1
李德裕李德裕，字文饒，元和宰相吉甫子也。 少力於學，既冠，卓犖有大節。 不喜與諸生試有司，以廕補校書郎。 河東張弘靖辟為掌書記。 府罷，召拜監察御史。
Li Deyu, styled Wenrao, was the son of Li Jifu, who had served as chief minister under Emperor Xianzong. As a youth he devoted himself to learning, and once he came of age he proved outstanding, with a strong sense of public duty. He declined to sit for the civil examinations alongside other students and instead entered service through hereditary privilege as a proofreader in the Palace Library. Zhang Hongjing, military governor of Hedong, took him on as chief secretary. When that command ended, he was summoned to the capital and appointed an investigating censor.
2
穆宗即位，擢翰林學士。 帝為太子時，已聞吉甫名，由是顧德裕厚，凡號令大典冊，皆更其手。 數召見，賚獎優華。 帝怠荒於政，故戚裏多所請丐，挾宦人詗禁中語，關托大臣。 德裕建言：「舊制，駙馬都尉與要官禁不往來。 開元中，訶督尤切，今乃公至宰相及大臣私第。 是等無佗材，直洩漏禁密，交通中外耳。 請白事宰相者，聽至中書，無輒詣第。」 帝然之。 再進中書舍人。 未幾，授御史中丞。
When Emperor Muzong ascended the throne, Li Deyu was promoted to Hanlin academician. The emperor had already known Li Jifu by reputation when he was still crown prince, and therefore treated Deyu with exceptional favor: every major edict and state document was drafted in his hand. The emperor summoned him often and heaped gifts and honors upon him. Because the emperor neglected government, members of the imperial clan pressed many requests, using eunuchs to eavesdrop on palace affairs and lobby senior ministers through back channels. Deyu advised: "Under the old rules, commandants-escort and high officials were forbidden to mingle. During the Kaiyuan reign enforcement had been especially strict, yet now they openly visit the private homes of chief ministers and other senior officials. These men have no other ability; they merely leak palace secrets and shuttle influence between the court and the outside world. Let those who wish to report to the chief minister come only to the Secretariat, and not call at his private residence at will." The emperor agreed. He was soon promoted again, to Secretariat drafter. Shortly afterward he was appointed vice censor-in-chief.
3
始，吉甫相憲宗，牛僧孺、李宗閔對直言策，痛詆當路，條失政。 吉甫訴於帝，且泣，有司皆得罪，遂與為怨。 吉甫又為帝謀討兩河叛將，李逢吉沮解其言，功未既而吉甫卒，裴度實繼之。 逢吉以議不合罷去，故追銜吉甫而怨度，擯德裕不得進。 至是，間帝暗庸，訁木度使與元稹相怨，奪其宰相而己代之。 欲引僧孺益樹黨，乃出德裕為浙西觀察使。 俄而僧孺入相，由是牛、李之憾結矣。
Earlier, while Jifu served Emperor Xianzong as chief minister, Niu Sengru and Li Zongmin took the "direct criticism" policy examination and sharply attacked those in power, itemizing governmental failures. Jifu appealed to the emperor in tears; the examiners were all punished, and from that time he and they were enemies. Jifu also urged the emperor to suppress the rebel generals of the two He regions, but Li Fengji blocked and undermined his plans. Jifu died before the campaign was finished, and Pei Du in fact took his place. Fengji had been removed from office when his views clashed with others', and he still nursed a grievance against Jifu while resenting Pei Du; he blocked Deyu's advancement. Now, exploiting the emperor's dullness and mediocrity, he slandered Pei Du until Du and Yuan Zhen were at odds, stripped Du of the chief ministership, and took the post himself. Seeking to bring Sengru in and build his faction further, he had Deyu posted out as military governor of Zhexi. Soon Sengru entered the chief ministership, and from that point the feud between the Niu and Li factions was sealed.
4
初，潤州承王國清亂，竇易直傾府庫賚軍，貲用空殫，而下益驕。 德裕自檢約，以留州財贍兵，雖儉而均，故士無怨。 再期，則賦物儲牣。 南方信禨巫，雖父母癘疾，子棄不敢養。 德裕擇長老可語者，諭以孝慈大倫，患難相收不可棄之義，使歸相曉敕，違約者顯置以法。 數年，惡俗大變。 又按屬州非經祠者，毀千餘所，撤私邑山房千四百舍，寇無所廋蔽。 天子下詔褒揚。
Runzhou had lately suffered Wang Guoqing's rebellion; Dou Yizhi had emptied the treasury paying off the troops, leaving nothing in the coffers while the men below grew ever more arrogant. Deyu practiced strict economy himself, using what the prefecture retained to support the troops; though supplies were lean, distribution was fair, and the men did not complain. Within two terms of office, tax revenues and storehouses were full again. In the south people trusted shamans of pestilence; even when parents fell ill with contagious disease, sons would abandon them rather than nurse them. Deyu chose respected elders who could be reasoned with, taught them the duties of filial piety and mutual support in hardship, and sent them home to spread the message; offenders were openly punished under the law. Within a few years the vicious custom was largely transformed. He also inspected the subordinate prefectures, tearing down more than a thousand unauthorized shrines and removing fourteen hundred private mountain lodges, so bandits had nowhere to conceal themselves. The emperor issued an edict commending him.
5
敬宗立，侈用無度，詔浙西上脂朅妝具，德裕奏：「比年旱災，物力未完。 乃三月壬子赦令，常貢之外，悉罷進獻。 此陛下恐聚斂之吏緣以成奸，雕窶之人不勝其敝也。 本道素號富饒，更李錡、薛蘋，皆榷酒於民，供有羨財。 元和詔書停榷酤，又赦令禁諸州羨餘無送使。 今存者惟留使錢五十萬緡，率歲經費常少十三萬，軍用褊急。 今所須脂朅妝具，度用銀二萬三千兩，金百三十兩，物非土產，雖力營索，尚恐不逮。 願詔宰相議，何以俾臣不違詔旨，不乏軍興，不疲人，不斂怨，則前敕後詔，鹹可遵承。」 不報。 方是時，罷進獻，不閱月，而求貢使者足相接于道，故德裕推一以諷它。
When Emperor Jingzong came to the throne his spending was boundless; he ordered Zhexi to send cosmetic and grooming supplies. Deyu memorialized: "Droughts in recent years have left the region's resources unrecovered. Moreover, Your Majesty's amnesty of the third month, on the day renzi, abolished all presents beyond the regular tribute. That was because Your Majesty feared that revenue officers would use the opportunity for extortion, and that an already exhausted populace could not endure further exactions. This circuit has long been considered wealthy, yet under Li Qi and Xue Ping both had monopolized wine for the people and still produced surplus revenue. An edict in the Yuanhe era ended the wine monopoly, and an amnesty forbade prefectures to forward surplus funds to the transport commissioner. All that remains is fifty thousand strings in retained commissioner funds; routine annual expenses typically run one hundred thirty thousand short, and military supplies are desperately tight. The cosmetics now demanded would cost an estimated twenty-three thousand taels of silver and one hundred thirty taels of gold; they are not local products, and even with every effort at procurement I fear we cannot supply them. I ask that Your Majesty order the chief ministers to decide how I may obey the edict without starving military needs, exhausting the people, or provoking resentment, so that both your earlier and later orders can be honored." He received no answer. At that time, although presents to the court had been abolished, within a month envoys seeking to offer tribute lined the roads; Deyu used this one request to admonish the rest.
6
又詔索盤絛繚綾千匹，復奏言：「太宗時，使至涼州，見名鷹，諷李大亮獻之，大亮諫止，賜詔嘉歎。 玄宗時，使者抵江南捕鵁鶄、翠鳥，汴州刺史倪若水言之，即見褒納。 皇甫詢織半臂、造琵琶捍撥、鏤牙筩於益州，蘇頲不奉詔，帝不加罪。 夫鵁鶄、鏤牙，微物也。 二三臣尚以勞人損德為言，豈二祖有臣如此，今獨無之？ 蓋有位者蔽而不聞，非陛下拒不納也。 且立鵝天馬，盤絛掬豹，文彩怪麗，惟乘輿當禦。 今廣用千匹，臣所未諭。 昔漢文身衣弋綈，元帝罷輕纖服，故仁德慈儉，至今稱之。 願陛下師二祖容納，遠思漢家恭約，裁賜節減，則海隅蒼生畢受賜矣。」 優詔為停。
The court then demanded a thousand bolts of patterned silk with coiled trim. He memorialized again: "Under Emperor Taizong, an envoy at Liangzhou saw a famous hawk and hinted that Li Daliang should present it; Daliang remonstrated and stopped the gift, and the emperor issued an edict praising him. Under Emperor Xuanzong, envoys went to Jiangnan to capture fish hawks and kingfishers; Bianzhou prefect Ni Ruoshui protested and was immediately rewarded. When Huangfu Xun wove half-sleeves, made pipa plectrums, and carved ivory tubes in Yizhou, Su Ting refused the order and the emperor did not punish him. Fish hawks and carved ivory are trifling things. Yet two or three ministers still protested that such demands burdened the people and harmed the ruler's virtue—did the two founding emperors have such ministers while today we have none? Surely those in high office shield you from such counsel—it is not that Your Majesty refuses to listen. Patterns such as standing goose, heavenly horse, coiled trim, and leopard cub are extravagantly ornate—only the imperial carriage should bear them. To demand a thousand bolts at once is something I cannot fathom. Emperor Wen of Han wore coarse silk, and Emperor Yuan abolished light fine fabrics; their benevolence and frugality are praised to this day. May Your Majesty follow the two founding emperors in welcoming remonstrance, recall the Han dynasty's restraint, and grant a reduction in the order—then every subject on the coast would benefit." The emperor issued a gracious edict and canceled the demand.
7
自元和後，天下禁毋私度僧。 徐州王智興紿言天子誕月，請築壇度人以資福，詔可。 即顯募江淮間，民皆曹輩奔走，因牟擷其財以自入。 德裕劾奏：「智興為壇泗州，募願度者，人輸錢二千，則不復勘詰，普加髡落。 自淮而右，戶三丁男，必一男剔發，規影傜賦，所度無算。 臣閱度江者日數百，蘇、常齊民，十固八九，若不加禁遏，則前至誕月，江淮失丁男六十萬，不為細變。」 有詔徐州禁止。
After the Yuanhe era the empire forbade private ordination of monks. Wang Zhixing of Xuzhou falsely claimed it was the emperor's birth month and asked to build an altar to ordain monks for merit; the court approved. He openly recruited across the Jiang-Huai region; people rushed in crowds while he extorted their money for himself. Deyu impeached him, reporting: "Zhixing built an altar at Sizhou and recruited volunteers for ordination; anyone who paid two thousand cash was tonsured without further inquiry. West of the Huai, in every household with three adult sons one was tonsured, aiming to escape corvée and tax obligations; the number ordained was beyond count. I see hundreds crossing the river each day to be ordained; in Suzhou and Changzhou eight or nine households in ten are affected. Unless this is stopped, by the birth month the Jiang-Huai region could lose six hundred thousand adult males—a grave matter." An edict ordered Xuzhou to stop the practice.
8
時帝昏荒，數遊幸，狎比群小，聽朝簡忽。 德裕上《丹扆六箴》，表言：「'心乎愛矣，遐不謂矣'，此古之賢人篤于事君者也。 夫跡疏而言親者危，地遠而意忠者忤。 臣竊惟念拔自先聖，遍荷寵私，不能竭忠，是負靈鑒。 臣在先朝，嘗獻《大明賦》以諷，頗蒙嘉采。 今日盡節明主，亦由是也。」 其一曰《宵衣》，諷視朝希晚也； 二曰《正服》，諷服禦非法也； 三曰《罷獻》，諷斂求怪珍也； 四曰《納誨》，諷侮棄忠言也； 五曰《辨邪》，諷任群小也； 六曰《防微》，諷偽遊輕出也。 辭皆明直婉切。 帝雖不能用其言，猶敕韋處厚諄諄作詔，厚謝其意。 然為逢吉排笮，訖不內徙。
The emperor was benighted and dissolute, constantly traveling for pleasure, consorting with petty favorites, and neglecting court audiences. Deyu submitted the Six Admonitions at the Vermilion Screen, writing: "'The heart loves—how could it be called distant?' That is how the ancients showed true devotion in serving their ruler. Those distant in station who speak as intimates court danger; those far from court whose loyalty is sincere risk giving offense. I reflect that I was raised up by the late emperor, have received favor at every turn, and that failure to give my utmost loyalty would betray Heaven's clear sight. In the previous reign I once presented the Rhapsody on Great Brightness as indirect remonstrance and was well received. Today I serve the enlightened sovereign with the same full loyalty." The first, Night Robes, admonishes delaying court audiences; the second, Correct Garments, admonishes improper dress at court; the third, Cease Presentations, admonishes demanding exotic tribute; the fourth, Accept Admonition, admonishes rejecting loyal counsel; the fifth, Discern Evil, admonishes trusting petty favorites; the sixth, Guard against the Slight, admonishes secret outings and careless departures from the palace. The wording throughout was clear, forthright, and tactfully pointed. Though the emperor did not follow his advice, he still had Wei Chuhou draft an edict of earnest thanks for his concern. Yet Fengji blocked him, and he was never recalled to the capital.
9
時亳州浮屠詭言水可愈疾，號曰「聖水」，轉相流聞，南方之人，率十戶僦一人使往汲。 既行若飲，病者不敢近葷血，危老之人率多死。 而水鬥三十千，取者益它汲，轉鬻於道，互相欺訹，往者日數十百人。 德裕嚴勒津邏捕絕之，且言：「昔吳有聖水，宋、齊有聖火，皆本妖祥，古人所禁。 請下觀察使令狐楚填塞，以絕妄源。」 從之。 帝方惑佛老，禱福祈年，浮屠方士，並出入禁中。 狂人杜景先上言，其友周息元壽數百歲，帝遣宦者至浙西迎之，詔在所馳驛敦遣。 德裕上疏曰：「道之高者，莫若廣成、玄元； 人之聖者，莫若軒轅、孔子。 昔軒轅問廣成子治身之要，曰：'無視無聽，抱神以靜，形將自正。 無勞子形，無搖子精，乃可長生。 慎守其一，以處其和。 故我脩身千二百歲矣，形未嘗衰。 '又曰：'得吾道者上為皇，下為王。 '玄元語孔子曰：'去子之驕氣與多欲、態色與淫志，是皆無益於子之身。 '陛下脩軒後之術，物色異人，若使廣成、玄元混跡而至，告陛下之言，亦無出於此。 臣慮今所得者，皆迂怪之士，使物淖冰，以小術欺聰明，如文成、五利者也。 又前世天子雖好方士，未有禦其藥者。 故漢人稱黃金可成，以為飲食器則壽。 高宗時劉道合、玄宗時孫甑生皆能作黃金，二祖不之服，豈非以宗廟為重乎？ 儻必致真隱，願止師保和之術，慎毋及藥，則九廟尉悅矣。」 息元果誕譎不情，自言與張果、葉靜能遊。 帝詔畫工肖狀為圖以觀之，終帝世無它驗。 文宗即位，乃逐之。
A monk in Bozhou falsely claimed that certain water could cure illness and called it "holy water"; the rumor spread, and in the south roughly one man in ten households was hired to fetch it. After traveling or drinking it, the sick avoided meat and blood; many of the critically ill and elderly died. A dipper sold for thirty thousand cash; carriers drew more water elsewhere and resold it along the roads, cheating one another, while scores set out each day. Deyu strictly ordered ferry guards and patrols to suppress it, reporting: "Wu once had 'holy water,' Song and Qi had 'holy fire'—all omens of mischief that the ancients forbade. I ask that observation commissioner Linghu Chu be ordered to seal the spring and cut off the source of this delusion." The court agreed. The emperor was then infatuated with Buddhism and Daoism, praying for blessings and good harvests, while monks and alchemists came and went within the palace. A crackpot named Du Jingxian reported that his friend Zhou Xiyuan was several hundred years old; the emperor sent eunuchs to Zhexi to escort him, with orders along the route to hurry him by relay post. Deyu memorialized: "Of those supreme in the Way, none surpass Guangcheng and the Dark Primordial Lord; of those sage among men, none surpass the Yellow Emperor and Confucius. Long ago the Yellow Emperor asked Guangchengzi the secret of nurturing the body; he replied: 'Do not look, do not listen; hold the spirit in stillness and the body will right itself. Do not weary your body, do not disturb your essence—only then may you attain long life. Guard the One carefully and dwell in harmony. Thus I have cultivated my body for twelve hundred years, and my form has never declined. He also said: 'Whoever attains my Way may be emperor above or king below. The Dark Primordial Lord told Confucius: 'Cast off arrogance and excess desire, affectation and licentious ambition—all harm your person. Your Majesty pursues the arts of the Yellow Emperor and the sages and seeks extraordinary men; yet if Guangcheng or the Dark Primordial Lord appeared in disguise, their counsel would be no different from this. I fear those you will obtain are merely eccentric charlatans who muddy clear judgment with petty tricks, like the Wencheng and Wuli of old. Moreover, though earlier emperors favored alchemists, none ever took their elixirs. Han writers said gold could be transmuted and that eating and drinking from golden vessels would grant long life. Under Gaozong, Liu Daohe, and under Xuanzong, Sun Zaisheng, could both make gold; neither emperor took their elixirs—was that not because they put the ancestral shrines first? If you must summon genuine recluses, limit yourself to teachings of nurture and harmony, and do not touch elixirs—then the imperial ancestors would be reassured." Xiyuan proved boastful and absurd, claiming friendship with Zhang Guo and Ye Jingneng. The emperor ordered painters to depict him, but through that reign nothing further was proved. When Emperor Wenzong came to the throne, he was driven out.
10
太和三年，召拜兵部侍郎。 裴度薦材堪宰相，而李宗閔以中人助，先秉政，且得君，出德裕為鄭滑節度使，引僧孺協力，罷度政事。 二怨相濟，凡德裕所善，悉逐之。 於是二人權震天下，黨人牢不可破矣。
In the third year of the Taihe era he was summoned and appointed vice minister of war. Pei Du recommended men capable of serving as chief minister, but Li Zongmin, aided by eunuchs, seized power first and won the emperor's trust; he posted Deyu to Zheng-Hua, enlisted Niu Sengru's support, and stripped Pei Du of his governmental role. The two factions reinforced each other, and everyone Deyu favored was driven from office. The two men's power now dominated the empire, and their factional bonds were unbreakable.
11
逾年，徙劍南西川。 蜀自南詔入寇，敗杜元穎，而郭釗代之，病不能事，民失職，無聊生。 德裕至，則完殘奮怯，皆有條次。 成都既南失姚、協，西亡維、松，由清溪下沫水而左，盡為蠻有。 始，韋皋招來南詔，復巂州，傾內資結蠻好，示以戰陣文法。 德裕以皋啟戎資盜，其策非是，養成癰疽，第未決耳。 至元穎時，遇隙而發，故長驅深入，蹂剔千里，蕩無孑遺。 今瘢夷尚新，非痛矯革，不能刷一方恥。 乃建籌邊樓，按南道山川險要與蠻相入者圖之左，西道與吐蕃接者圖之右。 其部落眾寡，饋餫遠邇，曲折鹹具。 乃召習邊事者與之指畫商訂，凡虜之情偽盡知之。 又料擇伏瘴舊獠與州兵之任戰者，廢遣獰耄什三四，士無敢怨。 又請甲人于安定，弓人河中，弩人浙西。 繇是蜀之器械皆犀銳。 率戶二百取一人，使習戰，貸勿事，緩則農，急則戰，謂之「雄邊子弟」。 其精兵曰南燕保義、保惠、兩河慕義、左右連弩； 騎士曰飛星、鷙擊、奇鋒、流電、霆聲、突騎。 總十一軍。 築杖義城，以制大度、青溪關之阻； 作禦侮城，以控榮經犄角勢； 作柔遠城，以厄西山吐蕃； 復邛崍關，徙巂州治台登，以奪蠻險。
A year later he was transferred to Western Chuan in Jiannan. Since Nanzhao's invasion had routed Du Yuanying, Guo Zhao replaced him but was too ill to govern; the people lost their livelihoods and could barely survive. When Deyu arrived, he restored what was broken and roused the timid; everything was put in proper order. Chengdu had lost Yao and Xie to the south and Wei and Song to the west; everything from Qingxi down the Moshui and to the east was in barbarian hands. Earlier Wei Gao had courted Nanzhao, recovered Xi prefecture, spent imperial resources to win their friendship, and taught them military formations and regulations. Deyu believed Gao had armed the frontier tribes at state expense; the policy was mistaken and had bred a boil that had not yet burst. By Du Yuanying's time they seized their chance and swept deep into the region, ravaging a thousand li until nothing was left standing. The wounds inflicted by the barbarians were still raw; only drastic reform could erase the region's shame. He built a Frontier Planning Tower and charted it accordingly: on the left, the southern passes where barbarian raiders could enter; on the right, the western frontier where it met Tibetan territory. Tribal strengths, supply lines near and far, every bend in the terrain—all were mapped in full detail. He brought in frontier veterans to work through the maps with him until he knew every feint and stratagem the enemy might use. He picked out the able fighters among the old tribal levies in the fever country and the prefectural garrisons, cashiering three or four men in ten who were too old or too unruly—and not a soldier dared protest. He also sent for armorers from Dingzhou, bowyers from Hezhong, and crossbow-makers from Zhexi. From that point on, every weapon in Shu was forged to a razor edge. From every two hundred households he drafted one man for military training, exempt from corvée labor—farming in quiet times, fighting in crisis. They were called the "Frontier Sons." His crack infantry bore names like Southern Yan, Loyal Guard, Loyal Benevolence, Two Rivers Aspiring Loyalty, and the Left and Right Crossbow corps. His cavalry units were called Flying Star, Fierce Assault, Strange Edge, Flowing Lightning, Thunderclap, and Shock Cavalry. Eleven armies in all. He fortified Zhangyi to hold the strategic choke points at Dudu and Qingxi. He raised Yuwu Fort to dominate the mutual-support positions at Rong and Jing. He built Rouyuan Fort to pin down the Tibetans in the western hills. He reopened Qionglai Pass and moved the seat of Xi prefecture to Taideng, retaking terrain the barbarians had held.
12
舊制，歲抄運內粟贍黎、巂州，起嘉、眉，道陽山江，而達大度，乃分餉諸戍。 常以盛夏至，地苦瘴毒，輦夫多死。 德裕命轉邛、雅粟，以十月為漕始，先夏而至，以佐陽山之運，饋者不涉炎月，遠民乃安。 蜀人多鬻女為人妾，德裕為著科約：凡十三而上，執三年勞； 下者，五歲； 及期則歸之父母。 毀屬下浮屠私廬數千，以地予農。 蜀先主祠旁有猱村，其民剔髮若浮屠者，畜妻子自如，德裕下令禁止。 蜀風大變。
Under the old system, grain from the interior was shipped each autumn to feed Li and Xi prefectures—loaded at Jia and Mei, carried along the Yangshan River to Dudu, then parcelled out to the frontier garrisons. The convoys usually arrived in the height of summer, when malarial fevers ravaged the route and porters died by the score. Deyu rerouted grain from Qiong and Ya, starting transport in the tenth month so supplies reached the frontier before summer and eased the Yangshan haul. Porters no longer marched through the fever months, and the border population finally had breathing room. Many families in Shu sold daughters into concubinage; Deyu drew up rules fixing the term of service at three years for girls thirteen and older. For younger girls, five years. When the term expired, they were sent back to their parents. He demolished thousands of unauthorized Buddhist shrines in his jurisdiction and turned the land over to farmers. Near the shrine of Liu Bei stood Monkey Village, where men shaved their heads like monks while keeping wives and children as they saw fit; Deyu banned the practice outright. Customs throughout Shu changed overnight.
13
於是二邊浸懼，南詔請還所俘掠四千人，吐蕃維州將悉怛謀以城降。 維距成都四百里，因山為固，東北繇索叢嶺而下二百里，地無險，走長川不三千里，直吐蕃之牙，異時戍之，以制虜入者也。 德裕既得之，即發兵以守，且陳出師之利。 僧孺居中沮其功，命返悉怛謀於虜，以信所盟，德裕終身以為恨。 會監軍使王踐言入朝，盛言悉怛謀死，拒遠人向化意。 帝亦悔之，即以兵部尚書召，俄拜中書門下平章事，封贊皇縣伯。
Both frontiers now feared him. Nanzhao offered to return four thousand captives, and Sidu Mou, the Tibetan commander at Weizhou, surrendered his fortress. Weizhou lay four hundred li from Chengdu, its defenses anchored in the mountains. Two hundred li northeast, beyond Suocong Ridge, the land flattened into an open valley; within three thousand li it ran straight to the Tibetan capital. In earlier times the court had garrisoned it precisely to block invaders at that gate. The moment he held Weizhou, Deyu sent troops to occupy it and memorialized the court on the strategic gains of a full campaign. Niu Sengru at court blocked the plan, ordering Sidu Mou handed back to the Tibetans to honor a prior treaty. Deyu never forgave it. When the army supervisor Wang Jianyan reached the capital, he spoke passionately of Sidu Mou's execution—how it had spurned every distant people who wished to come over to the Tang. The emperor shared his regret and recalled Deyu as Minister of War; soon afterward he was made Grand Counselor and enfeoffed as Baron of Zanhuang.
14
故事，丞郎詣宰相，須少間乃敢通，郎官非公事不敢謁。 李宗閔時，往往通賓客。 李聽為太子太傅，招所善載酒集宗閔閣，酣醉乃去。 至德裕，則喻御史：「有以事見宰相，必先白台乃聽。 凡罷朝，由龍尾道趨出。」 遂無輒至閣者。 又罷京兆築沙堤、兩街上朝衛兵。 常建言：「朝廷惟邪正二途，正必去邪，邪必害正。 然其辭皆若可聽，願審所取捨。 不然，二者並進，雖聖賢經營，無繇成功。」 俄而宗閔罷，德裕代為中書侍郎、集賢殿大學士。 始，二省符江淮大賈，使主堂廚食利，因是挾貲行天下，所至州鎮為右客，富人倚以自高。 德裕一切罷之。
By long-standing custom, vice directors and bureau directors who called on the chief minister waited in an antechamber before being announced; junior officials did not dare visit without official business. Under Li Zongmin, guests and callers were waved straight through. Li Ting, Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent, would bring wine and his cronies to Zongmin's office and stay until everyone was drunk. When Deyu took over, he told the censors: "Anyone who wishes to see the chief minister on business must first notify the Censorate and receive permission. After court adjourns, everyone must leave promptly by the Dragon Tail Road. After that, no one dropped in uninvited. He also ended the Jingzhao sand-dike works and the street guards posted for morning court. He often warned the emperor: "The court admits only two kinds of men—the upright and the corrupt. The upright must expel the corrupt, and the corrupt will always seek to destroy the upright. Yet both sides speak persuasively. I beg Your Majesty to weigh each voice with care. If both are allowed to advance together, not even a sage could govern successfully. Soon Li Zongmin was removed, and Deyu succeeded him as Vice Director of the Secretariat and Grand Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. For years the Two Departments had licensed great Jiang-Huai merchants to run the chancellery kitchens for profit. Armed with those credentials and capital, they traveled the empire as honored guests of every prefecture and garrison, and the rich used them to burnish their status. Deyu abolished the practice entirely.
15
後帝暴感風，害語言。 鄭注始因王守澄以藥進，帝少間，又薦李訓使待詔，帝欲授諫官，德裕曰：「昔諸葛亮有言：'親賢臣，遠小人，先漢所以興隆也。 親小人，遠賢士，後漢所以傾頹也。 '今訓小人，頃咎惡暴天下，不宜引致左右。」 帝曰：「人誰無過，當容其改。 且逢吉嘗言之。」 對曰：「聖賢則有改過，若訓天資奸邪，尚何能改？ 逢吉位宰相，而顧愛凶回，以累陛下，亦罪人也。」 帝語王涯別與官，德裕搖手止涯，帝適見，不懌，訓、注皆怨，即復召宗閔輔政，拜德裕為興元節度使。 入見帝，自陳願留闕下，復拜兵部尚書。 宗閔奏：「命已行，不可止。」 更徙鎮海軍以代王璠。
Later the emperor was suddenly stricken with a wind disorder that left him unable to speak clearly. Zheng Zhu had first entered court through Wang Shoucheng, offering medicines; when the emperor recovered somewhat, Zhu also recommended Li Xun as a draft attendant. When the emperor proposed making Xun a remonstrance official, Deyu objected: "Zhuge Liang once said, 'Honor worthy ministers and keep petty men at a distance—that is why the Former Han rose. Honor petty men and keep worthy scholars at a distance—that is why the Later Han collapsed. Li Xun is a petty man whose recent crimes are known throughout the empire. He must not be brought close to Your Majesty. The emperor said, "Who among men has no faults? We should allow him to reform. Besides, Li Fengji has already spoken in his favor. Deyu replied, "Sages can reform their faults—but Xun is treacherous by nature. How could he change? Fengji sits as chief minister yet coddles vicious men, bringing harm upon Your Majesty. He too is guilty. The emperor told Wang Ya to give Xun another post. Deyu waved him off—and the emperor saw it and took offense. Xun and Zhu both nursed a grudge. Li Zongmin was recalled to govern, and Deyu was posted out as military governor of Xingyuan. When he came before the emperor, Deyu asked to remain at court and was again appointed Minister of War. Li Zongmin memorialized: "The order has already gone out and cannot be revoked. Instead Deyu was transferred to Zhenhai to replace Wang Fan.
16
先是太和中，漳王養母杜仲陽歸浙西，有詔在所存問。 時德裕被召，乃檄留後使如詔書。 璠入為尚書左丞，而漳王以罪廢死，因與戶部侍郎李漢共譖德裕嘗賂仲陽導王為不軌。 帝惑其言，召王涯、李固言、路隋質之，注、璠、漢三人者語益堅，獨隋言：「德裕大臣，不宜有此。」 讒焰少衰。 遂貶德裕為太子賓客，分司東都。 復貶袁州長史，隋亦免宰相。 未幾，宗閔以罪斥，而注、訓等亂敗。 帝追悟德裕以誣構逐，乃徙滁州刺史。 又以太子賓客分司東都。 開成初，帝從容語宰相：「朝廷豈有遺事乎？」 眾皆以宋申錫對。 帝俯首涕數行下，曰：「當此時，兄弟不相保，況申錫邪？ 有司為我褒顯之。」 又曰：「德裕亦申錫比也。」 起為浙西觀察使。 後對學士禁中，黎埴頓首言：「德裕與宗閔皆逐，而獨三進官。」 帝曰：「彼嘗進鄭注，而德裕欲殺之，今當以官與何人？」 埴懼而出。 又指坐扆前示宰相曰：「此德裕爭鄭注處。」
Earlier, in the Taihe era, the Prince of Zhang's foster mother Du Zhongyang had returned to Zhexi, and an edict ordered the local authorities to look after her. Deyu had already been summoned to the capital and left written orders with his acting governor to carry out the edict. Wang Fan entered the capital as Vice Director of the Left Department. When the Prince of Zhang was deposed and executed, Fan joined Vice Minister of Revenue Li Han in accusing Deyu of bribing Zhongyang to lead the prince into treason. The emperor was swayed and summoned Wang Ya, Li Guyuan, and Lu Sui to verify the charges. Zheng Zhu, Fan, and Han pressed their case harder, but Lu Sui alone said, "Deyu is a senior minister. Such conduct is unthinkable. The force of the slander eased somewhat. Deyu was demoted to Guest of the Heir Apparent with duty at the Eastern Capital. He was demoted again to administrator of Yuan prefecture, and Lu Sui was also stripped of the chancellorship. Before long Li Zongmin was expelled for crimes, and Zheng Zhu, Li Xun, and their faction were destroyed in the upheaval. The emperor came to see that Deyu had been driven out on false charges and transferred him to prefect of Chuzhou. He was again made Guest of the Heir Apparent with duty at the Eastern Capital. Early in the Kaicheng era, the emperor asked his chief ministers casually, "Is there anything the court has left undone? They all named Song Shenxi. The emperor bowed his head, tears running down his face, and said, "In those days even brothers could not protect one another—how much less could Shenxi? Let the authorities honor and commemorate him for me. He added, "Deyu suffered the same injustice as Shenxi. Deyu was recalled as governor of Zhexi. Later, when meeting academicians in the palace, Li Zhi prostrated himself and said, "Deyu and Zongmin were both driven out, yet Deyu alone has been promoted three times. The emperor said, "They once promoted Zheng Zhu, while Deyu wanted him dead. To whom should I give office now? Li Zhi withdrew in fear. The emperor also pointed to the seat before the screen and told the chief ministers, "This is where Deyu argued against Zheng Zhu. So he spoke, and said no more.
17
德裕三在浙西，出入十年，遷淮南節度使，代牛僧孺。 僧孺聞之，以軍事付其副張鷺，即馳去。 淮南府錢八十萬緡，德裕奏言止四十萬，為鷺用其半。 僧孺訴於帝，而諫官姚合、魏謨等共劾奏德裕挾私怨沮傷僧孺，帝置章不下，詔德裕覆實。 德裕上言：「諸鎮更代，例殺半數以備水旱、助軍費。 因索王播、段文昌、崔從相授簿最具在。 惟從死官下，僧孺代之，其所殺數最多。」 即自劾「始至鎮，失於用例，不敢妄」，遂待罪，有詔釋之。
Deyu served three terms in Zhexi over the course of ten years, then was transferred to Huainan as military governor to replace Niu Sengru. When Sengru heard the news, he handed military affairs to his deputy Zhang Lu and rode off at once. The Huainan headquarters treasury held eight hundred thousand strings of cash; Deyu reported that only four hundred thousand remained, half of which Zhang Lu had already spent. Sengru appealed to the emperor. Remonstrance officials Yao He, Wei Mo, and others jointly impeached Deyu for letting private resentment drive a smear against Sengru. The emperor withheld the memorial and ordered Deyu to verify the facts. Deyu submitted: "When military governors succeed one another, it is customary to retain half the treasury for flood relief, drought relief, and military expenses. He then requested the handover ledgers of Wang Bo, Duan Wenchang, and Cui Cong—all were intact and on file. Only Cui Cong had died in office and been succeeded by Sengru, who had retained the largest share. He then impeached himself: "Having just arrived, I failed to follow established practice and did not dare act rashly." He awaited judgment, and an edict cleared him.
18
武宗立，召為門下侍郎、同中書門下平章事。 既入謝，即進戒帝：「辨邪正，專委任，而後朝廷治。 臣嘗為先帝言之，不見用。 夫正人既呼小人為邪，小人亦謂正人為邪，何以辨之？ 請借物為諭，松柏之為木，孤生勁特，無所因倚。 蘿蔦則不然，弱不能立，必附它木。 故正人一心事君，無待於助。 邪人必更為黨，以相蔽欺。 君人者以是辨之，則無惑矣。」 又謂治亂系信任，引齊桓公問管仲所以害霸者，仲對琴瑟笙竽、弋獵馳騁，非害霸者； 惟知人不能舉，舉不能任，任而又雜以小人，害霸也。 「太、玄、德、憲四宗皆盛朝，其始臨禦，自視若堯、舜，浸久則不及初，陛下知其然乎？ 始一委輔相，故賢者得盡心。 久則小人並進，造黨與，亂視聽，故上疑而不專。 政去宰相則不治矣。 在德宗最甚，晚節宰相惟奉行詔書，所與圖事者，李齊運、裴延齡、韋渠牟等，訖今謂之亂政。 夫輔相有欺罔不忠，當亟免，忠而材者屬任之。 政無它門，天下安有不治？ 先帝任人，始皆回容，積纖微以至誅貶。 誠使雖小過必知而改之，君臣無猜，則讒邪不幹其間矣。」 又言：「開元初，輔相率三考輒去，雖姚崇、宋璟不能逾。 至李林甫，秉權乃十九年，遂及禍敗。 是知亟進罷宰相，使政在中書，誠治本也。」
When Emperor Wuzong ascended the throne, Deyu was summoned as Vice Director of the Chancellery and Grand Counselor. After entering to give thanks, he immediately admonished the emperor: "Distinguish the corrupt from the upright and delegate authority resolutely—only then can the court be well governed. I once spoke the same words to the late emperor, but was not heeded. The upright call petty men corrupt, and petty men call the upright corrupt—how is one to tell them apart? Permit me to illustrate with a comparison: pine and cypress grow alone—strong, upright, relying on nothing. Creepers are not like that—they are too weak to stand on their own and must cling to another tree. Therefore upright men serve the ruler with undivided loyalty and need no outside support. Corrupt men inevitably band together in factions, shielding and deceiving one another. If the ruler distinguishes them by this test, he will no longer be deceived." He also said that order and disorder depend on trust, citing Duke Huan of Qi's question to Guan Zhong about what truly harms hegemony. Guan Zhong replied that music, hunting, and racing are not what harms hegemony; Only failing to know and promote the right men, failing to entrust them with real authority, or mixing petty men among them—this is what harms hegemony. "The reigns of Taizong, Xuanzong, Dezong, and Xianzong were all times of greatness. At first each emperor took the throne seeing himself as another Yao or Shun, yet in time each fell short of his early promise—Your Majesty, do you know why? At first they fully entrusted affairs to their chief ministers, so worthy men could serve with their whole hearts. In time petty men gained ground together, formed factions, and clouded the emperor's judgment, until the throne grew suspicious and hesitated to delegate. When governance no longer rests with the chief minister, the state cannot be well governed. This was worst under Emperor Dezong. In his later years the chief minister merely executed edicts, while those he actually consulted were Li Qiyun, Pei Yanling, Wei Qiumou, and the like—down to this day that is remembered as a disordered government. When a chief minister is deceitful and disloyal, remove him at once and entrust loyal and capable men in his place. If governance has no other channel, how could the realm fail to be well governed? The late emperor, when employing men, at first always showed forbearance, then piled up minor faults until men were executed or demoted. If even small faults were acknowledged and corrected, and ruler and minister were free of mutual suspicion, slander and corruption could not come between them." He also said: "In the early Kaiyuan era, chief ministers routinely left office after three performance reviews—even Yao Chong and Song Jing could not stay longer. When Li Linfu came to power he held it for nineteen years, and disaster followed. This shows that promptly appointing and dismissing chief ministers and keeping governance in the Secretariat is truly the foundation of good order."
19
帝嘗疑楊嗣復、李玨顧望不忠，遣使殺之。 德裕知帝性剛而果於斷，即率三宰相見延英，嗚咽流涕曰：「昔太宗、德宗誅大臣，未嘗不悔。 臣欲陛下全活之，無異時恨。 使二人罪惡暴著，天下共疾之。」 帝不許，德裕伏不起。 帝曰：「為公等赦之。」 德裕降拜升坐。 帝曰：「如令諫官論爭，雖千疏，我不赦。」 德裕重拜。 因追還使者，嗣復等乃免。
The emperor once suspected Yang Sifu and Li Jue of hedging and disloyalty and sent envoys to have them killed. Deyu knew the emperor was resolute and swift to decide. He immediately led the three chief ministers into Yanying Hall, weeping as he said: "When Taizong and Dezong put great ministers to death, they always came to regret it. I beg Your Majesty to spare their lives so you will not regret it later. Let their crimes be fully exposed so that all under Heaven despises them together." The emperor refused. Deyu prostrated himself and would not rise. The emperor said: "For your sake I pardon them." Deyu descended, bowed, and resumed his seat. The emperor said: "If the remonstrance officials had argued the point, even with a thousand memorials, I would not have pardoned them." Deyu bowed again deeply. The emperor then recalled the envoys, and Sifu and the others were spared.
20
時帝數出畋遊，暮夜乃還，德裕上言； 「人君動法於日，故出而視朝，入而燕息。 《傳》曰：'君就房有常節。 '惟深察古誼，毋繼以夜。 側聞五星失度，恐天以是勤勤儆戒。 《詩》曰：'敬天之渝，不敢馳驅。 '願節田游，承天意。」 尋冊拜司空。
At that time the emperor often went out hunting and did not return until night. Deyu submitted a memorial: "The ruler's conduct should follow the rhythm of the day—going out to hold court and returning to rest at leisure. The Documents of Antiquity says: 'The ruler's retiring to the inner chambers has fixed rules. Only by deeply heeding ancient principle and not extending your activities into the night. I have heard that the five planets are out of their proper courses. I fear Heaven is warning you through this diligent sign. The Odes say: 'In reverence for Heaven's reproof, I dare not race about. I pray you restrain your hunting and comply with Heaven's will." Soon afterward he was enfeoffed and appointed Minister of Works.
21
回鶻自開成時為黠戛斯所破。 會昌後，烏介可汗挾公主牙塞下，種族大饑，以弱口、重器易粟于邊。 退渾、党項利虜掠，因天德軍使田牟上言，願以部落兵擊之。 議者請可其言。 德裕曰：「回鶻于國嘗有功，以窮來歸，未輒擾邊，遽伐之，非漢宣帝待呼韓之義。 不如與之食，以待其變。」 陳夷行曰：「資盜糧，非計也，不如擊之便。」 德裕曰：「沙陀、退渾，不可恃也。 夫見利則進，遇敵則走，雜虜之常態，孰肯為國家用邪？ 天德兵素弱，以一城與勁虜確，無不敗。 請詔牟無聽諸戎計。」 帝於是貸粟二萬斛。
The Uighurs had been shattered by the Kirghiz since the Kaicheng era. After Huichang, Khan Wujie held the princess at Yashai. His people suffered grievous famine and traded dependents and valuables for grain at the border. The Tuyuhun and Tangut saw profit in raiding the refugees. Tian Mu, commander of the Tiande Army, submitted that they wished to attack with tribal troops. Those deliberating urged that the proposal be approved. Deyu said: "The Uighurs once served our state with merit. They have come to us in destitution and have not yet disturbed the border—to attack them hastily would betray the spirit in which Emperor Xuan of Han treated Huhanye. Better to give them food and wait to see how matters develop." Chen Yixing said: "To supply bandits with grain is no strategy—it would be better to attack them." Deyu said: "The Shatuo and Tuyuhun cannot be relied upon. When they see profit they advance; when they meet the enemy they flee—that is the usual way of such frontier tribes. Who would truly fight for the state? The Tiande garrison has always been weak. To pit one fortress against fierce steppe warriors in open battle is to invite defeat. I ask that an edict command Mu not to heed the barbarians' plan." The emperor thereupon loaned them twenty thousand bushels of grain.
22
會嗢沒斯殺赤心以降，赤心兵潰去。 於是回鶻勢窮，數丐羊馬，欲藉兵復故地，又願假天德城以舍公主，帝不許。 乃進逼振武保大柵杷頭峰，以略朔川，轉戰雲州，刺史張獻節嬰城不出。 回鶻乃大掠，党項、退渾皆保險莫敢拒。 帝益知向不許田牟用二部兵之效，乃復問以計，德裕曰：「杷頭峰北皆大磧，利用騎，不可以步當之。 今烏介所恃，公主爾，得健將出奇奪還之，王師急擊，彼必走。 今銳將無易石雄者，請以籓渾勁卒與漢兵銜枚夜擊之，勢必得。」 帝即以方略授劉沔，令雄邀擊可汗于殺胡山，敗之，迎公主還，回鶻遂敗。 進位司徒。
When Wamosi killed Chixin and surrendered, Chixin's forces broke and fled. The Uighurs were then at their limit. They repeatedly begged for sheep and horses, wished to borrow troops to recover their old lands, and also asked to borrow Tiande fortress to lodge the princess—the emperor refused. They then pressed Zhenwu's Baoda garrison at Patou Peak, raided Shuochuan, and fought as far as Yunzhou, where Prefect Zhang Xianjie held the city and would not come out. The Uighurs then plundered on a great scale. The Tangut and Tuyuhun held their mountain strongholds and dared not resist. The emperor all the more saw the wisdom of refusing Tian Mu's request for tribal troops and asked Deyu for another plan. Deyu said: "North of Patou Peak lies open desert—cavalry holds the advantage there, and infantry cannot stand against it. Wujie relies on nothing but the princess. Send a brave general to strike by surprise and retake her, then press the attack with imperial troops—they will surely flee. Among our best generals none surpasses Shi Xiong. I ask that elite Tuyuhun troops and Han soldiers strike by night with muffled mouths—they will surely succeed." The emperor thereupon entrusted the plan to Liu Mian and ordered Xiong to intercept the khan at Shahu Mountain. Xiong defeated him, brought the princess back, and the Uighurs were broken. Li Deyu was promoted to Minister over the Masses.
23
黠戛斯遣使來，且言攻取安西、北庭，帝欲從黠戛斯求其地，德裕曰：「不可。 安西距京師七千里，北庭五千里。 異時繇河西、隴右抵玉門關，皆我郡縣，往往有兵，故能緩急調發。 自河、隴入吐蕃，則道出回鶻。 回鶻今破滅，未知黠戛斯果有其地邪？ 假令安西可得，即復置都護，以萬人往戍，何所興發，何道饋輓？ 彼天德、振武于京師近，力猶苦不足，況七千里安西哉？ 臣以為縱得之，無用也。 昔漢魏相請罷田車師，賈捐之請棄珠崖，近狄仁傑亦請棄四鎮及安東，皆不願貪外以耗內。 此三臣者，當全盛時，尚欲棄割以肥中國，況久沒甚遠之地乎？ 是持實費，市虛事，滅一回鶻，而又生之。」 帝乃止。
The Kirghiz sent envoys, reporting that they had captured Anxi and Beiting. The emperor wished to recover those territories through the Kirghiz. Deyu said: "This cannot be done. Anxi lies seven thousand li from the capital, Beiting five thousand li. In former times the route from Hexi and Longyou to Yumen Pass passed through our own commanderies and counties, with troops stationed all along the way, so forces could be mobilized in emergencies. From the Yellow River region and Longyou into Tibet, the route now passes through what was Uighur territory. The Uighurs are now destroyed—who knows whether the Kirghiz truly hold those lands? Even if Anxi could be recovered and the Protectorate restored, garrisoning it would take ten thousand men—from where would they be raised, and along what route would supplies be transported? Tiande and Zhenwu, though close to the capital, already strain our resources—how much less seven-thousand-li Anxi? I believe that even if we obtained it, it would be of no use. In Han times Wei Xiang asked to abandon the Jushi garrison; Jia Juanzhi asked to abandon Zhuya; and more recently Di Renjie asked to abandon the Four Garrisons and Andong—all unwilling to grasp distant territories at the cost of draining the core. These three ministers, even at the height of imperial power, still wished to abandon distant holdings to strengthen China itself—how much less territories lost long ago and impossibly far away? This would mean spending real treasure to buy an empty name—destroying one Uighur threat only to create another." The emperor then abandoned the idea.
24
澤潞劉從諫死，其從子稹擅留事，以邀節度，德裕曰：「澤潞內地，非河朔比，昔皆儒術大臣守之。 李抱真始建昭義軍，最有功，德宗尚不許其子繼。 及劉悟死，敬宗方怠於政，遂以符節付從諫。 太和時，擅兵長子，陰連訓、注，外托效忠，請除君側。 及有狗馬疾，謝醫拒使，便以兵屬稹。 舍而不討，無以示四方。」 帝曰：「可勝乎？」 對曰：「河朔，稹所恃以脣齒也。 如令魏、鎮不與，則破矣。 夫三鎮世嗣，列聖許之。 請使近臣明告：'以澤潞命帥，不得視三鎮，今朕欲誅稹，其各以兵會。 '」帝然之。 乃以李回持節諭王元逵、何弘敬，皆聽命。 始議用兵，中外交章固爭，皆曰：「悟功高，不可絕其嗣。 又從諫畜兵十萬，粟支十年，未可以破也。」 它宰相亦媕婀趨和，德裕獨曰：「諸葛亮言曹操善為兵，猶五攻昌霸，三越漅，況其下哉？ 然贏縮勝負，兵家之常，惟陛下聖策先定，不以小利鈍為浮議所搖，則有功矣。 有如不利，臣請以死塞責！」 帝忿然曰：「為我語於朝，有沮吾軍議者，先誅之！」 群論遂息。 元逵兵已出，而弘敬逗留持兩端。 德裕建遣王宰以陳、許精甲，假道于魏以伐磁。 弘敬聞，遽勒兵請自涉漳取磁、潞。
When Liu Congjian of Zelu died, his nephew Zhi seized control of affairs to demand the military governorship. Deyu said: "Zelu lies in the heartland—not like Hebei and Shandong. In the past it was always held by Confucian scholar-officials. Li Baozhen, who first established the Zhaoyi Army, had rendered the greatest service, yet even Emperor Dezong would not let his son succeed him. When Liu Wu died, Emperor Jingzong was neglecting governance and thus entrusted the insignia of command to Congjian. In the Taihe era he kept troops for his eldest son, secretly allied with Xun and Zhu, outwardly claiming loyalty while asking to remove enemies at the emperor's side. When he fell ill, he declined physicians and refused imperial envoys, then transferred command to Zhi. If we let this pass unpunished, we will have no way to show our authority to the realm." The emperor asked: "Can he be defeated?" He replied: "Hebei and Shandong are the lips and teeth on which Zhi relies. If we ensure Wei and Zhen do not join him, he can be broken. The three garrisons have enjoyed hereditary succession—the successive emperors permitted this. Send a close minister to announce clearly: 'Appointing a new commander for Zelu is not to be treated like the three garrisons. Now I intend to execute Zhi—each of you is to bring your troops and join the campaign. '" The emperor agreed. Li Hui was then sent with imperial credentials to instruct Wang Yuankui and He Hongjing, and both obeyed. When military action was first discussed, memorials from court and frontier alike insisted in opposition: "Liu Wu's merit was great—we must not cut off his line. Moreover Congjian had stored a hundred thousand troops and grain for ten years—we cannot break him easily." The other chief ministers equivocated and chimed in. Only Deyu said: "Zhuge Liang observed that even Cao Cao, master of warfare, needed five attacks on Chang Ba and three crossings of Chao—how much less those below him? Advance and retreat, victory and defeat—these are the constants of war. If Your Majesty settles on a firm plan and is not swayed by petty setbacks or empty talk, we will prevail. If things go ill, I ask to meet death to answer for it!" The emperor said angrily: "Tell the court for me: whoever obstructs my military plan shall be executed first!" The chorus of dissent fell silent. Yuankui's troops had already marched, but Hongjing lingered, playing both sides. Deyu proposed sending Wang Zai with elite troops from Chen and Xu through Wei territory to attack Ci. When Hongjing heard this, he hastily mustered troops and volunteered to cross the Zhang River himself to take Ci and Lu.
25
會橫水戍兵叛，入太原，逐其帥李石，奉裨將楊弁主留事。 方是時，稹未下，朝廷益為憂。 議者頗言兵皆可罷。 帝遣中人馬元實如太原，偵其變。 弁厚賄中人，帳飲三日。 還，謬曰：「弁兵多，屬明光甲者十五里。」 德裕詰曰：「李石以太原無兵，故調橫水卒千五百使戍榆社，弁因以亂，渠能列卒如此多邪？」 則曰：「晉人勇，皆兵也，募而得之。」 德裕曰：「募士當以財，李石以人欠一縑，故兵亂，石無以索之，弁何得邪？ 太原一鎧一戟，舉送行營，安致十五里明光乎？」 使者語塞。 德裕即奏：「弁賤伍，不可赦。 如力不足，請舍稹而誅弁。」 遽趣王逢起榆社軍，詔元逵趨土門，會太原。 河東監軍呂義忠聞，即日召榆社卒入斬弁，獻首京師。
At the same time soldiers of the Hengshui garrison rebelled, entered Taiyuan, drove out their commander Li Shi, and installed Deputy General Yang Bian to manage affairs. At that time Zhi had not yet fallen, and the court grew more anxious. Many at court urged that the campaign be abandoned entirely. The emperor dispatched the eunuch Ma Yuanshi to Taiyuan to reconnoiter the rebellion. Bian lavishly bribed the eunuch and entertained him in his tent for three days. On returning, he falsely reported: "Bian's troops are numerous—men in Bright Light armor stretch for fifteen li." Deyu questioned: "Li Shi, because Taiyuan had no troops, transferred fifteen hundred Hengshui soldiers to garrison Yushe—that is how Bian came to rebel. How could he possibly array so many men?" He replied: "The people of Jin are brave—all are soldiers, obtained by recruitment. Deyu said: "Recruiting soldiers takes money. Li Shi had a man who owed one bolt of silk, and that is what sparked the mutiny. Shi had no way to collect the debt—how could Bian have raised an army? Every piece of armor and every halberd in Taiyuan had been sent to the field camp—how could Bright Light armor possibly stretch for fifteen li?" The envoy was left speechless. Deyu immediately memorialized: "Bian is a common soldier of no account. He must not be pardoned. If our strength is insufficient, I ask that we set Zhi aside and execute Bian first. He immediately ordered Wang Feng to raise the Yushe troops and commanded Yuankui to march on Tumen and rendezvous at Taiyuan. When Lü Yizhong, military commissioner of Hedong, heard this, he that same day summoned the Yushe troops, had them enter Taiyuan and behead Bian, and sent the head to the capital.
26
德裕每疾貞元、太和間有所討伐，諸道兵出境，即仰給度支，多遷延以困國力。 或與賊約，令懈守備，得一縣一屯以報天子，故師無大功。 因請敕諸將，令直取州，勿攻縣。 故元逵等下邢、洺、磁，而稹氣索矣。 俄而高文端歸命，稱稹糧乏，皆女子挼穟哺兵。 未幾，郭誼持稹首降。 帝問：「何以處誼？」 德裕曰：「稹豎子，安知反？ 職誼為之。 今三州已降，而稹窮蹙，又販其族以邀富貴，不誅，後無以懲惡。」 帝曰：「朕意亦爾。」 因詔石雄入潞，盡取誼等及嘗為稹用者，悉誅之。 策功拜太尉，進封趙國公。 德裕固讓，言：「唐興，太尉惟七人，尚父子儀乃不敢拜。 近王智興、李載義皆超拜保、傅，蓋重惜此官。 裴度為司徒十年，亦不遷，臣願守舊秩足矣。」 帝曰：「吾恨無官酬公，毋固辭。」 德裕又陳：「先臣封于趙，塚孫寬中始生，字曰三趙，意將傳嫡，不及支庶。 臣前益封，已改中山。 臣先世皆嘗居汲，願得封衛。」 從之，遂改衛國公。
Deyu had long resented that during the Zhenyuan and Taihe periods, whenever campaigns were launched, troops from the various circuits relied on the Bureau of Revenue for supplies as soon as they crossed their borders, often dragging out the fighting deliberately and thereby exhausting the state. Some commanders even conspired with the rebels, inducing them to relax their defenses, then seized a single county or garrison to report to the emperor—so the armies won no decisive victories. He therefore requested an edict ordering the generals to strike directly at the prefecture capitals and not waste time attacking counties. Accordingly Yuankui and the others captured Xing, Ming, and Ci, and Zhi's will to fight collapsed. Soon afterward Gao Wenduan surrendered, reporting that Zhi's grain stores were exhausted and women were threshing grain by hand to feed the soldiers. Before long Guo Yi arrived bearing Liu Zhi's head to surrender. The emperor asked: "What should be done with Guo Yi? Deyu said: "Zhi was a mere boy—what did he know of rebellion? Guo Yi was the one who did it. Now three prefectures have surrendered, Zhi was cornered, and Yi sold out his own clan to buy wealth and rank. If he is not executed, there will be no deterring villainy in the future. The emperor said: "I think the same. He accordingly ordered Shi Xiong to enter Lu, arrest Guo Yi and everyone who had served Liu Zhi, and execute them all. For his strategic achievement he was appointed Grand Preceptor and advanced to Duke of Zhao. Deyu firmly declined, saying: "Since the founding of Tang, only seven men have been appointed Grand Preceptor—even Prince Shang's heir Ziyu did not dare accept the post. Recently Wang Zhixing and Li Zaiyi were both abruptly promoted to Defender and Tutor of the Heir Apparent—because this office is regarded with great reverence. Pei Du served as Minister over the Masses for ten years without promotion. I would be satisfied to keep my present rank. The emperor said: "I regret that I have no higher office with which to reward you. Do not refuse again. Deyu further submitted: "My ancestor was enfeoffed in Zhao. When his direct descendant Kuanzhong was born, he was given the courtesy name Sanzhao—meaning the title would pass only to the direct line, not to collateral branches. When I previously received an additional enfeoffment, it was already changed to Zhongshan. My ancestors all once lived in Ji. I ask to be enfeoffed in Wei instead. The emperor assented, and Deyu was accordingly made Duke of Wei.
27
帝嘗從容謂宰相曰：「有人稱孔子其徒三千亦為黨，信乎？」 德裕曰：「昔劉向云：'孔子與顏回、子貢更相稱譽，不為朋黨； 禹、稷與皋陶轉相汲引，不為比周。 無邪心也。 '臣嘗以共、鮌、驩兜與舜、禹雜處堯朝，共工、驩兜則為黨，舜、禹不為黨。 小人相與比周，迭為掩蔽也。 賢人君子不然，忠於國則同心，聞于義則同志，退而各行其己，不可交以私。 趙宣子、隨會繼而納諫，司馬侯、叔向比以事君，不為黨也。 公孫弘每與汲黯請間，黯先發之，弘推其後，武帝所言皆聽。 黯、弘雖並進，然廷詰齊人少情，譏其布被為詐，則先發後繼，不為黨也。 太宗與房玄齡圖事，則曰非杜如晦莫能籌之。 及如晦在焉，亦推玄齡之策。 則同心圖國，不為黨也。 漢硃博、陳鹹相為腹心，背公死黨。 周福、房植各以其黨相傾，議論相軋，故朋黨始于甘陵二部。 及甚也，謂之鉤黨，繼受誅夷。 以王制言之，非不幸也。 周之衰，列國公子有信陵、平原、孟嘗、春申，游談者以四豪為稱首，亦各有客三千，務以譎詐勢利相高； 仲尼之徒，唯行仁義。 今議者欲以比之，罔矣。 臣未知所謂黨者，為國乎？ 為身乎？ 誠為國邪，隨會、叔向、汲黯、房、杜之道可行，不必黨也。 今所謂黨者，誣善蔽忠，附下罔上，車馬馳驅，以趨權勢，晝夜合謀，美官要選，悉引其黨為之，否則抑壓以退。 仲尼之徒，有是乎？ 陛下以是察之，則奸偽見矣。」
The emperor once said casually to the chief ministers: "Some say that Confucius's three thousand disciples formed a faction. Is that true? Deyu said: "Liu Xiang once wrote: 'Confucius and his disciples Yan Hui and Zigong praised one another in turn, yet did not form a faction; Yu, Ji, and Gaoyao recommended one another in turn, yet did not form cliques. Their hearts were free of subversive intent. I have compared Gun, Gonggong, and Huandou with Shun and Yu, all serving together in Yao's court—Gonggong and Huandou formed factions, while Shun and Yu did not. Petty men band together in cliques, each covering for the other in turn. Worthy men and gentlemen are not like that. Loyal to the state, they share one heart; hearing what is right, they share one purpose. In private each follows his own path, and cannot be bound together by personal interest. Zhao Xuanshi and Sui Hui in succession presented remonstrances; Sima Hou and Shu Xiang were close in serving their lord—they did not form a faction. Gongsun Hong often requested private audience with Ji An—Ji An would speak first, Hong would follow, and Emperor Wu accepted all they said. Although Ji and Hong both rose in office, when Ji An denounced a man of Qi for heartlessness and mocked his cotton quilt as a deception, one spoke first and the other followed—not forming a faction. When Taizong consulted with Fang Xuanling on affairs of state, Fang would say that only Du Ruhui could devise a plan. When Ruhui was present, he would defer to Xuanling's strategies. They shared one heart in planning for the state—they did not form a faction. In Han, Zhu Bo and Chen Xian were bosom allies who betrayed the public and died for their faction. Zhou Fu and Fang Zhi each used his faction to undermine the other, their opinions clashing—thus factionalism began with the two factions of Ganling. When it reached its worst they were called the Hooked Faction, and subsequently suffered execution and extermination. By the standards of royal governance, this was no misfortune at all. When Zhou declined, the scions of the various states included Lord Xinling, Lord Pingyuan, Lord Mengchang, and Lord Chunshen; wandering persuaders hailed the Four Heroes as foremost, each also keeping three thousand retainers, striving to outdo one another in cunning and the pursuit of power; The followers of Confucius practiced only benevolence and righteousness. For those who now argue to compare the two is sheer delusion. I do not know whether the so-called factions serve the state— or for themselves? If they truly serve the state, then the way of Sui Hui, Shu Xiang, Ji An, Fang Xuanling, and Du Ruhui may be followed—without forming factions at all. The so-called factions of today slander the good and conceal the loyal, attach themselves to subordinates and deceive superiors, race to the seats of power, plot together day and night, and install their own men in every fine office and key post—or else suppress rivals and force them out. Did the followers of Confucius ever behave like this? If Your Majesty examines them by this standard, deceit and falsity will stand revealed."
28
時韋弘質建言：「宰相不可兼治錢穀。」 德裕奏言：「管仲明于治國，其語曰：'國之重器，莫重於令。 令重君尊，君尊國安。 治人之本，莫要於令。 故曰'虧令者死，益令者死，不行令者死，留令者死，不從令者死。 五者無赦。 又曰：'令在上而論可否在下，是主威下系於人也。 '太和後，風俗浸敝，令出於上，非之在下。 此敝不止，無以治國。 匡衡曰：'大臣者，國家股肱，萬姓所瞻仰，明主所慎擇也。 《傳》曰：'下輕其上爵，賤人圖柄臣，則國家搖動而人不靜。 '今弘質為人所教而言，是圖柄臣者也。 且蕭望之，漢名儒，為御史大夫，奏云：'歲首，日月少光，咎在臣等。 '宣帝以望之意輕丞相，下有司詰問。 貞觀中，監察御史陳師合上言：'人之思慮有限，一人不可總數職。 '太宗曰：'此欲離間我君臣。 '斥之嶺外。 臣謂宰相有奸謀隱慝，則人人皆得上論。 至於制置職業，人主之柄，非小人所得幹。 古者朝廷之士，各守官業，思不出位。 弘質賤臣，豈得以非所宜言妄觸天聽！ 是輕宰相。 陛下照其邪計，從党人中來，當遏絕之。」 德裕大意，欲朝廷尊，臣下肅，而政出宰相，深疾朋黨，故感憤切言之。
At that time Wei Hongzhi submitted a proposal: "Chief ministers should not concurrently administer finances and grain. Deyu memorialized: "Guan Zhong understood governance. He said: 'Of the state's weightiest instruments, none is weightier than the command. When commands carry weight the ruler is revered; when the ruler is revered the state is secure. The root of governing men—nothing is more essential than the command. Hence it is said: "He who diminishes the command shall die; he who augments the command shall die; he who fails to execute the command shall die; he who withholds the command shall die; he who disobeys the command shall die. For these five offenses there is no pardon. He also said: 'When commands come from above but subordinates below debate their feasibility, the ruler's authority is bound to other men. After the Taihe era customs gradually decayed—commands issued from above were rejected below. If this decay is not stopped, the state cannot be governed. Kuang Heng said: 'Grand ministers are the arms and legs of the state, whom the common people look up to—carefully chosen by a wise ruler. The Classic of History says: 'When inferiors hold the nobility in contempt and base men plot against the ministers of power, then the state is shaken and the people are unsettled. Hongzhi speaks as one instructed by others—this is plotting against the ministers of power. Moreover Xiao Wangzhi, a famous Han scholar, served as Censor-in-Chief and memorialized: 'At the year's beginning the sun and moon shone dimly—the fault lies with us, your ministers. Emperor Xuan, believing Wangzhi was slighting the chief minister, ordered the relevant offices to investigate and question him. In the Zhenguan era, Supervising Censor Chen Shihe submitted a memorial: 'Men's capacity for deliberation is limited—one man cannot oversee several offices at once. Taizong said: 'This is meant to drive a wedge between sovereign and minister. Taizong banished him beyond the mountains. I hold that if chief ministers harbor treacherous designs and hidden wrongdoing, then every man may submit criticism. As for arranging offices and duties—that is the sovereign's prerogative, not something petty men may meddle in. In antiquity court gentlemen each kept to his official duties and did not let his thoughts stray beyond his station. Hongzhi is a base official—how can he speak of what is not his place to speak of and rashly reach the imperial ear! This is to hold the chief minister in contempt. Your Majesty should see that this treacherous scheme comes from the faction members and cut it off. Deyu's general intent was that the court should be revered, ministers should be disciplined, and government should proceed from the chief ministers. He deeply hated factions, and so spoke with indignant urgency.
29
又嘗謂：「省事不如省官，省官不如省吏，能簡冗官，誠治本也。」 乃請罷郡縣吏凡二千餘員，衣冠去者皆怨。 時天下已平，數上疏乞骸骨，而星家言熒惑犯上相，又懇丐去位，皆不許。 當國凡六年，方用兵時，決策制勝，它相無與，故威名獨重于時。 宣宗即位，德裕奉冊太極殿。 帝退謂左右曰：「向行事近我者，非太尉邪？ 每顧我，毛髮為森豎。」 翌日，罷為檢校司徒、同中書門下平章事，荊南節度使。 俄徙東都留守。 白敏中、令狐綯、崔鉉皆素仇，大中元年，使党人李鹹斥德裕陰事。 故以太子少保分司東都，再貶潮州司馬。 明年，又導吳汝納訟李紳殺吳湘事，而大理卿盧言、刑部侍郎馬植、御史中丞魏扶言：「紳殺無罪，德裕徇成其冤，至為黜御史，罔上不道。」 乃貶為崖州司戶參軍事。 明年，卒，年六十三。 德裕既沒，見夢令狐綯曰：「公幸哀我，使得歸葬。」 綯語其子滈，滈曰：「執政皆共憾，可乎？」 既夕，又夢，綯懼曰：「衛公精爽可畏，不言，禍將及。」 白於帝，得以喪還。
He also once said: "Cutting affairs is not as good as cutting offices; cutting offices is not as good as cutting clerks—to simplify redundant offices is truly to treat the root of the problem. He then requested the dismissal of more than two thousand county and district clerks. Those who lost their posts resented him deeply. By then the realm was already pacified. He repeatedly submitted memorials begging to retire, and when astrologers reported that Mars had encroached upon the senior minister's star, he again earnestly begged to leave office—all without success. He governed for six years in all. During the military campaign he made every decision that secured victory, and no other chief minister shared in it—thus his prestige alone stood supreme in the age. When Emperor Xuanzong ascended the throne, Deyu presented the succession document in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate. After the ceremony the emperor said to those beside him: "Was it not the Grand Preceptor who stood nearest to me during the rites? Every time he looked at me my hair stood on end. The next day Deyu was dismissed to the post of honorary Minister over the Masses and concurrent Grand Counsellor, military governor of Jingnan. Soon he was transferred to be Protector of the Eastern Capital. Bai Minzhong, Linghu Tao, and Cui Xuan were all old enemies. In the first year of Dazhong they had the faction member Li Xian denounce Deyu's hidden affairs. Accordingly he was made Junior Mentor to the Heir Apparent with detached duty at the Eastern Capital, then demoted again to military adjutant of Chaozhou. The next year they also incited Wu Runa to sue over Li Shen's killing of Wu Xiang. Minister of Justice Lu Yan, Vice Minister of Justice Ma Zhi, and Censor-in-Chief Wei Fu declared: "Shen killed an innocent man, and Deyu bent the law to confirm the injustice, even dismissing censors—deceiving the sovereign, a crime beyond measure. Deyu was accordingly demoted to Clerk of the Revenue Section at Yazhou. The next year he died, aged sixty-three. After Deyu's death he appeared in a dream to Linghu Tao, saying: "Sir, have pity on me and let my body be returned for burial. Tao told his son Hao, and Hao said: "Those in power all share this resentment—can we really do this? That evening he dreamed again. Tao said in fear: "The Duke of Wei's spirit is formidable—if I do not speak, calamity will come upon me. He reported to the emperor, and Deyu's body was permitted to be returned.
30
德裕性孤峭，明辯有風采，善為文章。 雖至大位，猶不去書。 其謀議援古為質，袞袞可喜。 常以經綸天下自為，武宗知而能任之，言從計行，是時王室幾中興。
Deyu was by nature solitary and stern, clear in debate and possessed of great presence, and skilled in literary composition. Even upon reaching the highest office he still did not put aside his books. In his counsel and deliberations he drew on antiquity for substance—his discourse flowed richly and was a delight to read. He always held himself responsible for governing the empire. Emperor Wuzong recognized this and put his full trust in him—every word was heeded, every plan executed. At that time the dynasty came near to a genuine revival.
31
先是，韓全義敗于蔡，杜叔良敗于深，皆監軍宦人制其權，將不得專進退，詔書一日三四下，宰相不豫。 又諸道銳兵票士，皆監軍取以自隨，每督戰，乘高建旗自表，師小不勝，輒卷旗去，大兵隨以北。 繇是王師所向多負。 至討回鶻、澤潞，德裕建請詔書付宰司乃下，監軍不得幹軍要，率兵百人取一以為衛。 自是，號令明壹，將乃有功。
Earlier, Han Quanyi had been defeated at Cai and Du Shuliang at Shen—in both cases eunuch army supervisors held real authority. Generals could not move troops at their own discretion, and three or four imperial edicts might issue in a single day without the chief ministers being consulted. Furthermore, the best troops and fiercest warriors from every circuit were taken by army supervisors for their personal retinues. When they directed battle they would ride to high ground and raise their banners in display; at the slightest setback they would furl their banners and withdraw, and the main army would retreat with them. From this the imperial armies met defeat more often than not. When campaigns were launched against the Uyghurs and against Ze and Lu, Deyu proposed that no imperial edict issue until it had first passed through the chief ministers, that army supervisors be barred from meddling in military decisions, and that only one man per hundred in each unit serve as a guard detail. From that point on, orders were clear and uniform, and commanders were finally able to win real victories.
32
元和後數用兵，宰相不休沐，或繼火，乃得罷。 德裕在位，雖遽書警奏，皆從容裁決，率午漏下還第，休沐輒如令，沛然若無事時。 其處報機急，帝一切令德裕作詔，德裕數辭，帝曰：「學士不能盡吾意。」 伐劉稹也，詔王元逵、何弘敬曰：「勿為子孫之謀，存輔車之勢。」 元逵等情得，皆震恐思效。 已而三州降，賊遂平。 帝每稱魏博功，則顧德裕道詔語，咨其切於事而能伐謀也。 三鎮每奏事，德裕引使者戒敕為忠義，指意丁寧，使歸各為其帥道之，故河朔畏威不敢慢。 後除浮屠法，僧亡命多趣幽州，德裕召邸吏戒曰：「為我謝張仲武，劉從諫招納亡命，今視之何益？」 仲武懼，以刀授居庸關吏曰：「僧敢入者，斬！」
In the years after Yuanhe, whenever troops were mobilized, chief ministers went without their rest days—sometimes working by lamplight deep into the night before they could stand down. While Deyu held office, even urgent dispatches and alarming reports were handled with unruffled ease. As a rule he returned home after the noon watch, took his scheduled days of rest without fail, and maintained a composure as tranquil as if the realm were entirely at peace. When urgent reports arrived, the emperor ordered Deyu to draft every edict in response. Deyu repeatedly declined, but the emperor said, "The academicians cannot fully express what I mean." In the campaign against Liu Zhen, an edict to Wang Yuankui and He Hongjing read: "Do not scheme for your descendants' advantage; preserve the bond of mutual support between us." Yuankui and the others grasped the warning; all were shaken with fear and resolved to prove themselves in service. Before long three prefectures surrendered, and the rebellion was put down. Whenever the emperor praised Weibo's achievements, he would turn to Deyu and repeat the edict's wording, asking whether it had been apt to the situation and able to forestall enemy stratagems. Whenever the three circuits sent memorials, Deyu would summon their envoys, warn them to serve with loyalty and righteousness, carefully convey his meaning, and send them back to report to their own commanders. Thus the Hebei region feared his authority and dared not treat affairs lightly. Later, when the Buddhist monastic law was abolished, many monks fled toward Youzhou. Deyu summoned a lodging-house clerk and warned, "Carry my message to Zhang Zhongwu: Liu Congjian once sheltered fugitives—what good does it do you to follow that example now?" Zhongwu was alarmed. He gave a sword to the gate officer at Juyong Pass and said, "If any monk dares to enter, cut him down!"
33
帝既數討叛有功，德裕慮忲于武，不可戢，即奏言：「曹操破袁紹於官渡，不追奔，自謂所獲已多，恐傷威重。 養由基古善射者，柳葉雖百步必中，觀者曰：'不如少息，若弓撥矢鉤，前功皆棄。 '陛下征伐無不得所欲，願以兵為戒，乃可保成功。」 帝嘉納其言。 方士趙歸真以術進，德裕諫曰：「是嘗敬宗時以詭妄出入禁中，人皆不願至陛下前。」 帝曰：「歸真我自識，顧無大過，召與語養生術爾。」 對曰：「小人於利，若蛾赴燭。 向見歸真之門，車轍滿矣。」 帝不聽。 於是挾術詭時者進，帝志衰焉。
The emperor having repeatedly succeeded in suppressing rebellion, Deyu worried that martial success was making him overbold and that he could no longer be restrained. He submitted a memorial saying, "When Cao Cao defeated Yuan Shao at Guandu, he did not pursue the fugitives, telling himself his gains were already sufficient and fearing to diminish his authority. Yang Youji was an ancient master archer—though the target were willow leaves at a hundred paces he never missed. An onlooker said, 'Better pause for a moment; if the bowstring slips or the arrow-hook catches, all your previous achievement will be lost. Your Majesty has in every campaign obtained whatever you desired. I pray you take the use of arms as a warning—only then can success be preserved." The emperor praised and accepted his counsel. The adept Zhao Guizhen advanced through arts of the Way. Deyu remonstrated, "This man in Emperor Jingzong's time came and went in the forbidden precincts through deceit and falsehood—everyone wished he would not appear before Your Majesty." The emperor said, "I know Guizhen myself; besides, he has no serious fault. I summon him only to discuss techniques of nourishing life." He replied, "Petty men toward profit are like moths rushing into a flame. Just now I passed Guizhen's gate—the wheel ruts of carriages already filled the road before it." The emperor would not listen. From this, men who trafficked in arts and deceived the times advanced, and the emperor's resolve waned.
34
所居安邑裏第，有院號「起草」，亭曰「精思」，每計大事，則處其中，雖左右侍御不得豫。 不喜飲酒，後房無聲色娛。 生平所論著多行於世雲。 子燁子燁，仕汴宋幕府，貶象州立山尉。 懿宗時，以赦令徙郴州。 餘子皆從死貶所。 燁子延吉燁子延吉，乾符中，為集賢校理，擢累司勳員外郎，還居平泉。 昭宗東遷，坐不朝謁，貶衛尉主簿。 附崔嘏丁柔立德裕之斥，中書舍人崔嘏，字乾錫，誼士也。 坐書制不深切，貶端州刺史。 嘏舉進士，復以制策曆刑州刺史。 劉稹叛，使其党裴問戍於州，嘏說使聽命，改考功郎中，時皆謂遴賞。 至是，作詔不肯巧傅以罪。 吳汝納之獄，朝廷公卿無為辨者，惟淮南府佐魏鉶就逮，吏使誣引德裕，雖痛楚掠，終不從，竟貶死嶺外。 又丁柔立者，德裕當國時，或薦其直清可任諫爭官，不果用。 大中初，為左拾遺。 既德裕被放，柔立內湣傷之，為上書直其冤，坐阿附，貶南陽尉。
At his residence, the mansion in Anyi Lane, there was a courtyard called "Drafting" and a pavilion called "Refined Thought." Whenever he planned great affairs he sequestered himself within—not even his closest attendants were permitted to take part. He did not care for wine, and in his inner quarters there was no music or beauty for amusement. The treatises and writings of his lifetime mostly circulated in the world, it is said. His son Ye served on the staff of Biansong and was demoted to Assistant Magistrate of Lishan in Xiang Prefecture. During Emperor Yizong's reign, by amnesty edict he was transferred to Chen Prefecture. His remaining sons all followed him into exile and died there. Ye's son Yenji. In the Qianfu reign he served as collator at the Hall of Assembled Worthies, rose through promotion to Vice Director of the Ministry of Honors, and returned to live at Pingquan. When Emperor Zhaozong moved east, for failing to attend court audience he was demoted to Senior Clerk of the Court of Imperial Regalia. Appendix: Cui Gu and Ding Rouli. When Deyu was driven out, Cui Gu, Attendant Gentleman of the Secretariat, styled Qianxi, was a man of integrity. For composing an edict that was not trenchant enough, he was demoted to Prefect of Duan Prefecture. Gu passed the jinshi examination and, by decree examination, successively served as Prefect of Xing Prefecture. When Liu Zhen rebelled, he sent his partisan Pei Wen to garrison the prefecture. Gu persuaded Wen to obey orders and was reassigned as Director in the Ministry of Personnel. At the time all said the reward was carefully chosen. At this point, in drafting the edict he refused to artfully attach guilt to Deyu. In the case of Wu Runa, none of the nobles and chief ministers at court spoke in his defense. Only Wei Xing, an aide on the Huainan governor's staff, was taken into custody. The officers had him falsely implicate Deyu; though tortured and racked with pain, he never yielded, and in the end was demoted and died beyond the Ling Mountains. There was also Ding Rouli. While Deyu held state power, some recommended him as upright and pure, fit to serve as a remonstrating official, but he was not appointed. At the beginning of the Dazhong reign he served as Left Remonstrance Officer. After Deyu was banished, Rouli mourned him inwardly and submitted a memorial asserting his innocence. For partisanship he was demoted to Assistant Magistrate of Nanyang.
35
懿宗時，詔追復德裕太子少保、衛國公，贈尚書左僕射，距其沒十年。
During Emperor Yizong's reign, an edict posthumously restored Deyu to Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent and Duke of Weiguo, and conferred upon him the post of Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs—ten years after his death.
36
贊曰：漢劉向論朋黨，其言明切，可為流涕，而主不悟，卒陷亡辜。 德裕復援向言，指質邪正，再被逐，終嬰大禍。 嗟乎！ 朋黨之興也，殆哉！ 根夫主威奪者下陵，聽弗明者賢不肖兩進，進必務勝，而後人人引所私，以所私乘狐疑不斷之隙； 是引桀、蹠、孔、顏相哄於前，而以眾寡為勝負矣。 欲國不亡，得乎？ 身為名宰相，不能損所憎，顯擠以仇，使比周勢成，根株牽連，賢智播奔，而王室亦衰，寧明有未哲歟？ 不然，功烈光明，佐武中興，與姚、宋等矣。
The commentator says: In Han, Liu Xiang's discourse on factions—his words were clear and piercing, enough to draw tears, yet the ruler did not understand; in the end innocent men were destroyed. Deyu again invoked Xiang's words, pointing directly at evil versus good; twice he was driven out, and at last suffered great calamity. Alas! When factions arise—how perilous! When the root lies in the sovereign's authority being diminished, subordinates encroach upward; when hearing is unclear, the worthy and unworthy both advance; once advanced each must strive to prevail; afterward every man brings forward those he favors, and with his favorites exploits the gap of uncertainty and indecision— it is to set Jie, Zhi, Confucius, and Yan Hui shouting at one another in the sovereign's presence, and to decide victory by numbers alone. Can one wish the state not to perish—and expect it? Though he was a celebrated chief minister, he could not reduce those he hated, but openly drove out others with enmity, letting clique power take shape, roots and branches intertwined, the wise and talented scattered in flight—and the royal house also declined. Could it be that his brilliance had a measure of un-wisdom? Otherwise, his achievements and glory would have shone bright—he would have aided Wuzong in restoring the dynasty, and stood equal with Yao Chong and Song Jing.