Volume 122 Biographies 47: Wei, Wei, and Guo

25%◎魏韋郭魏元忠魏元忠，宋州宋城人。為太學生，跌蕩少檢，久不調，盩厔人江融曉兵術，元忠從之遊，盡傳所學。儀鳳中，吐蕃數盜邊，元忠上封事洛陽宮，言命將用兵之要曰：

Wei, Wei, and Guo — Wei Yuanzhong. Yuanzhong was a native of Songcheng in Songzhou. While a student at the Imperial University he was free-spirited and undisciplined, and for a long time received no office. Jiang Rong of Zhouzhi was versed in military science; Yuanzhong studied under him and mastered everything his teacher knew. During the Yifeng reign (676–679), as Tibetans repeatedly raided the frontier, Yuanzhong submitted a sealed memorial at Luoyang on the essentials of choosing commanders and waging war. He wrote:

天下之柄有二，文武而已，至制勝禦人，其道一也。今言武者先騎射，不稽之權略；言文者首篇章，不取之經綸。臣觀魏、晉、齊、梁才固不乏，然何益治亂哉！養由基射能穿劄，不止鄢陵之奔，陸機識能辨亡，無救河橋之敗，斷可見已。

The realm rests on two powers, civil and military; yet to prevail over foes and govern men, the underlying principle is the same. Today men who speak of war begin with horsemanship and archery and never weigh strategic calculation. Those who speak of letters prize literary composition and ignore the art of governing the state. I see that Wei, Jin, Qi, and Liang were never short of talent—yet what did that avail for peace or ruin? Yang Youji could shoot through a willow leaf, yet that did not halt the rout at Yanling; Lu Ji could foresee collapse, yet could not avert disaster at Heqiao. The lesson is clear.

夫才生於世，世實須才。何世而不生才？何才而不資世？故物有不求，未有無物之歲；士有不用，未有無士之時也。誌士在富貴與賤貧，皆思立功名以傳於後，然知己難而所遇罕。士之懷琬琰就煨塵、抱棟幹困溝壑者，悠悠之人直睹此士之貧賤，安知其方略哉！故漢拜韓信，舉軍驚笑；蜀用魏延，群臣觖望。此富貴者易為善，貧賤者難為功也。昔漢文帝不知魏尚賢而囚之，知李廣才而不用，乃嘆其生不逢時。夫以廣之才，天下無雙，時方歲事匈奴，而卒不任。故近不知尚、廣之賢，而遠想廉頗、李牧，馮唐是以知其有而不能用也。此身為時主所知，不得盡其才也。晉羊祜謀舉吳，賈充、荀勖沮之，祜嘆曰：「天下事不如意十常七八。」以二人不同，終不大舉。此據立功之地，而不獲展其誌也。布衣之人，懷奇抱策，而望朝奏夕召，豈易得哉？臣願歷訪文武五品以上，得無有智如羊祜、武如李廣而不得騁其才者乎？使各言其誌，毋令久失職。

Talent arises in its time, and every age truly needs talent. What age has ever lacked men of ability? What talent does not depend on its age to flourish? Some goods go unclaimed, yet no year lacks goods altogether. Some men of talent go unused, yet there has never been an age without such men. Men of ambition, whether rich or poor, all wish to win merit and leave a name to posterity—yet true patrons are hard to find and fair chances are few. Men who carry jade in their hearts yet live in ashes, who hold timbers fit for pillars yet languish in ditches—the crowd sees only their poverty. How would the many know their true capacity? When Han enfeoffed Han Xin, the whole army was astonished and laughed. When Shu employed Wei Yan, the ministers murmured in resentment. Thus the favored find it easy to do good, while the obscure find it hard to achieve anything. Emperor Wen of Han once failed to see Wei Shang's worth and imprisoned him; he knew Li Guang's talent yet would not use him, and then lamented that Li was born out of season. Li Guang's ability was unmatched in the realm, yet at the very hour when the court campaigned yearly against the Xiongnu, he was never given command. The court did not recognize the worth of Wei Shang and Li Guang close at hand, yet yearned for Lian Po and Li Mu from ages past. Feng Tang knew such men existed yet could not put them to use. This is the case of a man known to his sovereign yet unable to give his full ability. In Jin, Yang Hu planned an expedition against Wu, but Jia Chong and Xun Xu blocked him. Hu sighed, "Under Heaven, things go wrong seven or eight times in ten. Because these two men disagreed, no major campaign was ever launched. This is holding a post where merit might be won yet never gaining scope to fulfill one's aims. Commoners who harbor great plans and hope for appointment the very day they submit a memorial—are such men easily found? I ask that Your Majesty inquire among all civil and military officials of the fifth rank and above whether any are wise as Yang Hu or martial as Li Guang yet unable to exercise their gifts. Let each state his aims, and do not let capable men languish long without office.

又言：

He further wrote:

人無常俗，政有治亂；軍無常勝，將有能否。兵為王者大事，存亡系焉，將非其任，則殄人敗國。齊段孝玄有言：「持大兵如擎盤水，一致蹉跌，求止可得哉」」周亞夫堅壁以挫吳、楚，司馬懿閉營而困諸葛亮，此皆全軍制勝，不戰而卻敵。是知大將臨戎，以智為本。今之用人，類將家子，或死事孤兒，進非幹略，雖竭力盡誠，不免於傾敗，若之何用之？且建功者，言其所濟，不言所來；言其所能，不言所藉。若陳湯、呂蒙、馬隆、孟觀悉出貧賤，而勛伐甚高，不聞其家世將帥也。故陰陽不和，揠士為相；蠻貊不廷，擢校為將。今以四海之廣，億兆之眾，豈無卓越之士？臣恐未之思乎！

Human conduct has no fixed pattern; government may bring order or chaos. Armies do not win every battle; commanders differ in ability. War is the sovereign's greatest concern, on which survival depends. The wrong commander destroys armies and ruins the state. Duan Xiaoxuan of Qi said, "Commanding a great army is like carrying a tray of water—one stumble and you cannot halt the spill." Zhou Yafu held his walls and broke Wu and Chu; Sima Yi shut his camps and wore down Zhuge Liang. Each preserved his army and prevailed without fighting. Thus when a great commander takes the field, wisdom is the foundation. Today appointments go mostly to sons of generals or orphans of the fallen. They lack strategic talent; though they serve with utmost loyalty, defeat is inevitable. How can such men be entrusted with command? For men who win merit, speak of what they achieved, not of their origins. Praise what they can do, not whose name they borrowed. Chen Tang, Lü Meng, Ma Long, and Meng Guan all rose from humble origins, yet won great merit—and none came from a line of generals. When yin and yang fall out of harmony, a commoner may be raised to chancellor. When barbarians refuse to submit, a clerk may be promoted to general. Within the four seas and among a hundred million subjects, can there truly be no outstanding men? I fear Your Majesty has not yet looked hard enough!

又賞者禮之基，罰者刑之本。禮崇則謀夫竭其能，賞厚則義士輕其死，刑正故君子勖其心，罰重則小人懲其過。賞罰者軍國之綱紀，政教之藥石。吐蕃本非強敵，而薛仁貴、郭待封至棄甲喪師，脫身以免。國家寬政，罪止削除，網漏吞舟，何以過此。雖陛下顧收後效，然朝廷所少，豈此一二人乎？夫賞不勸，謂之止善，罰不懲，謂之縱惡。臣誠疏賤，幹非其事，豈欲間陛下君臣生薄厚哉？正以刑賞一虧，百年不復。故國無賞罰，雖堯、舜不能為。今罰既不行，賞復難信，故議者皆謂比日征行，虛立賞格，而無其實。蓋忘大體之臣恐賚勛庸，竭府庫，留意錐刀，以為益中國，所謂惜毫厘失千里者也。且黔首雖微，不可以欺，安有寓不信之令，設虛賞之格乎？自蘇定方平遼東，李勣破平壤，賞既不行，勛亦淹廢，歲月紛淆，真偽相錯。臣以吏不奉法，慢自京師，偽勛所由，主司過也，其則不遠，近在尚書省中。然未聞斬一臺郎、戮一令史，使天下知之。陛下何照遠而不照近哉？神州化首，文昌政本，治亂攸在，臣故冒死而言。夫明鑒所以照形，往事所以知今，臣請借近以為諭：貞觀中，萬年尉司馬玄景舞文飾智，以邀乾沒，太宗棄之都市；後征高麗，總管張君乂不進擊賊，斬之旗下。臣以為偽勛之罪，多於玄景；仁貴等敗，重於君乂。使早誅之，則諸將豈復有負哉？慈父多敗子，嚴家無格虜。且人主病不廣大，人臣病不節儉，臣恐陛下病之於不廣大，過在於慈父，斯日月一蝕也。

Reward is the foundation of ritual; punishment is the root of penal law. Honor ritual and strategists give their all; make rewards generous and loyal men lightly face death. Make law just and gentlemen steel their resolve; make punishments weighty and the base fear their faults. Reward and punishment are the sinews of army and state, the medicine of government and instruction. The Tibetans were never a formidable enemy, yet Xue Rengui and Guo Daifeng abandoned their armor, lost their armies, and escaped with their lives. The state's lenient policy stops at demotion and dismissal. The net leaks so wide it could swallow a boat—what fault could exceed this? Though Your Majesty hopes for future service from them, is the court so short of men that only these one or two matter? Rewards that do not encourage are called halting virtue; punishments that do not chasten are called indulging vice. I am humble and presumptuous to speak on matters not my own. Do I wish to sow discord between Your Majesty and your ministers? By no means. Once reward and punishment are compromised, a century may not restore them. A state without reward and punishment cannot be governed even by Yao and Shun. Punishment goes unenforced and rewards cannot be trusted, so critics say recent campaigns announced reward scales that were never honored. Ministers who lose sight of the larger picture fear rewarding merit and emptying the treasury. They count pennies, thinking to benefit the realm—yet this is to save a hair and lose a thousand li. The common people, though humble, cannot be deceived. How can the throne issue orders no one believes and promise rewards never paid? Since Su Dingfang pacified Liaodong and Li Ji took Pyongyang, rewards have gone unpaid and merit rolls neglected, until years of confusion have mingled truth with falsehood. Officials do not uphold the law, and arrogance begins in the capital. False merit records stem from the fault of the responsible offices—the proof lies close at hand, within the Department of State Affairs itself. Yet not one bureau director has been beheaded, not one clerk executed, to make the realm take notice. Why does Your Majesty see what is far yet overlook what is near? The realm is the source of civilization; the Department of State Affairs is the root of government. Order and chaos depend on it. That is why I speak at the risk of my life. Bright mirrors reveal forms; past events illuminate the present. Let me cite recent examples. In the Zhenguan era, Wan Nian district assistant Sima Xuanjing twisted the law for illicit gain; Taizong had him executed in the marketplace. Later, campaigning against Goguryeo, commander Zhang Junyi failed to advance against the enemy and was beheaded beneath his standard. The crime of falsifying merit records exceeds Xuanjing's offense. The defeats of Rengui and his fellows weigh more heavily than Junyi's failure. Had they been punished promptly, would other generals still have failed in their duty? An indulgent father breeds failed sons; a strict household has no unruly servants. The sovereign's fault is narrowness; the minister's fault is extravagance. I fear Your Majesty errs on the side of narrowness, like an indulgent father—and this, like an eclipse of sun or moon, dims the throne.

又今將吏貪暴，所務口馬、財利，臣恐戎狄之平，未可旦夕望也。凡人識不經遠，皆言吐蕃戰，前隊盡，後隊方進，甲堅騎多，而山有氛瘴，官軍遠入，前無所獲，不積谷數百萬，無大舉之資。臣以為吐蕃之望中國，猶孤星之對太陽，有自然之大小、不疑之明暗，夷狄雖禽獸，亦知愛其性命，豈肯前盡死而後進哉！由殘迫其人，非下所願也。必其戰不顧死，則兵法許敵能鬥，當以智算取之，何憂不克哉！向使將能殺敵，橫屍蔽野，斂其頭顱以為京觀，則此虜聞官軍鐘鼓，望塵卻走，何暇前隊皆死哉！自仁貴等覆師喪氣，故虜得跳梁山谷。

Today's officers are greedy and brutal, caring only for livestock, horses, and profit. I fear pacifying the frontier cannot be achieved overnight. Short-sighted men say Tibetans fight with the front ranks dying before the rear advance, that their armor is strong and cavalry numerous, and that mountain miasma blocks invasion. They claim distant campaigns gain nothing without millions of bushels of grain amassed in advance. Tibet facing China is like a lone star before the sun—great and small, bright and dim, are not in doubt. Barbarians, though called beasts, still love their lives. Why would they send the front ranks to die to the last man before the rear advance? They are driven by harsh compulsion from above, not by the soldiers' own will. If they fight heedless of death, the art of war teaches that a resolute foe is best overcome by stratagem. Why fear that they cannot be beaten? If our generals could slay the enemy until corpses covered the field and pile their heads in victory mounds, these barbarians would flee at the sound of our drums. Why would the front ranks need to die to the last man? Since Rengui's defeat broke our army's spirit, the barbarians have been free to rampage through the valleys.

又師行必藉馬力，不數十萬，不足與虜爭。臣請天下自王公及齊人掛籍之口，人稅百錢；又弛天下馬禁，使民得乘大馬，不為數限，官籍其凡，勿使得隱。不三年，人間畜馬可五十萬，即詔州縣以所稅口錢市之，若王師大舉，一朝可用。且虜以騎為強，若一切使人乘之，則市取其良，以益中國，使得漸耗虜兵之盛，國家之利也。

Campaigns depend on horse power; without several hundred thousand mounts, we cannot contend with the foe. I propose a levy of a hundred cash per registered person, from princes and dukes down to commoners. Lift the empire-wide ban on private horses so people may keep large horses without limit, with the government registering the total and forbidding concealment. Within three years the people could raise five hundred thousand horses. Order the prefectures to buy them with the head tax. When the royal army marches in force, they will be ready at once. The barbarians rely on cavalry. If our people all keep horses, we can buy the best mounts for the state and gradually drain the enemy's strength—a clear gain for the realm.

高宗善之，授秘書省正字，直中書省，仗內供奉。

Emperor Gaozong approved the memorial and appointed Yuanzhong Rectifier in the Secretariat, with duty at the Secretariat and attendance within the imperial guard.

遷監察御史。帝嘗從容曰：「外以朕為何如主？」對曰：「周成、康，漢文、景也。」「然則有遺恨乎？」曰：「有之。王義方一世豪英，而死草萊。議者謂陛下不能用賢。」帝曰：「我適用之，聞其死，顧已無及。」元忠曰：「劉藏器行副於才，陛下所知，今七十為尚書郎。徒嘆彼而又棄此。」帝默然慚。

He was promoted to investigating censor. The emperor once asked casually, "How do people outside the palace regard me as a ruler? He answered, "Like King Cheng and Kang of Zhou, like Emperors Wen and Jing of Han." Then is there anything you regret?" He said, "There is. Wang Yifang was a hero of his age, yet died obscure in the fields. Critics say Your Majesty does not employ worthy men." The emperor said, "I had just appointed him. When I heard of his death, it was already too late." Yuanzhong said, "Liu Cangqi's conduct falls short of his talent, as Your Majesty knows. He is seventy and still only a bureau director in the Secretariat. You lament one man yet abandon another still living." The emperor fell silent, ashamed.

遷殿中侍御史。徐敬業舉兵，詔元忠監李孝逸軍。至臨淮，而偏將雷仁智為賊敗，孝逸懼其鋒，按兵未敢前。元忠曰：「公以宗室將，天下安危系焉。海內承平久，聞狂狡竊發，皆傾耳翹心以待其誅。今軍不進，使遠近解情，萬有一朝廷以他將代公，且何辭？」孝逸然之，乃部分進討。時敬業保下阿谿，弟敬猷屯淮陰，鹹請「先擊下阿，下阿敗，淮陰自破。今淮陰急，敬業必救，是敵在腹背也。」元忠曰：「不然。賊勁兵盡守下阿，利在一決，茍有負，則大事去矣。敬酋博徒不知戰，且其兵寡易搖，大軍臨之，勢宜克。敬業畏直搗江都，必將邀我中路，吾今乘勝進，又以逸擊勞，破之必矣。譬之逐獸，弱者先禽。今舍必禽之弱，而趨難敵之強，非計也。」孝逸乃引兵擊淮陰，敬猷脫身遁，遂進擊敬業，平之。還。授司刑正。

He was promoted to palace attendant censor. When Xu Jingye rebelled, the court ordered Yuanzhong to supervise Li Xiaoyi's army. At Linhuai, subordinate general Lei Renzhi was defeated by the rebels. Xiaoyi feared their momentum and held his army back, daring not advance. Yuanzhong said, "Sir, as a commander of the imperial clan, the realm's safety rests on you. The realm has long been at peace. When word came that a mad rebel had risen, all the people strained to hear news of his destruction. If the army does not advance now, you will dishearten the realm. If the court replaces you with another commander, what excuse will you offer? Xiaoyi agreed and ordered his forces forward to attack. Jingye held Xia'a Creek while his brother Jingyou camped at Huaiyin. All the officers urged, "Strike Xia'a first. Once Xia'a falls, Huaiyin will collapse on its own. But if we press Huaiyin now, Jingye will surely come to its relief, and the enemy will be at our front and rear. Yuanzhong replied, "That is not so. The enemy's best troops are all holding Xia'a. Everything hangs on one decisive battle—a single defeat would ruin the entire campaign. Jingyou is a gambler who knows nothing of war. His force is small and easily unsettled; when our main army reaches him, victory should be assured. Jingye dreads a straight drive on Jiangdu and will surely try to cut us off en route. If we advance now while we still have momentum, and fresh troops hit an exhausted foe, we shall certainly defeat him. It is like hunting wild game: you take the weak one first. To abandon prey we could surely seize and rush at a stronger foe we can barely match would be poor strategy. Xiaoyi then marched against Huaiyin. Jingyou fled for his life; Xiaoyi pressed on, defeated Jingye, and put down the rebellion. He returned. He was appointed Director of the Bureau of Punishments.

遷洛陽令。陷周興獄當死，以平揚、楚功，得流。歲餘，為御史中丞，復為來俊臣所構。將就刑，神色不動，前死者宗室子三十餘，屍相枕藉於前，元忠顧曰：「大丈夫行居此矣。」俄敕鳳閣舍人王隱客馳騎免死，傳聲及於市，諸囚歡叫，元忠獨堅坐，左右命起，元忠曰：「未知實否。」既而隱客至，宣詔已，乃徐謝，亦不改容。流費州。復為中丞。歲餘，陷侯思止獄，仍放嶺南。酷吏誅，人多訟元忠者，乃召復舊官。因侍宴，武後曰：「卿累負謗鑠，何邪？」對曰：「臣猶鹿也，羅織之吏如獵者，茍須臣肉為之羹耳，彼將殺臣以求進，臣顧何辜？」

He was promoted to Magistrate of Luoyang. Implicated in Zhou Xing's investigation, he faced execution; for his role in suppressing the Yang and Chu rebellions, his sentence was reduced to exile. A year later he was made Censor-in-Chief, only to be framed again by Lai Junchen. As he was led to execution his face never changed. More than thirty princes of the blood had already been killed before him; corpses lay piled in heaps. Yuanzhong glanced back and said, "So this is where a true man's road ends. Soon an edict sent Fengge Attendant Wang Yinke riding at full speed to spare his life. Word spread even to the marketplace. The prisoners all cried out in joy, but Yuanzhong alone remained seated. His attendants told him to rise; he said, "I do not yet know if this is true. When Yinke arrived and read the edict, Yuanzhong rose slowly to give thanks, his face still unchanged. He was exiled to Feizhou. He was again appointed Censor-in-Chief. After another year he was caught in Hou Sizhi's investigation and banished to Lingnan. After the cruel officials were executed, many petitioned on Yuanzhong's behalf; he was recalled to his former rank. While attending a banquet, Empress Wu said, "You have again and again been destroyed by slander—why is that? He replied, "Your servant is like a deer, and the officers who fabricate charges are like hunters. If they need my flesh for their stew, they will kill me to get ahead—what crime have I committed?"

聖歷二年，為鳳閣侍郎、同鳳閣鸞臺平章事，俄檢校并州長史、天兵軍大總管，以備突厥。遷左肅政臺御史大夫，兼檢校洛州長史，治號威明。張易之家奴暴百姓，橫甚，元忠笞殺之，權豪憚服。俄為隴右諸軍大使，以討吐蕃；又為靈武道行軍大總管禦突厥。元忠馭軍持重，雖無赫然功，而亦未嘗敗。

In the second year of Shenglu (699), he was made Vice Minister of the Phoenix Pavilion and Participating Secretary of State; soon after he served as acting Governor of Bingzhou and Grand Commander of the Tianbing Army to guard against the Turks. He became Censor-in-Chief of the Left Suozheng Office and acting Governor of Luozhou; his administration was renowned for its stern clarity. When Zhang Yizhi's household slaves brutalized the people, Yuanzhong had them flogged to death; the powerful families were awed into submission. Soon he was made Commissioner over the Longyou armies to campaign against Tibet; He also served as Grand Commander on the Lingwu Circuit campaign to repel the Turks. Yuanzhong commanded with caution. He won no spectacular victories, but he never lost a battle either.

中宗在東宮，為檢校左庶子。時二張勢傾朝廷，元忠嘗奏曰：「臣承先帝之顧，且受陛下厚恩，不能徇忠，使小人在君側，臣之罪也。」易之等恨怒，因武後不豫，即共譖元忠與司禮丞高戩謀挾太子為耐久朋，遂下制獄。詔皇太子、相王及宰相引元忠等辨於廷，不能決。昌宗乃引張說為證，說初偽許之，至是迫使言狀，不應，後又促之，說曰：「臣不聞也。」易之等遽曰：「說與同逆。說曩嘗謂元忠為伊、周。夫伊尹放太甲，周公攝王位。此反狀明甚。」說曰：「易之、昌宗安知伊、周，臣乃能知之。伊尹、周公，歷古以為忠臣，陛下不遣學伊、周，將何效焉？」說又曰：「臣知附易之朝夕可宰相，從元忠則族滅。今不敢面欺，懼元忠之冤。」後寤其讒，然重違易之，故貶元忠高要尉。

While Zhongzong was heir apparent, Yuanzhong served as Acting Left Assistant to the Crown Prince. The Two Zhangs then dominated the court. Yuanzhong once memorialized, "I received the late emperor's favor and Your Majesty's generous trust. My failure to be fully loyal and keep petty men from the emperor's side is my own fault. Yizhi and his allies burned with hatred. When Empress Wu fell ill, they jointly accused Yuanzhong and Director of Ceremonies Gao Jian of plotting with the Crown Prince to form a "lasting friendship" political alliance, and had them thrown into prison. The emperor ordered the Crown Prince, the Prince of Xiang, and the chief ministers to hear Yuanzhong's defense in open court, but no verdict could be reached. Changzong then summoned Zhang Yue as a witness. Yue had first agreed to testify falsely, but when pressed to describe the plot he refused. Prompted again, he said, "I heard nothing of the kind. Yizhi and the others instantly cried, "Yue is party to the same treason! Yue had once called Yuanzhong "Yi and Zhou." Yi Yin banished Tai Jia; the Duke of Zhou ruled as regent. That is open proof of rebellion! Yue replied, "How would Yizhi and Changzong know Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou? I am the one who knows them. Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou have always been honored as loyal ministers. If Your Majesty will not have us follow their example, whom should we imitate? Yue added, "I know that siding with Yizhi could make one chancellor overnight, while siding with Yuanzhong means the destruction of one's entire clan. Today I dare not lie to Your Majesty's face for fear of wronging Yuanzhong. Empress Wu eventually saw through the slander, but unwilling to defy Yizhi, she demoted Yuanzhong to Commandant of Gaoyao.

中宗復位，召為衛尉卿、同中書門下三品。不閱旬，遷兵部尚書，進侍中。武後崩，帝居喪，軍國事委元忠裁可，拜中書令，封齊國公。神龍二年，為尚書右僕射，知兵部尚書，當朝用事，群臣莫敢望。謁告上冢，詔宰相諸司長官祖道上東門，賜錦袍，給千騎四人侍，賜銀千兩。元忠到家，於親戚無所賑施。及還，帝為幸白馬寺迎勞之。

When Zhongzong was restored, Yuanzhong was recalled as Commandant of the Guard and Third-Rank Counselor of State. Within ten days he was promoted to Minister of War and then to Palace Attendant. After Empress Wu died, the emperor went into mourning and entrusted all state and military affairs to Yuanzhong; he was made Director of the Central Secretariat and enfeoffed as Duke of Qi. In the second year of Shenlong (706), he became Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and acting Minister of War; he dominated the court and no minister could rival him. When he asked leave to tend his family's graves, the emperor ordered the chief ministers and department heads to give him a send-off at the Upper East Gate, with a brocade robe, four Thousand-Rider guards, and a thousand taels of silver. When Yuanzhong reached home, he gave no aid to his relatives. On his return the emperor went in person to White Horse Temple to welcome and honor him.

安樂公主私請廢太子，求為皇太女，帝以問元忠，元忠曰：「公主而為皇太女，駙馬都尉當何名？」主恚曰：「山東木強安知禮？阿母子尚為天子，我何嫌？」宮中謂武後為阿母子，故主稱之。元忠固稱不可，自是語塞。

Princess Anle privately asked to replace the Crown Prince and be named Imperial Heiress. When the emperor consulted Yuanzhong, he said, "If a princess were made imperial heir, what would we call her consort? The princess flared up: "You stiff-necked fool from east of the mountains—what do you know of ritual? "A-mu" became emperor—why should I hold back? The court called Empress Wu "A-mu"; that is why the princess used the name. Yuanzhong firmly refused, and from then on she could not get her way.

武三思用事，京兆韋月將、渤海高軫上書言其惡，帝搒殺之，後莫敢言。王同皎謀誅三思，不克，反被族。元忠居其間，依違無所建明。初，元忠相武後，有清正名，至是輔政，天下傾望，冀幹正王室，而稍憚權幸，不能賞善罰惡，譽望大減。陳郡男子袁楚客者以書規之曰：

When Wu Sansi dominated the government, Wei Yuejiang of Jingzhao and Gao Zhen of Bohai memorialized against him; the emperor had them beaten to death, and afterward no one dared speak out. Wang Tongjiao plotted to kill Sansi but failed and was executed along with his entire clan. Yuanzhong stood by throughout, wavering and offering no clear counsel. Yuanzhong had once served Empress Wu with a reputation for upright integrity. Now that he was in power the whole realm looked to him to set the dynasty right, but he grew fearful of the favored few and neither rewarded virtue nor punished vice; his standing fell sharply. Yuan Chuke, a commoner from Chen commandery, wrote to admonish him:

今皇帝新服厥德，任官惟賢才，左右惟其人，因以布大化，充古誼，以正天下。君侯安得事循默哉？茍利社稷，專之可也。夫安天下者先正其本，本正則天下固，國之興亡系焉。太子天下本，譬之大樹，無本則枝葉零悴，國無太子，朝野不安。儲君有次及之勢，故師保教以君人之道，用蘊崇其德，所以重天下也。今皇子既長，未定嫡嗣，是天下無本。天下無本，猶樹而亡根，枝葉何以存乎？願君侯以清宴之間言於上，擇賢而立之，此安天下之道。曠而不置，朝廷一失也。

The emperor has newly assumed his virtuous rule, appointing talent alone to office and keeping worthy men at his side, so that he may spread great reform, fulfill the ideals of antiquity, and set the realm right. How can you, my lord, remain silent on these matters? If the state would benefit, you may act on your own authority. To secure the realm one must first set the foundation right; when the foundation is sound the realm is stable, and upon this the fate of the state depends. The Crown Prince is the root of the realm, like a great tree: without roots the branches wither; without an heir the court and countryside cannot rest easy. Because the heir stands next in line to rule, tutors and guardians teach him how to govern and nurture his virtue—that is how the realm is anchored. The princes are grown, yet no legitimate successor has been chosen—the realm has no foundation. If the realm has no root, it is like a tree without roots—how can the branches survive? I urge you to speak to the emperor at some quiet moment, choose a worthy heir and establish him—that is the path to peace under heaven. Failing to appoint an heir is the court's first error.

女有內則，男有外傅，豈相濫哉？幕府者，丈夫之職。今公主並開府置吏，以女處男職，所謂長陰抑陽也，而望陰陽不愆、風雨時若，得乎？此朝廷二失也。

Women have domestic rules and men have external instructors—must the two be confused? A princely staff is a man's domain. Now princesses all maintain their own offices and appoint officials—women filling men's roles, what is called exalting yin and suppressing yang—and yet you expect harmony between yin and yang and timely rains? That is the court's second error.

今度人既多，緇衣半道，不本行業，專以重寶附權門，皆有定直。昔之賣官，錢入公府，今之賣度，錢入私家。以茲入道，徒為遊食。此朝廷三失也。

Monks and nuns now crowd the roads, abandoning their calling to shower gifts on the powerful, each with a fixed price. Once offices were sold and the money went to the treasury; now ordinations are sold and the money goes to private pockets. Men enter the clergy this way only to become idle wanderers. That is the court's third error.

唯名與器，不可以假人。故曰：「天工，人其代之。」夫代天，非材不可也。代非其人，必失天意。失天意而無患禍，未之有也。今倡優之輩，因耳目之好，遂授以官，非輕朝廷、亂正法邪？人君無私，私怒害物，私賞費財，況私人以官乎？此朝廷四失也。

Titles and insignia must not be given away casually. As the saying runs, "Heaven's work must be done by men. To stand in heaven's place, only the capable will do. Put the wrong man in that role and heaven's intent is lost. Heaven's displeasure without disaster—there is no such thing. Entertainers now receive official rank because they please the ear and eye—is that not to mock the court and corrupt the law? A ruler should show no favoritism; private anger destroys, private rewards waste treasure—how much worse to give offices to favorites? That is the court's fourth error.

賢者邦家之光，任之致治，棄之生亂。近詔博求多士，雖有好賢之名，無得賢之實。蓋有司選士，非賄即勢，上失天心，下違人望，非為官擇吏，乃為人擇官。葛洪有言：「舉秀才，不知書；察孝廉，濁如泥；高第賢良吝如蛙。此朝廷五失也。

The worthy are a nation's glory; appoint them and order follows, reject them and chaos ensues. A recent edict called broadly for men of talent, but though it bore the name of seeking the wise, it produced no wise men. The selection boards choose by bribery or influence, losing heaven's favor and the people's trust—not picking officials for the posts but picking posts for the men. Ge Hong wrote: "They recommend 'cultivated talent' who cannot read; they examine 'filial and incorrupt' who are filthy as mud; and promote 'worthy and good' who are tight-fisted as frogs." That is the court's fifth error.

閹豎者，給宮掖掃除事，古以奴隸畜之。中古以來，大道乖喪，疏賢哲，親近習，乃委之以事，授之以權。故豎刁亂齊，伊戾敗宋。君側之人，眾所畏懼，所謂鷹頭之蠅、廟垣之鼠者也。後漢時用事尤甚，晚節卒亂天下。今大君中興，獨有閹豎坐升班秩，既無正闕，率授員外，乃盈千人，綰青紫，耗府藏。前事之驗，後事之師。此朝廷六失也。

Eunuchs were meant to sweep the inner quarters; antiquity kept them as slaves. Since later ages the Way has decayed: rulers spurned the wise and favored flatterers, entrusting them with affairs and handing them power. Hence Shu Diao brought chaos to Qi and Yi Li ruined Song. Men at the ruler's elbow are universally feared—the "flies on the hawk's head" and "rats in the temple wall." Under Later Han they grew especially powerful and in the dynasty's last years threw the realm into chaos. Now in this restoration eunuchs alone sit in court rank though no regular posts exist; they are routinely given supernumerary titles—more than a thousand wearing purple and scarlet, draining the treasury. Past events are the proof; let them teach the future. That is the court's sixth error.

古者茅茨采椽，以儉約遺子孫，所以愛力也。今公主所賞傾庫府，所造皆官供，其疏築臺沼，崇峙觀廡，山無本石，木無近產，造之終歲，功用不絕。夫為君所以養人，非以害人，今外戚不助養而反害之，是使人主受謗天下。此朝廷七失也。

In antiquity people lived in thatched cottages with plain rafters, bequeathing thrift to their descendants as a way to conserve the state's resources. Now princesses receive rewards that empty the treasury, and everything they build comes from public supplies. They dredge ponds and erect terraces, raise towering halls and galleries, hauling stone from distant mountains and timber from far-off forests—construction continues year-round without pause. The purpose of rule is to nourish the people, not to injure them. Yet consort relatives now fail to help nurture them and instead do them harm, bringing slander upon the sovereign throughout the realm. This is the seventh failing of the court.

官以安人，非以害於人也。先王欲人治必選材，欲人安必省事，此誠同天下憂也。人有樂，君共之，君有樂，人慶之，可謂同樂矣。如此，則上下無間，而均一體也。今天下困窮，州牧、縣宰，非以選進，割剝自私，人不聊生，是下有憂而上不恤也。而更員外置官，非助桀歟？夫人情自以員外吏，恐下不己畏也，必峻法懼之；恐財不己奉也，必枉道奪之。欲不亂，可得哉？古語有之，十羊九牧，羊既不得食，人亦不得息。《書》曰：「官不必備，惟其人。」此言正員猶難其備，況員之外乎！此朝廷八失也。

Offices exist to bring the people peace, not to do them injury. When former kings sought good governance, they always chose the able; when they sought the people's peace, they always streamlined government. This is truly to share the realm's cares. When the people rejoice, the ruler rejoices with them; when the ruler rejoices, the people celebrate—this is true shared joy. In this way, ruler and ruled are without division, united as one body. The realm is now exhausted. Prefects and county magistrates, appointed without proper selection, plunder for private gain while the people cannot survive—distress below, yet no concern above. And on top of this, surplus officials are being created—is this not playing the tyrant Jie's role? Men appointed as surplus officials, fearing subordinates will not fear them, inevitably resort to harsh laws to intimidate; and fearing their income will not suffice, inevitably seize wealth by unjust means. How can order be maintained under such conditions? An old saying runs: ten sheep tended by nine herdsmen—the sheep go unfed and the herdsmen get no rest. The 《Book of Documents》 states: "Offices need not be fully filled—only the right men matter. If even regular positions are hard to fill with the right men, how much more so surplus appointments! This is the eighth failing of the court.

政出多門，大亂之漸。近封數夫人，皆先帝宮嬪。以為備內職，則不當知外；不備內職，則自可處外。而令出入禁掖，使內言必出，外言必入，固將弄君之法，縱而不禁，非所以重宗廟、固國家。孔子曰：「彼婦之口，可以出走；彼婦之謁，可以死敗。」此朝廷九失也。

When policy issues from many hands, great disorder is not far behind. Recently several Ladies were ennobled—all of them former consorts of the late emperor. If they are to fill inner court duties, they should not know of affairs outside; if they do not fill inner duties, they naturally may remain outside. Yet they are permitted to come and go within the forbidden inner quarters, so that inner words always leak out and outer words always filter in—they will surely twist the ruler's laws, indulged without restraint. This is no way to honor the ancestral temple and secure the state. Confucius said: "That woman's tongue can drive a man from his home; that woman's pleading can bring death and ruin. This is the ninth failing of the court.

不以道事其君者，所以危天下也，危天下之臣不可不逐，安天下之臣不可不任。今有引鬼神、執左道以惑主者，托鬼神為難知，故致其詐，而據非才之地，食非德之祿，此國盜也。《傳》曰：「國將興，聽於民，將亡，聽於神。」今幾聽於神乎？此朝廷十失也。

Those who do not serve their sovereign by the Way endanger the realm. Ministers who endanger the realm must be driven out; ministers who secure the realm must be entrusted with office. Now there are men who invoke ghosts and spirits and wield heterodox arts to bewilder the sovereign, exploiting the unknowability of the supernatural to practice fraud, yet hold posts for which they lack talent and draw stipends they have not earned—these are thieves of the state. The 《Commentary》 says: "When a state is about to flourish, it listens to the people; when it is about to perish, it listens to the spirits. Are we not now close to heeding spirits instead? This is the tenth failing of the court.

君侯不正，誰與正之？

If the sovereign is not upright, who will set him right?

元忠得書益慚。以三思專權，思有以誅之。會節湣太子起兵，與聞其謀。太子已誅三思，引兵走闕下，元忠子太仆少卿升遇於永安門，太子脅使從戰，已而被殺。議者未辨逆順，元忠誦言曰：「既誅賊謝天下，雖死鼎鑊所甘心。惟皇太子沒為恨耳。」帝以其嘗有功，且為高宗、武後素所禮，置不問。宗楚客、紀處訥大怒，固請夷其族，不聽。元忠不自安，上政事及國封，詔以特進、齊國公致仕，朝朔望。楚客等引右衛郎將姚廷筠為御史中丞，暴奏反狀，繇是貶渠州司馬。楊再思、李嶠皆希順楚客，傅致元忠罪，唯蕭至忠議當申宥之。楚客復遣再思與冉祖雍奏元忠緣逆不宜處內地，監察御史袁守一固請行誅，遂貶務川尉。守一又劾：「天後嘗不豫，狄仁傑請陛下監國，元忠止之，此其逆久萌。」帝謂楊再思曰：「守一非是。事君者一其心，豈有上少疾遽異論哉？朕未見元忠過也。」

When Yuanzhong received the letter, he felt all the more ashamed. Because Wu Sansi monopolized power, Yuanzhong sought a way to have him killed. When the Jiemin Crown Prince raised troops, Yuanzhong learned of the conspiracy. After the Crown Prince had killed Wu Sansi, he led his troops to the palace gates. Yuanzhong's son Sheng, Vice Minister of the Imperial Stud, met him at Yong'an Gate; the Crown Prince forced him to join the battle, and afterward he was killed. While deliberators had not yet sorted rebel from loyal, Yuanzhong declared aloud: "Having slain the traitor and answered to the realm, I would gladly accept death in the cauldron. My only regret is that the Crown Prince perished. The Emperor, because Yuanzhong had once rendered service and had long been honored by Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu, let the matter drop. Zong Chuke and Ji Chune were furious and repeatedly demanded that his entire clan be exterminated, but the Emperor refused. Feeling ill at ease, Yuanzhong submitted his office and fief. An edict granted him the title Special Advancement and Duke of Qi and allowed him to retire, with attendance at court on the first and fifteenth of each month. Chuke and his allies installed Right Guards General Yao Tingyun as Censor-in-Chief, who openly memorialized charges of treason; Yuanzhong was thereby demoted to Deputy Prefect of Quzhou. Yang Zaisi and Li Qiao both curried favor with Chuke and heaped charges on Yuanzhong; only Xiao Zhizhong argued that he should be shown clemency. Chuke again sent Zaisi and Ran Zuyong to memorialize that Yuanzhong, having ties to rebellion, should not remain in the interior; Supervising Censor Yuan Shouyi repeatedly demanded execution; Yuanzhong was finally demoted to Commandant of Wuchuan. Shouyi also impeached him, saying: "When the Heavenly Empress was once unwell, Di Renjie asked Your Majesty to supervise the realm, and Yuanzhong blocked it—his rebellious intent had long been budding. The Emperor said to Yang Zaisi: "Shouyi is wrong. One who serves his sovereign keeps a single heart—how could there be sudden divergent opinions when the ruler is briefly ill? I have seen no fault in Yuanzhong."

元忠至涪陵，卒，年七十餘。景龍四年，贈尚書左僕射、齊國公、本州刺史。睿宗詔陪葬定陵，以實封一百五十戶賜其子晃。開元六年，謚曰貞。

Yuanzhong reached Fuling and died there, aged over seventy. In the fourth year of Jinglong, he was posthumously granted the titles Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, Duke of Qi, and Prefect of his home province. Emperor Ruizong ordered that he be buried near Dingling and granted his son Huang a fief of one hundred fifty taxable households. In the sixth year of Kaiyuan, he was given the posthumous title Zhen.

元忠始名真宰，以諸生見高宗，高宗慰遣，不知謝即出，儀舉自安，帝目送謂薛元超曰：「是子未習朝廷儀，然名不虛謂，真宰相也。」避武後母諱，改今名。韋安石韋安石，京兆萬年人。曾祖孝寬，為周大司空、鄖國公。祖津，隋大業末為民部侍郎，與元文都等留守洛，拒李密，戰上東門，為密禽。後王世充殺文都而津獨免，密敗，復歸洛。世充平，高祖素與津善，授諫議大夫，檢校黃門侍郎，陵州刺史，卒。父琬，仕為成州刺史。

Yuanzhong was originally named Zhenzai. As a student he was received by Emperor Gaozong; the Emperor consoled and dismissed him, and not knowing to bow in thanks he simply walked out, composed and at ease. The Emperor watched him go and said to Xue Yuanchao: "This youth has not learned court etiquette, yet his name is no empty boast—he is truly a chief minister in the making. To avoid the taboo on Empress Wu's mother's name, he changed to his present name. Wei Anshi — Anshi was a native of Wannian in Jingzhao. His great-grandfather Xiaokuan served as Grand Minister of Works under Zhou and was enfeoffed as Duke of Yun. His grandfather Jin, at the end of the Sui Daye era, was Vice Minister of Revenue; with Yuan Wendu and others he held Luoyang, resisted Li Mi, fought at the Upper East Gate, and was captured by Mi. Later Wang Shichong killed Wendu but Jin alone was spared; when Mi was defeated, he returned to Luoyang. When Shichong was pacified, the Founding Emperor, who had long been on good terms with Jin, appointed him Remonstrating Grand Master, Acting Vice Minister of the Imperial Secretariat, and Prefect of Lingzhou, where he died in office. His father Wan served as Prefect of Chengzhou.

安石舉明經，調乾封尉，雍州長史蘇良嗣器之。永昌元年，遷雍州司兵參軍。良嗣當國，謂安石曰：「大才當大用，徒勞州縣可乎？」薦於武後，擢膳部員外郎，遷并州司馬，有善政，後手制勞問，陟拜德、鄭二州刺史。安石性方重，不茍言笑，其政尚清嚴，吏民尊畏。

Anshi passed the Mingjing examination and was assigned as marshal of Qianfeng; Su Liangsi, Chief Administrator of Yongzhou, recognized his talent. In the first year of Yongchang, he was transferred to Army Staff Officer of Yongzhou. When Liangsi held power, he said to Anshi: "Great talent deserves great use—is it fitting to waste yourself in county and prefectural posts? He recommended him to Empress Wu; Anshi was promoted to Surplus Director in the Ministry of Rites, then transferred to Deputy Prefect of Bingzhou, where he governed well. The Empress sent a personal edict of commendation and promoted him to Prefect of De and Zheng prefectures. Anshi was upright and solemn by nature, sparing of words and laughter. His governance prized clarity and severity, and officials and commoners alike revered and feared him.

久視中，遷文昌右丞，以鸞臺侍郎同鳳閣鸞臺平章事，兼太子左庶子，仍侍讀，尋知納言事。時二張及武三思寵橫，安石數折辱之。會侍宴殿中，易之引蜀商宋霸子等博塞後前，安石跪奏「商等賤類，不當戲殿上。」顧左右引出，坐皆失色，後以安石辭正，改容慰勉。鳳閣侍郎陸元方自以為不及，退告人曰：「韋公真宰相。」後嘗幸興泰宮，議趨疾道，安石曰：「此道板築所成，非自然之固。千金子且誡垂堂，況萬乘可輕乘危哉？」後為回輦。長安二年，同鳳閣鸞臺三品，俄又知納言，檢校揚州大都督府長史。神龍元年，罷政事，俄復同三品，遷中書令，兼相王府長史，封鄖國公，賜封三百戶，加特進，為侍中。中宗與韋後以正月望夜幸其第，賚賜不貲。帝嘗幸安樂公主池，主請禦船，安石曰：「禦輕舟，乘不測，非帝王事。」乃止。

During the Jiushi reign, he was transferred to Vice Director of the Secretariat of the Brilliant Hall and made Co-Grand Chancellor with the title Palace Secretary, concurrently Left Sub-governor of the Crown Prince and still serving as Reader; soon he also handled the affairs of the Palace Secretary. At that time the Two Zhangs and Wu Sansi enjoyed extravagant favor; Anshi repeatedly shamed and humiliated them. Once while attending a banquet in the palace hall, Zhang Yizhi brought in Sichuan merchants Song Bazi and others to gamble about the room; Anshi kneeled and memorialized: "Merchants and such lowborn people should not be playing in the palace hall. He looked to the attendants and had them led out; all present turned pale. The Empress, finding Anshi's words correct, changed her expression and comforted and encouraged him. Palace Secretary Lu Yuanfang considered himself inferior to Anshi; leaving the hall, he told others: "Lord Wei is a true chief minister. Later, while visiting Xingtai Palace, when a shortcut path was proposed, Anshi said: "This path is built of planks and earthworks—it is not naturally solid ground. Even a man worth a thousand gold cautions against sitting beneath a cornice—how much less should the ruler of ten thousand chariots lightly venture into peril?" The Empress turned her carriage back. In the second year of Chang'an, he was made Third Rank under the Phoenix Pavilion and Palace Secretariat; soon he again handled the Palace Secretary and served as Acting Chief Administrator of the Yangzhou Metropolitan Prefecture. In the first year of Shenlong, he was removed from government; soon restored to Third Rank, transferred to Chief Minister of the Central Secretariat, concurrently Chief Secretary of the Prince of Xiang's household, enfeoffed as Duke of Yun with three hundred fief households, given Special Advancement, and made Palace Attendant. Emperor Zhongzong and Empress Wei visited his residence on the fifteenth night of the first month; the gifts and rewards were beyond reckoning. The Emperor once visited Princess Anle's pond; the Princess asked him to board a boat. Anshi said: "Boarding a light skiff and venturing into the uncertain—this is not fitting for an emperor. The Emperor desisted.

睿宗立，授太子少保，改封郇國，復為侍中、中書令，進開府儀同三司。太平公主有異謀，欲引安石，數因其婿唐晙邀之，拒不往。帝一日召安石曰：「朝廷傾心東宮，卿胡不察？」對曰：「太子仁孝，天下所稱，且有大功。陛下今安得亡國語？此必太平公主計也。」帝矍然曰：「卿勿言，朕知之。」主竊聞，乃構飛變，欲訊之，賴郭元振保護，免。遷尚書右僕射兼太子賓客、同三品，俄罷政事，留守東都。

When Ruizong ascended the throne, Anshi was made Junior Tutor to the Crown Prince, enfeoffed as Duke of Xun, again made Palace Attendant and Chief Minister, and advanced to Grand Preceptor with the same ceremonial honors as the Three Excellencies. Princess Taiping had a secret plot and wished to win Anshi over; repeatedly through her son-in-law Tang Jun she invited him, but he refused to go. One day the Emperor summoned Anshi and said: "The court is devoted to the Eastern Palace—why have you not noticed? He replied: "The Crown Prince is benevolent and filial, praised throughout the realm, and has rendered great service. How can Your Majesty now utter words that foretell a state's ruin? This must be Princess Taiping's scheme." The Emperor started and said: "Say no more—I understand." The Princess secretly overheard and then fabricated false charges, seeking to interrogate him; thanks to Guo Yuanzhen's protection, he escaped harm. He was transferred to Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, concurrently Guest of the Crown Prince and Third Rank; soon removed from government and left to guard the Eastern Capital.

會妻薛怨婿婢，笞殺之，為御史中丞楊茂謙所劾，下遷蒲州刺史，徙青州。安石在蒲，太常卿姜皎有所請，拒之。皎弟晦為中丞，以安石昔相中宗，受遺制，而宗楚客、韋溫擅削相王輔政語，安石無所建正，諷侍御史洪子輿劾舉，子輿以更赦不從。監察御史郭震奏之，有詔與韋嗣立、趙彥昭等皆貶，安石為沔州別駕。皎又奏安石護作定陵，有所盜沒，詔籍其贓。安石嘆曰：「只須我死乃已。」發憤卒，年六十四。開元十七年，贈蒲州刺史。天寶初，加贈左僕射、郇國公，謚文貞。二子：陟，、斌。子陟陟字殷卿，與弟斌俱秀敏異常童。安石晚有子，愛之。神龍一年，安石為中書令，陟甫十歲，授溫王府東閣祭酒、朝散大夫。風格方整，善文辭，書有楷法，一時知名士皆與遊。開元中居喪，以父不得誌歿，乃與斌杜門不出八年。親友更往敦曉，乃強調為洛陽令。宋璟見陟嘆曰：「盛德遺範，盡在是矣。」累除吏部郎中，中書令張九齡引為舍人，與孫逖、梁涉並司書命，時號得才。

It happened that his wife Lady Xue, resentful of her son-in-law's maid, whipped her to death; impeached by Censor-in-Chief Yang Maoqian, he was demoted to Prefect of Puzhou and then transferred to Qingzhou. While Anshi was at Pu, Grand Minister of Ceremonies Jiang Jiao made a request of him; Anshi refused. Jiao's brother Hui was Censor-in-Chief; because Anshi had once served as Zhongzong's chief minister and received the final edict, yet Zong Chuke and Wei Wen had arbitrarily excised the language on the Prince of Xiang assisting in government and Anshi had made no correction—Hui prompted Attending Censor Hong Ziyu to impeach him. Ziyu withheld because of a recent amnesty, but Hui would not accept that. Supervising Censor Guo Zhen memorialized the matter; an edict demoted Wei Silie, Zhao Yanzhao, and others together, and Anshi was made Vice Prefect of Mianzhou. Jiao again memorialized that Anshi, while overseeing construction of Dingling, had embezzled funds; an edict ordered confiscation of the ill-gotten gains. Anshi sighed: "Only my death will end this. He died in indignant vexation, aged sixty-four. In the seventeenth year of Kaiyuan, he was posthumously granted the title Prefect of Puzhou. At the beginning of the Tianbao era, he was further posthumously granted Left Vice Director and Duke of Xun, with the posthumous title Wen Zhen. He had two sons: Zhi and Bin. His son Zhi — Zhi, courtesy name Yinqing — and his younger brother Bin were both remarkably brilliant as children. Anshi had sons late in life and doted on them. In the first year of Shenlong, when Anshi was Chief Minister, Zhi was just ten years old and was granted the posts of Libationer of the Eastern Pavilion of the Prince of Wen's household and Grand Master for Dispersal of Affairs. He carried himself with upright, orderly bearing, excelled at literary composition, and wrote calligraphy in proper standard script. All the celebrated men of letters of the day sought his company. During the Kaiyuan era, while observing mourning, he learned that his father had died without ever realizing his ambitions. He and Bin thereupon shut their doors and remained in seclusion for eight years. Friends and relatives came again and again to counsel him, until at last he was pressed into service and appointed Magistrate of Luoyang. When Song Jing saw Zhi, he sighed and said, "The full measure of lofty virtue and enduring example is embodied in this man. He rose through successive appointments to Director in the Ministry of Personnel. Chief Minister Zhang Jiuling brought him in as Attendant Drafting Scribe, and together with Sun Ti and Liang She he shared responsibility for drafting imperial edicts. At the time they were praised as men who had truly found talent.

遷禮部侍郎。陟於鑒裁尤長。故事，取人以一日試為高下。陟許自通所工，先就其能試之，已乃程考，由是無遺材。遷吏部侍郎，選人多偽集，與正調相冒，陟有風采，擿辨無不伏者，黜正數百員，銓綜號為公平。然任威嚴，或至詈詰，議者訾其峻。又自以門品可坐階三公，居常簡貴，視僚黨涘然；其以道誼合，雖後進布衣與均禮。

He was transferred to the post of Vice Minister of Rites. Zhi was especially skilled at discernment and evaluation. By established practice, candidates were ranked high or low according to a single day's examination. Zhi allowed candidates to declare their own strengths, tested them first in those areas, and only then applied the standard examination. In this way no capable person was overlooked. When he was transferred to Vice Minister of the Ministry of Personnel, many candidates had falsified their records and encroached on regular appointment quotas. Zhi had a commanding presence, and in exposing fraud none failed to submit. He struck several hundred from the regular rolls, and his selection process was acclaimed as fair. Yet he relied on stern authority and sometimes went so far as to revile and cross-examine candidates. Critics faulted him for excessive severity. Moreover, believing his family standing entitled him to rise to the rank of one of the Three Dukes, he was habitually aloof and lofty in manner, and looked upon his colleagues with cold indifference; yet toward those united with him in principle and friendship, he showed equal courtesy even to young men in plain cloth.

李林甫惡其名高，恐逼己，出為襄陽太守，徙河南采訪使，以判官員錫善訊覆，支使韋元甫工書奏，時號「員推韋狀」，陟皆倚任之。俄襲郇國公，坐事貶守鐘離、義陽，後為河東太守。以失職，內怏怏，乃毀廉隅，頗餉謝權幸欲自結。天寶十二載，入考華清宮，楊國忠忌其才，謂拾遺吳豸之曰：「子能發陟罪乎？吾以御史相處。」豸之乃劾陟饋遺事，國忠又使甥婿韋元誌左驗，陟惶悸，賄吉溫求救，由是俱得罪，陟貶桂嶺尉，坐不行，徙平樂。會安祿山陷洛陽，弟斌沒賊，國忠欲構陟與賊通，密諭守吏，令脅陟使憂死，州豪傑共說曰：「昔張說被竄，匿陳氏以免。今若詔書下，誰敢庇公？願公乘扁舟遁去，事寧乃出，不亦美乎？」陟慨然曰：「命當爾，其敢逃刑？」因謝遣，堅臥不出。

Li Linfu resented Zhi's high reputation and feared he might be displaced by him, so he sent Zhi out as Administrator of Xiangyang and then transferred him to Inspector of Henan. His aide Yuan Xi excelled at interrogation and review, and his dispatch officer Wei Yuanfu was skilled at drafting memorials. At the time people called them "Yuan for interrogations, Wei for drafts," and Zhi relied on both men. He soon inherited the title of Duke of Xun, but was demoted on account of an offense to serve as Administrator of Zhongli and Yiyang. He later became Administrator of Hedong. Distressed at losing office and brooding inwardly, he compromised his integrity and frequently sent gifts to powerful favorites in hopes of winning their favor. In the twelfth year of Tianbao, when Zhi came to Huaqing Palace for his performance review, Yang Guozhong resented his ability and said to Remonstrance Officer Wu Zhizhi, "Can you expose Zhi's crimes? I will see to it that you are appointed a Censor. Zhizhi then impeached Zhi for giving gifts and bribes. Guozhong also had his nephew-in-law Wei Yuanzhi provide corroborating testimony. Zhi, in terror, bribed Ji Wen to plead for him, and thereby both men fell into guilt. Zhi was demoted to Assistant Magistrate of Guiling; when he failed to take up the post, he was transferred to Pingle. When An Lushan captured Luoyang, Zhi's younger brother Bin fell into rebel hands. Guozhong sought to frame Zhi for colluding with the rebels and secretly instructed the local officials to harass him until worry killed him. The leading men of the prefecture jointly urged him, saying, "In former times, when Zhang Yue was banished, he hid with the Chen clan and so escaped harm. If an imperial edict comes down now, who would dare shelter you? We urge you to take a small boat and flee. When affairs are settled you can emerge again — would that not be best? Zhi said with feeling, "If this is what fate decrees, how would I dare flee punishment?" He thanked them and sent them away, then lay abed and steadfastly refused to go out.

歲餘，肅宗即位，起為吳郡太守，使者趣追，未至，會永王兵起，委陟招諭，乃授御史大夫、江東節度使。與高適、來瑱會安州，陟曰：「今中原未平，江淮騷離，若不齋盟質信，以示四方，知吾等協心戮力，則無以成功。」乃推瑱為地主，為載書，登壇曰：「淮西節度使瑱、江東節度使陟、淮南節度使適，銜國威命，糾合三垂，翦除兇慝，好惡同之，毋有異志。有渝此盟，墜命亡族，罔克生育。皇天後土，祖宗明神，實鑒斯言。」辭旨慷慨，士皆隕泣。

After more than a year, Emperor Suzong ascended the throne and recalled Zhi as Administrator of Wu Commandery. Envoys were sent to summon him urgently, but before he arrived the Prince of Yong raised troops. The court entrusted Zhi with the task of summoning and persuading the people, and appointed him Censor-in-Chief and Military Commissioner of Jiangdong. When he met with Gao Shi and Lai Tian at Anzhou, Zhi said, "The Central Plains are not yet pacified and the Jianghuai region is in turmoil. Unless we purify ourselves and swear a covenant of sincerity and trust, showing the four quarters that we are united in heart and effort, we cannot succeed. He thereupon proposed Tian as host of the covenant, drew up the written oath, and ascending the altar declared, "Military Commissioner of Huai West Tian, Military Commissioner of Jiangdong Zhi, and Military Commissioner of Huainan Shi, bearing the august mandate of the state, rallying the three frontier regions and cutting down violent evil — let our likes and dislikes be one, and let none harbor a different intent. Whoever violates this covenant — may he lose his life and destroy his clan, and may he not survive to bear offspring. Heaven above and Earth below, and the bright spirits of our ancestors — bear witness to these words." His words were impassioned, and the officers all wept.

永王敗，帝趣陟赴鳳翔。初，季廣琛從永王亂，非其本謀，陟表廣琛為歷陽太守，尉安之。至是，恐廣琛有後變，乃馳往諭詔恩釋其疑，而後趣召。帝雅聞陟名，欲倚以相，及是遷延，疑有顧望意，止除御史大夫。會杜甫論房琯，詞意迂慢，帝令陟與崔光遠、顏真卿按之，陟奏：「甫言雖狂，不失諫臣體。」帝繇是疏之。富平人將軍王去榮殺其縣令，帝將宥之，陟曰：「昔漢高帝約法，殺人者死。今陛下殺人者生，恐非所宜。」時朝廷尚新，群臣班殿中，有相吊哭者，帝以陟不任職，用顏真卿代之，更拜吏部尚書。久之，宗人伐墓柏，坐不相教，貶絳州刺史。還授太常卿，呂諲入輔，薦為禮部尚書、東京留守。史思明逼伊、洛，李光弼議守河陽，陟率東京安屬入關避之，詔授吏部尚書，令就保永樂，以圖收復。卒，年六十五，贈荊州大都督。

After the Prince of Yong was defeated, the Emperor urgently summoned Zhi to Fengxiang. Earlier, Ji Guangchen had followed the Prince of Yong in rebellion, though that had not been his original intent. Zhi memorialized to appoint Guangchen Administrator of Liyang and reassured him. At this point, fearing Guangchen might later turn against him, he rode posthaste to explain the imperial grace and dispel his suspicions, and only then urged him to answer the summons. The Emperor had long admired Zhi's reputation and wished to rely on him as chief minister, but when Zhi delayed his arrival the Emperor suspected hesitation and appointed him only Censor-in-Chief. When Du Fu spoke on Fang Guan's behalf in language that was circuitous and disrespectful, the Emperor ordered Zhi, together with Cui Guangyuan and Yan Zhenqing, to investigate the matter. Zhi memorialized, "Though Fu's words were wild, they did not fall short of the bearing proper to a remonstrating official. The Emperor therefore kept Zhi at a distance. Wang Qurong, a general of Fuping, killed his county magistrate. When the Emperor was about to pardon him, Zhi said, "In former times Emperor Gaozu of Han established the law: one who kills shall die. Now Your Majesty would let a killer live — I fear this is not appropriate. The court was still newly established, and among the ministers arrayed in the hall some wept and mourned for one another. The Emperor considered Zhi unfit for office, replaced him with Yan Zhenqing, and reappointed Zhi Minister of Personnel. After some time, clansmen felled cypress trees at the family tomb. For failing to restrain them, he was demoted to Prefect of Jiangzhou. He was restored to the post of Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. When Lu Yin entered government as chief assistant, he recommended Zhi as Minister of Rites and Defender of the Eastern Capital. When Shi Siming pressed toward the Yi and Luo region, Li Guangbi advocated holding Heyang. Zhi led the officials and dependents of the Eastern Capital into the passes to escape the threat. He was ordered appointed Minister of Personnel and instructed to hold Yongle while planning reconquest. He died at the age of sixty-five and was posthumously awarded the title of Grand Protector General of Jingzhou.

陟早有名，而為林甫、國忠擯廢。及肅宗擇相，自謂必得，以後至不用。任事者皆新進，望風憚之，多言其驕倨。及入關，又不許至京師。郁郁不得誌，成疾，且卒，嘆曰：「吾道窮於此乎！」性侈縱，喜飾服馬，侍兒閹童列左右常數十，侔於王宮主第。窮治饌羞，擇膏腴地藝谷麥，以鳥羽擇米，每食視庖中所棄，其直猶不減萬錢，宴公侯家，雖極水陸，曾不下箸。常以五采箋為書記，使侍妾主之，以裁答，受意而已，皆有楷法，陟唯署名，自謂所書「陟」字若五朵雲，時人慕之，號「郇公五雲體」。然家法脩整，敕子允就學，夜分視之，見其勤，旦日問安，色必怡；稍怠則立堂下不與語。雖家僮數十，然應門賓客，必允主之。

Zhi had won early renown, but was cast aside by Li Linfu and Yang Guozhong. When Emperor Suzong chose a chief minister, Zhi expected surely to be appointed — but because he arrived late, he was passed over. Those then in office were all newly risen men who feared him at sight, and many spoke of his arrogance. When he entered the passes, he was again not permitted to reach the capital. Depressed and unable to fulfill his ambitions, he fell ill. As death approached he sighed, "Has my path come to an end here! By nature he was extravagant and unrestrained, fond of adorning his dress and horses. Maidservants and eunuch boys lined his left and right, often numbering several dozen — a household rivaling princely palaces and noble estates. He exhaustively prepared delicacies, selected fertile land on which to grow grain and wheat, and sifted rice with bird feathers. At each meal, the food discarded from his kitchen was still worth no less than ten thousand cash. When dining at the homes of dukes and marquises, though land and sea delicacies were laid out in full splendor, he never once picked up his chopsticks. He often used five-colored letter paper for his correspondence and had maidservants manage it, dictating replies from his intent alone — all in proper standard script. Zhi signed only his name, declaring that the character "Zhi" in his hand looked like five clouds. People of the time admired it and called it "the Duke of Xun's Five-Cloud Script." Yet his household rules were strictly maintained. He ordered his son Yun to study, and at midnight he would inspect him. When he found him diligent, his expression the next morning when Yun came to greet him was always pleased; if Yun slackened even slightly, Zhi would stand below the hall and refuse to speak with him. Though household servants numbered several dozen, receiving guests at the door was always Yun's responsibility.

永泰元年，贈尚書左僕射。太常博士程皓議謚「忠孝」，顏真卿以為許國養親不兩立，不當合二行為謚，主客員外郎歸崇敬亦駁正之。右僕射郭英乂無學術，卒用太常議云。子斌斌，父為相時授太子通事舍人。少脩整，好文藝，容止嚴峭，有大臣體，與陟齊名。開元中，薛王業以女妻之，遷秘書丞。天寶中，為中書舍人，兼集賢院學士，改太常少卿。李林甫構韋堅獄，斌以宗累，貶巴陵太守，移臨汝。久之，拜銀青光祿大夫，列五品。時陟守河東，而從兄由為右金吾衛將軍，絳為太子少師，四第同時列戟，衣冠罕比者。祿山陷洛陽，斌為賊得，署以黃門侍郎，憂憤卒。乾元元年，贈秘書監。

In the first year of Yongtai, he was posthumously granted the title of Left Vice Director of the Secretariat. Grand Master of Splendid Happiness Doctor Cheng Hao proposed the posthumous name "Loyal and Filial." Yan Zhenqing held that serving the state and supporting one's parents could not both be honored in a single posthumous name, and that the two virtues ought not be combined in one epithet. Principal Secretary for Guests Guichong also refuted the proposal. Right Vice Director Guo Yingyi lacked scholarly learning, and in the end the proposal of the Grand Master of Splendid Happiness was adopted. His son Bin — Bin: when his father was chief minister he was granted the post of Attendant in the Crown Prince's Secretariat for Communication of Affairs. In youth he was cultivated and orderly, fond of literature and the arts. His bearing was stern and austere, with the mien of a great minister, and he was equally renowned with Zhi. During the Kaiyuan era, the Prince of Xue, Ye, gave him his daughter in marriage, and he was transferred to Assistant Director of the Secretariat. During the Tianbao era he served as Attendant Drafting Scribe and concurrently as Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, then was transferred to Vice Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. When Li Linfu fabricated the Wei Jian case, Bin was implicated through clan connection and demoted to Administrator of Baling, then transferred to Linru. After some time he was appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness with Silver Seal, ranking in the fifth grade. At the time Zhi was Administrator of Hedong, his older cousin of the same generation You was General of the Right Gold Crow Guard, and Jiang was Junior Tutor to the Crown Prince. Four households of the clan simultaneously displayed halberds at their gates — a distinction rarely matched among officials. When Lushan captured Luoyang, Bin fell into rebel hands and was appointed Vice Director of the Palace Secretariat. He died of grief and indignation. In the first year of Qianyuan he was posthumously granted the title of Director of the Secretariat.

斌天性質厚，每朝會，不敢離立笑言。嘗大雪，在廷者皆振裾更立，斌不徙足，雪甚，幾至靴，亦不失恭。斌子況子況，少隱王屋山，孔述睿稱之，及述睿以諫議大夫召，薦況為右拾遺，不拜。未幾，以起居郎召，半歲，輒棄官去，徙家龍門。除司封員外郎，稱疾固辭。元和初，授諫議大夫，勉諭到職，數月，乞骸骨，以太子左庶子致仕，卒。況雖世貴，而誌沖遠，不為聲利所遷，當時重其風操。兄叔夏叔夏，安石兄。通禮家學。叔父太子詹事琨嘗曰：「而能繼漢丞相業矣。」擢明經第，歷太常博士。高宗崩，恤禮亡缺，叔夏與中書舍人賈大隱、博士裴守真禋定其制，擢春官員外郎。武後拜治，享明堂，凡所沿改，皆叔夏、祝欽明、郭山惲等所裁討。每立一議，眾咨服之。累遷成均司業。後又詔：「五禮儀物，司禮博士有所脩革，須叔夏、欽明等評處，然後以聞。」進位春官侍郎。中宗復位，轉太常少卿，為建立廟社使，進銀青光祿大夫，累封沛郡公，國子祭酒。卒，贈兗州都督、脩文館學士，謚曰文。子縚。叔夏子抗縚，開元時歷集賢修撰、光祿卿，遷太常。

Bin was plain and solid by nature. At every court assembly he never dared leave his place to stand apart and laugh or talk. Once during heavy snow, those in attendance all shook their robes and shifted where they stood. Bin did not move his feet. The snow piled deep, nearly reaching his boots, yet he never lost his reverence. Bin's son Kuang — Kuang: in youth he lived in seclusion on Mount Wangwu. Kong Shurui praised him, and when Shurui was summoned as Remonstrance Officer he recommended Kuang for the post of Right Remonstrance Officer. Kuang declined. Before long he was summoned as Attendant for Imperial Diaries, but after half a year he abruptly resigned and left office, moving his household to Longmen. He was appointed Principal Secretary for Enfeoffment, but pleaded illness and firmly declined. At the beginning of the Yuanhe era he was granted the post of Remonstrance Officer. After earnest urging he took office, but after several months he requested retirement. He retired as Left Mentor of the Crown Prince and later died. Though Kuang came from an illustrious family, his aspirations were lofty and far-reaching, and he was not swayed by fame or profit. People of the time respected his integrity. Elder brother Shuxia — Shuxia was Anshi's elder brother. He mastered the family's learning in rites. His uncle, Grand Mentor of the Crown Prince Kun, once said, "You can continue the career of a Han dynasty chief minister. He passed the Mingjing examination and served successively as Doctor of the Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. When Emperor Gaozong died, mourning rites were lost and deficient. Shuxia, together with Attendant Drafting Scribe Jia Dayin and Doctor Pei Shouzhen, determined the ritual regulations for suburban and ancestral rites, and he was promoted to Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Rites. When Empress Wu performed the feng and shan rites and offered sacrifice at the Bright Hall, all alterations and reforms were deliberated and researched by Shuxia, Zhu Qinming, Guo Shanyun, and others. Whenever he established a proposal, the assembled scholars consulted and submitted to it. He was successively promoted to Vice Director of the Directorate of Education. Later an edict also stated, "For ritual implements of the Five Rites, whenever Doctors of Rites revise or alter them, Shuxia, Qinming, and others must evaluate and decide before reporting to the throne. He was advanced to the post of Vice Minister of Rites. When Emperor Zhongzong was restored to the throne, Shuxia was transferred to Vice Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and made Commissioner for Establishing the Ancestral Temple and Altars of Soil and Grain. He was advanced to Grand Master of Splendid Happiness with Silver Seal, successively enfeoffed as Duke of Pei Commandery, and appointed Rector of the Directorate of Education. He died and was posthumously granted the titles of Protector General of Yanzhou and Academician of the Hall for Cultivating Literature. His posthumous name was Wen. His son was Chao. Shuxia's son Chao — during the Kaiyuan era he successively served as Compiler in the Hall of Assembled Worthies and Director of Imperial Banquets, and was transferred to Grand Master of Splendid Happiness.

唐興，禮文雖具，然制度時時繆缺不倫。至顯慶中，許敬宗建言：「籩豆以多為貴，宗廟乃旂於天，請大祀十二、中祀十、小祀八。大祀、中祀、簠、簋、鉶、俎皆一，小祀無鉶。」詔可。二十三年，赦令以籩豆之薦，未能備物，宜詔禮官學士共議以聞。縚請「宗廟籩豆皆加十二。」又言「郊奠，爵容止一合，容小則陋，宜增大之。」

When the Tang dynasty arose, ritual texts were complete in form, yet institutions were from time to time erroneous, deficient, and inconsistent. By the Xianqing era, Xu Jingzong proposed, "For bian and dou vessels, abundance is prized, and the ancestral temple is a banner toward Heaven. I request twelve for great sacrifices, ten for medium sacrifices, and eight for small sacrifices. For great, medium, and small sacrifices, the fu, gui, xing, and zu vessels should each be one set; small sacrifices would have no xing. An edict approved the proposal. In the twenty-third year, an amnesty edict stated that offerings in bian and dou vessels had not yet been fully supplied with implements, and ordered ritual officials and scholars to deliberate jointly and report to the throne. Chao requested, "For the ancestral temple, all bian and dou vessels should be increased to twelve. He also said, "For suburban offerings, the wine vessel holds only one he — too small appears shabby, and it should be enlarged."

兵部侍郎張均、職方郎中韋述議曰：「《禮》：『天之所生，地之所長，茍可薦者，莫不鹹在。』聖人知孝子之情深，而物類無限，故為之節，使物有品，器有數，貴賤差降，不得相越。周制：王，食用六谷，膳用六牲，飲用六清，羞用百有二十品，珍用八物，醬用百有二十甕，而以四籩、四豆供祭祀。此祀與賓客豐省不得同，舊矣。且嗜好燕私之饌，與時而遷，故聖人一約以禮。雖平生所嗜，非禮則不薦；所惡，是禮則不去。屈建命去祥祭之芰曰：『祭典有之，不羞珍異，不陳庶侈。』此則禮外之食，前古不薦。今欲以甘旨肥濃皆充於祭，茍逾舊制，其何極焉。雖籩豆有加，不能備也。若曰以今之珍，生所嗜愛，求神無方，是簠、簋可去，而盤、盂、杯、案當禦矣；韶、瑀可抵，而箜篌、笙、笛應奏矣。且自漢以來，陵有寢宮，歲時朔望，薦以常饌，固可盡孝子之心。至宗廟法享，不可變古從俗。有司所承，一升爵，五升散。《禮》：凡宗廟，貴者以爵，賤者以散，此貴小賤大，以示節儉。請如故。」

Vice Minister of War Zhang Jun and Bureau Director of Appointments Wei Shu debated, saying, "The 《Rites》 states, 'What Heaven produces and Earth brings forth — if it can be offered, none is not all present. The sage knew that a filial son's feeling runs deep, yet the kinds of things are limitless. Therefore he set bounds, so that things have grades, vessels have numbers, high and low differ in rank, and none may overstep. Under Zhou institutions, the king's food used six grains, his meals six sacrificial animals, his drink six clear liquids, his delicacies one hundred and twenty kinds, his rare foods eight items, and his sauces one hundred and twenty jars — yet only four bian and four dou were used to supply sacrificial offerings. That sacrificial offerings and guest entertainment differ in abundance and restraint is an old principle. Moreover, favored foods for private feasting shift with the times, and therefore the sage unified all under the bounds of ritual. Even what one loved throughout life is not offered if it falls outside ritual; and what one hated is not removed if ritual requires it. Qu Jian ordered water caltrop removed from the auspicious sacrifice, saying, "The sacrificial canon states, 'Do not offer rare delicacies; do not display miscellaneous luxuries. This is food outside ritual, and ancient times did not offer it. If one now wishes to fill the sacrifice with every sweet delicacy and rich, fatty food, and that exceeds the old regulations, there would be no limit. Even if the bian and dou vessels are increased, they still cannot be fully supplied. If one argues that today's delicacies were what the deceased loved in life and that there is no fixed way to seek the spirits, then fu and gui could be discarded and plates, bowls, cups, and trays ought to be used instead; the Shao and yu regalia could be set aside, and konghou, sheng, and flutes ought to be performed. Moreover, since Han times tombs have had sleeping palaces where regular meals are offered at the seasonal new and full moons, and that can indeed fulfill a filial son's heart. But statutory offerings in the ancestral temple cannot be altered from ancient practice to follow custom. What the officials carry out is one sheng in the jue and five sheng in the san. The 《Rites》 states that in ancestral temples generally, the noble use the jue and the lowly use the san — honoring the small and demeaning the great to show frugality. We ask that matters remain as before."

太子賓客崔沔曰：「古者，有所飲食，必先嚴獻，未化火，則有毛血之薦，未麹糵，則有玄酒之奠。至後王，作酒醴、用犧牲，故有三牲、八簋、五齊、九獻。然神尚玄，可存而不可測也；祭主敬，可備而不可廢也。蓋薦貴新，味不尚褻，雖曰備物，猶有節制存焉。铏、俎、籩、豆、簠、簋、尊、罍，周人時饌也，其用通於燕享賓客，周公乃與毛血玄酒共薦。晉中郎盧諶家祭，皆晉日食，則當時之食，不可闕於祀已。唐家清廟時享，禮饌備進，周法也；園寢上食，時膳具陳，漢法也。職貢助祭，致遠物也；有新必薦，順時令也。苑囿躬稼所入，搜田親發所中，皆因宜以薦，薦而後食。則濃腴鮮美盡在矣。又敕有司著於令，不必加籩豆之數也。大凡祭器，視物所宜。故大羹，古饌也，盛以鉶，鉶，古器也；和羹，時饌也，盛以铏，铏，時器也。有古饌而用時器者，則毛血於盤，玄酒於尊。未有進時饌用古器者，古質而今文，有所不稱也。雖加籩豆十二，未足盡天下之美，而措諸廟，徒以近侈而見訾柢。臣聞墨家者流，出於清廟，是廟貴儉不尚奢也。」禮部員外郎楊仲昌、戶部郎中陽伯成、左衛兵曹參軍劉秩等，請如舊禮便。宰相白奏，玄宗曰：「朕承祖宗休德，享祀粢盛，實貴豐潔。有如不應於法，亦不敢用。」乃詔太常，擇品味可增者稍加焉。縚又請室加籩、豆各六，每四時以新果珍饔實之。制「可」。又詔：「獻爵視藥升所容，以合古。」

Chief Mentor to the Crown Prince Cui Mian said, "In antiquity, whenever there was food or drink, one first made a strict offering. Before fire had transformed it, raw flesh and blood were offered; before malt had been prepared, dark wine was presented. Later kings made wine and ale and used sacrificial animals, and so there came to be the three sacrificial animals, eight gui, five grades of wine, and nine presentations. Yet spirits esteem the mysterious, which can be preserved but cannot be measured; and sacrifice values reverence, which can be prepared but cannot be abandoned. Offerings value freshness, and flavor does not esteem the profane. Even when one speaks of complete offerings, restraint still remains. Xing, zu, bian, dou, fu, gui, zun, and lei were the Zhou people's seasonal foods. Their use extended to banquets and entertaining guests, and the Duke of Zhou then offered them together with raw blood and dark wine. In Jin, Palace Attendant Lu Chen's family sacrifices all used the daily fare of Jin, so the food of the time cannot be omitted from sacrifice. The Tang court's seasonal offerings in the Clear Temple, with ritual foods fully presented, follow the Zhou method; while upper offerings at the garden tomb, with seasonal meals fully laid out, follow the Han method. Official tribute assisting sacrifice presents goods from afar; when there is something new, it must be offered, following the seasonal command. What enters from produce personally farmed in the imperial parks and what is taken in hunts personally conducted are all offered as appropriate, and only after offering does one eat. In that way, rich, fatty, fresh, and delicious things are all included. Moreover, the officials should be ordered to record this in regulations, without increasing the number of bian and dou vessels. Generally, sacrificial vessels depend on what suits the offering. Thus great soup is ancient fare, served in a xing, which is an ancient vessel; while seasoned soup is contemporary fare, served in a xing, which is a contemporary vessel. When there is ancient fare but contemporary vessels are used, raw blood is placed on a plate and dark wine in a zun. There has never been a case of presenting contemporary fare in ancient vessels — ancient substance with contemporary ornamentation is ill-suited. Even adding twelve bian and dou would not exhaust the world's beauties, and placing them in the temple would merely invite blame for recent extravagance. I have heard that the Mohist school arose from the Clear Temple, where the temple values frugality and does not esteem luxury. Deputy Director of the Ministry of Rites Yang Zhongchang, Bureau Director of the Ministry of Revenue Yang Bocheng, Military Officer of the Left Guard Liu Zhi, and others asked that the old ritual be followed. The chancellor reported this, and Emperor Xuanzong said, "I inherit my ancestors' excellent virtue, and in enjoying sacrifice with full grain offerings, I truly value abundance and purity. If something does not accord with the law, I also dare not use it. He then ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to select flavors that could be increased and add to them slightly. Chao again requested that each chamber add six bian and six dou each, filled each season with fresh fruits and fine delicacies. An edict read, "Approved." Another edict stated, "The capacity of the offering cup should follow the capacity of the standard sheng measure, to accord with antiquity."

二十三年，詔書服紀所未通者，令禮官學士詳議。縚上言：「《禮》《喪服》：舅，緦麻三月。從母，小功五月，《傳》曰：『何以小功，以名加也。』而堂姨、舅母，恩所不及焉。外祖父母，小功五月，《傳》曰：『何以小功，以尊加也。』舅，緦麻三月，皆情親而屬疏也。外祖正尊，服同從母；姨、舅一等，而有輕重；堂姨、舅親未疏，不相為服；親舅母不如同爨。其亦古意有所未暢。且外祖小功，此為正尊，請進至大功；姨、舅儕親，服宜等，請進舅至小功；堂姨舅以疏降親舅從母一等；親舅母古未有服，請從袒免。」

In the twenty-third year, an edict stated that where mourning dress regulations were not yet clear, ritual officials and scholars were to discuss them in detail. Chao submitted, "The 《Rites》 and 《Mourning Dress》 prescribe si ma for three months for an uncle. For a mother's sister, xiao gong for five months. The 《Commentary》 asks, "Why xiao gong? Because the name is added." Yet for a paternal hall aunt and an uncle's wife, affection does not reach that far. For maternal grandparents, xiao gong for five months. The 《Commentary》 asks, "Why xiao gong? Because respect is added." For an uncle, si ma for three months — all are emotionally close yet affiliation is distant. Maternal grandparents are proper elders, and the mourning dress is the same as for a mother's sister; aunt and uncle are of one rank, yet the mourning grades differ in weight; for a paternal hall aunt and uncle, kinship is not distant, yet they do not wear mourning for one another; and one's own uncle's wife is regarded less than a same-hearth kinsman. This also shows that the ancient meaning had something not fully expressed. Moreover, maternal grandparents wear xiao gong, and as proper elders they should be advanced to da gong; aunt and uncle are peer kin, so the dress should be equal, and we request advancing an uncle to xiao gong; a paternal hall aunt and uncle, because of distant descent, should be one grade below one's own uncle and mother's sister; for one's own uncle's wife, antiquity prescribed no mourning dress, and we request following tan mian."

於是韋述議曰：「自高祖至玄孫並身謂之九族。由近及遠，差其輕重，遂為五服。《傳》曰：『外親服皆緦。』鄭玄曰：『外親之服異姓，正服不過緦。』外祖父母小功，以尊加；從母小功，以名加；舅、甥、外孫、中外昆弟，皆緦。以匹言之，外祖則祖也，舅則伯叔也，父母之恩不殊，而獨殺於外者有以也。禽獸知母而不知父，野人則父母等，都邑之士則知尊禰，大夫則知尊祖，諸侯及太祖，天子及始祖。聖人究天道，厚祖禰，系姓族，親子孫，則母黨之於本族，不同明甚。家無二尊，喪無二斬，人之所奉，不可貳也。為人後，降其父母喪。女子嫁，殺其家之喪。所存者遠，抑者私也。若外祖及舅加一等，而堂舅及姨著服，則中外其別幾何？且五服有上殺之義，伯叔父母服大功，從父昆弟亦大功，以其出於祖，服不得過於祖也。從祖祖父母、從祖父母、從祖昆弟皆小功，以其出於曾祖，服不得過曾祖也。族祖祖父母、族祖父母、族昆弟皆緦，以其出於高祖，服不得過高祖也。堂姨、舅出外曾祖，若為之服，則外曾祖父母、外伯叔祖父母亦可制服矣。外祖至大功，則外曾祖小功、外高祖緦。推而廣之，與本族無異。棄親錄疏，不可謂順。且服皆有報，則堂甥、外曾孫、侄女之子皆當服。聖人豈薄其骨肉恩愛哉？盡本於公者末於私，義有所斷，不得不然。茍可加也，則可減也，如是，禮可隳矣。請如古便。」楊仲昌又言：「舅服小功，魏徵嘗進之矣。今之所請，正同徵論。堂舅、堂姨、舅母，皆升袒免，則外祖父母進至大功，不加報於外孫乎？外孫而報以大功，則本宗之庶孫用何等邪？」

Thereupon Wei Shu debated, saying, "From the great-great-grandfather down to the great-great-great-grandson, all in one body are called the nine clans. From near to far, their weight is differentiated, and thus there are the five mourning grades. The 《Commentary》 states, "Mourning dress for external kin is all si." Zheng Xuan said, "Mourning dress for external kin is of a different surname; proper dress does not exceed si." Maternal grandparents wear xiao gong because respect is added; a mother's sister wears xiao gong because the name is added; uncle, nephew by marriage, external grandson, and inner-outer brothers all wear si. Speaking as peers, a maternal grandparent is a grandparent and an uncle is an uncle. The grace of parents is not different, yet mourning alone is reduced for external kin, and there is reason for this. Beasts know the mother but not the father; wild people treat parents equally; town gentry know to honor the father; great officers know to honor the grandfather; feudal lords honor the great ancestor; and the Son of Heaven honors the founding ancestor. The sage investigates Heaven's way, thickly honors ancestors, ties together surname clans, and cherishes descendants, so the mother's kin in relation to the root clan is clearly not the same. A household has no two elders, and mourning has no two zhan — what people revere cannot be duplicated. One who becomes an heir reduces mourning for his parents. When a woman marries, she reduces mourning for her family's kin. What is preserved is the distant, and what is suppressed is the private. If maternal grandparents and an uncle are raised one grade, and a paternal hall aunt and uncle receive mourning dress, then how much difference remains between inner and outer kin? Moreover, the five mourning grades have the principle of upward reduction: an uncle's parents wear da gong, and father's brothers also wear da gong, because they derive from the grandfather and mourning cannot exceed that for the grandfather. Great-grandfather's grandfather, great-grandfather's grandmother, and great-grandfather's brothers all wear xiao gong, because they derive from the great-grandfather and mourning cannot exceed that for the great-grandfather. Clan great-grandfathers, clan great-grandmothers, and clan brothers all wear si, because they derive from the great-great-grandfather and mourning cannot exceed that for the great-great-grandfather. A paternal hall aunt and uncle derive from the external great-grandfather. If mourning dress is worn for them, then external great-grandparents and external uncle-grandparents could also receive mourning dress. If maternal grandparents are advanced to da gong, then external great-grandparents would wear xiao gong and the external great-great-grandfather would wear si. Extend this broadly, and there is no difference from the root clan. To abandon the close and record the distant cannot be called obedience. Moreover, mourning dress always has reciprocity, so a hall nephew, an external great-grandson, and a niece's sons should all wear mourning. Did the sage slight flesh-and-blood affection? To exhaust oneself in the public and end in the private — righteousness has its breaks, and one cannot but be so. If mourning can be increased, then it can be reduced, and in that case ritual can be destroyed. We ask that the ancient custom be followed." Yang Zhongchang again said, "Mourning dress for an uncle at xiao gong was once proposed by Wei Zheng. The present request matches Zheng's argument exactly. If a paternal hall uncle, paternal hall aunt, and uncle's wife are all raised to tan mian, then are maternal grandparents advanced to da gong without adding reciprocity for an external grandson? If an external grandson reciprocates with da gong, then what grade is used for a common grandson of the root clan?"

帝手敕曰：「朕謂親姨、舅服小功，則舅母於舅有三年之喪，不得全降於舅，宜服緦。堂姨、舅古未有服，朕思睦厚九族，宜袒免。古有同爨緦，若比堂姨、舅於同爨，不已厚乎？《傳》曰：『外親服皆緦。』是亦不隔堂姨、舅也。若謂所服不得過本，而復為外曾祖父母、外伯叔父母制服，亦何傷？皆親親敦本意也。」

The emperor wrote by hand, "I hold that for one's own aunt and uncle the dress should be xiao gong. Then for an uncle's wife, who has three years' mourning for her husband, she cannot fully reduce mourning for her husband and should wear si. For a paternal hall aunt and uncle, antiquity had no mourning dress. I think that to harmonize and thicken the nine clans, tan mian is appropriate. Antiquity had si ma for same-hearth kin. If one compares a paternal hall aunt and uncle to same-hearth kin, is that not already generous? The 《Commentary》 states, "Mourning dress for external kin is all si." This also does not exclude a paternal hall aunt and uncle. If one says mourning dress cannot exceed that for one's root clan, yet one again wears mourning for external great-grandparents and external uncle-grandparents, what harm is there? All of this cherishes kin and thickens the original intent."

侍中裴耀卿、中書令張九齡、禮部尚書李林甫奏言：「外服無降，甥為舅母服，舅母亦報之。夫之甥既報，則夫之姨、舅又當服，恐所引益疏。臣等愚，皆所不及。」詔曰：「從服六，此其一也。降殺於禮無文，皆自身率親為之數。姨、舅屬近，以親言之，亦姑伯之匹，可曰所引疏耶？婦人從夫者也，夫於姨舅既服矣，從夫而服，是謂睦親。卿等宜熟計。」耀卿等奏言：「舅母緦，堂姨舅袒免。請準制旨，自我為古，罷諸儒議。」制曰：「可。」

Attendant-in-chief Pei Yaoqing, Palace Secretary Zhang Jiuling, and Minister of the Ministry of Rites Li Linfu memorialized, saying, "External mourning dress has no reduction. A nephew wears mourning for his uncle's wife, and the uncle's wife also reciprocates. If the husband's nephew already reciprocates in mourning, then the husband's maternal aunt and uncle must also be mourned, and we fear the kin cited grow ever more remote. We are too dull to grasp these matters fully." An edict said, "There are six types of derived mourning dress; this is one of them. Ritual provides no written rule for reducing mourning grades; each case is reckoned from the degree owed to one's own close kin. A maternal aunt and uncle are close kin; in degree of relationship they match a paternal aunt and uncle. How can one call such kin remote? A wife follows her husband. If the husband already mourns his wife's maternal aunt and uncle, for her to follow him in mourning is what draws the families together. You should weigh this matter carefully." Yaoqing and the others memorialized, saying, "An uncle's wife warrants three-month sí mourning; a hall maternal aunt and uncle warrant bared-shoulder and uncapped-head mourning. We ask to follow Your Majesty's decree, establish the present rule as precedent, and end further scholarly debate." An edict replied, "Approved."

初，帝詔歲率公卿迎氣東郊，至三時，常以孟月讀《時令》於正寢。二十六年，詔縚月奏《令》一篇，朔日於宣政側設榻，東向置案，縚坐讀之，諸司官長悉升殿坐聽。歲餘，罷。

At first the Emperor decreed that each year he would lead the chief ministers to welcome the seasonal qi at the eastern suburb. By the third season, they regularly read the Seasonal Ordinances in the first month of each season in the main palace quarters. In the twenty-sixth year, an edict required Pei Tao to recite one chapter of the Ordinances each month. On the first day of the month a couch was placed beside the Xuanzheng Hall with an east-facing desk; Tao sat and read aloud while the heads of every department ascended the hall to listen. After a little more than a year, the practice was discontinued.

高宗上元三年，將袷享。議者以《禮緯》三年袷，五年禘；《公羊》家五年再殷祭。二家舛互，諸儒莫能決。太學博士史玄璨曰：「《春秋》：僖公三十三年十二月薨。文公之二年八月丁卯，大享。《公羊》曰：『袷也。』則三年喪畢，新君之二年當袷，明年當禘群廟。又宣公八年，禘僖公。宣公八年皆有禘，則後禘距前禘五年。此則新君之二年袷、三年禘爾。後五年再殷祭，則六年當袷，八年禘。昭公十年，齊歸薨。十三年，喪畢當袷，為平丘之會。冬，公如晉，至十四年袷，十五年禘。《傳》曰『有事於武宮』是也。至十八年袷，二十年禘；二十三年袷，二十五年禘。昭公二十五年『有事於襄宮』是也。則禘後三年而袷，又二年而禘，合於禮。」議遂定。後睿宗喪畢，袷於廟。至開元二十七年，禘祭五，袷祭七。是歲，縚奏：「四月嘗已禘，孟冬又袷，祀禮叢數，請以夏禘為大祭之源。」自是相循，五年再祭矣。

In the third year of the Shangyuan era under Emperor Gaozong, the court was preparing to perform a xia sacrifice. Debaters cited the Ritual Apocrypha, which says xia in the third year and di in the fifth; while the Gongyang school held two grand offerings within five years. The two traditions contradicted each other, and none of the scholars could settle the question. Shi Xuancan, erudite of the Imperial University, said, "The Spring and Autumn Annals records that Duke Xi of Lu died in the twelfth month of his thirty-third year. In the second year of Duke Wen, on the dingmao day of the eighth month, a great offering was performed. The Gongyang Commentary says, 'This was a xia sacrifice. Thus, once the three-year mourning was complete, the new ruler's second year should see xia, and the following year di for all the ancestral temples. Again, in Duke Xuan's eighth year, di was performed for Duke Xi. Since di was performed in Duke Xuan's eighth year in both instances, the later di came five years after the earlier one. This means xia in the new ruler's second year and di in the third. After five years came two grand offerings again, so the sixth year should see xia and the eighth di. In Duke Zhao's tenth year, Lady Qi Gui died. In the thirteenth year, when mourning was complete and xia was due, the meeting at Pingqiu intervened. That winter the Duke went to Jin; xia was performed in the fourteenth year and di in the fifteenth. The Zuo Commentary's line 'there were affairs at the Wu Palace' refers to this. Then came xia in the eighteenth year and di in the twentieth; xia in the twenty-third year and di in the twenty-fifth. The line in Duke Zhao's twenty-fifth year, 'there were affairs at the Xiang Palace,' refers to this. Thus after di came xia three years later, and di again two years after that — in accord with ritual." With that, the debate was settled. Later, when Emperor Ruizong's mourning period ended, xia was performed at the ancestral temple. By the twenty-seventh year of Kaiyuan, the court had performed five di sacrifices and seven xia sacrifices. That year Pei Tao memorialized, "Di had already been performed at the fourth-month offering, and xia was held again in early winter. Sacrifices had become too numerous; he asked that the summer di be treated as the basis for the grand offering." Thereafter this practice was followed, and two offerings were held every five years.

縚終太子少師。從父兄子抗抗者，安石從父兄子。弱冠舉明經，累官吏部郎中。景雲初，為永昌令，輦轂繁要，抗不事威刑而治，前令無及者。遷右御史臺中丞，邑民詣闕留，不聽，乃立碑著其惠。開元三年，自太子左庶子為益州大都督府長兄，授黃門侍郎。河曲胡康待賓叛，詔持節慰撫。抗於武略非所長，稱疾逗留，不及賊而返。俄代王晙為御史大夫，兼按察京畿。弟拯方為萬年令，兄弟領本部，時以為榮。坐薦御史非其人，授安州都督，改蒲州刺史。入為大理卿，進刑部尚書，分掌吏部選，卒。抗歷職以清儉，不治產，及終無以葬，玄宗聞之，特給槥車。贈太子少傅，謚曰貞。

Pei Tao ended his career as Junior Preceptor of the Heir Apparent. Kang, son of a paternal cousin: he was the son of Wei Anshi's paternal cousin. At age twenty he passed the Mingjing examination and rose through the ranks to become a director in the Ministry of Personnel. At the start of the Jingyun era he served as magistrate of Yongchang. The capital district was crowded and demanding, yet Kang governed without relying on harsh punishments, and no previous magistrate had matched him. He was promoted to vice censor-in-chief of the Right Censorate. The people of his district petitioned at the palace to keep him, but the request was denied, so they erected a stele recording his beneficence. In the third year of Kaiyuan he moved from Left Subordinate of the Heir Apparent to chief secretary of the Yizhou Grand Protectorate and was concurrently appointed Vice Minister of the Yellow Gate. Kang Daibin, a Hu leader of the river bend, rebelled, and an edict ordered Wei Kang to go as imperial commissioner to console and pacify the region. Military strategy was not Kang's strength. He pleaded illness and delayed, failed to reach the rebels, and returned. Soon afterward he replaced Wang Jun as censor-in-chief and concurrently served as inspector of the capital region. His younger brother Zheng was then magistrate of Wannian, so the brothers both held office in the same jurisdiction — a distinction widely admired at the time. He was demoted for recommending the wrong man as censor, appointed Protector-General of Anzhou, and then transferred to serve as prefect of Puzhou. He returned to court as chief minister of justice, rose to Minister of Punishments, shared responsibility for personnel selection in the Ministry of Personnel, and died in office. Kang served with integrity and frugality, amassed no estate, and at his death had no means for burial. When Emperor Xuanzong learned of this, he specially provided a hearse. He was posthumously made Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent and given the posthumous title Upright.

所表奉天尉梁升卿、新豐尉王倕、華原尉王燾，皆為僚屬，後皆為顯人。升卿涉學工書，於八分尤工，歷廣州都督，書《東封朝覲碑》，為時絕筆。倕累遷河西節度使，天寶中，功聞於邊。它所辟舉，如王維、王縉、崔殷等，皆一時選雲。郭震郭震，字元振，魏州貴鄉人，以字顯。長七尺，美須髯，少有大誌。十六，與薛稷、趙彥昭同為太學生，家嘗送資錢四十萬，會有缞服者叩門，自言「五世未葬，願假以治喪」。元振舉與之，無少吝，一不質名氏。稷等嘆駭。十八舉進士，為通泉尉。任俠使氣，撥去小節，嘗盜鑄及掠賣部中口千餘，以餉遺賓客，百姓厭苦。武後知所為，召欲詰，既與語，奇之，索所為文章，上《寶劍篇》，後覽嘉嘆，詔示學士李嶠等，即授右武衛鎧曹參軍，進奉宸監丞。

The men he recommended — Liang Shengqing, assistant magistrate of Fengtian; Wang Wei, assistant magistrate of Xinfeng; and Wang Tao, assistant magistrate of Huayuan — all became his subordinates and later rose to prominence. Shengqing was broadly learned and skilled in calligraphy, especially in clerical script. He later served as Protector-General of Guangzhou and wrote the Stele of the Eastern Feng and Court Audience, a masterpiece of his age. Wei rose through the ranks to become military commissioner of Hexi, and during the Tianbao era his achievements were renowned on the frontier. Others he recruited and promoted, such as Wang Wei, Wang Ji, and Cui Yin, were all outstanding men of the age. Guo Zhen, courtesy name Yuanzhen, was a native of Guixiang in Weizhou and was known by his courtesy name. He stood seven feet tall, with a fine beard, and from youth harbored great ambition. At sixteen he studied at the Imperial University alongside Xue Ji and Zhao Yanzhao. His family once sent him four hundred thousand cash in support, when a man in mourning clothes knocked at the door and said, "Five generations of my family lie unburied. I beg to borrow this money to arrange their funerals." Yuanzhen gave him the entire sum without the least hesitation and never asked his name. Ji and the others were astonished. At eighteen he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed assistant magistrate of Tongquan. He was bold and chivalrous, cared little for minor scruples, and once illicitly cast coins and seized and sold more than a thousand people in his district to entertain guests. The common people suffered greatly under him. When Empress Wu learned what he had done, she summoned him to question him. After speaking with him she was impressed, asked for his writings, and he presented his Ode on the Precious Sword. The Empress read it with admiration, had it shown to Academician Li Jiao and others, and immediately appointed him army-armor staff officer in the Right Martial Guard, then promoted him to director of the Palace Attendants.

會吐蕃乞和，其大將論欽陵請罷四鎮兵，披十姓之地，乃以元振充使，因覘虜情。還，上疏曰：

When Tibet sought peace, its great general Lun Qinling asked that the Four Garrisons be disbanded and the lands of the Ten Surnames be opened. Yuanzhen was appointed envoy so he could observe Tibetan intentions. On his return he submitted a memorial, saying:

style=color:#40e0d0|利或生害，害亦生利。國家所患，唯吐蕃與默啜耳，今皆和附，是將大利於中國也。若圖之不審，害且隨之。欽陵欲裂十姓地，解四鎮兵，此動靜之機，不可輕也。若直遏其意，恐邊患必甚於前，宜以策緩之，使其和望勿絕，而惡不得萌，固當取舍審也。夫患在外者，十姓、四鎮是也；患在內者，甘、涼、瓜、肅是也。關隴屯戍，向三十年，力用困竭，脫甘、涼有一日警，豈堪廣調發耶？

Benefit can breed harm, and harm can also breed benefit. The state's chief threats have been Tibet and Mohe alone. Now both have submitted to peace — a great benefit to the empire. If the policy is not weighed carefully, harm will follow. Qinling wants to carve away the lands of the Ten Surnames and disband the Four Garrisons. This turning point must not be treated lightly. If we bluntly reject his proposal, frontier troubles may exceed those of the past. We should use strategy to stall him, keep their hopes for peace alive, and prevent trouble from taking root. The choice must be made with care. External threats lie in the Ten Surnames and the Four Garrisons; internal troubles lie in Gan, Liang, Gua, and Su. Guan and Long have maintained garrisons for nearly thirty years until strength and resources are exhausted. If Gan or Liang should face even a single day's alarm, how could the region bear a major mobilization?

善為國者，先料內以敵外，不貪外以害內，然後安平可保。欽陵以四鎮近己，畏我侵掠，此吐蕃之要；然青海、吐渾密邇蘭、鄯，易為我患，亦國家之要。今宜報欽陵曰：「四鎮本扼諸蕃走集，以分其力，使不得並兵東侵。今委之，則番力益強，易以擾動，保後無東意，當以吐渾諸部、青海故地歸於我，則俟斤部落還吐蕃矣。」此足杜欽陵口，而和議未絕。且四鎮久附，其倚國之心，豈與吐蕃等？今未知利害情實而分裂之，恐傷諸國意，非制禦之算。

A state that is well governed first secures its interior to meet external threats and does not sacrifice the interior for external gain. Only then can peace and security be preserved. Qinling fears our raids because the Four Garrisons lie close to him. That is Tibet's vital concern; yet Qinghai and Tuyuhun lie close to Lan and Shan and can easily become a threat to us. That is also a vital concern for the state. We should now reply to Qinling, saying, "The Four Garrisons were originally positioned to block the routes by which the various tribes gather, dividing their strength so they could not combine and invade eastward. If we surrender them now, tribal strength will grow and unrest will come easily. To guarantee no future eastern aggression, the Tuyuhun tribes and the old Qinghai territories should be returned to us; only then would the Irkin tribes revert to Tibetan control." This would shut Qinling's mouth while keeping the peace talks alive. Moreover, the Four Garrisons have long been loyal to us. How could their reliance on the state be the same as Tibet's? To partition them now without knowing the true balance of advantage and harm would likely alienate the various states and is no sound policy of control.

後從之。

The court later adopted his advice.

又言：「吐蕃倦徭戍久矣，鹹願解和；以欽陵欲裂四鎮，專制其國，故未歸款。陛下誠能歲發和親使，而欽陵常不從，則其下必怨，設欲大舉，固不能，斯離間之漸也。」後然其計。後數年，吐蕃君臣相猜攜，卒誅欽陵，而其弟贊婆等來降，因詔元振與河源軍大使夫蒙令卿率騎往迎。授主客郎中。

He also wrote, "Tibet has long been weary of corvée and frontier garrison duty, and all wish for peace; but because Qinling wants to carve away the Four Garrisons and dominate the realm, they have not yet submitted in earnest. If Your Majesty sends peace envoys every year and Qinling regularly refuses, his subordinates will surely resent him. Even if he wished to launch a major campaign, he could not — this is the gradual way to sow division." The court later approved his plan. Several years later, Tibet's ruler and ministers turned against one another. Qinling was finally executed, and his younger brother Zanpo and others surrendered. An edict ordered Yuanzhen and Fumeng Lingqing, envoy of the Heyuan Army, to lead cavalry to receive them. He was appointed director in the Bureau of Receptions.

久之，突厥、吐蕃聯兵寇涼州，後方禦洛城門宴，邊遽至，因輟樂，拜元振為涼州都督，即遣之。初，州境輪廣才四百里，虜來必傅城下。元振始於南硤口置和戎城，北磧置白亭軍，制束要路，遂拓境千五百里，自是州無虜憂。又遣甘州刺史李漢通辟屯田，盡水陸之利，稻收豐衍。舊涼州粟斛售數千，至是歲數登，至匹縑易數十斛，支廥十年，牛羊被野。治涼五歲，善撫禦，夷夏畏慕，令行禁止，道不舉遺。河西諸郡置生祠，揭碑頌德。

Some time later, Turks and Tibet joined forces to raid Liangzhou. Empress Wu was holding a banquet at the Luoyang city gate when urgent news arrived from the frontier. The music stopped, Yuanzhen was appointed Protector-General of Liangzhou, and he was sent off at once. At first the prefecture's territory extended only four hundred li in circumference, and whenever raiders came they pressed right up to the city walls. Yuanzhen first built Hecheng Fort at the Southern Gorge Pass and established Baiting Army in the northern desert, controlling the vital routes. He expanded the territory by fifteen hundred li, and from then on the prefecture was free of barbarian threats. He also sent Li Hantong, prefect of Ganzhou, to open military colonies and exploit every advantage of water and land. The rice harvest grew abundant. Formerly a bushel of grain in Liangzhou sold for several thousand cash. Now harvests came year after year, until a bolt of silk could buy several dozen bushels. Granaries held enough for ten years, and cattle and sheep covered the fields. He governed Liangzhou for five years with skillful administration and defense. Barbarians and Chinese alike respected and admired him. His orders were obeyed, and nothing was left abandoned on the roads. The prefectures of Hexi built living shrines to him and erected steles praising his virtue.

神龍中，遷左驍衛將軍、安西大都護。西突厥酋烏質勒部落盛強，款塞願和，元振即牙帳與計事。會大雨雪，元振立不動，至夕凍冽；烏質勒已老，數拜伏，不勝寒，會罷即死。其子娑葛以元振計殺其父，謀勒兵襲擊，副使解琬知之，勸元振夜遁，元振不聽，堅臥營為不疑者。明日，素服往吊，道逢娑葛兵，虜不意元振來，遂不敢逼，揚言迎衛。進至其帳，修吊贈禮，哭甚哀，為留數十日助喪事，娑葛感義，更遣使獻馬五千、駝二百、牛羊十餘萬。制詔元振為金山道行軍大總管。

During the Shenlong era he was transferred to general of the Left Martial Courage Guard and Grand Protector of Anxi. The Western Turk chieftain Wuzhile commanded a powerful tribe and came to the border seeking peace. Yuanzhen went directly to his royal tent to discuss affairs with him. A heavy snowstorm came up. Yuanzhen stood without moving until evening, when he was frozen stiff; Wuzhile was already old. He bowed prostrate again and again, unable to endure the cold, and died as soon as the meeting ended. His son Suoge believed Yuanzhen's scheme had killed his father and plotted to muster troops for a surprise attack. Vice-envoy Xie Wan learned of this and urged Yuanzhen to flee by night, but Yuanzhen refused and lay firmly in camp as though he suspected nothing. The next day, dressed in plain mourning garb, he went to offer condolences. On the road he met Suoge's troops. The barbarians had not expected Yuanzhen to come and did not dare press him; they proclaimed that they had come to welcome and escort him. He proceeded to Suoge's tent, performed the rites of mourning and condolence gifts, and wept with deep sorrow. He remained several tens of days to assist with the funeral. Moved by his righteous conduct, Suoge again sent envoys presenting five thousand horses, two hundred camels, and more than one hundred thousand head of cattle and sheep. An imperial edict appointed Yuanzhen Grand Commander on Campaign of the Jinshan Circuit.

烏質勒之將闕啜忠節與娑葛交怨，屢相侵，而闕啜兵弱不支。元振奏請追闕啜入宿衛，徙部落置瓜、沙間。詔許之。闕啜遂行。至播仙城，遇經略使周以悌，以悌說之曰：「國家厚秩待君，以部落有兵故也。今獨行入朝，一矰旅胡人耳，何以自全？」乃教以重寶賂宰相，無入朝，請發安西兵導吐蕃以擊娑葛；求阿史那獻為可汗以招十姓；請郭虔瓘使拔汗那搜其鎧馬以助軍，既得復讎，部落更存。闕啜然之，即勒兵擊於闐坎城，下之。因所獲，遣人間道賫黃金分遺宗楚客、紀處訥，使就其謀。元振知之，上疏曰：

Wuzhile's general Quechuo Zhongjie and Suoge nursed mutual grudges and repeatedly raided each other, but Quechuo's forces were too weak to hold their own. Yuanzhen memorialized requesting that Quechuo be summoned to serve in the palace guard and that his tribes be relocated and settled between Guazhou and Shazhou. The court approved this by edict. Quechuo then set out. When he reached Boxian City he met the frontier commissioner Zhou Yiti, who persuaded him, saying, "The state treats you with generous rank and salary because your tribe has troops. If you go to court alone now, you are merely a lone barbarian traveler — how can you preserve yourself?" He then taught him to bribe the chief ministers with heavy treasures, not to enter court, and to request that Anxi troops be dispatched to lead Tibet in an attack on Suoge; to seek Ashina Xian as khan to win over the Ten Surnames; and to request that Guo Qianjin be sent to Ferghana to requisition armor and horses to aid the army — once vengeance was achieved, the tribes would survive. Quechuo agreed and immediately mustered troops to attack Kan City in Yutian and captured it. Using what he had captured, he sent men by secret routes bearing gold to distribute among Zong Chuke and Ji Chune so that they might carry out his plot. Yuanzhen learned of this and submitted a memorial, saying:

style=color:#40e0d0|國家往不與吐蕃十姓、四鎮而不擾邊者，蓋其諸豪泥婆羅等屬國自有攜貳，故贊普南征，身殞寇庭，國中大亂，嫡庶競立，將相爭權，自相翦屠，士畜疲癘，財力困窮，顧人事、天時兩不諧契，所以屈誌於漢，非實忘十姓、四鎮也。如其有力，後且必爭。今忠節忽國家大計，欲為吐蕃鄉導主人，四鎮危機恐從此啟。吐蕃得誌，忠節亦當在賊掌股，若為復得事我哉？往吐蕃於國無有恩力，猶欲爭十姓、四鎮；今若效力樹恩，則請分於闐、疏勒者，欲何理抑之？且其國諸蠻及婆羅門方自嫌阻，藉令求我助討者，亦何以拒之？是以古之賢人，不願夷狄妄惠，非不欲其力，懼後求無厭，益生中國事也。臣愚以為用吐蕃之力，不見其便。

In the past the state did not cede the Ten Surnames and Four Garrisons to Tibet, yet the frontier was not disturbed, because its various chieftains and subject states such as Nepal had their own divided loyalties. When the tsenpo marched south, he perished in enemy territory; the realm fell into great turmoil; legitimate and illegitimate sons competed for the throne; generals and ministers fought for power and slaughtered one another; men and livestock were exhausted and plague-stricken; resources were depleted. Human affairs and heavenly timing were both out of accord, so they humbled themselves before Han — not because they had truly forgotten the Ten Surnames and Four Garrisons. If they had the strength, they would surely contest them later. Now Zhongjie ignores the state's grand strategy and wishes to serve as Tibet's guide and patron — the crisis threatening the Four Garrisons may well begin here. Once Tibet achieves its aim, Zhongjie too will be in the enemy's grasp — how could he ever serve us again? In the past Tibet owed the state no debt of gratitude, yet still sought to contest the Ten Surnames and Four Garrisons; If it now renders service and builds up favor, then when it asks to divide Khotan and Kashgar, by what reasoning could we refuse? Moreover, the various barbarian peoples and Brahmans within its realm are just now mutually suspicious and obstructive. If they should seek our aid in punitive campaigns, how could we refuse? Therefore the worthies of old did not welcome reckless favors from the barbarians — not because they did not want their strength, but because they feared endless demands would follow and multiply troubles for the Middle Kingdom. This subject believes that employing Tibetan force offers no visible advantage.

又請阿史那獻者，豈非以可汗子孫能招綏十姓乎？且斛瑟羅及懷道與獻父元慶、叔仆羅、兄俀子，俱可汗子孫也。往四鎮以他匐十姓之亂，請元慶為可汗，卒亦不能招來，而元慶沒賊，四鎮淪陷。忠節亦嘗請以斛瑟羅及懷道為可汗矣，十姓未附而碎葉幾危。又吐蕃亦嘗以俀子、仆羅並拔布為可汗矣，亦不能得十姓而皆自亡滅，此非它，其子孫無惠下之才，恩義素絕故也。豈止不能招懷，且復為四鎮患，則冊可汗子孫其效固試矣。獻又遠於其父兄，人心何繇即附，若兵力足取十姓，不必要須可汗子孫也。

As for again proposing Ashina Xian — is it not on the grounds that a khan's descendant can win over and pacify the Ten Surnames? Moreover, Kuseluo and Huaidao, together with Xian's father Yuancqing, his uncle Puluo, and his elder brother Yizi, were all descendants of khans. Formerly, because of the disturbance among the Ten Surnames under Tafu, Yuancqing was requested as khan, but in the end he could not win them over either. Yuancqing perished among the enemy and the Four Garrisons fell. Zhongjie also once requested Kuseluo and Huaidao as khans, but the Ten Surnames did not submit and Suyab was nearly lost. Tibet too once made Yizi, Puluo, and Babu khans, but they also could not obtain the Ten Surnames and all perished on their own. This was nothing else: their descendants lacked the talent to win loyalty from those below, and grace and duty had long been severed. Far from winning them over, they again became a calamity for the Four Garrisons — the effect of enfeoffing khan's descendants has indeed been tested. Xian is even more distant from his father and elder brothers — by what means could hearts immediately attach to him? If military strength suffices to take the Ten Surnames, a khan's descendant is not necessarily required.

又請以郭虔瓘搜兵稅馬於拔汗那。往虔瓘已嘗與忠節擅入其國，臣時在疏勒，不聞得一甲一馬，而拔汗那挾忿侵擾，南導吐蕃。將俀子，以擾四鎮。且虔瓘往至拔汗那國，四面無助，若履虛邑，猶引俀子為敝。況今北有娑葛，知虔瓘之西，必引以相援，拔汗那倚堅城而抗於內，突厥邀伺於外，虔瓘等豈能復如往年得安易之幸哉？

Again they request that Guo Qianjin levy troops and requisition horses in Ferghana. Formerly Qianjin already entered that country without authorization together with Zhongjie. I was at Kashgar at the time and heard of not a single suit of armor or horse obtained, yet Ferghana, nursing resentment, raided and disturbed the frontier and guided Tibet from the south. using Yizi's son to trouble the Four Garrisons. Moreover, when Qianjin went to Ferghana he had no help on any side, as if treading an empty settlement, yet still brought Yizi in as an ally. How much more so now, with Suoge to the north — knowing Qianjin was going west, he would surely bring aid — Ferghana relying on strong walls to resist from within and the Turks lying in wait without: could Qianjin and the others again enjoy the easy good fortune of former years?

疏奏不省。

The memorial was submitted but not heeded.

楚客等因建遣攝御史中丞馮嘉賓持節安撫闕啜，以御史呂守素處置四鎮，以牛師獎為安西副都護，代元振領甘、涼兵，召吐蕃並力擊娑葛。娑葛之使娑臘知楚客謀，馳報之。娑葛怒，即發兵出安西、撥換、焉耆、疏勒各五千騎。於是闕啜在計舒河與嘉賓會，娑葛兵奄至，禽闕啜，殺嘉賓，又殺呂守素於僻城、牛師獎於火燒城，遂陷安西，四鎮路絕。元振屯疏勒水上，未敢動。楚客復表周以悌代元振，且以阿史那獻為十姓可汗，置軍焉耆以取娑葛。娑葛遺元振書，且言：「無仇於唐，而楚客等受闕啜金，欲加兵擊滅我，故懼死而鬥。且請斬楚客。」元振奏其狀。楚客大怒，誣元振有異圖，召將罪之。元振使子鴻間道奏乞留定西土，不敢歸京師。以悌乃得罪，流白州，而赦娑葛。

Zong Chuke and the others therefore proposed dispatching Acting Censor-in-Chief Feng Jiabin with credentials to pacify Quechuo, censor Lü Shousu to administer the Four Garrisons, and Niu Shijiang as Vice Protector of Anxi to replace Yuanzhen in commanding the Gan and Liang troops, and summoning Tibet to join forces in attacking Suoge. Suoge's envoy Suola learned of Chuke's plot and rode post-haste to report it. Suoge was enraged and immediately sent out troops from Anxi, Bokhwan, Kucha, and Kashgar — five thousand horsemen from each. Thereupon Quechuo met with Jiabin on the Jishu River. Suoge's troops suddenly arrived, captured Quechuo, killed Jiabin, also killed Lü Shousu at Picheng and Niu Shijiang at Huoshaocheng, then overran Anxi, and communication with the Four Garrisons was severed. Yuanzhen encamped at the waters of Kashgar and did not dare move. Chuke again memorialized to replace Yuanzhen with Zhou Yiti, to make Ashina Xian khan of the Ten Surnames, and to station troops at Kucha to take Suoge. Suoge sent a letter to Yuanzhen, saying, "I bear no grudge against Tang, but Chuke and the others received Quechuo's gold and wished to send troops to attack and destroy me — therefore, fearing death, I fight. I also request that Chuke be executed." Yuanzhen memorialized the facts. Chuke was furious, slandered Yuanzhen as harboring treacherous designs, and summoned him to be punished. Yuanzhen sent his son Hong by a secret route to memorialize, begging to remain and secure the western lands, not daring to return to the capital. Yiti was then found guilty and exiled to Baizhou, and Suoge was pardoned.

睿宗立，召為太仆卿。將行，安西酋長有剺面哭送者，旌節下玉門關，去涼州猶八百里，城中爭具壺漿歡迎，都督嗟嘆以聞。景雲二年，進同中書門下三品，遷吏部尚書，封館陶縣男。先天元年，為朔方軍大總管，築豐安、定遠城，兵得保頓。明年，以兵部尚書復同中書門下三品。

When Ruizong took the throne, Yuanzhen was summoned to serve as Grand Master of the Imperial Stud. As he was about to depart, Anxi chieftains came with lacerated faces weeping to see him off. When his banner and credentials passed below Yumen Pass, still eight hundred li from Liangzhou, the city competed to prepare pots of drink to welcome him in celebration. The Protector-General sighed in admiration and reported this to the court. In the second year of Jingyun he was promoted to co-acting with the Secretariat and Chancellery as third rank, transferred to Minister of the Civil Service, and enfeoffed as Baron of Guantao County. In the first year of Xiantian he became Grand Commander of the Shuofang Army, built Feng'an and Dingyuan cities, and the troops were able to encamp in safety. The following year, as Minister of War he again served as co-acting with the Secretariat and Chancellery as third rank.

玄宗誅太平公主也，睿宗禦承天門，諸宰相走伏外省，獨元振總兵扈帝，事定，宿中書者十四夕乃休。進封代國公，實封四百戶，賜一子官，物千段。俄又兼御史大夫，復為朔方大總管，以備突厥。未行，會玄宗講武驪山，既三令，帝親鼓之，元振遽奏禮止，帝怒軍容不整，引坐纛下，將斬之。劉幽求、張說扣馬諫曰：「元振有大功，雖得罪，當宥。」乃赦死，流新州。開元元年，帝思舊功，起為饒州司馬，怏怏不得誌，道病卒，年五十八。十年，贈太子少保。

When Xuanzong executed Princess Taiping, Ruizong took the throne at Chengtian Gate. The chief ministers fled and prostrated themselves outside the Secretariat; only Yuanzhen commanded troops to escort the Emperor. When affairs were settled, he lodged at the Secretariat for fourteen nights before resting. He was promoted in enfeoffment to Duke of Dai, with four hundred taxable households, one son granted an office, and one thousand rolls of goods. Soon he also served concurrently as Censor-in-Chief and again became Grand Commander of Shuofang to guard against the Turks. Before he could depart, Xuanzong held a martial review at Mount Li. After the third command the Emperor personally beat the drum; Yuanzhen abruptly memorialized that the rites should stop. The Emperor, angered that the troops' bearing was not orderly, had him brought to sit beneath the command banner and was about to execute him. Liu Youqiu and Zhang Yue seized the horse's bridle and remonstrated, saying, "Yuanzhen has great merit — though he has offended, he should be spared." He was spared death and exiled to Xinzhou. In the first year of Kaiyuan the Emperor recalled his old service and appointed him Vice-Governor of Raozhou. Discontent and unable to fulfill his ambition, he fell ill on the road and died at age fifty-eight. Ten years later he was posthumously granted Junior Mentor of the Heir Apparent.

元振雖少雄邁，及貴，居處乃儉約，手不置書，人莫見其喜慍。建宅宣陽裏，未嘗一至諸院廄。自朝還，對親欣欣，退就室，儼如也。距國初仕至宰相而親具者，唯元振雲。

Though bold and sweeping in youth, once elevated Yuanzhen lived frugally; his hand never held a book, and no one ever saw him show pleasure or anger. He built a mansion in Xuanyang Ward but never once went to any of its side courts or stables. Returning from court he would face his kin with cheer; withdrawing to his chamber he was solemn as ever. From the founding of the dynasty until one rose to chief minister while one's parents were still alive — only Yuanzhen, it is said.

贊曰：魏、韋皆感概而奮，似矣。及在惸上側臣間，臨機會，不一引手揕奸邪之謀，誠可鄙哉。至牴後艷主以烝譖撼宗社，亦不肯從也。古所謂具臣者，諒乎！元振功顯節完，一跌未復，世恨其蚤歿雲。

The appraising comment says: Wei and Wei both were stirred by emotion to strive — so it seems. Yet when among the isolated sovereign and the courtiers at his side, at critical moments they never once raised a hand to thwart the schemes of the wicked — truly contemptible. Even when resisting the dowager empress's licentious slander that shook the altars of state, they would not consent. The so-called "complete minister" of antiquity — can one believe it! Yuanzhen's merit was manifest and his integrity whole; he fell once and did not rise again — the world regrets that he died so young, it is said.

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