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卷五十一 志第四十一 食貨一

Volume 51 Treatises 47: Finance and Economics 1

Chapter 51 of 新唐書 · New Book of Tang
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Chapter 51
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1
Finance and Economics 1
2
使
Those who truly governed well in antiquity always set up steady, straightforward institutions: the ruler valued resources to support the people, the people labored to serve the throne, the court was supplied and the common folk were not squeezed dry. They matched each person's capacity when allotting land, took from the soil only what was needed for public revenue, and scaled spending to what came in. The three measures had to work together; lose any one and the other two would collapse. Tyrants and weak sovereigns gave free rein to luxury, and servile officials rewrote the rules on the fly to please them. Court spending knew no restraint and extraction from the people knew no ceiling; the folk spent themselves dry yet still could not pay. The treasury grew emptier while the countryside grew poorer, profit-seeking policies flourished, and revenue-hungry ministers took charge. The Record says: "It is better to harbor a thieving minister. A corrupt official is hateful enough, but he injures only himself. When exaction specialists rule, the standing order is ruined and the people cannot survive the damage.
3
調 祿 調
When the Tang was founded, the state allotted per-capita and hereditary fields and collected zu, yong, and diao levies—and spending stayed within bounds. Soldiers were raised through the fubing militia and guard-garrison system, so a large army did not bankrupt the realm; each post had a fixed headcount, so offices were not overfilled and salaries remained payable. It fell short of the golden ages of antiquity, yet it could still stand as a durable fiscal order. In time the system rotted: bloated armies and swollen bureaucracy became its gravest blight. After the Tianbao years, major rebellions broke out again and again, frontier governors turned traitor one after another, and war ran on for generations. The budget could no longer be held in check. Arrogant emperors and muddled courts, venal clerks and scheming ministers patched crises with stopgaps, rewrote the rules again and again, and the standing order vanished entirely. Profit-seeking theories spread, and men who lived to squeeze revenue rose to power. Per-capita and hereditary allotments collapsed into large estates; the zu-yong-diao levies gave way to the dual tax. Salt and iron monopolies, transport offices, military farms, forced purchases of grain, minting, land surveys, excise levies, loans to merchants, court tribute, and "voluntary" gifts—every expedient was tried. The more tangled the system grew, the worse it failed—until the dynasty fell.
4
Under Tang law, land was measured in paces: one pace in width and two hundred forty in length formed one mu; one hundred mu made one qing. Commoners were registered at birth as infants (huang), as minors at four, as youths at sixteen, as adult males (ding) at twenty-one, and as elderly at sixty. Each adult male and each man of eighteen or over received one qing of land: eighty mu as per-capita allotment and twenty mu as hereditary holding; the aged and the seriously disabled received forty mu each; widows and concubines thirty; heads of household gained another twenty. In every case twenty mu were hereditary and the remainder per-capita allotments. Hereditary plots had to be planted with prescribed numbers of elms, jujubes, mulberries, and other suitable trees. Districts with enough land for everyone were "broad"; those without were "narrow." Narrow districts received half the allotment of broad ones. Poor soil or land rotated every year received double allotments. In broad districts with three-year rotation, no doubling applied. Merchants and artisans in broad districts got half allotments; in narrow districts they received none. Commoners relocating or too poor for funerals might sell their hereditary plots. Those moving from narrow to broad districts could sell their per-capita allotments as well. Land sold was never re-allotted. On death the state reclaimed the land and gave it to those without fields. Reclamation and new grants were carried out every year in the tenth month. Land was allotted first to the poor and to households liable for tax and corvée. Surplus land in a district went to neighboring districts, county surpluses to neighboring counties, and prefectural surpluses to nearby prefectures.
5
綿調 調調
Every grantee paid two hu of grain or three of rice per adult male per year—the grain tax called zu. Each adult male paid local produce: two bolts of silk, two zhang of fine cloth, extra cloth by one-fifth, three liang of cotton floss, three jin of hemp—or fourteen liang of silver where sericulture did not exist. This was the diao levy. Corvée labor ran twenty days a year, plus two in leap years; those who bought out of service paid three chi of silk per day—the yong levy. Extra corvée of twenty-five days exempted diao; at thirty days both zu and diao were waived. Regular corvée in all could not exceed fifty days.
6
From princes and dukes down, every rank held hereditary land. Kin of the empresses within the five degrees of mourning, kin of high-ranking inner consorts, kin of princes and fifth-rank officials, third-rank officials and merit nobles with fiefs and their sons, imperial students and candidates, and registered filial sons, obedient grandsons, righteous husbands, and chaste wives were all exempt from tax and labor. A chief household with liable members was a tax household. The aged, disabled men, the seriously ill, widows and concubines, retainers, tenant women, slaves, and households ranked as ninth-grade officials or higher paid no tax.
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調 調
Each neighborhood kept household registers; at year-end ages and land holdings were compiled into the district roll. District rolls went to the county, county rolls to the prefecture, prefectural rolls to the Ministry of Revenue. A projected account also listed the coming year's taxes and corvée for the treasury. State levies required prior memorial and approval. Tax schedules were posted at county gates and village wards for all to see. Flood, drought, frost, or locust loss of four-tenths exempted the grain tax; total loss of mulberry and hemp exempted the diao levy; field loss of six-tenths exempted both zu and diao; loss of seven-tenths exempted all taxes and labor service. New households joining in spring were exempt from corvée for three months; in summer from taxes for six months; in autumn from both for nine months. Migrants to broad districts were certified county to prefecture, and across borders to the Ministry of Revenue; officials filed reports in the off-season. Moves from the capital core to the outer districts, or from metropolitan counties to ordinary counties, were restricted. Surrendered frontier peoples were settled in broad districts with ten years' tax relief. Freed slaves received three years' exemption. Frontier men captured abroad who returned within one year got three years' relief; within two years, four; within three, five. Vagrants, retainers, tenant women, and freed slaves were registered in broad districts.
8
During Zhenguan a fodder tax was introduced for miscellaneous expenses, and post horses were given pasture land.
9
調 簿
Taizong was bent on good government; in performance reviews, few widows and orphans in a district improved an official's rating, as with the household-growth rule; failure to encourage settlement counted as a loss of households. Grain tax deadlines varied with harvest season, terrain, and distance. Yong and diao were collected in the eighth month and forwarded in the ninth. When deadlines overlapped, distant districts paid first. Households measured their own deliveries. Each year prefectures bought local products as tribute, priced by silk grade, capped at fifty bolts. Exotic goods, delicacies, riding horses, hawks, and hunting dogs were not sent without imperial order. Extra tribute assignments could substitute for regular taxes. In famine community granaries provided relief; if stores ran short, people were relocated to other prefectures for food. Left Vice Director Dai Zhou proposed: "From princes down, tally cultivated land; after harvest, set up charity granaries in each locality to feed the people in bad years. Taizong approved and ordered: "Two sheng per mu, in millet, wheat, husked rice, or paddy as local conditions allow. Broad districts levied on actual crops; narrow districts used the green-crop register to enforce collection. Crop loss of four-tenths halved the levy; loss of seven-tenths canceled it. Landless merchants were ranked in nine grades and paid grain from five shi down to five dou. The poorest households and tribal peoples were exempt. In bad years the grain relieved the people; or lent as seed to be repaid at harvest." Later ever-normal granaries were added at Luoyang, Xiang, You, Xu, Qi, Bing, Qin, and Pu: grain stored nine years, rice five—in damp regions, grain five and rice three—all codified in law.
10
Early in Zhenguan there were fewer than three million households, and one bolt of silk bought only one dou of rice. By the fourth year rice cost four or five cash per dou; outer gates stood open for months; horses and cattle grazed freely; travelers went thousands of li without provisions; population and wealth grew; and 1.2 million frontier peoples submitted. That year only twenty-nine death sentences were handed down empire-wide—the age was called Great Peace. Such was the broad policy by which Gaozu and Taizong brought order—and such were its results.
11
Gaozong inherited this legacy, and the realm knew peace. With Zhangsun Wuji and others guiding policy, the court showed no grave misconduct. He often summoned prefects to court to inquire after the people's hardships. In his first year on the throne, registered households rose by 150,000. Once Li Yifu and Xu Jingzong held power, corvée and spending both surged. After the Yongchun era, revenue fell ever shorter of need. Then came Empress Wu's turmoil: law and order collapsed, and the people could not endure the burden.
12
使 調
When Xuanzong first sought reform, corvée exemptions were issued on tallies; minor officials and ninth-rank capital appointees served as exemption commissioners, sent out twice a year. In Kaiyuan 8 the yong-diao standards were issued empire-wide: finest cloth not above refined grade, poorest not below acceptable; width at least 1.8 chi, length at most 4 zhang. Yet household registers had never been properly updated. Censor Yuwen Rong proposed surveying hidden land and unregistered households: voluntary registration won five years' relief; each adult male paid 1,500 cash; acting censors fanned out to verify the rolls. Yangdi Assistant Magistrate Huangfu Jing memorialized against the plan. Xuanzong, backing Rong, demoted Jing to magistrate of Yingchuan. The circuits registered over 800,000 client households, with land to match. Local officials eager to please inflated the rolls, reclassified regular land as surplus and registered households as clients, and by year-end reported several million strings in revenue.
13
調 使
In the sixteenth year of Kaiyuan, the court ordered household registers revised by nine grades every three years. Yong, diao, and grain substitutes had to be of fine quality; local chiefs urged weaving; the Secretariat punished officials for shoddy goods and rewarded excellence. In Kaiyuan 22, males of fifteen and females of thirteen were permitted to marry. Each year counties reported household growth; investigating commissioners verified the figures; governors and magistrates were rated on the results.
14
In the Yonghui era, sale of hereditary and per-capita fields was banned. Later the rich absorbed land and the poor lost their farms; buyers were ordered to return land and were punished.
15
調
Yangzhou had paid zu and diao in cash, Lingnan in rice, Annan in silk, and Yizhou furnished gauze and silks for spring tribute. The court then ordered Jiangnan to pay the grain tax in cloth as well.
16
使 使使使
Chief Minister Li Linfu noted that zu-yong, frontier service, grain purchases, spring tribute, and fodder tax lacked fixed rules; yearly edict slips sent by messenger consumed over half a million sheets of paper. With so many items, replies took over a year; he reformed the system with investigating commissioners into standing guidelines, sent by relay—no more than two sheets per prefecture.
17
調 調
Yong, diao, zu, and resource levies followed local products; local chiefs set quality grades and sent upper, middle, and lower samples to the capital. Shoddy goods were priced at the middle grade. In Kaiyuan 25, because Jiang-Huai grain faced transport bottlenecks at the Yellow and Luo while Guanzhong lacked silk and grain was cheap, yong, diao, and resource levies were paid in rice; in famine years cloth and silk were accepted. In north and south Henan, unreachable by transport routes, grain tax was paid in silk to supply Guanzhong corvée and levies, and transport was reduced.
18
調綿 使 祿
The next year, children under three were infants, under fifteen minors, and under twenty youths. Wealthy households with many sons often split registers to evade conscription; households of ten ding lost two, of five lost one, and filial attendants were exempt from corvée. In Tianbao 3, males of eighteen became youths and those of twenty-three became adult males liable for tax. In Tianbao 5, each district exempted thirty ding from zu-yong for households too poor to survive. For men seventy-five and women seventy, one youth was assigned as attendant; those eighty and above were governed by special statute. The empire was prosperous: rice cost thirteen cash per dou, only three in Qing and Qi, and two hundred cash per bolt of silk. Roadside shops offered food and drink; inns kept relay donkeys; travelers went a thousand li unarmed. Annual revenue: over two million strings in grain tax cash, nearly twenty million hu of grain, 7.4 million bolts of yong-diao silk, 1.8 million tun of cotton, and over ten million duan of cloth. The emperor indulged in luxury and spent without restraint; expenditures routinely exceeded revenue. Revenue officials then turned to squeezing the people. Grand Treasury Director Yang Chongli wrung out every penny; counties were hounded year after year for shortages and spoilage. His son Shenjin ran the Grand Treasury and Shenming the capital granaries; both curried favor through harsh exaction. Wang Hong as household levy commissioner presented ten billion strings yearly; extralegal revenue filled the Great Abundance Vault for the emperor's private use. When An Lushan rebelled, Yang Guozhong, finding the regular treasury inadequate for troops, sent Censor Cui Zhong to Taiyuan to sell ordinations—and raised only a million strings in ten days. After both capitals fell, people and wealth were ruined and the empire lay in ruin.
19
使
Suzong sent Zheng Shuqing to register wealthy families in Jiang-Huai and the southwest and seize two-tenths of their assets—the "assessed lending" levy. Circuits taxed merchants to feed the armies—a tax on every thousand cash. Diwu Qi of Beihai, a clerk who impressed the court with fiscal expertise, proposed zu-yong commissioners in Jiang-Huai; salt, hemp, and copper were taxed; light goods were routed through Jiangling and Xiangyang to Fengxiang. The next year Zheng Shuqing and Pei Mian proposed that circuits sell blank appointments for cash—offices, merit titles, and fief names; ordained countless monks and priests; a hundred or a thousand strings bought a classics degree; merchants who aided the army received tax relief. After the capitals were recovered, ten thousand ordinations were sold for cash in the capital region. The people were ravaged by war; rice cost seven thousand cash per dou; chaff was sold as food; beggars filled the roads. The court rewarded those who relieved the poor with titles of honor.
20
使
By custom, revenue went to the Left Vault; the Grand Treasury reported totals; the Ministry audited all receipts and spending. Capital generals looted the treasury at will; Diwu Qi as salt commissioner moved all funds to the Great Abundance Vault for imperial gifts, managed by eunuchs. Henceforth imperial wealth became the emperor's private hoard, beyond official accounting.
21
In Guangde 1, households of three ding lost one; grain tax was two sheng per mu; adult liability began at twenty-five and ended at fifty-five—to ease the people's burden. Yet rebels remained unpacified; the people were exhausted and taxes crushing. When Tibetans threatened the capital, tens of thousands of troops encamped nearby; officials donated salaries and households were levied again for army grain. In Dali 1, returning refugees got two years' relief; if their land was lost, they received abandoned fields. A seedling tax of fifteen cash per mu was levied empire-wide; light goods were bought to pay officials' service fees. With the treasury desperate, tax was collected while seedlings were still green—the "green-crop levy"; plus a "field-head" fee of twenty per mu; both were called green-crop money. The capital's autumn tax was split: upper fields one dou per mu, lower six sheng, wasteland two sheng. In the fifth year rates were fixed: summer tax—upper fields six sheng per mu, lower four; autumn tax—upper fields five sheng, lower three; wasteland unchanged; the green-crop levy was doubled per mu, excluding the field-head fee.
22
使使 使 西使 西
Transport commissioners managed external revenue; expenditure commissioners managed internal funds. In Yongtai 2, fiscal authority—revenue, minting, granaries, transport, and salt—was split between two commissioners. The eastern circuits—including the capital region, Henan, Huainan, and the lower Yangzi—fell to Transport Commissioner Liu Yan; The western circuits—the capital, Guanzhong, Hedong, and Sichuan—went to Metropolitan Governor Diwu Qi. After Qi's demotion, Han Huang as vice minister of revenue shared fiscal duties with Yan.
23
西 西
The Uyghurs had helped retake Chang'an; Daizong favored them with marriage alliances; they sent a hundred thousand horses yearly, paid for with over a million bolts of silk. China's treasury was exhausted, falling short on the horse payments every year. After the Hexi garrisons fell, thirty thousand autumn-defense troops garrisoned the west yearly at a cost of 1.5 million strings. Eunuch Yu Chao'en abused imperial favor; Daizong and Yuan Zai plotted against him day and night. After Chao'en's death, emperor and minister turned on each other; frontier defense and supply went undiscussed for nearly a decade. Regional warlords seized territory, armed themselves, and defied the court; the emperor turned to sacrifices, burning jade offerings, and copying sutras—the treasury gave monks and shamans tens of thousands yearly. Yet the emperor was personally frugal, wearing his robes until they were washed threadbare, hoping to set an example. Yet birthday and Dragon Boat Festival tributes ran to tens of millions; on top of imperial gifts, circuits competed in lavish display. Court business backed up for years; a Guest Bureau housed rejected memorialists, unanswered envoys, and unreinstated officials—thousands on the treasury payroll. When Dezong succeeded, Cui Youfu released Guest Bureau detainees and cut treasury deadwood, saving tens of thousands yearly.
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