister were equal in wisdom and managed affairs together; under the Five Hegemons ministers surpassed their lords, so decisions lay below. Our officials are like ministers of the Five Emperors; the sovereign handles affairs himself—far surpassing Xuanyuan and Tang. As Biao prepared to leave, Xiao Ze said: 'On your last return you quoted Ruan Ji: "I only wish long leisure, to come again next year"—and so it has proved. [8] On this return, will there be cause to come again? Biao answered: 'Let me rework Ruan Ji: "Feasting in the clear capital—once gone, gone forever."' Ze said sadly: 'The clear capital may be—but once gone, what then? Your words sound like growing distance; I shall send you off with special honor. Ze went in person to Langye, climbed the mountain and looked on the waters, and had his ministers compose farewell poems—such was Biao's esteem. Biao six times carried imperial credentials; southerners marveled at his blunt speech.
16
後車駕南征，假彪冠軍將軍、東道副將，尋假征虜將軍。 車駕還京，遷御史中尉，領著作郎。 彪既為高祖所寵，性又剛直，遂多所劾糾，遠近畏之，豪右屏氣。 高祖常呼彪為李生，於是從容謂羣臣曰：「吾之有李生，猶漢之有汲黯。」 汾州胡叛，詔彪持節綏慰，事寧還京，除散騎常侍，仍領御史中尉，解著作事。 高祖宴羣臣於流化池，謂僕射李沖曰：「崔光之博，李彪之直，是我國家得賢之基。」
When the emperor campaigned south, Biao was made provisional General Who Establishes the Army and eastern deputy, then General Who Punishes the Barbarians. On return to the capital he became Censor-in-Chief and concurrently Director of Compilation. Favored by Gaozu and stern by nature, Biao impeached many; the powerful feared him and held their breath. Gaozu often called him 'Master Li' and told his ministers: 'Having Li Biao is like Han having Ji An.' When Hu rebels rose in Fenzhou, Biao was sent with credentials to soothe them; on his return he was made Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry, still Censor-in-Chief, and relieved of compilation. At a feast at the Flowing Transformation Pool, Gaozu told Li Chong: 'Cui Guang's learning and Li Biao's uprightness are how our state finds worthy men.'
17
車駕南伐，彪兼度支尚書，與僕射李沖、任城王等參理留臺事。 彪素性剛豪，與沖等意議乖異，遂形於聲色，殊無降下之心。 自謂身為法官，莫能糾劾己者，遂多專恣。 沖積其前後罪過，乃於尚書省禁止彪，上表曰：「臣聞範國匡人，光化昇治，輿服典章，理無暫失。 故晉文功建九合，猶見抑於請隧； 季氏藉政三世，尚受譏於璵璠。 固知名器之重，不可以妄假。 先王既憲章於古，陛下又經綸於今，用能車服有叙，禮物無墜。 案臣彪昔於凡品，特以才拔，等望清華，司文東觀，綢繆恩眷，繩直憲臺，左加金璫，右珥蟬冕。 闕東省。 宜感恩厲節，忠以報德。 而竊名忝職，身為違傲，矜勢高亢，公行僭逸。 坐輿禁省，[9]冒取官材，輒駕乘黃，無所憚懾。 肆志傲然，愚聾視聽，此而可忍，誰不可懷！ 臣輒集尚書已下、令史已上，并治書侍御史臣酈道元等於尚書都座，以彪所犯罪狀告彪，訊其虛實，若或不知，須訊部下。 彪答臣言：『事見在目，實如所劾，皆彪所知，何須復召部下。』 臣今請以見事，免彪所居職，付廷尉治獄。」
On the southern campaign Biao was Minister of Revenue and with Li Chong and the Prince of Rencheng managed the capital in the emperor's absence. Biao was proud and stern; he clashed with Chong and others openly and would not yield. As chief judge he thought none could impeach him and grew willful. Chong gathered his offenses and barred him in the Ministry, memorializing: 'Regulating the state, canonical rites and dress—none may lapse even briefly. Duke Wen of Jin, though he joined the nine unifications, was still denied the royal mound; the Ji clan held power three generations yet was ridiculed over jade regalia. The weight of titles and regalia must not be rashly lent. Former kings took antiquity as law; Your Majesty orders the present—carriages, dress, and ritual remain in order. Biao was raised from ordinary rank for talent, served at the Eastern Pavilion, favored with grace, upright on the law platform, gold tassel and cicada ornament, yet lacked the Eastern Secretariat. He should have been grateful and loyal in repayment. Yet he usurped name and office, arrogant and proud, openly transgressing. He rode into the forbidden precinct [9], took official timber, drove imperial horses without fear. Willfully arrogant, deaf to oversight—if this is borne, what outrage cannot be harbored! I assembled officials down to clerks, with Li Daoyuan and others, reported his crimes to him and examined the facts. Biao answered: 'It is all before my eyes, as impeached—I know it all; why summon subordinates?' I ask, on visible facts, to remove Biao from office and deliver him to the Minister of Justice.
18
沖又表曰：
Chong memorialized again:
19
臣與彪相識以來垂二十載，彪始南使之時，見其色厲辭辯、才優學博，臣之愚識，謂是拔萃之一人。 及彪位宦升達，參與言燕，聞彪評章古今，商略人物，興言於侍筵之次，啟論於眾英之中，賞忠識正，發言懇惻，惟直是語，辭無隱避。 雖復諸王之尊，近侍之要，至有是非，多面抗折。 酷疾矯詐，毒愆非違，厲色正辭，如鷹鸇之逐鳥雀，懍懍然實似公清之操。 臣雖下才，輒亦尚其梗概，欽其正直，微識其褊急之性，而不以為瑕。 及其初登憲臺，始居司直，首復騶唱之儀，肇正直繩之體，當時識者僉以為難。 而彪秉志信行，不避豪勢，其所彈劾，應弦而倒。 赫赫之威，振於下國； 肅肅之稱，著自京師。 天下改目，貪暴斂手。 臣時見其所行，信謂言行相符，忠清內發。 然時有私於臣，云其威暴者，臣以直繩之官，人所忌疾，風謗之際，易生音謠，心不承信。
I have known Biao nearly twenty years; on his first southern mission I saw his stern eloquence and broad learning and took him for a standout. As he rose I heard him appraise past and present at banquets—praising loyalty, speaking straight without concealment. Even princes and close attendants he often opposed to their faces when they were wrong. He hated fraud and lawbreakers, stern as a hawk on sparrows—seeming the conduct of public rectitude. Though I am low in talent, I admired his spirit and uprightness, knowing his impatience yet not counting it flaw. When he first took the law platform and restored outrider ceremony and the straight rope—all thought it difficult. Yet Biao held his will, did not avoid the powerful, and those he impeached fell at once. His awe shook the regions; his stern name rose from the capital. All under heaven took notice; the greedy and violent drew back. I then saw his conduct and believed words matched deeds, loyalty issuing within. Yet someone said he was fierce; as straight-roping officer he was hated—slander arises easily; I did not believe.
20
往年以河陽事，曾與彪在領軍府，共太尉、司空及領軍諸卿等，集閱廷尉所問囚徒。 時有人訴枉者，二公及臣少欲聽採。 語理未盡，彪便振怒，東坐攘袂揮赫，口稱賊奴，叱吒左右，高聲大呼云：「南臺中取我木手去，撘奴肋折！」 雖有此言，終竟不取。 即言：「南臺所問，唯恐枉活，終無枉死，但可依此。」 時諸人以所枉至重，有首實者多，又心難彪，遂各默爾。 因緣此事，臣遂心疑有濫，審加情察，知其威虐，猶未體其採訪之由，訊檢之狀。 商略而言，酷急小罪，肅禁為大。 會而言之，猶謂益多損少。 故懷寢所疑，不以申徹，實失為臣知無不聞之義。
In former years on the Heyang matter I was with Biao at the Army Supervisor's office reviewing prisoners with the Grand Commandant and Minister of Works. When someone appealed injustice, the two dukes and I wished to hear them. Before reasoning ended, Biao grew angry, flung his sleeves, called them rebel slaves, and shouted: 'South Platform, fetch my wooden hand—break their ribs!' Though he said this, he did not take it in the end. He said: 'The South Platform fears only letting the guilty live—never the innocent dead—follow this.' All thought the injustice grave and many had confessed; resenting Biao, each fell silent. Because of this I suspected excess; on examination I knew his fierceness, yet not the reason for his inquiries. Weighing it, severity on small crimes was great. Summed up, gain still seemed to outweigh loss. Therefore I harbored doubt and did not report—failing the duty to speak.
21
及去年大駕南行以來，彪兼尚書，日夕共事，始乃知其言與行舛，是己非人，專恣無忌，尊身忽物，安己凌上，[10]以身作之過深劾他人，己方事人，好人佞己。 聽其言同振古忠恕之賢，校其行是天下佞暴之賊。 臣與任城卑躬曲己，若順弟之奉暴兄。 其所欲者，事雖非理，無不屈從。
Since last year's southern journey, sharing work daily, I learned his words and deeds diverged—willful, slighting superiors [10], impeaching others for his own faults, wanting flattery. Hearing him, one thinks a sage of loyalty; comparing conduct, he is the realm's flatterer and tyrant. The Prince of Rencheng and I bowed like compliant younger brothers to a violent elder. What he wanted, though unreasonable, none failed to submit.
22
依事求實，悉有成驗。 如臣列得實，宜殛彪於有北，以除姦矯之亂政； 如臣無證，宜投臣於四裔，以息青蠅之白黑。
Seeking truth by facts, all was proved. If my list is true, Biao should be executed in the north to remove corrupt flattery; if I have no proof, cast me to the four borders to still slander.
23
高祖在懸瓠，覽表歎愕曰：「何意留京如此也！」 有司處彪大辟，高祖恕之，除名而已。 彪尋歸本鄉。
Gaozu at Xuanhu, reading the memorial, sighed: 'Who thought the capital would be thus!' The offices sentenced him to death; Gaozu pardoned him—name removed only. Biao soon returned home.
24
高祖自懸瓠北幸鄴，彪拜迎於鄴南。 高祖曰：「朕之期卿。 每以貞松為志，歲寒為心，卿應報國，盡身為用，而近見彈文，殊乖所以。 卿罹此譴，為朕與卿，為宰事與卿，為卿自取？」 彪對曰：「臣愆由己至，罪自身招，實非陛下橫與臣罪，又非宰事無辜濫臣。 臣罪既如此，宜伏東皐之下，不應遠點屬車之塵，但伏承聖躬不豫，臣肝膽塗地，是以敢至，非謝罪而來。」 高祖納宋弁言，將復採用，會留臺表言彪與御史賈尚往窮庶人恂事，理有誣抑，奏請收彪。 彪自言事枉，高祖明彪無此，遣左右慰勉之，聽以牛車散載，送之洛陽。 會赦得免。
Gaozu went north from Xuanhu to Ye; Biao welcomed him south of Ye. Gaozu said: 'I have long expected you. Taking the steadfast pine as resolve and cold years as heart—you should serve the state; yet recent impeachments are contrary to my intent. You suffer this—for me and you, for the steward and you, or for yourself? Biao answered: 'My fault came from myself—not Your Majesty's wrongful guilt, nor the steward's wrongful charge. I should lie prostrate in exile, not approach the entourage; but hearing Your Majesty is unwell, my heart is torn—that is why I came, not to beg pardon. Gaozu accepted Song Bian's counsel and would employ him again; the capital reported Biao and Censor Jia Shang investigated the commoner Xun with false suppression and asked to arrest Biao. Biao said it was unjust; Gaozu knew he had not done this, comforted him, and let him return to Luoyang in ox carts. An amnesty spared him.
25
高祖崩，世宗踐祚，彪自託於王肅，又與邢巒詩書往來，迭相稱重，因論求復舊職，修史官之事，肅等許為左右，彪乃表曰：
When Gaozu died and Emperor Shizong ascended, Biao relied on Wang Su and exchanged poems with Xing Luan; they praised each other and he sought restoration and repair of the historiographer's office—Su promised support—and Biao memorialized:
26
臣聞龍圖出而皇道明，龜書見而帝德昶，斯實冥中之書契也。 自瑞官文而卑高陳，[11]民師建而賤貴序，此乃人間之繩式也。 是以唐典篆欽明之冊，虞書銘慎徽之篇，傳著夏氏之箴，詩錄商家之頌，斯皆國史明乎得失之迹也。 逮于周姬，鑒乎二代，文王開之以兩經，公旦申之以六聯，郁乎其文，典章大略也。 故觀雅、頌，識文武之丕烈； 察歌音，辨周公之至孝。 是以季札聽風而知始基，聽頌而識盛德。 至若尼父之別魯籍，丘明之辨孔志，可謂婉而成章，盡而不汚者矣。 自餘乘、志之比，其亦有趣焉。 暨史、班之錄，乃文窮於秦漢，事盡於哀平，懲勸兩書，華實兼載，文質彬彬，富哉言也。 令大漢之風，美類三代，炎□□崇，道冠來事。 降及華、馬、陳、干，[12]咸有放焉，四。 敷贊弗遠，[13]不可力致，豈虛也哉？ 其餘率見而書，覩事而作者多矣，尋其本末，可往來焉。
I have heard: when the dragon chart appears the imperial Way is clear; when the tortoise book appears imperial virtue shines—this is the covenant of the hidden realm. From auspicious patterns low and high are set; [11] when teachers of the people are established, base and noble are ordered—the measuring cord of the human realm. The Tang canon inscribed reverent clarity; the Yu documents engraved cautious emblems; the Documents recorded Xia admonitions; the Odes recorded Shang hymns—all histories clarifying gain and loss. The Zhou, mirroring the two prior dynasties, King Wen opened with the two classics, the Duke of Zhou extended with the six links—rich text, the great outline of institutions. Observing the Ya and Song, one knows the great glory of Wen and Wu; examining songs and tones, one sees the Duke of Zhou's utmost filial piety. Ji Zha, hearing the winds, knew the founding; hearing the hymns, knew flourishing virtue. Confucius distinguishing the Lu records, Zuo Qiuming clarifying Confucius's intent—graceful, exhaustive, yet not defiled. Among the rest, Cheng and Zhi and the like also have their interest. Shi Ji and Han Shu end at Qin-Han, affairs at Ai and Ping—two books of warning and encouragement, substance and style balanced—rich indeed. The Great Han's wind, beautiful as the Three Dynasties, flame and glory exalted, the Way crowning ages to come. Descending to Hua, Ma, Chen, and Gan [12], all had followers. Spreading praise far and wide [13] cannot be forced—is it empty? Others mostly wrote what they saw and composed on what they witnessed—many indeed; tracing root and branch, one may go back and forth.
27
唯我皇魏之奄有中華也，歲越百齡，年幾十紀。 太祖以弗違開基，武皇以奉時拓業，虎嘯域中，龍飛宇外，小往大來，品物咸亨，自茲以降。 世濟其光。 史官敍錄，未充其盛。 加以東觀中圮，冊勳有闕，美隨日落，善因月稀。 故諺曰：「一日不書，百事荒蕪。」 至于太和之十一年，先帝、先后遠惟景業，綿綿休烈，若不恢史闡錄，懼上業茂功始有缺矣。 於是召名儒博達之士，充麟閣之選。 于時忘臣眾短，采臣片志，令臣出納，授臣丞職，猥屬斯事，無所與讓。 高祖時詔臣曰：「平爾雅志，正爾筆端，書而不法，後世何觀。」 臣奉以周旋，不敢失墜，與著作等鳩集遺文，并取前記，撰為國書。 假有新進時賢制作於此者，恐閨門既異，出入生疑，弦柱既易，善者或謬。 [14]自十五年以來，臣使國遷，頻有南轅之事，故載筆遂寢，簡牘弗張，其於書功錄美，不其闕歟？
Only our august Wei, covering the central states—years beyond a century, ages nearly ten cycles. Taizu opened the foundation without transgression; Wuhuang expanded the enterprise in season—tiger roaring within the realm, dragon flying beyond the seas; from small to great all things prospered—from then until now. Generation after generation continues its radiance. Historians' records have not matched its fullness. The Eastern Pavilion collapsed midway; registers of merit have gaps; beauty fades like the setting sun, goodness grows sparse. A proverb says: 'One day without writing—a hundred affairs lie waste.' By the eleventh year of Taihe, the late emperor and empress far contemplated the splendid enterprise—if history is not broadly restored, the upper enterprise's merit will have gaps. Famous Confucians and accomplished scholars were summoned to fill the Qilin Pavilion. Then forgetting my many faults, gathering my slight will, ordering me in and out, granting assistant rank—I was humbly attached to this affair. Gaozu ordered me: 'Level your elegant will, correct your brush; write without law—what will later generations see?' I received this and did not dare fail; with the compilers I gathered surviving texts and former records to compile the national history. If newly advanced scholars compose here, the inner gate will differ and doubt will arise; if the framework changes, even the good may err. [14] From the fifteenth year my missions shifted the state, with frequent southern journeys—the brush rested, slips were not spread; writing merit and recording beauty—was it not a gap?
28
伏惟孝文皇帝承天地之寶，崇祖宗之業，景功未就，奄焉崩殞，凡百黎萌，若無天地。 賴遇陛下體明叡之真，應保合之量，恢大明以燭物，履靜恭以安邦，天清其氣，地樂其靜，不愆不忘，率由舊章，可謂重明疊聖，元首康哉。 惟先皇之開創造物，經綸浩曠，加以魏典流製，藻繢垂篇，窮理於有象，盡性於眾變，可謂日月出矣，無幽不燭也。 記曰：善流者欲以繼其行，善歌者欲人繼其聲。 [15]故傳曰：文王基之，周公成之。 又曰：無周公之才，不得行周公之事。 今之親王，可謂當之矣。 然先皇之茂猷聖達，今王之懿美洞鑒，準之前代，其聽靡悔也。 時哉時哉，可不光昭哉！ 合德二儀者，先皇之陶鈞也； 齊明日月者，先皇之洞照也； 慮周四時者，先皇之茂功也； 合契鬼神者，先皇之玄燭也； 遷都改邑者，先皇之達也； 變是協和者，先皇之鑒也； 思同書軌者，先皇之遠也； 守在四夷者，先皇之略也； 海外有截者，先皇之威也； 禮田岐陽者，先皇之義也； 張樂岱郊者，先皇之仁也； 鑾幸幽漠者，先皇之智也； 燮伐南荊者，先皇之禮也； 升中告成者，先皇之肅也； 親虔宗社者，先皇之敬也； 袞實無闕者，先皇之充也； 開物成務者，先皇之貞也； 觀乎人文者，先皇之蘊也； 革弊創新者，先皇之志也； 孝慈道洽者，先皇之衷也。 先皇有大功二十，加以謙尊而光，為而弗有，可謂四三皇而六五帝矣，誠宜功書於竹素，聲播於金石。
Emperor Xiaowen received Heaven and Earth's treasure and honored the ancestors' enterprise—splendid achievement unfinished, he suddenly died; the people were as if without Heaven and Earth. Fortunately Your Majesty embodies bright sagacity, extends great clarity, treads quiet reverence to settle the state—Heaven clears, Earth rests, without fault, following old statutes—repeated brightness, the head at ease. The late emperor's creation ordered the vast expanse; Wei's flowing institutions and patterned chapters exhaust principle in images and nature in change—the sun and moon have risen, nothing hidden unlit. The Record says: Those good at flowing wish to continue conduct; those good at singing wish others to continue their sound. [15] The Documents say: King Wen laid the foundation, the Duke of Zhou completed it. It also says: Without the Duke of Zhou's talent one cannot perform the Duke of Zhou's affairs. Today's imperial princes may be called equal to it. The late emperor's plans were sage and penetrating; the present king's excellence is clear-sighted—measured against former ages, his listening is without regret. The time! The time! How can it not shine forth! Harmonizing virtue with Heaven and Earth—the late emperor's pottery wheel; equal in clarity to sun and moon—the late emperor's illumination; considering the four seasons—the late emperor's abundant achievement; matching contract with ghosts and spirits—the late emperor's dark torch; moving the capital—the late emperor's penetration; changing this and harmonizing—the late emperor's mirror; thinking to equal books and cart-tracks—the late emperor's reach; guarding at the four barbarians—the late emperor's strategy; overseas having boundaries cut—the late emperor's awe; ritual fields at Qiyang—the late emperor's righteousness; spreading music at Dai's suburb—the late emperor's benevolence; imperial carriage visiting the dark desert—the late emperor's wisdom; harmonizing campaign against southern Jing—the late emperor's ritual; ascending the central peak and reporting completion—the late emperor's solemnity; personally reverent to the ancestral temple—the late emperor's respect; imperial robes solid without lack—the late emperor's fullness; opening things and completing affairs—the late emperor's constancy; observing human patterns—the late emperor's store; reforming abuses and creating anew—the late emperor's will; filial compassion harmonized—the late emperor's innermost heart. The late emperor had twenty great achievements; humble yet bright, acting yet not possessing—four Three Emperors and six Five Emperors; merit should be written on bamboo and silk, sound on metal and stone.
29
臣竊謂史官之達者，大則與日月齊明，小則與四時並茂。 其大者孔子、左丘是也，小者史遷、班固是也。 故能聲流於無窮，義昭於來裔。 是以金石可滅而流風不泯者，其唯載籍乎？ 諺曰「相門有相，將門有將」，斯不唯其性，蓋言習之所得也。 竊謂天文之官，太史之職，如有其人，宜其世矣。 故尚書稱羲和世掌天地之官，張衡賦曰「學乎舊史氏」，斯蓋世傳之義也。 若夫良冶之子善知為裘，良弓之子善知為箕，物豈有定，習貫則知耳。 所以言及此者，史職不修，事多淪曠，天人之際，不可須臾闕載也。 是以談遷世事而功立，彪固世事而名成，此乃前鑒之軌轍，[16]後鏡之蓍龜也。 然前代史官之不終業者有之，皆陵遲之世不能容善。 是以平子去史而成賦，伯喈違閣而就志。 近僭晉之世有佐郎王隱，為著作虞預所毀，亡官在家，晝則樵薪供爨，夜則觀文屬綴，集成晉書，存一代之事，司馬紹敕尚書唯給筆札而已。 國之大籍，成於私家，末世之弊，乃至如此，史官之不遇，時也。
Accomplished historiographers, great as sun and moon, small as the four seasons. The great: Confucius and Zuo Qiuming; the small: Sima Qian and Ban Gu. Therefore sound flows without end, meaning shines on coming generations. Metal and stone may perish yet flowing wind does not die—is it not only written records? The proverb says 'the minister's gate has ministers, the general's gate has generals'—not only nature but what habit obtains. The Grand Historian's post—if there is such a person, it should be hereditary. The Documents call Xi and He generations in charge of Heaven and Earth; Zhang Heng wrote 'study with the old Historian's clan'—transmission through generations. The good smith's son knows fur, the good bowyer's son knows frames—through habit one knows. Historiography unrepaired, affairs fall into oblivion—the boundary of Heaven and man cannot lack recording even for a moment. Tan Qian followed worldly affairs and achieved; Ban Gu followed worldly affairs and made a name—former mirror's track [16], later mirror's tortoise. Yet former historiographers who did not finish—all were declining ages that could not contain the good. Zhang Heng left historiography and completed a rhapsody; Cai Yong left the pavilion and undertook a monograph. In usurping Jin, Assistant Gentleman Wang Yin was destroyed by Yu Yu—office lost, at home; by day gathering firewood, by night writing, compiling Jin History—Sima Shao ordered only brush and paper. The state's great register completed in a private house—end-age abuse; the historiographer's ill fortune—timing.
30
今大魏之史，職則身貴，祿則親榮，優哉游哉，式穀爾休矣，而典謨弗恢者，其有以也。 而故著作漁陽傅毗、北平陽尼、河門邢產、廣平宋弁、昌黎韓顯宗等，並以文才見舉，注述是同，皆登年不永，弗終茂績。 前著作程靈虬同時應舉，共掌此務，今從他職，官非所司。 唯崔光一人，雖不移任，然侍官兩兼，故載述致闕。 臣聞載籍之興，由於大業，雅頌垂薦，起於德美，雖時有文質，史有備略，然歷世相仍，不改此度也。 昔史談誡其子遷曰：「當世有美而不書，汝之罪也。」 是以久而見美。 孔明在蜀，不以史官留意，是以久而受譏。 取之深衷，史談之志賢亮遠矣。 書稱「無曠庶官」，詩有「職思其憂」，臣雖今非所司，然昔忝斯任，故不以草茅自疏，敢言及於此。 語曰「患為之者不必知，知之者不得為」，臣誠不知，強欲為之耳。 竊尋先朝賜臣名彪者，遠則擬漢史之叔皮，近則準晉史之紹統，推名求義，欲罷不能，荷恩佩澤，死而後已。 今求都下乞一靜處，綜理國籍，以終前志，官給事力，以充所須。 雖不能光啟大錄，庶不為飽食終日耳。 近則期月可就，遠也三年有成，正本蘊之麟閣，副貳藏之名山。
Great Wei's historiography: office honored, salary glorious—yet canon not broadly restored—there is reason. Former compilers Fu Pi, Yang Ni, Xing Chan, Song Bian, Han Xianzong—all raised for literary talent—none lived long, none finished flourishing achievement. Former compiler Cheng Lingqiu answered the summons together; now follows other office, post not what he manages. Only Cui Guang, though not shifting post, yet doubly combined in attendant office—compilation has gaps. Written records arise from great enterprise; hymns rise from virtue's beauty—though times differ, generations continue without changing this measure. Shi Tan admonished his son Qian: 'When the age has beauty and you do not write—it is your crime.' Therefore long afterward beauty is seen. Zhuge Liang in Shu did not heed historiography—therefore long afterward he was ridiculed. Taking the deep intent, Shi Tan's will was worthy, bright, and far. The Documents call 'no idle offices'; the Odes have 'in office, think of worry'—though not now in charge, I formerly held this post and dare speak. The saying goes 'those who worry to do need not know; those who know cannot do'—I truly do not know, yet strongly wish to do it. The court bestowed the name Biao: far matching Han's Shupi, near matching Jin's Shaotong—bearing grace until death. Now I request a quiet place in the capital to order the national registers and finish my intent, with official support. Though I cannot broadly open the great record, I hope not to eat my fill all day doing nothing. Near: a month may suffice; far: three years—correct copy in Qilin Pavilion, duplicate in the famous mountain.
31
時司空北海王詳、尚書令王肅以其無祿，頗相賑餉，遂在祕書省同王隱故事，白衣修史。
Prince Xiang of Beihai and Wang Su, because he had no salary, aided him; he compiled history in white robes at the Secretariat on Wang Yin's precedent.
32
世宗親政，崔光表曰：「伏見前御史中尉臣李彪，夙懷美意，創刊魏典，臣昔為彪所致，與之同業積年，其志力貞強，考述無倦，督勸羣僚，注綴略舉。 雖頃來契闊，多所廢離，近蒙收起，還綜厥事。 老而彌厲，史才日新，若克復舊職，專功不殆，必能昭明春秋，闡成皇籍。 既先帝厚委，宿歷高班，纖負微愆，應從滌洗。 愚謂宜申以常伯，正綰著作，停其外役，展其內思，研積歲月，紀冊必就。 鴻聲巨迹，蔚乎有章，盛軌懋詠，鑠焉無泯矣。」 世宗不許。
When Shizong governed, Cui Guang memorialized: 'Former Censor-in-Chief Li Biao from old founded the Wei canon; I shared work with him many years—his will upright, examining without weariness. Though recently estranged and much abandoned, recently gathered to return to comprehensive affairs. Old yet more stern, talent daily new—if he recovers old office and specializes, he will clarify Spring and Autumn and complete the imperial register. Since the late emperor entrusted him and he long ranked high, slight fault should be washed away. I consider it fitting to make him regular minister, properly holding compilation, stopping outer service—months and years of research, registers will be completed. Great sound and huge traces, luxuriant with pattern; flourishing tracks and earnest hymns, shining without perishing. Emperor Shizong did not permit.
33
詔彪兼通直散騎常侍，行汾州事，非彪好也，固請不行，有司切遣之。 會遘疾累旬，景明二年秋，卒於洛陽，年五十八。
An edict made Biao concurrently Regular Attendant Directly Communicating, acting Fenzhou—not his preference; he firmly refused; the offices urgently sent him. He fell ill for many days; in autumn of Jingming year 2 he died in Luoyang, age fifty-eight.
34
始彪為中尉，號為嚴酷，以姦款難得，乃為木手擊其脇腋，氣絕而復屬者時有焉。 又慰喻汾州叛胡，得其兇渠，皆鞭面殺之。 及彪之病也，體上往往瘡潰，痛毒備極。 詔賜帛一百五十匹，贈鎮遠將軍、汾州刺史，諡曰剛憲。 彪在祕書歲餘，史業竟未及就，然區分書體，皆彪之功。 述春秋三傳，合成十卷。 其所著詩頌賦誄章奏雜筆百餘篇，別有集。
When Biao was Censor-in-Chief he was called stern; because crafty pleas were hard to obtain, he made a wooden hand to strike ribs and armpits—some whose breath stopped revived. Also soothing the rebel Hu of Fenzhou, obtaining vicious leaders—all were flogged on the face and killed. When Biao fell ill, sores often ulcerated on his body; pain was extreme. An edict granted one hundred fifty bolts of silk, posthumously General Who Pacifies the Distance and Inspector of Fenzhou; posthumous title Gangxian. Biao was in the Secretariat over a year; the history was not finished, yet distinguishing book forms was his achievement. He narrated the three commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals, compiled into ten scrolls. His odes, hymns, rhapsodies, dirges, memorials, and miscellaneous pieces number more than a hundred; there is a separate collection.
35
彪雖與宋弁結管鮑之交，弁為大中正，與高祖私議，猶以寒地處之，殊不欲微相優假。 彪亦知之，不以為恨。 及弁卒，彪痛之無已，為之哀誄，備盡辛酸。 郭祚為吏部，彪為子志求官，祚仍以舊第處之。 彪以位經常伯，又兼尚書，謂祚應以貴遊拔之，深用忿怨，形於言色，時論以此譏祚。 祚每曰：「爾與義和志交，豈能饒爾，而怨我乎？」 任城王澄與彪先亦不穆，及為雍州，彪詣澄為志求其府僚，澄釋然為啟，得列曹行參軍，時稱美之。
Though Biao and Song Bian were close as Guan Zhong and Bao Shuya, Bian as Grand Rectifier still treated him as from a humble district and would not favor him. Biao knew it and did not resent it. When Bian died, Biao grieved endlessly and composed a mourning dirge full of bitterness. Guo Zuo was Minister of Personnel; Biao sought office for his son Zhi; Zuo still placed him by old rank. Biao, having passed regular minister and also been Minister of Works, thought Zuo should raise his son as noble kin; he resented it openly—the age ridiculed Zuo. Zuo often said: 'You and Yihe Zhi are friends—can he spare you, yet you resent me?' Prince Cheng of Rencheng and Biao were at first not harmonious; when Cheng became inspector of Yongzhou, Biao sought a staff post for Zhi; Cheng memorialized and obtained Acting Registrar—praised at the time.
36
志，字鴻道，博學有才幹。 年十餘歲，便能屬文。 彪甚奇之，謂崔鴻曰：「子宜與鴻道為『二鴻』於洛陽。」 鴻遂與志交款往來。 彪有女，幼而聰令，彪每奇之，教之書學，讀誦經傳。 嘗竊謂所親曰：「此當興我家，卿曹容得其力。」 彪亡後，世宗聞其名，召為婕妤，以禮迎引。 婕妤在宮，常教帝妹書，誦授經史。 志後稍遷符璽郎中、徐州平東府司馬。 以軍功累轉後軍將軍、中散大夫、輔國將軍、永寧寺典作副將。 始彪奇志及婕妤，特加器愛，公私坐集，必自稱詠，由是為高祖所責。 及彪亡後，婕妤果入掖庭，後宮咸師宗之。 世宗崩，為比丘尼，通習經義，法座講說，諸僧歎重之。 志所在著績。 桓叔興外叛，南荊荒毀，領軍元叉舉其才任撫導，擢為南荊州刺史，加征虜將軍。 建義初，叛入蕭衍。
Zhi, styled Hongdao, was broadly learned and talented. At more than ten he could already compose text. Biao marveled at him and told Cui Hong: 'You and Hongdao should be the Two Hongs in Luoyang.' Hong thereupon and Zhi became warm friends. Biao had a daughter, clever from youth; he taught her the classics. He once told intimates: 'She will flourish our house; you may receive her strength.' After Biao died, Shizong heard her name and summoned her as a consort with ritual courtesy. In the palace she often taught the emperor's sisters, reciting classics and histories. Zhi later became Master of Seals and Tallies and Sima of Pingdong Headquarters in Xuzhou. By military merit he rose to General of the Rear Army, Regular Grand Master, General Who Assists the State, and Deputy Director of Works at Yongning Temple. At first Biao favored Zhi and his daughter and always praised them in verse at gatherings—thereby reproved by Gaozu. After Biao died, the Lady entered the rear palace; all took her as teacher. When Shizong died, she became a nun, versed in scripture, lecturing from the dharma seat—monks honored her. Wherever Zhi served, he left achievement. When Huan Shuxing rebelled, southern Jing was ruined; Yuan Cha promoted him to Inspector of Southern Jing and General Who Punishes the Barbarians. At the beginning of Jianyi he rebelled and went over to Xiao Yan.
37
高道悅，字文欣，遼東新昌人也。 曾祖策，馮跋散騎常侍、新昌侯。 祖育，馮文通建德令。 值世祖東討，率其所部五百餘家歸命軍門，世祖授以建忠將軍，齊郡、建德二郡太守，賜爵肥如子。 父玄起，武邑太守，遂居勃海蓨縣。
Gao Daoyue, styled Wenhui, was from Xinchang in Liaodong. His great-grandfather Ce was Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry and Marquis of Xinchang under Feng Ba. His grandfather Yu was Magistrate of Jiande under Feng Wentong. When Emperor Shizu campaigned east, he led more than five hundred families to submit; Shizu made him General Who Establishes Loyalty, inspector of Qi and Jiande, and Baron of Feiru. His father Xuanqi was inspector of Wuyi and dwelt in Gaoyi in Bohai.
38
道悅少為中書學生、[17]侍御主文中散。 久之，轉治書侍御史，加諫議大夫，正色當官，不憚強禦。 車駕南征，徵兵秦雍，大期秋季閱集洛陽。 道悅以使者治書御史薛聰、侍御主文中散元志等，稽違期會，奏舉其罪。 又奏兼左僕射、吏部尚書、任城王澄，位總朝右，任屬戎機，兵使會否，曾不檢奏； 尚書左丞公孫良職維樞轄，蒙冒莫舉：請以見事免良等所居官。 時道悅兄觀為外兵郎中，而澄奏道悅有黨兄之負，高祖詔責，然以事經恩宥，遂寢而不論。 詔曰：「道悅資性忠篤，禀操貞亮，居法樹平肅之規，處諫著必犯之節，王公憚其風鯁，朕實嘉其一至，謇諤之誠，何愧黯鮑也。 其以為主爵下大夫，諫議如故。」 車駕將幸鄴，又兼御史中尉，留守洛京。
Daoyue in youth was a Secretariat student [17] and Regular Grand Master of the Palace Attendant Secretariat. Later he became Reviewing Secretary and Remonstrating and Consulting Grand Master, stern in office, not fearing the powerful. When the emperor campaigned south, troops were levied in Qin and Yong; the great assembly was set for autumn review at Luoyang. Daoyue impeached envoys Xue Cong and Yuan Zhi for delaying and missing the term. He also impeached Prince Cheng of Rencheng, summing the court's right, for never examining whether troops met the term; Left Assistant Gongsun Liang, duty at the pivot, covered and did not raise: he asked to remove Liang and others. Daoyue's elder brother Guan was Outer Troops Gentleman; Cheng said Daoyue favored his brother; Gaozu reproved but pardoned and laid it to rest. An edict said: 'Daoyue is loyal and upright, establishes stern law, remonstrates with integrity—princes fear him; We praise his blunt sincerity—it shames not Ji An and Bao. Make him Grand Master of the Chief of Nobility, remonstrance as before.' When the emperor was about to visit Ye, he was additionally Censor-in-Chief, guarding Luoyang.
39
時宮極初基，廟庫未構，車駕將水路幸鄴，已詔都水回營構之材，以造舟檝。 道悅表諫曰：「臣聞博納輿言，君上之崇務； 規箴匡正，臣下之誠節。 是以置鼓設謗，爰自曩日； 虛襟博聽，義屬今辰。 臣既疏魯，濫蒙榮貫，司兼獻弼，職當然否，佩遇恩華，願陳聞見。 竊以都作營構之材，部別科擬，素有定所。 工治已訖，回付都水，用造舟艫。 闕永固居宇之功，作暫時遊嬉之用，損耗殊倍，終為棄物。 且子來之誠，本期營起，今乃修繕舟檝，更為非務，公私回惶，僉深怪愕。 又欲御泛龍舟，經由石濟，其沿河挽道，久以荒蕪，舟檝之人，素不便習。 若欲委棹正流，深薄之危，古今共慎； 若欲挽牽取進，授衣之月，裸形水陸，恐乖視人若子之義。 且鄴洛相望，陸路平直，時乘沃若，往來匪難，更乃捨周道之安，即涉川之殆，此乃愚智等慮，朝野俱惑，進退伏思，不見其可。 又從駕羣僚，聽將妻累，舟檝之間，更無限隔，士女雜亂，內外不分。 當今景御休明，惟新式度，裁禮調風，軌物寰宇，竊惟斯舉，或損洪猷，深失溥天順則之望。 又氐胡犯順，玉帛未恭； 西戎內侵，介冑仍襲； 南寇紛擾，對接近畿； [18]蠻民疏戾，每造不軌。 闚覦間隙，或生慮外。 愚謂應妙選懿親，撫寧後事，令姦回息覬覦之望，邊寇絕闚疆之心。 臣禀性愚直，知而無隱，區區丹志，冒昧以聞。」 詔曰：「省所上事，深具乃心。 但卿之立言半非矣，當須陳非以示謬，稱是以彰得，然後明所以而不用有由而為之。 [19]不爾，則未相體耳。 回材都水，暫營嬉遊，終為棄物，修繕非務； 舟檝無鄣，士女雜亂，此則卿之失辭矣。 深薄之危，撫後之重，斯則卿之得言也。」 於是，高祖遂從陸路。 轉道悅太子中庶子，正色立朝，儼然難犯，宮官上下咸畏憚之。
The palace was newly founded; the emperor would visit Ye by water and ordered construction timber returned to build boats. Daoyue remonstrated: 'I have heard that broadly receiving counsel is the ruler's exalted task; regulation and admonition are the minister's earnest integrity. Therefore setting drums and slander boxes is from former days; empty breast and broad listening belongs to this moment. I am coarse, rashly honored, concurrently offering assistance, bearing on right and wrong, wishing to state what I have seen. Capital construction materials, allotted by statute, have fixed places. When work is finished, they are returned to the Director of Waters to build boats. Lacking Yonggu's dwelling, making boats for temporary pleasure—loss many times over, ultimately waste. Moreover the people's coming was for construction; now repairing boats is a non-task—public and private are alarmed. Also wishing to ride the dragon boat past Shiji—the towing road along the river is long wasteland; boatmen are unaccustomed. If you abandon oars and follow the current, deep shallows are dangerous—ancient and modern are cautious; if you tow to advance, in the month of giving clothes, naked on water and land—it violates viewing the people as children. Ye and Luo face each other, the land route level; riding is easy—yet abandoning the Zhou Way's safety for river peril puzzles court and countryside; I do not see how it is possible. Also the entourage will bring wives—between boats men and women are mixed, inner and outer undivided. Now the august rule is bright—this act may harm the great plan and lose the hope of all under heaven following the rule. Also the Di and Hu violate obedience, tribute not respectful; western Rong invade within, armor still raids; southern invaders harass, nearing the capital; [18] barbarian people are coarse and rebellious, often creating trouble. Peering for gaps, sometimes giving rise to outside concerns. I consider it fitting to select excellent kin to soothe later affairs, making traitors cease hope and border invaders cease ambition. My nature is foolish and straight; I know and do not hide; I rashly state this to be heard. An edict said: 'What you submitted deeply shows your heart. Yet half of what you said is not so; one must state error to show mistake and praise gain to show right—then clarify why not used. [19] Otherwise we do not understand each other. Returning materials to the Director of Waters for pleasure travel is ultimately waste, repair not a task; boats without barriers, men and women mixed—this is your mistake. Deep shallows' danger, soothing later importance—this is your gain. Thereupon Gaozu followed the land route. Daoyue was transferred to Junior Mentor of the Heir Apparent, stern at court—palace officials all feared him.
40
太和二十年秋，車駕幸中岳，詔太子恂入居金墉，而恂潛謀還代，忿道悅前後規諫，遂於禁中殺之。 高祖甚加悲惜，贈散騎常侍，帶營州刺史，[20]賜帛五百匹，并遣王人慰其妻子。 又詔使者監護喪事，葬于舊塋，諡曰貞侯。 世宗又追錄忠概，拜長子顯族給事中。
In autumn of Taihe 20 the emperor visited the central peak; the heir Xun was ordered to dwell in Jincheng; resenting Daoyue's remonstrance, he killed him in the palace. Gaozu mourned him, posthumously made Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry and Inspector of Yingzhou [20], granted five hundred bolts of silk, and sent men to comfort his family. Envoys supervised the funeral; he was buried at the old mound, posthumous title Marquis of Zhen. Emperor Shizong again recorded his loyal spirit and made eldest son Xianzu Gentleman Attendant.
41
顯族，亦以忠厚見稱，卒於右軍將軍。
Xianzu was also praised for honesty and died as General of the Right Army.
42
顯族弟敬猷，有風度。 員外散騎侍郎、殿中侍御史，進給事中、輕車將軍、奉車都尉。 蕭寶夤西征，引為驃騎司馬。 及寶夤謀逆，敬猷與行臺郎中封偉伯等潛圖義舉，謀泄見殺。 贈冠軍將軍、滄州刺史，聽一子出身。
Xianzu's younger brother Jingyou had bearing. Supernumerary Regular Attendant, Palace Attendant, promoted to Gentleman Attendant, General of Light Chariots, Bearer of the Imperial Carriage. When Xiao Baoyin campaigned west, he was Rapid Cavalry Major. When Baoyin rebelled, Jingyou with Feng Weibo secretly plotted; the plot leaked and he was killed. Posthumously General Who Establishes the Army, Inspector of Cangzhou, one son permitted to enter office.
43
道悅長兄嵩，字崐崙。 魏郡太守。
Daoyue's elder brother Song, styled Kunlun. Inspector of Wei Commandery.
44
子良賢，長水校尉。
His son Liangxian, Colonel of the Long Water.
45
良賢弟侯，險薄為劫盜，冀部患之。
Liangxian's younger brother Hou, treacherous and thin, became a bandit—the Ji region suffered him.
46
嵩弟雙，清河太守。 濁貨將刑，在市遇赦免。 時北海王詳為錄尚書，雙多納金寶，除司空長史。 未幾，遷太尉長史，俄出為征虜將軍、涼州刺史。 專肆貪暴，以罪免。 後貨高肇，復起為幽州刺史。 又以貪穢被劾，罪未判，遇赦復任。 未幾而卒。
Song's younger brother Shuang, Inspector of Qinghe. Tainted goods about to be punished, in the market met amnesty and was spared. Prince Xiang of Beihai was Recording Minister; Shuang received much gold and was made Chief Clerk of the Minister of Works. Soon Chief Clerk of the Grand Commandant; soon General Who Punishes the Barbarians, Inspector of Liangzhou. Solely greedy and violent, removed for crime. Later bribing Gao Zhao, restored as Inspector of Youzhou. Again impeached for greed, crime not judged, met amnesty and restored. Before long he died.
47
子景翻，幽州司馬。
His son Jingfan, Sima of Youzhou.
48
雙弟觀，尚書左外兵郎中、城陽王鸞司馬。 南征赭陽，[21]先驅而歿。 贈通直散騎侍郎，諡曰閔。
Shuang's younger brother Guan, Outer Troops Gentleman Left, Sima to Prince Luan of Chengyang. Southern campaign to Zheyang [21], vanguard and died. Posthumously Regular Attendant Directly Communicating, posthumous title Min.
49
史臣曰：李彪生自微族，才志確然，業藝夙成，見擢太和之世，輶軒驟指，聲駭江南，秉筆立言，足為良史。 逮於直繩在手，厲氣明目，持堅無術，末路蹉𧿶。 行百里者半於九十，豈彪之謂也？ 高道悅匡直之風，見憚於世，醜正貽禍，有可悲乎！
The historiographer says: Li Biao was born humble; talent and will were firm; raised in the Taihe age; his sound startled the south; holding the brush he was sufficient to be a good historian. When the straight rope was in his hand he was stern and bright, yet holding firm without method, his last road stumbled. Traveling a hundred li, half is at ninety—is this not Biao? Gao Daoyue's upright spirit was feared in his age; uglifying rectitude brought disaster—how lamentable!
50
校勘記
Collation Notes
51
平原王叡年將弱冠北史卷四０李彪傳「叡」上有「陸」字。 按異姓王公例當書姓，這裏當脫「陸」字。
Prince of Pingyuan Rui was nearing the capping age: in Beishi 40, Li Biao's biography, the character Lu appears above Rui. Non-imperial princes should record the surname; Lu is probably missing here.
52
猶自闕如諸本「闕」字旁注，無「如」字。 冊府卷五二九宋本作「闕如」，明本卷五二九 〈六三二二頁〉 「闕」字亦旁注，「如」作「始」。 今據冊府宋本補正。
Still lacking: various editions note que marginally, without ru. Cefu juan 529 Song edition has que ru; Ming edition juan 529 〈page 6322〉 que is also marginal; ru is written as shi. Now corrected according to the Cefu Song edition.
53
未識儉素之易長諸本「未」作「夫」，冊府同上卷頁作「未」。 按作「夫」與上下文不貫，今據改。
Not knowing frugality's easy growth: editions write wei as fu; Cefu same page has wei. Fu does not fit context; corrected accordingly.
54
時儉則加私之二卷一一０食貨志「二」作「一」，通典卷一二輕重引李彪語此句作「儉則減私之十二糶之」。 按常平本是政府為準備凶年而設立的，故當每逢凶年總是減價出售，似作「減」是。 但「加私之二」也可作加於收進價之二解。 故下云「歲凶則直給」，今不改。
In lean years add two-tenths: Food and Money treatise has two as one; Tongdian citing Li Biao has reduce by one-tenth and sell grain. Ever-Normal Granaries prepared for famine; in famine years grain was sold at reduced price—reduce seems correct. But add two-tenths to private can also mean adding two-tenths to the purchase price. Below it says in famine years direct supply—not changed now.
55
取州郡戶十分之一以為屯民諸本及北史卷四０「民」作「人」，按食貨志載李彪語作「屯民」。 北史避唐諱「民」例改「人」，這裏本當同食貨志，亦唐人諱改，今改正。
One-tenth of households as colony people: editions and Beishi write min as ren; Food and Money treatise has colony min. Beishi avoids Tang taboo min to ren; here should match Food and Money treatise—now corrected to min.
56
小大二情冊府卷五二九 〈六三二四頁〉 「二」作「以」。 按此用左傳莊十年曹劌論戰中「小大之獄，雖不能察，必以情」語。 「二」字當是「以」之訛。
Great and small circumstances: Cefu juan 529 〈page 6324〉 two is written as yi. This uses Zuozhuan, Cao Gui: in small and great cases, though unable to examine, must judge by feeling. Two should be the error for yi.
57
伏見朝臣丁父憂者北史卷四０「父」作「大」。 按下文，李彪主張「如有遭大父母、父母喪者皆聽終服」。 這裏也不可能專指「丁父憂」。 「父」當是「大」之訛。
Court ministers in mourning: Beishi 40 writes father as da (great). Below, Li Biao advocated mourning for great-grandparents or parents with full completion. Here it cannot mean only ding father's mourning. Father should be the error for da.
58
果如今日冊府卷六五八 〈七八七六頁〉 「如」下有「言」字，「今日」屬下讀，當是。
Truly as today: Cefu juan 658 〈page 7876〉 Below ru is yan; jin ri belongs to the next line—should be so.
59
坐輿禁省諸本及北史卷四０「輿」作「與」。 通鑑卷一四一 〈四四二二頁〉 作「輿」，胡注：「言坐輿而入禁省也。」 按作「與」無義，今據改。
Riding carriage into forbidden precinct: editions and Beishi write carriage yu as with yu. Zizhi tongjian juan 141 〈page 4422〉 Has carriage yu; Hu Zhu: means riding carriage into forbidden precinct. With yu has no meaning—now corrected to carriage yu.
60
安己凌上諸本脫「己凌上」三字，不可通，今據冊府卷五一九 〈六二０三頁〉 補。
Securing self insulting superiors: editions omit ji ling shang—cannot connect; now per Cefu juan 519 〈page 6203〉 Supplemented.
61
自瑞官文而卑高陳冊府卷五五八 〈六七０六頁〉 「文」作「立」。 按作「文」不可解，疑當作「立」。 但「瑞官」不知所出，故不改。
From auspicious officials' patterns: Cefu juan 558 〈page 6706〉 wen is written as li. Wen cannot be explained—probably should be li. But auspicious officials is unknown—therefore not changed.
62
降及華馬陳干百衲本、南本「干」作「千」，他本作「于」。 冊府卷五五八 〈六七０七頁〉 作「干」。 按這裏是指華嶠、司馬彪、陳壽、干寶四人，「千」「于」皆「干」之訛，今據改。
Descending to Hua, Ma, Chen, Gan: patchwork and Nan editions write Gan as Qian; others as Yu. Cefu juan 558 〈page 6707〉 Has Gan. Here means Hua Yao, Sima Biao, Chen Shou, Gan Bao—Qian and Yu are errors for Gan—corrected.
63
四敷贊弗遠冊府 〈同上卷頁〉 「四」作「而」。 按作「四」不可通，疑當作「而」。 但上舉華、馬、陳、干，恰正四人，也可能「四」下有脫文，今於「四」字下句斷。
Four spreading praise not far: Cefu 〈same page〉 four is written as er (and). Four cannot connect—probably should be er. Above lists exactly four men—possibly text missing below four; now break sentence after four.
64
善者或謬冊府 〈同上卷頁〉 「者」作「音」。 按上云：「絃柱既易」，疑作「音」是。
The good may err: Cefu 〈same page〉 zhe is written as yin (sound). Above says string and pillar changed—probably yin is correct.
65
記曰善流者欲以繼其行善歌者欲人繼其聲北史卷四０、冊府 〈同上卷頁〉 「流」作「迹」，「以」作「人」。 按「善歌者」句見禮記學記，上句不知所出，觀文義疑北史、冊府是。
Record says good at flowing wish to continue conduct, good at singing wish men continue sound: Beishi 40, Cefu 〈same page〉 liu is written as ji, yi as ren. Good at singing is in Liji Xueji; upper sentence unknown—Beishi and Cefu probably correct.
66
此乃前鑒之軌轍諸本「此」字作「道爭」二字，北史卷四０、冊府卷五五八 〈六七０八頁〉 作「此」。 按「道爭」不可解。 今據改。
Former mirror's track: editions write ci as dao zheng; Beishi 40, Cefu 558 〈page 6708〉 Has ci. Dao zheng cannot be explained. Now corrected accordingly.
67
道悅少為中書學生諸本「生」作「士」，北史卷四０高道悅傳作「生」。 按「中書學生」屢見諸傳，「士」字訛，今據改。
Daoyue youth Secretariat student: editions write sheng as shi; Beishi 40 has sheng. Secretariat student appears repeatedly—shi is error—corrected to sheng.
68
又氐胡犯順玉帛未恭西戎內侵介冑仍襲南寇紛擾對接近畿諸本這幾句作「氐胡犯順未恭西道偏戎旗冑仍襲南寇對接近畿」，訛脫不可讀，今據冊府卷五四 〈一六四八六頁〉 補正。
Di Hu, western Rong, southern invaders lines: editions corrupt and unreadable—now per Cefu juan 54 〈page 16486〉 Supplemented and corrected.
69
然後明所以而不用有由而為之按此句晦澀，當有訛脫。
Then clarify why not used have reason for doing: sentence obscure—must have error and omission.
70
帶營州刺史諸本「營」訛「管」，無此州，今據北史卷四０改。
Inspector of Yingzhou: editions erroneously guan—no such province—corrected per Beishi 40 to ying.
71
南征赭陽諸本「南」作「西」，北史卷四０作「南」。 按赭陽今河南方城縣，當時是北魏南邊，不得云「西」，今據改。
Southern campaign to Zheyang: editions write nan as xi; Beishi 40 has nan. Zheyang is present Fangcheng in Henan—then Northern Wei's south—cannot say west—corrected to nan.