1
儒學下
Confucian Scholars, Part Three
2
褚無量
Chu Wuliang
3
褚無量,字弘度,杭州鹽官人。 幼授經於沈子正、曹福,刻意墳典。 家濱臨平湖,有龍出,人皆走觀,無量尚幼,讀書若不聞,眾異之。 尤精《禮》、司馬《史記》。 擢明經第,累除國子博士,遷司業兼修文館學士。
Chu Wuliang, whose courtesy name was Hongdu, came from Yanguan in Hangzhou Prefecture. As a boy he studied the classics under Shen Zizheng and Cao Fu, devoting himself single-mindedly to the canon of antiquity. His family lived beside Linping Lake. When a dragon emerged, all the neighbors rushed out to look, yet Wuliang, still a child, continued reading as if he heard nothing at all. Everyone found this remarkable. He was especially steeped in the Rites and in Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian. He passed the Mingjing examination, rose through successive appointments as Doctor of the National University, and was promoted to Vice Director of Education while also serving as an academician of the Hall for Cultivating Literature.
4
中宗將南郊,詔定儀典。 時祝欽明、郭山惲建言皇后為亞獻,無量與太常博士唐紹、蔣欽緒固爭,以為:「郊祀,國大事,其折衷莫如《周禮》。 《周禮》冬至祭天圓丘,不以地配,唯始祖為主,亦不以妣配,故後不得與。 又《大宗伯》:『凡大祭祀,王後不與,則攝而薦豆籩,徹。』 是後不應助祭。 又內宰職『大祭祀,後祼獻則贊瑤爵。』 祭天無祼,知此乃宗廟祭耳。 巾車、內司服,掌後六服與五路,無後祭天之服與路,是後不助祭天也。 惟漢有天地合祭,皇后參享事。 末代黷神,事不經見,不可為法。」 時左僕射韋巨源佐欽明,故無量議格。 以母老解官。
As Emperor Zhongzong prepared to offer sacrifice at the southern suburb, he issued an edict requiring the rites to be defined. At that time Zhu Qinming and Guo Shanyun urged that the empress serve as the secondary offering official. Wuliang, along with the Masters of Rites Tang Shao and Jiang Qinxu, objected strenuously, holding that the suburban sacrifice was a matter of paramount state importance and that no authority could settle it better than the Rites of Zhou. According to the Rites of Zhou, Heaven is sacrificed to at the Round Mound on the winter solstice without pairing Earth with the rite; only the founding ancestor serves as the principal recipient, and no consort is paired with him either. The empress therefore cannot take part. Moreover, the Grand Master of Ceremonies says: "Whenever the queen does not join a major sacrifice, she stands in proxy to present the dishes and trays and to withdraw them afterward." From this it follows that the empress should not assist in the sacrifice. The Palace Steward's duties likewise state: "At a great sacrifice, when the empress performs the libation offering, she assists by presenting the jade goblet." Since sacrifices to Heaven involve no libation, this passage clearly refers to ancestral temple rites alone. The Master of Chariots and the Palace Mistress of Attire oversee the empress's six ceremonial robes and five chariots, yet no robes or chariots are assigned to the empress for sacrifices to Heaven. The empress therefore does not assist in heavenly sacrifice. Only under the Han dynasty were Heaven and Earth sacrificed to together, with the empress sharing in the ceremony. In decadent times the spirits were profaned; such practices have no warrant in the classics and cannot be taken as precedent. Left Vice Director Wei Juyuan sided with Qinming at the time, and Wuliang's proposal was set aside. He resigned from office to care for his aged mother.
5
開元五年,帝將幸東都而太廟壞,姚崇建言:「廟本苻堅故殿,不宜罷行。」 無量鄙其言,以為不足聽,乃上疏曰:「王者陰盛陽微,則先祖見變。 今後宮非禦幸者,宜悉出之,以應變異。 舉畯良,撙奢靡,輕賦,慎刑,納諫爭,察諂諛,繼絕世,則天人和會,災異訖息。」 帝是崇語,車駕遂東。 無量又上言:「昔虞舜之狩,秩山川,遍群神。 漢孝景祠黃帝橋山,孝武祠舜九疑,高祖過魏祭信陵君墓,過趙封樂毅後,孝章祠桓譚冢。 願陛下所過名山、大川、丘陵、墳衍,古帝王、賢臣在祀典者,並詔致祭。 自古受命之君,必興滅繼絕,崇德報功。 故存人之國,大於救人之災; 立人之後,重於封人之墓。 願到東都,收敘唐初逮今功臣世絕者,雖在支庶,鹹得承襲。」 帝納其言,即詔無量祠堯平陽,宋璟祠舜蒲阪,蘇颋祠禹安邑,在所刺史參獻。 又求武德以來勛臣苗裔,紹續其封。
In the fifth year of Kaiyuan, the emperor planned to visit the Eastern Capital, but the Imperial Ancestral Temple fell into ruin. Yao Chong urged: "The temple stands on what was once Fu Jian's old palace hall; the journey ought not to be abandoned. Wuliang held this advice in contempt and deemed it unworthy of attention. He submitted a memorial stating: "When a ruler's yin grows excessive and yang grows weak, the ancestors reveal signs of change. All consorts in the inner palace who no longer receive the emperor's favor should be dismissed, so as to answer these omens. Promote the worthy, curb extravagance, lighten taxes, punish with restraint, heed remonstrance, expose flattery, and revive lineages cut off in their prime—then Heaven and humanity will be in accord and calamities will cease." The emperor sided with Yao Chong, and the imperial procession set out for the east. Wuliang submitted another memorial: "In antiquity, when Emperor Shun went on royal hunts, he ranked the mountains and rivers in order and paid homage to all the spirits. Emperor Jing of Han sacrificed to the Yellow Emperor at Mount Qiao; Emperor Wu sacrificed to Shun at Jiuyi; Emperor Gaozu, passing through Wei, offered sacrifice at the tomb of Lord Xinling, and passing through Zhao enfeoffed a descendant of Yue Yi; Emperor Zhang sacrificed at the tomb of Huan Tan. I ask that wherever Your Majesty passes—renowned mountains, great rivers, hills, mounds, and plains—and wherever ancient emperors and worthy ministers appear in the sacrificial canon, edicts be issued commanding sacrifice. Since antiquity, every ruler who received the Mandate has revived what was extinguished and continued what was cut off, honoring virtue and repaying merit. Thus to preserve a man's patrimony is a greater act than to rescue him from disaster; and to establish a man's heir weighs more than merely honoring his tomb. I ask that upon reaching the Eastern Capital, Your Majesty trace and restore the lineages of meritorious ministers from the founding of Tang down to the present whose families have died out, so that even collateral branches may inherit their titles. The emperor accepted his advice and at once ordered Wuliang to sacrifice to Yao at Pingyang, Song Jing to Shun at Puban, and Su Ting to Yu at Anyi, with the local prefects joining in the offerings. He also searched out descendants of meritorious ministers since the Wude reign and restored their hereditary titles.
6
初,內府舊書,自高宗時藏宮中,甲乙叢倒,無量建請繕錄補第,以廣秘籍。 天子詔於東都乾元殿東廂部匯整比,無量為之使。 因表聞喜尉盧僎、江夏尉陸去泰、左監門率府胄曹參軍王擇從、武陟尉徐楚璧分部讎定。 衛尉設次,光祿給食。 又詔秘書省、司經局、昭文、崇文二館更相檢讎,采天下遺書以益闕文。 不數年,四庫完治。 帝詔群臣觀書,賜無量等帛有差。 無量又言:「貞觀禦書皆宰相署尾,臣位卑不足以辱,請與宰相聯名跋尾。」 不從。 帝西還,徙書麗正殿,更以脩書學士為麗正殿直學士,比京官預朝會。 復詔無量就麗正纂續前功。 皇太子及四王未就學,無量以《孝經》、《論語》五通獻帝。 帝曰:「朕知之矣。」 乃選郗常亨、郭謙光、潘元祚等為太子、諸王侍讀。 七年,太子齒胄於學,詔無量升坐講勸,百官觀禮,厚賚賜。 卒,年七十五。 病困語人,以麗正書未畢為恨。 帝聞悼痛,詔宰相曰:「無量,朕師,今其永逝,宜用優典。」 於是贈禮部尚書,謚曰文,葬事官給。 所撰述百餘篇。 歿後有於書殿得講《史記》、《至言》十二篇上之,帝嘆息,以絹五百匹賜其家。
At first the old books of the imperial treasury, housed in the palace since Gaozong's reign, lay in chaotic disorder by category. Wuliang proposed that they be repaired, recopied, and re-cataloged to enlarge the collection of rare texts. The emperor ordered the books gathered, sorted, and collated in the eastern wing of Qianyuan Hall at the Eastern Capital, with Wuliang appointed to oversee the work. He then recommended Wenxi Assistant Magistrate Lu Zhen, Jiangxia Assistant Magistrate Lu Qutai, Registrar Wang Zecong of the Left Directorate of Palace Gates, and Wuzhi Assistant Magistrate Xu Chubi to divide the work of collation and verification. The Minister of Guards provided quarters, and the Minister of Imperial Household supplied meals. The emperor also ordered the Secretariat, the Office of Classics, and the Zhaowen and Chongwen academies to cross-check one another's work and gather lost books from across the realm to fill gaps in the texts. Within a few years the four libraries were fully restored. The emperor summoned the ministers to view the books and bestowed silk rewards of varying measure upon Wuliang and his colleagues. Wuliang also said: "During the Zhenguan era every imperial book bore a chancellor's signature at the end. My rank is too low for such an honor; I ask permission to co-sign the colophon with a chancellor. The request was denied. When the emperor returned west, the books were moved to Lizheng Hall, the book-editing academicians were renamed Direct Academicians of Lizheng Hall, and they were granted standing comparable to capital officials who attended court. The emperor again ordered Wuliang to continue the earlier compilation at Lizheng Hall. The crown prince and four princes had not yet begun their schooling; Wuliang presented the emperor with five copies each of the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects. The emperor said: "I take your meaning. He then selected Xi Changheng, Guo Qianguang, Pan Yuanzuo, and others to serve as reading tutors to the crown prince and the princes. In the seventh year the crown prince came of age at the National University; the emperor ordered Wuliang to ascend the lectern and deliver an exhortation, with officials of all ranks in attendance, and generous rewards were granted. He died at the age of seventy-five. On his sickbed he told those around him that his greatest regret was that the Lizheng library project remained unfinished. When the emperor heard the news he grieved deeply and told the chancellors: "Wuliang was my teacher; now that he is gone forever, he should receive the highest honors. He was posthumously appointed Minister of Rites, given the posthumous name Wen, and his funeral was provided for by the state. He authored more than a hundred works. After his death twelve chapters of his lectures on the Records of the Grand Historian and Utmost Words were discovered in a book hall and presented to the throne; the emperor sighed in admiration and bestowed five hundred bolts of silk on his family.
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始,無量與馬懷素為侍讀,後秘書少監康子原、國子博士侯行果亦踐其選,雖賞賚亟加,而禮遇衰矣。 陸去泰,歷左右補闕內供奉。 王擇從,京兆人,終汜水令。
At first Wuliang and Ma Huaisu served as imperial reading tutors; later Secretariat Vice Director Kang Ziyuan and National University Doctor Hou Xingguo joined their ranks. Rewards grew ever more frequent, but the respect accorded them waned. Lu Qutai served in succession as Left and Right Remonstrance Official and as an Inner Attendant. Wang Zecong, a native of Jingzhao, ended his career as magistrate of Sishui.
8
徐安貞
Xu Anzhen
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徐楚璧,初應制舉,三登甲科,開元時為中書舍人、集賢院學士,帝屬文多令視草。 終中書侍郎,東海縣子。 在中書省久,是時李林甫用事,或言計議多所參助。 後更名安貞。
Xu Chubi first entered the imperial examination and three times placed in the top grade. During the Kaiyuan era he served as Secretariat Drafter and academician of the Jixian Academy; the emperor often entrusted him with reviewing draft edicts. He ended his career as Vice Director of the Secretariat and was enfeoffed as Viscount of Donghai County. He served for many years in the Secretariat. Li Linfu was then in power, and some said Xu often took part in his deliberations. He later changed his name to Anzhen.
10
元行沖
Yuan Xingchong
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元淡,字行沖,以字顯,後魏常山王素蓮之後。 少孤,養於外祖司農卿韋機。 及長,博學,尤通故訓。 及進士第,累遷通事舍人。 狄仁傑器之。 嘗謂仁傑曰:「下之事上,譬富家儲積以自資也,脯臘膎胰以供滋膳,參術芝桂以防疾疢。 門下充旨味者多矣,願以小人備一藥石,可乎?」 仁傑笑曰:「君正吾藥籠中物,不可一日無也。」
Yuan Dan, courtesy name Xingchong, was known by his courtesy name. He was a descendant of Su Lian, Prince of Changshan of Northern Wei. Orphaned in youth, he was raised by his maternal grandfather Wei Ji, Minister of Revenue. When he came of age he was broadly learned and especially versed in ancient exegesis. After passing the jinshi examination he rose through successive promotions to Protocol Officer. Di Renjie held him in high regard. He once told Renjie: "Serving a superior is like a wealthy household stocking provisions for its own use—cured meats to enrich the table, ginseng, atractylodes, lingzhi, and cassia to ward off illness. Your gate already has many who supply delicacies; may I serve as one bitter remedy among them? Renjie smiled and said: "You are exactly what belongs in my medicine chest—I cannot do without you for a single day."
12
景雲中,授太常少卿。 行沖以系出拓拔,恨史無編年,乃撰《魏典》三十篇,事詳文約,學者尚之。 初,魏明帝時,河西柳谷出石,有牛繼馬之象。 魏收以晉元帝乃牛氏子冒司馬姓,以著石符。 行沖謂昭成皇帝名犍,繼晉受命,獨此可以當之。 有人破古冢得銅器,似琵琶,身正圓,人莫能辨。 行沖曰:「此阮鹹所作器也。」 命易以木,弦之,其聲亮雅,樂家遂謂之「阮鹹」。
During the Jingyun era he was appointed Vice Minister of Rites. Xingchong, whose lineage traced to the Tuoba, lamented the lack of a chronological history of Wei and composed the Wei Canon in thirty chapters—rich in detail yet spare in style—which scholars held in high esteem. In the reign of Emperor Ming of Wei, a stone emerged at Liugu in Hexi bearing the image of an ox following a horse. Wei Shou held that Emperor Yuan of Jin was in fact a son of the Niu clan who had falsely assumed the surname Sima, and he recorded this as fulfillment of the stone omen. Xingchong argued that Emperor Zhaocheng's given name was Jian, that he received the Mandate after Jin, and that this alone fit the omen. Someone opened an ancient tomb and found a bronze vessel resembling a pipa, perfectly round in body, which no one could identify. Xingchong said: "This is an instrument made by Ruan Xian. He had it reproduced in wood and strung; its tone was clear and elegant, and musicians thereafter called the instrument the "Ruan Xian."
13
開元初,罷太子詹事,出為岐州刺史,兼關內按察使。 自以書生,非彈治才,固辭。 入為右散騎常侍、東都副留守。 嗣彭王子誌謙坐仇人告變,考訊自誣,株蔓數十人,行沖察其枉,列奏見原。 四遷大理卿,不樂法家,固謝所居官,改左散騎常侍,封常山縣公。 充使檢校集賢,再遷太子賓客、弘文館學士。 先是,馬懷素撰書誌,褚無量校麗正四部書,業未卒,相次物故。 詔行沖並代之。 玄宗自註《孝經》,詔行沖為疏,立於學官。 以老罷麗正校書事。
Early in the Kaiyuan era he was dismissed as Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent and appointed prefect of Qi Prefecture, concurrently serving as Inspector of Guannei. He considered himself a scholar without talent for investigation and governance and firmly declined the appointment. He was recalled to serve as Right Attendant Cavalier and Deputy Protector of the Eastern Capital. Prince Zhizhao, son of the Prince of Peng, was accused by an enemy of plotting rebellion; under interrogation he falsely confessed and dozens were implicated. Xingchong found the case unjust, submitted a detailed memorial, and the victims were pardoned. After four promotions to Minister of Justice he disliked the legalist approach, firmly declined the post, and was reassigned as Left Attendant Cavalier and enfeoffed as Duke of Changshan County. He served as commissioner to inspect the Jixian Academy and was twice promoted to Guest of the Heir Apparent and academician of the Hongwen Guan. Previously Ma Huaisu had compiled a book catalogue and Chu Wuliang had collated the four divisions of books at Lizheng Hall; neither task was finished before they died in succession. The emperor ordered Xingchong to take over both tasks. Emperor Xuanzong personally annotated the Classic of Filial Piety and ordered Xingchong to write a commentary, which was adopted as an official school text. On account of age he was relieved of his duties collating books at Lizheng Hall.
14
初,魏光乘請用魏征《類禮》列於經,帝命行沖與諸儒集義作疏,將立之學,乃引國子博士範行恭、四門助教施敬本采獲刊綴為五十篇,上於官。 於是右丞相張說建言:「戴聖所錄,向已千載,與經並立,不可罷。 魏孫炎始因舊書擿類相比,有如鈔綴,諸儒共非之。 至征更加整次,乃為訓註,恐不可用。」 帝然之,書留中不出。 行沖意諸儒間己,因著論自辯,名曰《釋疑》。 曰:
Initially Wei Guangcheng petitioned that Wei Zheng's Classified Rites be ranked among the classics. The emperor ordered Xingchong and other Confucian scholars to gather interpretations and compose commentaries, intending to establish the text in the schools. He then had National University Doctor Fan Xinggong and Simen Assistant Instructor Shi Jingben collect and edit the material into fifty chapters, which were submitted to the throne. Right Chancellor Zhang Yue then urged: "The Rites compiled by Dai Sheng have stood alongside the classics for a thousand years; they cannot be set aside. Wei Sunyan had first extracted passages by category from the old texts and stitched them together like copied excerpts, which the Confucian scholars widely rejected. Even when Wei Zheng further reorganized the material into commentary and annotation, it was feared the result would be unusable. The emperor agreed, and the book was kept within the palace and never issued. Xingchong believed the other scholars were speaking against him and wrote a treatise in self-defense titled Resolution of Doubts. It reads:
15
客問主人:「小戴之學,康成之註,魏氏乃有刊易,二經孰優?」 主人曰:「《小戴禮》行於漢末,馬融為傳,盧植合二十九篇而為之解,世所不傳。 鉤黨獄起,康成於竄伏之中,理紛挐之典,雖存探究,咨謀靡所。 具《鄭志》者百有余科,章句之徒,曾不是省。 王肅因之,或多攻詆。 而鄭學有孫炎,雖扶鄭義,條例支分,箴石間起,增革百篇。 魏氏病群言之冗脞,采眾說之精簡,刊正芟礱,書畢以聞,太宗嘉賞,錄賜儲貳。 陛下纂業,宜所循襲,乃制諸儒,甄分舊義。 豈悟章句之士,堅持昔言,擯壓不申,疑於知新,果於仍故?」
A guest asked the host: "The learning of Xiao Dai and the annotations of Zheng Xuan—yet Wei Zheng dared to revise them. Which of the two classics is superior? The host replied: "The Rites of Xiao Dai circulated at the end of the Han dynasty; Ma Rong wrote a commentary on them, and Lu Zhi combined twenty-nine chapters and supplied explanations, but these were not handed down. When the Partisan Proscription arose, Zheng Xuan, in hiding and exile, still worked to untangle the confused classics; though he pursued inquiry, he had no counselors to consult. The Zheng Records contained more than a hundred categories of material, yet the scholars devoted to textual glosses never once examined them. Following Wang Su's example, many scholars launched attacks and denunciations. Within Zheng Xuan's school was Sun Yan, who though he upheld Zheng's doctrines still subdivided provisions into branches, inserted admonitions throughout, and added and revised a hundred sections. The Wei clan objected to the verbose and fragmentary mass of commentaries, gathered the finest and most concise interpretations, edited and polished the text, and upon completing the book reported it to the throne. Emperor Taizong praised and rewarded the work and had it copied and bestowed upon the crown prince. Your Majesty has inherited the enterprise and ought to follow that precedent; you therefore commanded the Confucian scholars to sort through and distinguish the old interpretations. Who would have thought that scholars devoted to textual glosses would cling to their old opinions, suppress new views and refuse to speak out, doubt the value of knowing what is new, and be resolute in holding to what is old?"
16
客曰:「當局稱迷,傍觀必審,何所為疑而不申列?」 答曰:「改易章句,是有五難:漢孔安國註《古文尚書》,族兄臧與書曰:『相如常忿俗儒淫詞冒義,欲撥亂反正而未能也。 浮學守株,眾非非正,自古而然,恐此道未信,而獨智為譴。』 一也。 昔孔季產專古學,有孔扶者與俗浮沈,每誡產曰:『今朝廷率章句內學,君獨脩古義。 古義非章句內學,危身之道也,獨善不容於世,君其殆哉!』 二也。 劉歆好《左氏》,欲建學官,哀帝納之,諸儒遷延不肯置對。 歆移書誚讓,諸博士皆忿恨。 龔勝時為光祿大夫,見歆議,乃乞骸骨。 司空師丹因大發怒,詆歆改亂前誌,非毀先帝所立。 歆懼,出為五原太守。 以君賓之學,公仲之博,猶迫同門朋黨之議,卒令子駿負謗。 三也。 王肅規鄭玄數千百條,鄭學馬昭詆劾肅短。 詔遣博士張融按經問詰,融推處是非,而肅酬對疲於歲時。 四也。 王粲曰:『世稱伊、雒以東,淮、漢以北,康成一人而已。 鹹言先儒多闕,鄭氏道備。』 粲竊嗟怪,因求所學,得《尚書註》,退思其意,意皆盡矣,所疑猶未諭焉,凡有二篇。 王邵曰:『魏、晉浮華,古道湮替,歷載三百,士大夫恥為章句。 唯草野生專經自許,不能博究,擇從其善,徒欲父康成,兄子慎,寧道孔聖誤,諱言鄭、服非。』 然則鄭、服之外,皆讎矣。 五也。 夫物極則變,比及百年,當有明哲君子,恨不與吾同世者。 道之行廢,必有其時者歟? 何遽速近名之嫌邪?」
The guest said: "Those caught up in affairs call themselves confused, but the bystander sees clearly—what is there to doubt that keeps you from presenting your case? The reply came: "To change textual glosses presents five difficulties. When Kong Anguo of Han annotated the Old Text Book of Documents, his clansman Zang wrote to him: 'Xiangru often resented how vulgar Confucians used excessive words that obscured meaning; he wanted to restore order from chaos but could not achieve it. Shallow scholarship clings to the old like a hare waiting by a stump; the crowd denounces what is not orthodox—this has been so since antiquity. I fear this doctrine will not be trusted, and solitary wisdom will be condemned. This is the first. In the past Kong Jichan devoted himself to ancient learning. There was Kong Fu, who drifted with the vulgar currents and always admonished Jichan: 'The court today generally favors textual glosses and inner learning; you alone cultivate ancient meaning. Ancient meaning is not textual glosses and inner learning—it is a path that endangers one's person. Solitary excellence finds no place in the world—you are likely in peril! This is the second. Liu Xin favored the Zuo Tradition and wished to establish an academic chair for it. Emperor Ai accepted the proposal, but the Confucian scholars delayed and refused to respond when questioned. Xin sent letters reproaching them, and all the erudites were filled with resentment. Gong Sheng, then Senior Master of the Palace, upon seeing Xin's proposal, asked to retire from office. Minister of Works Shi Dan was greatly angered and denounced Xin for altering and disrupting previous records and slandering what the former emperor had established. Xin, in fear, was sent out as Administrator of Wuyuan. With the learning of Junbin and the breadth of Gongzhong, he was still constrained by partisan disputes within the same school, and in the end caused Zijun to bear slander. This is the third. Wang Su cited against Zheng Xuan several thousand or even tens of thousands of passages; Ma Zhao of Zheng Xuan's school impeached Su's shortcomings. An imperial command sent Erudite Zhang Rong to examine the classics and question them; Rong weighed right and wrong, and Su spent an entire year exhausted in rebuttal. This is the fourth. Wang Can said: 'The age proclaimed that east of the Yi and Luo rivers and north of the Huai and Han, Kangcheng alone sufficed. All said the early Confucians had many lacunae, and the Way of the Zheng clan was complete. Can privately sighed in wonder; he therefore sought out what he had studied and obtained Zheng's Commentary on the Book of Documents. Reflecting on its meaning afterward, he found its intent fully expressed, yet points of doubt still remained unclear—in all, two chapters. Wang Shao said: 'Wei and Jin were frivolous and ornate; the ancient Way was submerged and lost. For three hundred years scholars and officials were ashamed to engage in textual glosses. Only rustic scholars in the wilds claimed mastery of a single classic; unable to pursue broad investigation and choose what was good, they merely wished to call Kangcheng father and Zishen elder brother—sooner say Confucius was mistaken than admit Zheng and Fu were wrong. Thus apart from Zheng and Fu, all became adversaries. This is the fifth. When things reach their extreme they change; within a hundred years there will surely be a wise and enlightened gentleman who regrets not living in the same age as I. Whether the Way is practiced or abandoned must have its proper time, must it not? Why hasten to invite suspicion of seeking a quick name?"
17
俄丐致仕,十七年卒,年七十七,贈禮部尚書,謚曰獻。
Shortly thereafter he requested retirement. He died in the seventeenth year, at age seventy-seven, and was posthumously appointed Minister of Rites with the posthumous title Offered.
18
陳貞節
Chen Zhenjie
19
陳貞節,潁川人。 開元初,為右拾遺。 初,隱、章懷、懿德、節湣四太子並建陵廟,分八署,置官列吏卒,四時祠官進饗。 貞節以為非是,上言:「王者制祀,以功德者猶親盡而毀,四太子廟皆別祖,無功於人,而園祠時薦,有司守衛,與列帝侔。 金奏登歌,所以頌功德,《詩》曰:『鐘鼓既設,一朝饗之。』 使無功而頌,不曰舞詠非度邪? 周制:始祖乃稱小廟。 未知四廟欲何名乎? 請罷卒吏,詔祠官無領屬,以應禮典。 古者別子為祖,故有大、小宗。 若謂祀未可絕,宜許所後子孫奉之。」 詔有司博議。 駕部員外郎裴子余曰:「四太子皆先帝冢嗣,列聖念懿屬而為之享。 《春秋》書晉世子曰:『將以晉畀秦,秦將祀予。』 此不祀也。 又言:『神不歆非類,君祀無乃戾乎!』 此有廟也。 魯定公元年,立煬宮。 煬,伯禽子,季氏遠祖,尚不為限,況天子篤親親以及旁期,誰不曰然?」 太常博士段同曰:「四陵廟皆天子睦親繼絕也。 逝者錫蘋繁,猶生者之開茅土。 古封建子弟,詎皆有功? 生無所議,死乃援禮停祠,人其謂何? 隱於上,伯祖也,服緦; 章懷,伯父也,服期; 懿德、節湣,堂昆弟也,服大功。 親未盡,廟不可廢。」 禮部尚書鄭惟忠等二十七人亦附其言。 於是四陵廟惟減吏卒半,它如舊。
Chen Zhenjie was a native of Yingchuan. At the beginning of the Kaiyuan era he served as Right Remonstrator. Initially the four crown princes Yin, Zhanghuai, Yide, and Jiemin all had mausoleum temples built for them, divided into eight offices with officials, clerks, and soldiers appointed, and sacrificial officers presenting offerings in all four seasons. Zhenjie considered this improper and submitted a memorial: "When a king establishes sacrifices, even those based on merit and virtue are destroyed when kinship ties are exhausted. The temples of the four crown princes are all separate ancestral shrines; they performed no service to the people, yet receive seasonal offerings in garden temples with officials guarding them, on a par with the emperors. Metal music and ascending songs are used to praise merit and virtue. The Odes says: 'The bells and drums having been set up, in one morning they are feasted. To praise those without merit—is this not singing and dancing beyond measure? Under Zhou institutions, only the founding ancestor is called a lesser temple. It is not known what the four temples are to be called. I request that the soldiers and clerks be abolished and that sacrificial officers be commanded to have no subordinates, in accordance with ritual canon. In antiquity a son by a secondary wife became an ancestor, hence there were greater and lesser lineages. If it is said that sacrifices cannot yet be discontinued, the descendants who succeed them should be permitted to maintain them." An edict ordered the relevant offices to deliberate broadly. Assistant Master of Carriages Pei Ziyu said: "The four crown princes were all heir sons of former emperors; the successive sages, mindful of their close kinship, established sacrifices for them. The Spring and Autumn Annals records the Jin heir prince saying: 'I am about to give Jin to Qin; Qin will sacrifice to me. This concerns not being sacrificed to. It also says: 'Spirits do not accept offerings from those not of their kind—would not the lord's sacrifice be perverse! This concerns having a temple. In the first year of Duke Ding of Lu, the Yang Palace was established. Yang was a son of Bo Qin, a distant ancestor of the Ji clan, and was not yet subject to limits—how much more so when the Son of Heaven deeply cherishes kinship and extends it to collateral relations—who would not say this is right?" Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Duan Tong said: "The four mausoleum temples are all cases of the Son of Heaven cherishing kinship and continuing broken lines. The departed are granted offerings of duckweed and artemisia, just as the living are granted fief domains. In antiquity enfeoffed princes and sons—did they all have merit? While living there was no discussion; only after death is ritual invoked to stop sacrifices—what will people say? Yin was senior to the emperor—a father's elder brother's son; mourning was one year with hempen sash. Zhanghuai was a father's elder brother; mourning was one full year. Yide and Jiemin were paternal cousins of the same generation; mourning was nine months. Kinship ties are not yet exhausted; the temples cannot be abolished." Minister of Rites Zheng Weizhong and twenty-seven others also endorsed this view. Thereupon the four mausoleum temples had only their soldiers and clerks reduced by half; everything else remained as before.
20
遷太常博士。 玄宗奉昭成皇后祔睿宗室,又欲肅明皇后並升焉。 貞節奏言:「廟必有配,一帝一後,禮之正也。 昭成皇后有太姒之德,宜升配睿宗; 肅明皇后既非子貴,宜在別廟。 周人『奏夷則,歌小呂,以享先妣』。 先妣,姜原也,以生後稷,故特立廟曰宮。 晉簡文帝鄭宣皇后不配食,築宮於外,以歲時致享。 肅明請準周姜原、晉宣後,納主別廟,時享如儀。」 於是,留主儀坤廟,詔隸太廟,毋置官屬。 貞節又與博士蘇獻上言:「睿宗於孝和,弟也。 按賀循說,兄弟不相為後。 故殷盤庚不序陽甲,而上繼先君; 漢光武不嗣孝成,而上承元帝; 晉懷帝繼世祖,不繼惠帝。 故陽甲、孝成出為別廟。」 又言:「兄弟共世,昭穆位同,則毀二廟。 有天下者,從禰而上事七廟,尊者所統廣,故及遠祖。 若容兄弟,則上毀祖考,天子不得全事七世矣。 請以中宗為別廟,大祫則合食太祖。 奉睿宗繼高宗,則祼獻永序。」 詔可。 乃奉中宗別廟,升睿宗為第七室。
He was transferred to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Emperor Xuanzong had Empress Zhaocheng enshrined alongside Emperor Ruizong, and also wished to have Empress Suming elevated together with her. Zhenjie submitted a memorial: "A temple must have a consort; one emperor and one empress—this is correct ritual. Empress Zhaocheng had the virtue of Tai Si and ought to be elevated as consort of Ruizong; Empress Suming, not having attained eminence through her son, ought to be in a separate temple. The Zhou people 'played the Yi Ze pitch-pipe and sang the Xiao Lü hymn to sacrifice to the ancestral mother.' The ancestral mother was Jiang Yuan, who bore Hou Ji; therefore a separate temple was established called the Gong Shrine. Empress Xuan of Jin Emperor Jianwen was not given shared offerings; a shrine was built outside, and seasonal sacrifices were offered. For Suming I request following the precedents of Zhou's Jiang Yuan and Jin's Empress Xuan—install the spirit tablet in a separate temple and offer seasonal sacrifices according to ritual." Thereupon the spirit tablet was kept in the Yikun Temple, with an edict placing it under the Grand Ancestral Temple and not establishing official staff. Zhenjie together with Erudite Su Xian also submitted a memorial: "Ruizong was younger brother to Emperor Xiaohé. According to He Xun's explanation, brothers do not succeed one another. Therefore Pan Geng of Yin did not follow Yang Jia in sequence but succeeded upward to the former lord; Emperor Guangwu of Han did not succeed Emperor Xiaocheng but received the line upward from Emperor Yuandi; Emperor Huai of Jin succeeded Shizu and did not succeed Emperor Hui. Therefore Yang Jia and Emperor Xiaocheng were placed in separate temples." They also said: "When brothers share the same generation and their zhao and mu positions are the same, two temples must be destroyed. One who possesses the realm, proceeding upward from the father, serves seven temples; the more exalted one's dominion, the further back one reaches to distant ancestors. If brothers are accommodated, then ancestors and forefathers above must be destroyed, and the Son of Heaven cannot fully serve seven generations. I request that Emperor Zhongzong be placed in a separate temple, and at the great he sacrifice he be joined in offerings with the Grand Ancestor. Having Ruizong succeed Emperor Gaozong, the libation and offering sequence will be permanently ordered." An edict approved this. Thereupon Emperor Zhongzong was placed in a separate temple, and Ruizong was elevated to the seventh chamber.
21
五年,太廟壞,天子舍神主太極殿,營新廟,素服避正寢,三百不朝,猶幸東都。 伊闕男子孫平子上書曰:「乃正月太廟毀,此躋二帝之驗也。 《春秋》:『君薨,卒哭而祔,祔而作主,特祀於主,烝嘗禘於廟。』 今皆違之。 魯文公之二年,躋僖於閔上,後太室壞,《春秋》書其災,說曰:『僖雖閔兄,嘗為之臣,臣居君上,是謂失禮,故太室壞。』 且兄臣於弟,猶不可躋; 弟嘗臣兄,乃可躋乎? 莊公薨,閔公二年而禘,《春秋》非之。 況大行夏崩,而太廟冬禘,不亦亟乎? 太室尊所,若曰魯自是陵夷,墮周公之祀。 太廟今壞,意者其將陵夷,墮先帝之祀乎? 陛下未祭孝和,先祭太上皇,先臣後君。 昔躋兄弟上,今弟先兄祭。 昔太室壞,今太廟毀,與《春秋》正同,不可不察。 武後篡國,孝和中興有功,今內主別祠,不得立於世,亦已薄矣。 夫功不可棄,君不可下,長不可輕。 且臣繼君,猶子繼父。 故禹不先鯀,周不先不窋,宋、鄭不以帝乙、厲王不肖,猶尊之也,況中興邪? 晉太康時,宣帝廟地陷梁折,又三年,太廟殿陷而及泉,更營之,梁又折。 天之所譴,非必朽而壞也。 晉不承天,故及於亂。 臣謂宜遷孝和還廟,何必違禮,下同魯、晉哉?」 帝異其言,詔有司復議。 貞節、獻與博士馮宗質之曰:「天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖而七。 父昭子穆,兄弟不與焉。 殷自成湯至帝乙十二君,其父子世六。 《易乾鑿度》曰:『殷之帝乙六世王。』 則兄弟不為世矣。 殷人六廟:親廟四,並湯而六。 殷兄弟四君,若以為世,方上毀四室,乃無祖禰,是必不然。 古者繇禰極祖,雖叠毀叠遷,而三昭穆未嘗闕也。 《禮》:大宗無子,則立支子。 又曰:『為人後者為之子。』 無兄弟相為後者,故舍至親,取遠屬。 父子曰繼,兄弟曰及,兄弟不相入廟,尚矣。 借有兄弟代立承統,告享不得稱嗣子、嗣孫,乃言伯考、伯祖,何統序乎? 殷十二君,惟三祖、三宗,明兄弟自為別廟。 漢世祖列七廟,而惠帝不與。 文、武子孫昌衍,文為漢太宗。 晉景帝亦文帝兄,景絕世,不列於廟。 及告謚世祖,稱景為從祖。 今謂晉武帝越崇其父,而廟毀及亡,何漢出惠帝而享世長久乎? 七廟、五廟,明天子、諸侯也; 父子相繼,一統也; 昭穆列序,重繼也。 禮,兄弟相繼,不得稱嗣子,明睿宗不父孝和,必上繼高宗者。 偶室於廟,則為二穆,於禮可乎? 禮所不可,而使天子旁紹伯考,棄己親正統哉? 孝和中興,別建園寢,百世不毀,尚何議哉? 平子猥引僖公逆祀為比,殊不知孝和升新寢,聖真方祔廟,則未嘗一日居上也。」 帝語宰相召平子與博士詳論。 博士護前言,合軋平子。 平子援經辯數分明,獻等不能屈。 蘇颋右博士,故平子坐貶都城尉。 然諸儒以平子孤挺,見迮於禮官,不平。 帝亦知其直,久不決,然卒不復中宗於廟。
In the fifth year the Grand Ancestral Temple collapsed. The Son of Heaven lodged the spirit tablets in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, built a new temple, wore plain garments and avoided the main palace, did not hold court for three hundred days, yet still visited the Eastern Capital. Sun Pingzi, a commoner of Yique, submitted a memorial saying: "In the first month the Grand Ancestral Temple was destroyed—this is verification of elevating two emperors. The Spring and Autumn Annals: 'When the lord dies, after the final wailing the tablet is enshrined; after enshrinement the spirit tablet is made; special sacrifices are offered to the tablet; seasonal and di sacrifices are offered in the temple. All of this is now violated. In the second year of Duke Wen of Lu, Duke Xi was elevated above Duke Min; afterward the Grand Chamber collapsed. The Spring and Autumn Annals records this disaster, and the explanation says: 'Although Xi was Min's elder brother, he had once been his subject; a subject placed above his lord is called a breach of ritual—therefore the Grand Chamber collapsed. Moreover, when an elder brother had been subject to a younger brother, elevation is still impermissible; when a younger brother had once been subject to an elder brother—can he be elevated? When Duke Zhuang died, in Duke Min's second year a di sacrifice was held—the Spring and Autumn Annals censures this. How much more so when the late emperor died in summer and the Grand Ancestral Temple held a di sacrifice in winter—is this not too hasty? The Grand Chamber is the exalted place; it is as if to say that from this Lu declined and the sacrifices to Duke Zhou were abandoned. The Grand Ancestral Temple is now destroyed—does this mean the dynasty will decline and the sacrifices to former emperors will be abandoned? Your Majesty has not yet sacrificed to Emperor Xiaohé but first sacrificed to the Grand Emperor—subject before lord. Formerly brothers were elevated above one another; now the younger brother is sacrificed to before the elder brother. Formerly the Grand Chamber collapsed; now the Grand Ancestral Temple is destroyed—exactly the same as in the Spring and Autumn Annals. This cannot but be examined. Empress Wu usurped the realm, yet Emperor Xiaohé's restoration had merit. Now the inner lord has a separate shrine and cannot stand in the dynastic line—this is already meager enough. Merit cannot be abandoned; a lord cannot be demoted; an elder cannot be slighted. Moreover, a subject succeeding a lord is like a son succeeding a father. Therefore Yu did not place Gun first, and Zhou did not place Bu Qiu first; Song and Zheng did not slight Emperor Yi and King Li for their unworthy conduct but still honored them—how much more so for a restoration? In the Taikang era of Jin, the ground of Emperor Xuan's temple sank and beams broke; after three more years the Grand Ancestral Temple hall sank to the spring, was rebuilt, and the beams broke again. Heaven's reprimand is not necessarily because things are rotten and decayed. Jin did not accept Heaven's mandate, and therefore fell into disorder. I say Emperor Xiaohé ought to be moved back to the temple—why must we violate ritual and follow the examples of Lu and Jin? The emperor was struck by his words and ordered the relevant offices to deliberate again. Zhenjie and Xian together with Erudite Feng Zong debated, saying: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao and three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor making seven. Father is zhao, son is mu; brothers are not included. From Cheng Tang to Emperor Yi, the twelve lords of Yin had six generations of fathers and sons. The Qian Zao Du of the Book of Changes says: 'The six generations of kings of Yin's Emperor Yi. Then brothers do not count as generations. The six temples of the Yin people: four ancestral temples, plus Tang making six. The four brother-lords of Yin—if considered as generations, one would destroy four chambers above and have no ancestral or immediate-father temples; this surely cannot be so. In antiquity, proceeding from the immediate father to the highest ancestor, though temples were destroyed and moved in succession, the three zhao and mu were never deficient. The Rites: When the major lineage has no son, a branch son is established. It also says: 'One who becomes another's successor is counted as that person's son. There is no case of brothers succeeding one another; therefore the closest kin is set aside and a distant member is chosen. Father-to-son is called succession; brother-to-brother is called passing to; brothers do not enter the temple together—this is long established. Even supposing brothers alternately established the succession, in announcing sacrifices one could not call them successor son or successor grandson but would speak of deceased elder uncle and deceased elder grandfather—what order of succession would that be? Of the twelve lords of Yin, only three ancestors and three honored ones—clearly brothers had separate temples of their own. Emperor Shizu of Han listed seven temples, and Emperor Hui was not included. The descendants of King Wen and King Wu flourished; King Wen was Han's Grand Ancestor. Jingdi of Jin was also Emperor Wen's elder brother; with Jing's line extinct, he was not placed in the temple. When announcing Shizu's posthumous title they called Jing a distant grandfather. Now you say Jin Emperor Wu excessively exalted his father and the temple was destroyed leading to ruin—why did Han exclude Emperor Hui yet enjoy long-lasting fortune? Seven temples and five temples distinguish the Son of Heaven and feudal lords; father and son succeeding one another is a single succession; the zhao-mu ordering is the weight of succession. Ritual: when brothers succeed one another they may not be called successor son—clearly Ruizong did not take Xiaohé as father but must succeed upward to Gaozong. Adjacent chambers in the temple would make two mu—is this permissible by ritual? What ritual forbids, yet would have the Son of Heaven adopt a deceased elder uncle by collateral succession and abandon his own proper legitimate line? Xiaohé's restoration separately established a garden tomb that would not be destroyed for a hundred generations—what further debate is needed? Pingzi rashly cited Duke Xi's improper sacrifice as a parallel, not knowing that Xiaohé was elevated to a new tomb while Sheng Zhen was just being enshrined in the temple—they never occupied a higher position for even a day." The emperor told the chief ministers to summon Pingzi and the erudites for detailed debate. The erudites defended their earlier statements and combined to suppress Pingzi. Pingzi cited the classics with clear numbered arguments; Xian and the others could not refute him. Su Ting sided with the erudites, and therefore Pingzi was demoted to Commandant of the Capital District. Yet the Confucians, because Pingzi stood alone, saw him oppressed by the ritual officials and were displeased. The emperor also knew he was upright; long unable to decide, yet in the end did not restore Zhongzong to the temple.
22
明年,帝將大享明堂,貞節惡武後所營,非古所謂「木不鏤、土不文」之制,乃與馮宗上言:「明堂必直丙巳,以憲房、心布政,太微上帝之所。 武後始以乾元正寢占陽午地,先帝所以聽政,故毀殿作堂。 撤之日,有音如雷,庶民嘩訕,以為神靈不悅。 堂成,災火從之。 後不脩德,俄復營構,殫用極侈,詭禳厥變,又欲嚴配上帝,神安肯臨? 且密邇掖廷,人神雜擾,是謂不可放物者也。 二京上都,四方是則。 天子聽政,乃居便坐,無以尊示群臣。 願以明堂復為乾元殿,使人識其舊,不亦愈乎?」 詔所司詳議。 刑部尚書王誌愔等僉謂:「明堂瑰怪不法,天燼之餘,不容大享。 請因舊循制,還署乾元正寢。 正、至,天子禦以朝會。 若大享,復寓圜丘。」 制曰可。 貞節以壽卒。
The next year the emperor was about to perform the great sacrifice at the Bright Hall. Zhenjie disliked what Empress Wu had built, which was not the ancient system of 'wood unadorned, earth unembellished,' and together with Feng Zong submitted a memorial: "The Bright Hall must face bing and si, to receive governance from the Fang and Xin asterisms; the Supreme Palace is where the Supreme God resides. Empress Wu initially took the Qianyuan main palace occupying the yang-wu position; the former emperor held court there, so the hall was demolished to make the Bright Hall. On the day of demolition there was a sound like thunder; the common people clamored and mocked, believing the spirits were displeased. When the hall was completed, disaster fire followed. Later she did not cultivate virtue and soon built again, exhausting resources in extreme extravagance, performing strange rites to avert the calamity, yet also wishing to join the Supreme God in sacrifice—would the spirits consent to descend? Moreover it is close to the inner palace, with human and divine affairs mixed in disorder—this is what is called a place where things cannot be left loose. The two capitals and the upper capital are the model for all directions. The Son of Heaven holds court from a convenient seat, with no way to display majesty to the ministers. I wish that the Bright Hall be restored to the Qianyuan Hall, so people may recognize its former state—is this not better?" An edict ordered the relevant offices to deliberate in detail. Minister of Justice Wang Zhikan and others unanimously said: "The Bright Hall is bizarre and unlawful; after heaven's burning, it cannot accommodate the great sacrifice. I request following the old system and restoring the Qianyuan main palace. At the winter and summer solstices the Son of Heaven would hold court there for assemblies. For the great sacrifice, the Round Mound would again serve as the temporary site." An edict approved this. Zhenjie died of old age.
23
施敬本
Shi Jingben
24
施敬本,潤州丹陽人。 開元中,為四門助教。 玄宗將封禪,詔有司講求典儀。 舊制,盥手、洗爵,皆侍中主之; 詔祀天神,太祝主之。 敬本上言曰:「周制,大宗伯郁人,下士二,掌祼事。 漢無郁人,用近臣。 漢世侍中微甚,籍孺、閎孺等幸臣為之。 後漢邵闔自侍中遷步兵校尉,秩千石,其職省起居,執虎子,蓋褻臣也。 今侍中位宰相,非郁人比。 祝者薦主人意於神,非賤職也。 古二君相見,卿為上儐,況天人際哉! 周太祝,下大夫二,上士四。 下大夫,今郎中、太常丞之比; 上士,員外郎、博士之比。 漢太祝令秩六百石,今太祝乃下士。 以下士接天,以大臣奉天子,輕重不倫,非禮也。 舊制,謁者引太尉升壇。 謁者位下,升壇禮重。 漢尚書御史屬,有謁者僕射一,秩六百石,銅印青綬; 謁者三十五,以郎中滿歲稱給事中,未滿歲稱謁者。 光祿勛屬,有謁者,掌賓贊,員七十,秩比六百石。 則古謁者名秩差異等,今謁者班微,循空名,忘實事,非所以事天也。」 帝詔中書令張說引敬本熟悉其議,故侍中、祝、謁者,視禮輕重,以它官攝領。
Shi Jingben was a native of Danyang in Runzhou. During Kaiyuan he served as Simen Assistant Instructor. Emperor Xuanzong was about to perform the feng and shan sacrifices and ordered the relevant offices to study and seek canonical ritual. Under the old system, washing hands and washing the goblet were both presided over by the Palace Attendant; the edict for sacrificing to the Heavenly Spirit was presided over by the Grand Invocator. Jingben submitted a memorial saying: "Under Zhou institutions, the Chief Ritual Master had two libation officers of lower servitor rank who managed libation affairs. Han had no libation officer and used close ministers. In Han times the Palace Attendant was a very minor post; favored ministers such as Ji Ru and Hong Ru held it. Later in Han, Shao He moved from Palace Attendant to Commandant of the Footsoldiers, rank one thousand shi; his duties included recording the emperor's movements and holding the tiger vessel—he was essentially an intimate attendant. Today the Palace Attendant ranks with the chief minister and is not comparable to a libation officer. The invocator conveys the host's intent to the spirits—it is not a lowly office. In antiquity when two lords met, a minister served as chief usher—how much more so at the boundary between Heaven and man! Zhou's Grand Invocator had two lower grand masters and four upper servitors. Lower grand master corresponds to today's Gentleman of the Palace and Assistant Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; upper servitor corresponds to outside-office gentleman and erudite. Han's Director of Invocations had rank six hundred shi; today's Grand Invocator is only a lower servitor. To use a lower servitor to receive Heaven and a great minister to serve the Son of Heaven—the weight is disproportionate and not ritual. Under the old system, the usher led the Grand Commandant up the altar. The usher's rank was low, yet the altar ascent ritual was weighty. Han's Masters of Writing and Censorate had one Usher Superintendent, rank six hundred shi, with bronze seal and blue sash; thirty-five ushers—when a Gentleman of the Palace completed a year he was called Attendant Within the Gates; before completing a year he was called Usher. Under the Director of Bright Harmony were ushers managing guest reception, seventy in number, rank equivalent to six hundred shi. Thus ancient ushers differed in name and rank; today's ushers are of low rank, clinging to empty titles and forgetting substantive duties—this is not how to serve Heaven." The emperor ordered Chief Secretariat Director Zhang Yue to summon Jingben, who was well versed in these deliberations; therefore for Palace Attendant, Invocator, and Usher, according to the weight of ritual, other officials were appointed to act in their stead.
25
敬本以太常博士為集賢院脩撰。 逾年,遷右補闕、秘書郎,卒。
Jingben served as Compiler at the Hall of Assembled Worthies from his post as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. After more than a year he was transferred to Right Supplementation Censor and Secretary; he died.
26
盧履冰
Lu Lübing
27
盧履冰,幽州范陽人,元魏都官尚書義僖五世孫。 開元五年,仕歷右補闕。 建言:「古者父在為母期,徹靈而心喪。 武後始請同父三年,非是,請如禮便。」 玄宗疑之,又以舅、嫂叔服未安,並下百官議。 刑部郎中田再思曰:「會禮之家比聚訟。 循古不必是,而行今未必非。 父在為母三年,高宗實行之,著令已久。 何必乖先帝之旨,閡人子之情,愛一期服於其親,使與伯叔母、姑姊妹同? 嫂叔、舅甥服,太宗實制之,閱百年無異論,不可改。」 履冰因言:「上元中,父在為母三年,後雖請,未用也,逮垂拱始行之。 至有祖父母在而子孫婦沒,行服再期,不可謂宜。 禮,女子無專道,故曰『家無二尊』。 父在為母服期,統一尊也。 今不正其失,恐後世復有婦奪夫之敗,不可不察。」 書留未下。 履冰即極陳:「父在為母立几筵者一期,心喪者再期,父必三年而後娶,以達子之誌。 夫聖人豈蔑情於所生? 固有意於天下。 昔武後陰儲篡謀,豫自光崇,升期[B18J],抗斬衰,俄而乘陵唐家,以啟釁階。 孝和僅得反正,韋氏復出,冘殺天子,幾亡宗社。 故臣將以正夫婦之綱,非特母子間也。 議者或言:『降母服,非《詩》所謂罔極者,而又與伯叔母、姑姊妹等。 且[B18J]、斬已有升降,則歲月不容異也。』 此迂生鄙儒,未習先王之旨,安足議夫禮哉? 罔極者,春秋祭祀,以時思之,謂君子有終身之憂之謂,何限一期、二期服哉? 聖人之於禮,必建中制,使賢不肖共成文理而後釋,彼伯叔、姑姊,烏有筵杖之制、三年心喪乎? 母[B18J]父斬,不易之道也。」 左散騎常侍元行沖議曰:「古緣情制服:女天父,妻天夫,斬衰三年,情禮俱盡者,因心立極也。 妻喪杖期,情禮俱殺者,遠嫌疑,尊乾道也。 為嫡子三年斬衰而不去官,尊祖重嫡,崇其禮,殺其情也。 孝莫大於嚴父,故父在為母免官,[B18J]而期,心喪三年,情已申而禮殺也,自堯、舜、周公、孔子所同。 而今舍尊厭之重,虧嚴父之義,謂之禮,可乎? 姨兼從母之名,以母之女黨,加於舅服,不為無理。 嫂叔不服,則遠嫌也。 請據古為適。」 帝弗報。 是時言喪服,各以所見奮,交口紛騰。 七年,乃下詔:「服紀一用古制。」 自是人間父在為母服,或期而禫,禫而釋,心喪三年; 或期而禫,終三年; 或[B18J]衰三年。
Lu Lübing was a native of Fanyang in Youzhou, fifth-generation descendant of Yixi, Director of the Central Office of Northern Wei. In the fifth year of Kaiyuan he served successively as Right Supplementation Censor. He submitted a proposal: "In antiquity when the father was alive mourning for the mother was one year, with the spirit tablet removed and inner mourning observed. Empress Wu first requested three years equal to the father—this was wrong; I request following ritual as convenient." Emperor Xuanzong was uncertain, and because mourning for maternal uncles, sisters-in-law, and paternal uncles was also unsettled, he submitted the matter to all officials for deliberation. Director of the Penal Bureau Tian Zaosi said: "Families gathered to discuss ritual are like gathering lawsuits. Following antiquity is not necessarily correct, and following the present is not necessarily wrong. Three years mourning for the mother while the father lives—Emperor Gaozong actually implemented this and it has been recorded in statutes for a long time. Why must we go against the former emperor's intent, obstruct a son's feelings, and restrict one period of mourning for one's parent to make it the same as for paternal aunts, paternal uncles' wives, and paternal aunts and sisters? Mourning for sister-in-law, paternal uncle, and maternal uncle and nephew—Emperor Taizong actually established this; for a hundred years there has been no dissent—it cannot be changed." Lübing then said: "In the Shangyuan era, three years mourning for the mother while the father lives—though later requested, it was not used; only in the Chuigong era was it implemented. There were cases where grandparents were alive yet daughters-in-law died and mourning was observed for two periods—this cannot be called proper. Ritual: a woman has no independent way, therefore it says 'a household has no two exalted ones.' One year mourning for the mother while the father lives unifies a single exalted authority. If this error is not corrected now, I fear later ages will again have the disaster of wives usurping husbands—it cannot but be examined." The memorial was kept and not issued. Lübing then argued at length: "When the father is alive mourning for the mother sets up the offering table for one period; inner mourning lasts two periods; the father must wait three years before remarrying, to fulfill the son's intent. Would the sages scorn feeling for those who bore them? They surely had intent for all under Heaven. In the past Empress Wu secretly stored usurpation in her heart, elevating herself in advance to one-year qi mourning and donning cut-sackcloth mourning, and soon overbore the Tang house, opening the path to calamity. Emperor Xiaohé barely managed restoration; Empress Wei rose again, wantonly killed the Son of Heaven, and nearly destroyed the altars of state. Therefore I wish to rectify the bond of husband and wife—not only the relation between mother and son. Some debaters say: 'Reducing mourning for the mother is not what the Odes calls boundless feeling, and moreover makes it the same as for paternal aunts, paternal uncles' wives, and paternal aunts and sisters. Moreover qi and zhan already have gradations in rank, so the months cannot be made different. These are narrow pedants who have not studied the intent of the former kings—how can they discuss ritual? Boundless feeling means spring and autumn sacrifices and timely remembrance—what the gentleman calls lifelong sorrow; how can it be limited to one or two periods of mourning? The sages in ritual must establish a middle standard, so that worthy and unworthy alike complete the pattern of ritual before release; do paternal aunts and sisters have regulations for offering tables and mourning staffs or three years of inner mourning? Mother receives qi, father receives zhan—this is an unchanging principle." Left Regular Attendant of the Palace Horse Yuan Xingchong debated: "In antiquity ritual garments followed feeling: the daughter looks to Heaven through the father, the wife through the husband; cut-sackcloth for three years where feeling and ritual are both exhausted—this establishes the utmost from the heart. Mourning for the wife with staff for one period, where feeling and ritual are both reduced, keeps distant suspicion and honors the yang Way. For the legitimate son three years cut-sackcloth without leaving office honors the ancestor, exalts the legitimate heir, elevates the ritual and reduces the feeling. Nothing exceeds honoring the father in filial piety; therefore when the father is alive mourning for the mother requires leaving office, qi for one period, inner mourning three years—feeling is expressed but ritual is reduced—the same from Yao, Shun, Duke Zhou, and Confucius. Now abandoning the weight of honoring what is exalted, impairing the righteousness of honoring the father, and calling it ritual—can this be? Aunt combines the name of following mother; as the mother's female kin, adding mourning for the maternal uncle is not without reason. Sister-in-law and paternal uncle do not wear mourning for each other—this keeps distant suspicion. I request following antiquity as appropriate." The emperor did not reply. At that time those who spoke on mourning garments each argued from their own view, mouths crossing in uproar. In the seventh year an edict was finally issued: "Mourning regulations shall uniformly follow the ancient system." Thereafter among the people mourning for the mother while the father lived was either one period then end of mourning garments, end of garments then release, with inner mourning three years; or one period then end of garments, continuing three years; or three years qi mourning.
28
後履冰以官卒。
Later Lübing died in office.
29
王仲丘
Wang Zhongqiu
30
王仲丘,沂州瑯邪人。 祖師順,仕高宗,議漕輸事有名當時,終司門郎中。 仲丘開元中歷左補闕內供奉、集賢脩撰、起居舍人。
Wang Zhongqiu was a native of Langya in Yizhou. His grandfather Shi Shun served Emperor Gaozong, was famous in his day for deliberating transport by canal, and ended as Director of the Gate Office. Zhongqiu during Kaiyuan served successively as Left Supplementation Censor with inner palace appointment, Compiler at the Hall of Assembled Worthies, and Diarist of the Heir Apparent.
31
時典章差駁,仲丘欲合《貞觀》、《顯慶》二禮,據「有其舉之,莫可廢之」之誼,即上言:「《貞觀禮》,正月上辛,祀感帝於南郊。 《顯慶禮》:祀昊天上帝於圓丘以祈谷。 臣謂《詩》『春夏祈谷於上帝』,《禮》『上辛祈谷於上帝』,則上帝當昊天矣。 鄭玄曰:『天之五帝遞王,王者必感一以興。 比夏正月祭所生於郊,以其祖配之,因以祈谷。』 感帝之祀,《貞觀》用之矣。 請因祈谷之壇,遍祭五方帝。 五帝者,五行之精,九谷之宗也。 請二禮皆用。 《貞觀禮》,雩祀五方上帝、五人帝、五官於南郊。 《顯慶禮》,祀昊天上帝於圓丘。 臣謂雩上帝,為百谷祈甘雨,故《月令》:『大雩帝,用盛樂。』 鄭玄說:『帝,上帝也,乃天別號。 祀於圓丘,尊天位也。』 《顯慶》祀昊天與《月令》合,而《貞觀》嘗祀五帝矣,請二禮皆用。 《貞觀禮》,季秋祀五方帝、五官於明堂。 《顯慶禮》,祀昊天上帝於明堂。 臣謂周郊祀後稷以配天,宗祀文王於明堂以配上帝。 先儒以天為感帝,引太微五帝著之上帝,則屬之昊天。 鄭玄稱《周官》旅上帝,祀五帝,各文而異禮,不容並而為一。 故於《孝經》天、上帝,申之曰:『上帝亦天也。』 神無二主,但異其處,以避後稷。 今《顯慶》享上帝,合於《經》,然《貞觀》嘗祀五方帝矣。 請二禮皆用。」 詔可。
At that time canonical regulations were inconsistent; Zhongqiu wished to combine the Zhenguan and Xianqing rituals, relying on the principle that what has been instituted must not be abolished, and submitted a memorial: "The Zhenguan Rites on the first month upper xin day sacrifice to the Lord of Felt at the southern suburb. The Xianqing Rites: sacrifice to the August Heaven God at the Round Mound to pray for grain. I say the Odes 'in spring and summer pray for grain to the Lord on High,' and the Rites 'on upper xin pray for grain to the Lord on High'—then the Lord on High is the August Heaven. Zheng Xuan says: 'The Five Thearchs of Heaven succeed one another in kingship; the king must be moved by one to rise. Compare to sacrificing in the first month of summer at the suburb to the one from whom one was born, with one's ancestor as consort, and thereby praying for grain. Sacrifice to the Lord of Felt—the Zhenguan Rites used it. I request at the altar for praying for grain to sacrifice broadly to the Five Directional Thearchs. The Five Thearchs are the essences of the Five Phases, the lords of the nine grains. I request both rituals be used. The Zhenguan Rites: at the rain sacrifice sacrifice to the Five Directional Thearchs, Five Human Thearchs, and Five Officials at the southern suburb. The Xianqing Rites: sacrifice to the August Heaven God at the Round Mound. I say praying to the Lord on High for the hundred grains seeks sweet rain; therefore the Monthly Ordinances: 'Great rain sacrifice to the Lord, using grand music.' Zheng Xuan explains: 'Lord means the Lord on High—it is Heaven's separate title. Sacrifice at the Round Mound honors Heaven's position. The Xianqing sacrifice to the August Heaven matches the Monthly Ordinances, yet the Zhenguan Rites once sacrificed to the Five Thearchs—I request both rituals be used. The Zhenguan Rites: in late autumn sacrifice to the Five Directional Thearchs and Five Officials at the Bright Hall. The Xianqing Rites: sacrifice to the August Heaven God at the Bright Hall. I say Zhou at the suburban sacrifice paired Hou Ji with Heaven; at the ancestral sacrifice honored King Wen in the Bright Hall paired with the Lord on High. Early Confucians took Heaven as the Lord of Felt, citing the Five Thearchs of the Supreme Palace as belonging to the Lord on High—then they belong to the August Heaven. Zheng Xuan said the Offices of Zhou 'procession to the Lord on High' sacrifices to the Five Thearchs, each with different pattern and different ritual—they cannot be combined into one. Therefore in the Classic of Filial Piety regarding Heaven and the Lord on High he explained: 'The Lord on High is also Heaven.' Spirits have no two lords—only the place differs, to avoid Hou Ji. Now the Xianqing offering to the Lord on High matches the Classic, yet the Zhenguan Rites once sacrificed to the Five Directional Thearchs. I request both rituals be used." An edict approved this.
32
遷禮部員外郎。 卒,贈秘書少監。
He was transferred to Assistant Master of Rites. He died and was posthumously appointed Vice Director of the Secretariat.
33
康子元
Kang Ziyuan
34
康子元,越州會稽人。 仕歷獻陵令。 開元初,詔中書令張說舉能治《易》、《老》、《莊》者,集賢直學士侯行果薦子元及平陽敬會真於說,說藉以聞,並賜衣幣,得侍讀。 子元擢累秘書少監,會真四門博士,俄皆兼集賢侍講學士。
Kang Ziyuan was a native of Kuaiji in Yuezhou. He served successively as Magistrate of Xianling. At the beginning of Kaiyuan an edict ordered Chief Secretariat Director Zhang Yue to recommend those able to master the Changes, Laozi, and Zhuangzi; Direct Erudite of the Hall of Assembled Worthies Hou Xingguo recommended Ziyuan and Jing Huizhen of Pingyang to Yue, who reported them to the throne; both were granted robes and gifts and allowed to attend lectures. Ziyuan was promoted in succession to Vice Director of the Secretariat; Huizhen became Simen Erudite; soon both also served as Lecturing Scholars at the Hall of Assembled Worthies.
35
玄宗將東之太山,說引子元、行果、徐堅、韋縚商裁封禪儀。 初,高宗之封,中書令許敬宗議:「周人尚臭,故前祭而燔柴。」 說、堅、子元白奏:「《周官》:樂六變,天神降。 是降神以樂,非緣燔也。 宋、齊以來,皆先嚌福酒,乃燎。 請先祭後燔,如《貞觀禮》便。」 行果與趙冬曦議,以為:「先燎降神,尚矣。 若祭已而燔,神無由降。」 子元議挺不徙。 說曰:「康子獨出蒙輪,以當一隊邪?」 議未判,說請決於帝,帝詔後燔。
Emperor Xuanzong was about to travel east to Mount Tai; Yue summoned Ziyuan, Xingguo, Xu Jian, and Wei Tao to discuss and revise the feng and shan ritual. Initially at Emperor Gaozong's feng, Chief Secretariat Director Xu Jingzong proposed: "The Zhou people valued fragrance, therefore they sacrificed first and then burned the firewood." Yue, Jian, and Ziyuan submitted jointly: "The Offices of Zhou: with six changes of music the heavenly spirits descend. Thus spirits descend through music—it is not because of burning. From Song and Qi onward all first tasted the blessing wine, then burned. I request sacrificing first then burning, as in the Zhenguan Rites." Xingguo together with Zhao Dongxi debated that: "Burning first to bring down the spirits is long established. If one sacrifices and then burns, the spirits have no means to descend." Ziyuan's argument stood firm and did not shift. Yue said: "Does Kang Zi alone break the chariot axle to face a whole squad?" The debate was undecided; Yue requested the emperor decide, and the emperor ordered burning afterward.
36
乘輿自岱還,減從官,先次東都,唯子元、毋煚、韋述以學士從。 久乃徙宗正少卿,以疾授秘書監,致仕。 卒,贈汴州刺史。 帝嘗制贊賜說、子元,命工圖其象,詔冬曦、述、煚分為傳。
When the imperial carriage returned from Dai, the retinue of officials was reduced; the emperor first stopped at the Eastern Capital, with only Ziyuan, Wu Jiong, and Wei Shu following as scholars. After a long time he was transferred to Vice Director of the Court of the Imperial Clan; due to illness he was appointed Director of the Secretariat and retired. He died and was posthumously appointed Prefect of Bianzhou. The emperor once composed encomia to bestow on Yue and Ziyuan, ordered artisans to paint their images, and commanded Dongxi, Shu, and Jiong each to write a biography.
37
侯行果
Hou Xingguo
38
行果者,上谷人,歷國子司業,侍皇太子讀。 卒,贈慶王傅。
Xingguo was a native of Shanggu; he served successively as Vice Director of the Directorate of Education and attended the crown prince's lectures. He died and was posthumously appointed Tutor to the Prince of Qing.
39
始,行果、會真及長樂馮朝隱同進講。 朝隱能推索《老》、《莊》秘義,會真亦善《老子》,每啟篇,先薰盥乃讀。 帝曰:「我欲更求善《易》者,然無賢行果雲。」 朝隱終太子右諭德,會真太學博士。
Initially Xingguo, Huizhen, and Feng Chaoyin of Changle entered together to lecture. Chaoyin could investigate the hidden meaning of Laozi and Zhuangzi; Huizhen was also skilled in Laozi; each time they opened a chapter they first burned incense and bathed before reading. The emperor said: "I wish to seek further those skilled in the Changes, yet there is none equal to the worthy Xingguo." Chaoyin ended as Right Mentor to the Heir Apparent; Huizhen as Erudite of the Grand Academy.
40
趙冬曦
Zhao Dongxi
41
趙冬曦,定州鼓城人。 進士擢第,歷左拾遺。 神龍初,上書曰:「古律條目千餘。 隋時奸臣侮法,著律曰:『律無正條者,出罪舉重以明輕,入罪舉輕以明重。』 一辭而廢條目數百。 自是輕重沿愛憎,被罰者不知其然,使賈誼見之,慟哭必矣。 夫法易知,則下不敢犯而遠機阱; 文義深,則吏乘便而朋附盛。 律、令、格、式,謂宜刊定科條,直書其事。 其以準加減比附、量情及舉輕以明重、不應為之類,皆勿用。 使愚夫愚婦相率而遠罪,犯者雖貴必坐。 律明則人信,法一則主尊。」 當時稱是。
Zhao Dongxi was a native of Gucheng in Dingzhou. Selected by the jinshi examination, he served successively as Left Remonstrator. At the beginning of Shenlong he submitted a memorial: "Ancient statutes had more than a thousand articles. During Sui treacherous ministers mocked the law and wrote in the code: 'Where the code has no explicit article, for acquittal cite the heavier to clarify the lighter; for conviction cite the lighter to clarify the heavier. One phrase abolished several hundred articles. From this severity and leniency followed affection and hatred; the punished did not know why—if Jia Yi saw this he would surely weep bitterly. When law is easy to know, those below dare not violate and keep far from traps; when text and meaning are deep, clerks take advantage and partisan attachment flourishes. Statutes, commands, regulations, and forms—I say articles should be revised and set forth, stating matters directly. Categories such as increase and decrease by comparison, measuring circumstances, citing the lighter to clarify the heavier, and what ought not to be done—all should not be used. Let foolish men and foolish women together keep far from crime; offenders though noble must be punished. When statutes are clear people trust; when law is unified the lord is honored." At the time this was praised as correct.
42
開元初,遷監察御史,坐事流岳州。 召還復官,與秘書少監賀知章、校書郎孫季良、大理評事鹹廙業入集賢院脩撰。 是時,將仕郎王嗣琳、四門助教範仙廈為校勘,翰林供奉呂向、東方顥為校理。 未幾,冬曦知史官事,遷考功員外郎。 逾年,與季良、廙業、知章、呂向皆為直學士。 冬曦俄遷中書舍人內供奉,以國子祭酒卒。
At the beginning of Kaiyuan he was transferred to Investigating Censor and was banished to Yuezhou for an offense. Recalled and restored to office, he entered the Hall of Assembled Worthies as Compiler together with Vice Director of the Secretariat He Zhizhang, Proofreader Sun Jiliang, and Case Reviewer of the Court of Judicial Review Xian Yiye. At that time Candidate Gentleman Wang Silin and Simen Assistant Instructor Fan Xianxia served as collators; Hanlin Attendant Lü Xiang and Dongfang Hao served as proofreaders. Before long Dongxi took charge of historiographical affairs and was transferred to Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel. After more than a year he together with Jiliang, Yiye, Zhizhang, and Lü Xiang all became Direct Erudites. Dongxi was soon transferred to Secretariat Drafter with inner palace appointment and died while serving as Director of the Directorate of Education.
43
冬曦性放達,不屑世事。 兄夏日,弟和璧、安貞、居貞、頤貞、匯貞,皆擢進士第。 安貞給事中,居貞吳郡采訪使,頤貞安西都護。 居貞子昌,別傳。
Dongxi was by nature free and unrestrained, disdaining worldly affairs. Elder brother Xiar, younger brothers Hebi, Anzhen, Juzhen, Yizhen, and Huizhen—all were selected in the jinshi examination. Anzhen was Attendant Within the Gates; Juzhen was Regional Inspector of Wujun; Yizhen was Protector-General of Anxi. Juzhen's son Chang has a separate biography.
44
王嗣琳以太子校書郎罷。 東方顥上書忤旨,左遷高安丞。 廙業亦坐事左遷余杭令。 仙廈善講論,後為道士。 開元集賢學士,又有尹愔、陸堅、鄭欽說、盧僎名稍著。
Wang Silin was dismissed from his post as Proofreader to the Heir Apparent. Dongfang Hao submitted a memorial that offended the intent and was demoted to Assistant Magistrate of Gao'an. Yiye was also demoted for an offense to Magistrate of Yuhang. Xianxia was skilled in discourse and later became a Daoist priest. Among Kaiyuan erudites of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, Yin Yin, Lu Jian, Zheng Qinshuo, and Lu Zuan also achieved some renown.
45
尹愔,秦州天水人。 父思貞,字季弱。 明《春秋》,擢高第。 嘗受學於國子博士王道珪,稱之曰:「吾門人多矣,尹子叵測也。」 以親喪哀毀。 除喪,不仕。 左右史張說、尹元凱薦為國子大成。 每釋奠,講辨三教,聽者皆得所未聞。 遷四門助教,撰《諸經義樞》、《續史記》皆未就。 夢天官、麟臺交辟,寤而會親族敘訣,二日卒,年四十。
Yin Yin was a native of Tianshui in Qinzhou. His father Sizhen, courtesy name Jiruo. He mastered the Spring and Autumn Annals and was selected with high rank. He once studied under Erudite of the Directorate of Education Wang Daogui, who praised him saying: "Among my disciples there are many, but Young Yin cannot be fathomed." He was destroyed by grief in mourning for a parent. When mourning ended he did not take office. Left and Right Historiographers Zhang Yue and Yin Yuankai recommended him as Great Completion Scholar of the Directorate of Education. At each libation sacrifice he lectured and debated the Three Teachings; listeners all gained what they had never heard. He was transferred to Simen Assistant Instructor and compiled Hubs of Interpretations of the Classics and Continuation of the Records of the Historian—both unfinished. He dreamed that the Directorate of the Imperial Clan and the Directorate of the Imperial Library both summoned him; waking, he gathered kin to bid farewell and died two days later at age forty.
46
愔博學,尤通老子書。 初為道士,玄宗尚玄言,有薦愔者,召對,喜甚,厚禮之,拜諫議大夫、集賢院學士,兼脩國史,固辭不起。 有詔以道士服視事,乃就職,顓領集賢、史館圖書。 開元末,卒,贈左散騎常侍。
Yin was broadly learned and especially versed in Laozi's book. Initially a Daoist priest, when Emperor Xuanzong valued arcane discourse someone recommended Yin; summoned for audience the emperor was greatly pleased, treated him generously, and appointed him Remonstrance Grand Master and Erudite of the Hall of Assembled Worthies concurrently compiling the national history—he firmly declined and would not accept. An edict ordered him to attend to duties in Daoist garb; only then did he take office and exclusively supervised the books of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and the Historiographical Institute. At the end of Kaiyuan he died and was posthumously appointed Left Regular Attendant of the Palace Horse.
47
陸堅,河南洛陽人。 初為汝州參軍,以友婿李慈伏誅,貶涪州參軍,再遷通事舍人。 有詔起復,遣中官敦諭,不就。 以給事中兼學士。 善書。 初名友悌,玄宗嘉其剛正,更賜名。 從封泰山,封建安男。 帝待之甚厚,圖形禁中,親制贊。 以秘書監卒,年七十一,贈吏部尚書,謚曰懿。
Lu Jian was a native of Luoyang in Henan. Initially Assistant in Ruzhou, he was demoted to Assistant in Fuzhou when his friend by marriage Li Ci was executed, and was transferred again to Master of Communications. An edict ordered him to resume office from mourning; palace envoys were sent to urge him, but he would not accept. He served as Attendant Within the Gates concurrently as Erudite. He was skilled in calligraphy. His original name was Youti; the emperor praised his upright firmness and bestowed a new name. Following the feng at Mount Tai he was enfeoffed as Baron of Jian'an. The emperor treated him very generously, painted his image within the palace, and personally composed an encomium. He died while serving as Director of the Secretariat at age seventy-one, posthumously appointed Minister of Personnel with posthumous title Resolute.
48
鄭欽說
Zheng Qinshuo
49
鄭欽說,後魏濮陽太守敬叔八世孫。 開元初,繇新津丞請試五經,擢第,授鞏縣尉、集賢院校理。 歷右補闕內供奉。 通歷術,博物。 初,梁太常任昉大同四年七月於鐘山壙中得銘曰:「龜言土,蓍言水,甸服黃鐘啟靈址。 瘞在三上庚,墮遇七中己。 六千三百浹辰交,二九重三四百圮。」 當時莫能辨者,因藏之,戒諸子曰:「世世以銘訪通人,有知之者,吾死無恨。」 昉五世孫升之,隱居商洛,寫以授欽說。 欽說出使,得之於長樂驛,至敷水三十里而悟曰:「卜宅者廋葬之歲月,而先識墓圮日辰。 甸服,五百也,黃鐘十一也,繇大同四年卻求漢建武四年,凡五百一十一年。 葬以三月十日庚寅,三上庚也。 圮以七月十二日己巳,七中己也。 浹辰,十二也,建武四年三月至大同四年七月,六千三百一十二月,月一交,故曰六千三百浹辰交。 二九,十八也。 重三,六也。 建武四年三月十日,距大同四年七月十二日,十八萬六千四百日,故曰二九重三四百圮。」 升之大驚,服其智。
Qinshuo was eighth-generation descendant of Jingshu, Administrator of Puyang in Later Wei. At the beginning of Kaiyuan from Assistant Magistrate of Xinjin he requested trial examination in the Five Classics, was selected, and appointed Magistrate of Gong and Proofreader at the Hall of Assembled Worthies. He served successively as Right Supplementation Censor with inner palace appointment. He mastered calendrical arts and was broadly learned in things. Initially Liang Director of Imperial Sacrifices Ren Fang in the seventh month of Datong year 4 at Zhongshan obtained an inscription reading: "Tortoise speaks of earth, milfoil speaks of water; the thousand-li domain and yellow bell open the numinous site. Burial on the third upper geng; collapse meeting the seventh middle ji. Six thousand three hundred successive cycles intersect; two nines doubled three four hundred collapse." At the time none could interpret it; he stored it away and admonished his sons: "Generation after generation use this inscription to seek those who understand—if anyone knows it, I die without regret." Fang's fifth-generation descendant Shengzhi, living in seclusion in Shangluo, copied it and gave it to Qinshuo. Qinshuo on a mission obtained it at Changle Post; thirty li to Fushui he understood: "The diviner of the site concealed the burial year and month but beforehand knew the day and time the tomb would collapse. Thousand-li domain is five hundred; yellow bell is eleven; counting back from Datong year 4 reaches Han Jianwu year 4—in all five hundred eleven years. Burial on the tenth day of the third month gengyin—the third upper geng. Collapse on the twelfth day of the seventh month jisi—the seventh middle ji. Successive cycles is twelve; from Jianwu year 4 third month to Datong year 4 seventh month is six thousand three hundred twelve months; one month one cycle—therefore six thousand three hundred successive cycles intersect. Two nines is eighteen. Doubled three is six. From Jianwu year 4 third month tenth day to Datong year 4 seventh month twelfth day is one hundred eighty-six thousand four hundred days—therefore two nines doubled three four hundred collapse." Shengzhi was greatly astonished and admired his wisdom.
50
欽說雅為李林甫所惡,韋堅死,欽說時位殿中侍御史,常為堅判官,貶夜郎尉,卒。
Qinshuo was consistently disliked by Li Linfu; when Wei Jian died Qinshuo was then Palace Attendant and had often been Jian's case officer; he was demoted to Commandant of Yelang and died.
51
子克鈞,為都官郎中。 吐蕃圍靈州,軍餉匱竭,德宗以克鈞為靈、夏二州運糧使,轉米峙塞下,守者遂安。
His son Kejun served as Director of the Office of Punishments. When Tibet besieged Lingzhou and military provisions were exhausted, Dezong appointed Kejun Grain Transport Commissioner for Ling and Xia; he transferred grain piled below the pass and the defenders were thereby secure.
52
盧僎,吏部尚書從願三從父也。 自聞喜尉為學士,終吏部員外郎。
Lu Zuan was third cousin of Minister of Personnel Congyuan. From Magistrate of Wenxi he became Erudite and ended as Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel.
53
兄俌,中宗時歷右補闕。 默啜入寇,敗沙咤忠義,詔百官陳破賊勝策,獨俌上疏以為:「治內可以及外,賞罰明則士盡節。 鳴沙之役,主將先遁,中軍猶能死戰。 正法紀功,則戎行可勸。 若忠義,騎將材,不可當大任。 宜因古法,募人徙邊,免行役,次廬伍,明教令,賞虜獲,近戰則守家,遠戰則利貨。 購辯勇,強諸蕃,以圖攻取。 擇邊州刺史,蒐乘積粟,謹烽燧以備守。」 中宗善其言,然無施行者。 俌終秘書少監。
Elder brother Fu during Emperor Zhongzong served successively as Right Supplementation Censor. When Mohechuo invaded and defeated Shatuo Zhongyi, an edict ordered all officials to propose strategies for defeating the enemy; Fu alone submitted a memorial holding: "Governing within can reach outward; when rewards and punishments are clear soldiers exhaust their loyalty. In the campaign at Mingsha the commander fled first, yet the central army still fought to the death. Correct law and record merit—then the army can be encouraged. As for Zhongyi, he has cavalry general talent but cannot be entrusted with great responsibility. It is appropriate following ancient methods to recruit people to migrate to the frontier, exempt them from corvée, place them in military households, clarify commands, reward captured booty; in near campaigns they guard home, in far campaigns they gain goods. Purchase brave interpreters and strengthen the various barbarians to plan attack and seizure. Select frontier prefects, gather chariots and accumulate grain, and strictly maintain beacon fires for defense." Emperor Zhongzong approved his words, yet nothing was implemented. Fu ended as Vice Director of the Secretariat.
54
啖助,字叔佐,趙州人,後徙關中。 淹該經術。 天寶末,調臨海尉、丹陽主簿。 秩滿,屏居,甘足疏糗。
Tan Zhu, courtesy name Shuzuo, was a native of Zhaozhou, later moving to Guanzhong. He was thoroughly versed in the classics. At the end of Tianbao he was appointed Assistant in Linhai and Registrar in Danyang. When his term ended he lived in seclusion, content with coarse food.
55
善為《春秋》,考三家短長,縫綻漏闕,號《集傳》,凡十年乃成,復攝其綱條為例統。 其言孔子脩《春秋》意,以為:「夏政忠,忠之敝野; 商人承之以敬,敬之敝鬼; 周人承之以文,文之敝僿。 救僿莫若忠。 夫文者,忠之末也。 設教於本,其敝且末; 設教於末,敝將奈何? 武王、周公承商之敝,不得已用之。 周公沒,莫知所以改,故其敝甚於二代。 孔子傷之曰:『虞、夏之道,寡怨於民; 商、周之道,不勝其敝!』 故曰:『後代雖有作者,虞帝不可及已。』 蓋言唐、虞之化,難行於季世,而夏之忠,當變而致焉。 故《春秋》以權輔用,以誠斷禮,而以忠道原情雲。 不拘空名,不尚狷介,從宜救亂,因時黜陟。 古語曰:『商變夏,周變商,春秋變周。』 而公羊子亦言:『樂道堯、舜之道,以擬後聖。』 是知《春秋》用二帝、三王法,以夏為本,不壹守周典明矣。」 又言:「幽、厲雖衰,《雅》未為《風》。 逮平王之東,人習余化,茍有善惡,當以周法正之。 故斷自平王之季,以隱公為始,所以拯薄勉善,救周之弊,革禮之失也。」 助愛公、谷二家,以左氏解義多謬,其書乃出於孔氏門人。 且《論語》孔子所引,率前世人老彭、伯夷等,類非同時; 而言「左丘明恥之,丘亦恥之」。 丘明者,蓋如史佚、遲任者。 又《左氏傳》、《國語》,屬綴不倫,序事乖剌,非一人所為。 蓋左氏集諸國史以釋《春秋》,後人謂左氏,便傅著丘明,非也。 助之鑿意多此類。
Skilled in the Spring and Autumn Annals, he examined the strengths and weaknesses of the three schools, mended gaps and lacunae, and titled it Collected Commentary—only after ten years was it complete; he then extracted its main points into a systematic set of examples. His view of Confucius's intent in compiling the Spring and Autumn Annals was: "Xia government was loyal; the defect of loyalty is rusticity; the Shang received it with reverence; the defect of reverence is ghost-worship; the Zhou received it with culture; the defect of culture is superficiality. To rescue superficiality nothing surpasses loyalty. Culture is the branch of loyalty. Establish teaching at the root and its defect will be at the branch; establish teaching at the branch—what will the defect be? King Wu and Duke Zhou received the Shang defect and used it because they had no choice. After Duke Zhou died none knew how to change it; therefore its defect exceeded the two dynasties. Confucius grieved and said: 'The Way of Yu and Xia had little resentment among the people; the Way of Shang and Zhou could not overcome their defects!' Therefore he said: 'Though later ages have authors, Emperor Yu cannot be reached. This means the transformation of Tang and Yu is hard to practice in a decadent age, while Xia loyalty should be transformed and attained. Therefore the Spring and Autumn Annals uses expedient assistance, uses sincerity to decide ritual, and uses the Way of loyalty to trace feeling. It does not cling to empty names, does not esteem narrow integrity; it follows what is appropriate to rescue disorder and promotes and demotes according to the times. An ancient saying: 'Shang changed Xia, Zhou changed Shang, Spring and Autumn changed Zhou.' Gongyangzi also said: 'Delight in the Way of Yao and Shun to model later sages. This shows the Spring and Autumn Annals uses the methods of the Two Thearchs and Three Kings, taking Xia as foundation—not uniformly adhering to Zhou canon, clearly." He also said: "Though You and Li declined, the Odes had not yet become Airs. When King Ping moved east the people retained the remaining transformation; if there was good or evil it should be corrected by Zhou law. Therefore it begins from the end of King Ping's reign with Duke Yin as start—to rescue thinness and encourage goodness, save Zhou's defect, and reform ritual's error." Zhu favored the Gongyang and Guliang schools; because the Zuo Tradition's explanations were mostly erroneous, he held its book came from Confucius's disciples. Moreover in the Analects what Confucius cites are mostly earlier men such as Old Peng and Bo Yi—generally not contemporaries; yet he says: 'When Zuo Qiuming is ashamed of it, I too am ashamed of it.' Qiuming was probably like Shi Yi and Chi Ren. Moreover the Zuo Tradition and Discourses of the States are stitched together without order and narrate events perversely—they were not the work of one person. Probably Zuo collected various states' histories to explain the Spring and Autumn Annals; later people called it Zuo's and attached Qiuming's name—this is wrong. Zhu's forced interpretations are mostly of this kind.
56
助門人趙匡、陸質,其高弟也。 助卒,年四十七。 質與其子異裒錄助所為《春秋集註總例》,請匡損益,質纂會之,號《纂例》。 匡者,字伯循,河東人,歷洋州刺史,質所稱為趙夫子者。
Zhu's disciples Zhao Kuang and Lu Zhi were his foremost students. Zhu died at age forty-seven. After Zhu's death Zhi together with his son Yi collected and recorded what Zhu had written in General Examples of the Collected Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, requested Kuang to add and subtract, and Zhi compiled and joined it, titled it Compiled Examples. Kuang, courtesy name Boxun, was a native of Hedong; he served as Prefect of Yangzhou—the Master Zhao whom Zhi praised.
57
大歷時,助、匡、質以《春秋》,施士匄以《詩》,仲子陵、袁彜、韋彤、韋以《禮》,蔡廣成以《易》,強蒙以《論語》,皆自名其學,而士匄、子陵最卓異。
In the Dali era Zhu, Kuang, and Zhi were famed for the Spring and Autumn Annals; Shi Gai for the Odes; Zhong Ziling, Yuan Yi, Wei Tong, and Wei for the Rites; Cai Guangcheng for the Changes; Qiang Meng for the Analects—all named their own learning; Gai and Ziling were most outstanding.
58
施士匄
Shi Gai
59
士匄,吳人,兼善《左氏春秋》,以二經教授。 繇四門助教為博士,秩滿當去,諸生封疏乞留,凡十九年,卒於官。 弟子共葬之。 士匄撰《春秋傳》,未甚傳。 後文宗喜經術,宰相李石因言士匄《春秋》可讀。 帝曰:「朕見之矣,穿鑿之學,徒為異同,但學者如浚井,得美水而已,何必勞苦旁求,然後為得邪?」
Gai was a native of Wu, also skilled in the Zuo Tradition of the Spring and Autumn Annals, and taught both classics. From Simen Assistant Instructor he became Erudite; when his term ended and he should have departed, students sealed a memorial requesting he remain—for nineteen years in all he died in office. Disciples jointly buried him. Gai compiled a Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, which was not widely transmitted. Later Emperor Wenzong favored classical learning; Chief Minister Li Shi therefore said Gai's Spring and Autumn Annals was worth reading. The emperor said: "I have seen it—forced interpretation learning, merely creating differences; scholars are like digging a well—obtaining good water is enough; why must one toil and seek far and wide before it counts as obtaining?"
60
仲子陵
Zhong Ziling
61
子陵,蜀人,好古學,舍峨眉山。 舉賢良方正,擢太常博士,通後蒼、大小戴《禮》。 有司請正太祖東向位,而遷獻、懿二主。 子陵議藏主德明、興聖廟,其言典正。 後異論紛洄,復為《通難》示諸儒,諸儒不能詘。 久之,典黔中選補,乘傳過家,西人以為榮。 終司門員外郎。 子陵以文義自怡,及亡,其家所存,惟圖書及酒數斛而已。
Ziling was a native of Shu, fond of ancient learning, dwelling on Mount Emei. Selected as Worthy and Upright, he was promoted to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and mastered the Rites of Hou Cang and the Elder and Younger Dai. The relevant offices requested correcting the Grand Ancestor's east-facing position and moving the tablets of Xian and Yi. Ziling debated enshrining the tablets in the Deming and Xingsheng temples; his words were canonical and correct. Later divergent opinions swirled; he again wrote Difficulties Generalized to show the Confucians, and the Confucians could not refute him. After a long time he managed selection and appointment in Qianzhong; passing home by post carriage, western people took it as honor. He ended as Assistant Master of the Gate Office. Ziling found joy in literary meaning; at death what his household retained was only books and several hu of wine.
62
贊曰:《春秋》、《詩》、《易》、《書》,由孔子時師弟子相傳,歷暴秦,不斷如系。 至漢興,刬挾書令,則儒者肆然講授,經典浸興。 左氏與孔子同時,以《魯史》附《春秋》作《傳》,而公羊高、穀梁赤皆出子夏門人。 三家言經,各有回舛,然猶悉本之聖人,其得與失蓋十五,義或繆誤,先儒畏聖人,不敢輒改也。 啖助在唐,名治《春秋》,摭訕三家,不本所承,自用名學,憑私臆決,尊之曰「孔子意也」,趙、陸從而唱之,遂顯於時。 嗚呼! 孔子沒乃數千年,助所推著果其意乎? 其未可必也。 以未可必而必之,則固; 持一己之固而倡茲世,則誣。 誣與固,君子所不取。 助果謂可乎? 徒令後生穿鑿詭辨,詬前人,舍成說,而自為紛紛,助所階已。
The encomium reads: The Spring and Autumn Annals, Odes, Changes, and Documents were transmitted from master to disciple in Confucius's time; through violent Qin they did not break, like a thread tied fast. When Han rose the proscription on books was abolished and Confucians freely lectured; the classics gradually flourished. The Zuo Tradition was contemporary with Confucius; using Lu's history attached to the Spring and Autumn Annals it made a commentary; Gongyang Gao and Guliang Chi both came from Zixia's disciples. The three schools' explanations of the classics each had deviations, yet all fundamentally derived from the sage; gain and loss were perhaps five parts in fifteen; meanings might be erroneous, but early Confucians feared the sage and dared not rashly change. Tan Zhu in Tang was famed for mastering the Spring and Autumn Annals; he collected and mocked the three schools, not basing himself on what he received, using his own named learning and deciding by private speculation; honoring it he called it Confucius's intent; Zhao and Lu followed and proclaimed it, and it thereby shone in the age. Alas! Confucius has been gone several thousand years—is what Zhu promoted and wrote truly his intent? It cannot be certain. To make certain what cannot be certain is obstinacy; to hold one's own obstinacy and proclaim it to this age is deception. Deception and obstinacy are what the gentleman does not take. Did Zhu truly deem it acceptable? He merely made later students force interpretations and argue sophistry, revile predecessors, abandon established explanations, and create their own confusion—the step Zhu opened.
63
韋彤,京兆人。 四世從祖方質為武後時宰相。 彤名治《禮》,德宗時為太常博士。
Wei Tong was a native of Jingzhao. His fourth-generation collateral ancestor Fangzhi was chief minister in Empress Wu's time. Tong was famed for mastering the Rites; in Emperor Dezong's time he was Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
64
先此,天寶中,詔尚食朔望進食太廟,天子使中人侍祠,有司不與也。 貞元十二年,帝始詔朔望食,畀宗正、太常合供。 於是彤與博士裴堪議曰:「禮,宗廟朔望不祭,園寢則有之。 貞觀、開元間,在禮若令,不敢變古。 天寶中,始有進食事,殆王玙緣生事亡,用燕具褻饌,參瀆禮薦,不可示遠。 傳曰:『祭非外至,生於心者也。』 是故聖人等牲牢,布籩豆,昆蟲、草木可薦者,莫不鹹在,所以享宗廟,交神明,全孝敬也。 潔膳羞,八珍百品,可嗜之饌,美膬甘旨,謂之褻味,所以燕賓客,接人情,示慈惠也。 是則薦與宴,聖人判為二物,不可亂也。 今若熟饔而享,非以異為敬之意。 且祭不欲數,亦不欲疏,感時致享,以制中也。 今園寢月二祭,不為疏,廟歲五享,不為數,有司奉承,得盡其恭。 若又加盛饌於朔望,是失禮之中,有司不得盡其恭也。 故王者稽古,弗敢以孝思之極而溢禮,弗敢以肴品之多而剩味。 願罷天寶所增,奉園寢以珍,奉宗廟以禮,兩得所宜。」 帝曰:「是禮先帝裁定,遽更之,其謂朕何? 徐議其可。」 而朔望食卒不廢。
Before this, in Tianbao an edict ordered the Imperial Kitchen on new and full moons to present food to the Grand Ancestral Temple; the Son of Heaven had eunuchs attend sacrifices—the relevant offices did not participate. In the twelfth year of Zhenyuan the emperor first ordered new and full moon offerings, assigning the Court of the Imperial Clan and Court of Imperial Sacrifices to supply jointly. Thereupon Tong together with Erudite Pei Kan debated: "Ritual: ancestral temples do not sacrifice on new and full moons; garden tombs do. In Zhenguan and Kaiyuan, in ritual and edict, they did not dare change antiquity. In Tianbao the food presentation began—probably Wang Yu, seizing events of the time, used banquet vessels and intimate viands, mixing and profaning ritual offerings; this cannot be shown to distant ages. The tradition says: 'Sacrifice is not something arriving from outside—it is born in the heart. Therefore the sage equalizes sacrificial beasts, sets out baskets and stands, and of insects, plants, and all that may be offered none is absent—thereby offering to the ancestral temple, joining with spirits, and completing filial reverence. Clean meals and delicacies, the eight treasures and hundred dishes, savory foods, fine meats and sweet flavors are called intimate flavors—thereby feasting guests, joining human feeling, and showing kindness and favor. Thus offering and banquet—the sage separates them as two things; they cannot be confused. If now cooked viands are offered in sacrifice, this is not the intent of taking the different as reverence. Moreover sacrifice should not be frequent, nor should it be sparse; responding to the season and presenting offerings hits the middle. Now garden tombs sacrifice twice monthly—not sparse; temples sacrifice five times yearly—not frequent; relevant offices in attendance can exhaust their reverence. If sumptuous viands are again added on new and full moons, this is excess within ritual's middle; relevant offices cannot exhaust their reverence. Therefore the king examines antiquity and dares not exceed ritual through utmost filial thought, dares not surplus flavor through excessive dishes. I wish to abolish what Tianbao added, offer garden tombs with delicacies, offer ancestral temples with ritual—both obtaining what is appropriate." The emperor said: "This ritual was settled by the former emperor; to change it abruptly—what will people say of me? Slowly debate whether it can be done." Yet new and full moon offerings were ultimately not abolished.
65
會昭陵寢宮為原火延燔,而客祭瑤臺佛寺。 又故宮在山上,乏水泉,作者憚勞,欲即行宮作寢,詔宰相百官議。 吏部員外郎楊於陵議曰:「園寢非三代制,自秦、漢以來,附陵置寢,或遠若邇,則無聞焉。 韋玄成等議園陵,於興廢初無適語。 且寢宮所占,在柏城中,距陵不遠,使諸陵之寢,皆有區限,故不可徙; 若止柏城,則故寢已燔,行宮已久,因以治飾,亦復何嫌? 或曰:『太宗創業,寢宮不輒易。』 是不然。 夫陵域宅神,神本靜,今大興荒廢,囂役密邇,非幽穸所安,改之便。」 彤曰:「先王建都立邑,不利則為之遷,況有故邪? 今文寢災,徙而宮之,非無故也。 神安於徙,因而建寢,於禮至順。 又它陵皆在柏城,隨便營作,不越封兆,力省易從。」 帝重改先帝制,還宮山顛。
When the Zhaoling garden tomb palace was extended and burned by prairie fire, guest sacrifices were offered at the Jade Terrace Buddhist temple. Moreover the old palace was on the mountain, lacking water springs; workers feared the labor and wished to make the traveling palace the tomb palace; an edict ordered chief ministers and all officials to debate. Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel Yang Yuling debated: "Garden tombs are not a Three Dynasties institution; from Qin and Han onward tombs had attached palaces, near or far without record. Wei Xuancheng and others debated garden tombs with no definitive words on establishment or abolition at the beginning. Moreover the tomb palace occupies space within the cypress city, not far from the mound; if every tomb's palace had fixed limits it could not be moved. If limited to the cypress city, the old palace is already burned and the traveling palace long established—repairing it accordingly—what objection? Some say: 'Taizong founded the enterprise; the tomb palace should not be lightly changed. This is not so. The tomb domain houses the spirit; the spirit is originally still; now great works lie waste and noisy labor presses close—not where the dark chamber rests at ease; changing is convenient." Tong said: "Former kings established capitals and cities; when unfavorable they moved—how much more when there is cause? Now the text palace suffered fire; moving to make it the palace is not without cause. The spirit rests in the move; thereby building the palace—in ritual this is utmost compliance. Moreover other tombs are all in the cypress city; building conveniently without crossing the boundary mound saves labor and is easy to follow." The emperor valued changing the former emperor's institution and restored the palace on the mountain summit.
66
彤卒後,武宗會昌五年,詔京城不許群臣作私廟。 宰相李德裕等引彤所議:「古制:廟必中門之外,吉兇皆告,以親而尊之,不自專也。 今俾立廟京外,不能得其意於禮。 宮之南九坊,三坊曰圍外,地荒左,立廟無嫌; 余六坊可禁。」 詔不許,聽準古即居所立廟。
After Tong died, in the fifth year of Huizong's Huichang an edict forbade ministers in the capital from building private temples. Chief Minister Li Deyu and others cited Tong's deliberation: "Ancient institution: temples must be outside the middle gate; auspicious and inauspicious are all announced—to honor through kinship, not to act on one's own. Now establishing temples outside the capital cannot obtain ritual's intent. South of the palace nine wards—three wards called outside the enclosure, land barren on the left, establishing temples without objection; the remaining six wards may be forbidden." An edict did not permit it; they were allowed to establish temples at their residences according to antiquity.
67
陳京,字慶復,陳宜都王叔明五世孫。 父兼,為右補闕、翰林學士。 京善文辭,常袞稱之,妻以兄子。 擢進士第,遷累太常博士。
Chen Jing, courtesy name Qingfu, was fifth-generation descendant of Chen Prince of Yidu Shuming. His father Jian served as Right Supplementation Censor and Hanlin Scholar. Jing was skilled in literary composition; Chang Gun praised him and gave him his elder brother's son in marriage. Selected in the jinshi examination, he was transferred in succession to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
68
德宗在奉天,聞段秀實為賊所害,七日不朝。 宰相以為「方多難時,不宜壅萬機,天下其謂何?」 京曰:「丞相之言非也。 夫褒大節,恤賢臣,天下所以安,況卓卓特異者乎?」 帝曰:「善。」 還京師,擢左補闕。 帝以盧杞為饒州刺史,京與趙需、裴佶、宇文炫、盧景亮、張薦共劾:「杞輔政要位,大臣逾時月不得對,百官懍懍常若兵在頸。 陛下復用之,奸賊唾掌復興。」 帝不聽。 京等爭尤確,帝大怒,左右辟易,諫者稍引卻。 京正色曰:「需等毋遽退!」 極道不可,以死請,杞遂廢。 帝之立,迎訪太后,久不得,意且怠。 京密白:「第遣使物色以求。」 帝大悟,終代不敢置。
When Dezong was at Fengtian he heard Duan Xiushi was killed by rebels and for seven days did not hold court. The chief minister said: "In a time of many difficulties it is inappropriate to block myriad affairs—what will the realm say?" Jing said: "The chief minister's words are wrong. To honor great integrity and show care for worthy ministers is how the realm is secured—how much more for those outstanding and singular?" The emperor said: "Good." Returning to the capital he was promoted to Left Supplementation Censor. When the emperor appointed Lu Qi Prefect of Raozhou, Jing together with Zhao Xu, Pei Ji, Yuwen Xuan, Lu Jingliang, and Zhang Jian jointly impeached: "Qi as chief minister held key position; great ministers for more than a month could not gain audience; all officials trembled as if blades were at their necks. Your Majesty reappoints him—traitors and villains will clap hands and rise again." The emperor would not listen. Jing and the others argued especially firmly; the emperor was greatly angered; attendants shrank back and remonstrators gradually withdrew. Jing with stern countenance said: "Xu and the others do not hastely retreat!" He exhaustively argued it could not be done and pleaded with his life; Qi was thereby dismissed. When the emperor was established he sought and welcomed the Empress Dowager; long unable to find her his intent grew slack. Jing secretly reported: "Just send envoys to search by description and seek." The emperor greatly understood and thereafter dared not neglect the matter.
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初,玄宗、肅宗既祔室,遷獻、懿二祖於西夾室,引太祖位東向。 禮儀使於休烈議:「獻、懿屬尊於太祖,若合食,則太祖位不得正,請藏二祖神主,以太宗、中宗、睿宗、肅宗從世祖南向,高宗、玄宗從高祖北向。」 禘祫不及二祖,凡十八年。 建中初,代宗喪畢,當大祫。 京以太常博士上言:「《春秋》之義,毀廟之主陳於太祖,未毀廟之主合食於祖,無毀廟遷主不享之言。 唐家祀制與周異,周以後稷為始封祖,而毀主皆在後稷下,故太祖東向,常統其尊。 司馬晉以高皇、太皇、征西四府君為別廟,大禘祫則正太祖位,無所屈。 別廟祭高、太以降,所以敘親也。 唐家宜別為獻、懿二祖立廟,禘祫則祭,太祖遂正東向位。 德明、興聖二帝,向已有廟,則藏祔二祖為宜。」
Initially after Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined, Xian and Yi were moved to the west side chambers and the Grand Ancestor was placed facing east. Ritual Commissioner Yu Xiulie debated: "Xian and Yi are more exalted than the Grand Ancestor; if jointly offered, the Grand Ancestor's position cannot be correct. I request storing the spirit tablets of the two ancestors and having Taizong, Zhongzong, Ruizong, and Suzong follow Shizu facing south, and Gaozong and Xuanzong follow Gaozu facing north." Di and he sacrifices did not include the two ancestors—for eighteen years in all. At the beginning of Jianzhong, when Emperor Daizong's mourning ended, the great he sacrifice was due. Jing as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices submitted: "The meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals: tablets of destroyed temples are displayed before the Grand Ancestor; tablets of undestroyed temples are jointly offered to the ancestor; there is no statement about moving tablets of undestroyed temples not being offered. Tang sacrificial institutions differ from Zhou; Zhou took Hou Ji as the founding ancestor and all destroyed tablets were below Hou Ji; therefore the Grand Ancestor faced east and always commanded honor. Jin took the High Emperor, Grand Emperor, and Western Expedition Four Lords as separate temples; at great di and he the Grand Ancestor's position was corrected with no bending. Separate temples sacrificing from the High and Grand Emperors downward order kinship. Tang should separately establish temples for Xian and Yi; at di and he sacrifice; the Grand Ancestor then correctly faces east. Deming and Xingsheng already had temples; storing and enshrining the two ancestors is appropriate."
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詔百官普議。 禮儀使、太子少師顏真卿曰:「今議者有三:一謂獻、懿親遠而遷,不當祫,宜藏主西室; 二謂二祖宜祫食,與太祖並昭穆,闕東向位; 三謂引二祖祫禘,即太祖永不得全其始,宜以二主祔德明廟。 雖然,於人神未厭也。 景帝既受命始封矣,百代不遷矣,而又配天,尊無與上,至禘祫時,蹔屈昭穆以申孝尊先,實明神之意,所以教天下之孝也。 況晉蔡謨等有成議,不為無據。 請大祫享奉獻主東向,懿主居昭,景主居穆,重本尚順,為萬代法。 夫祫,合也。 有如別享德明,是乃分食,非合食也。」 時議者舉然。 於是還獻、懿主祫於廟,如真卿議。
An edict ordered all officials to debate broadly. Ritual Commissioner and Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent Yan Zhenqing said: "Today's debaters have three views: first, Xian and Yi are distant in kinship and moved—they should not be he-offered and their tablets should be stored in the west chamber; second, the two ancestors should be he-offered with the Grand Ancestor in zhao-mu order, leaving the east-facing position vacant; third, bringing the two ancestors into di and he means the Grand Ancestor can never fully hold his beginning; the two lords should be enshrined in the Deming Temple. Even so, human and divine are not yet satisfied. Jingdi once received the mandate and was first enfeoffed—never moved for a hundred generations—and moreover was paired with Heaven, honor none above; at di and he time temporarily bending zhao-mu to express filial reverence for ancestors is truly the bright spirits' intent and teaches filial piety to all under Heaven. Moreover Jin's Cai Mo and others had established deliberation—not without basis. I request at the great he sacrifice offering the Xian tablet facing east, the Yi tablet in zhao, the Jing tablet in mu—honoring the root and esteeming compliance, as law for ten thousand generations. He means joining. If separately offering to Deming, this is divided offering—not joint offering." At the time debaters agreed in uproar. Thereupon the Xian and Yi tablets were returned to he-offering in the temple as Yan Zhenqing proposed.
71
貞元七年,太常卿裴郁上言:「商、周以卨、稷為祖,上無余尊,故合食有序。 漢受命,祖高皇帝,故太上皇不以昭穆合食。 魏祖武帝,晉祖宣帝,故高皇、處士、征西等君,亦不以昭穆合食。 景皇帝始封唐,唐推祖焉,而獻、懿親盡廟遷,猶居東向,非禮之祀,神所不享。 願下群臣議。」 於是太子左庶子李嶸等上言:「謹按晉孫欽議:『太祖以前,雖有主,禘祫所不及; 其所及者,太祖後未毀已升藏於二祧者,故雖百代及之。』 獻、懿在始封前,親盡主遷,上擬三代,則禘祫所不及。 太祖而下,若世祖,則《春秋》所謂『陳於太祖』者。 漢議罷郡國廟,丞相韋玄成議:『太上皇、孝惠親盡宜毀。 太上主宜瘞於園,惠主遷高廟。』 太上皇在太祖前,主瘞於園,不及禘祫,獻、懿比也。 惠遷高廟,在太祖後,而及禘祫,世祖比也。 魏明帝遷處士主置園邑,歲時以令丞奉薦; 東晉以征西等祖遷入西除,同謂之祧,皆不及祀。 故唐初下訖開元,禘祫猶虛東向位。 洎立九廟,追祖獻、懿,然祝於三祖不稱臣。 至德時,復作廟,遂不為弘農府君主,以祀不及也。 廣德中,始以景皇帝當東向位,以獻、懿兩主親盡,罷祫而藏。 顏真卿引蔡謨議,復奉獻主東向,懿昭景穆。 不記謨議晉未嘗用,而唐一王法容可準乎? 臣等謂嘗、禘、郊、社無二尊,瘞、毀、遷、藏,各以義斷。 景皇帝已東向,一日改易,不可謂禮,宜復藏獻、懿二主於西室,以本《祭法》『遠廟為祧,去祧而壇,去壇而墠,壇、墠,有禱祭,無禱止』之義。 太祖得正,無所屈。」
In the seventh year of Zhenyuan Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Pei Yu submitted: "Shang and Zhou took Qi and Ji as ancestors; above there was no surplus exaltation; therefore joint offering had order. Han received the mandate and took Emperor Gao as ancestor; therefore the Grand Emperor Supreme was not jointly offered in zhao-mu. Wei took Emperor Wu as ancestor; Jin took Emperor Xuan as ancestor; therefore the High Emperor, Recluse, Western Expedition and others were also not jointly offered in zhao-mu. Jingdi was first enfeoffed with Tang; Tang traced its ancestor thereby; yet Xian and Yi with exhausted kinship and moved temples still occupied the east-facing position—sacrifice not of ritual—the spirits do not accept. I wish the ministers below to debate." Thereupon Left Subordinate to the Heir Apparent Li Rong and others submitted: "Respectfully according to Jin Sun Qin's deliberation: 'Before the Grand Ancestor, though there were lords, di and he did not reach them; those reached were after the Grand Ancestor, undestroyed and already elevated and stored in the two tiao—therefore though a hundred generations they were reached. Xian and Yi were before the first enfeoffment; kinship exhausted, lords moved; comparing upward to the Three Dynasties, di and he did not reach them. Below the Grand Ancestor, like Shizu, are what the Spring and Autumn Annals calls 'displayed before the Grand Ancestor.' Han debated abolishing commandery and kingdom temples; Chancellor Wei Xuancheng deliberated: 'The Grand Emperor Supreme and Emperor Xiaohui with exhausted kinship should be destroyed. The Grand Emperor Supreme's tablet should be buried in the garden; Emperor Xiaohui's tablet moved to the High Temple. The Grand Emperor Supreme was before the Grand Ancestor; tablet buried in garden, not reaching di and he—comparable to Xian and Yi. Xiaohui moved to High Temple after the Grand Ancestor and reached di and he—comparable to Shizu. Wei Emperor Ming moved the Recluse's tablet and established a garden settlement; seasonally the magistrate and assistant presented offerings; Eastern Jin moved Western Expedition and other ancestors into the west wing, together called tiao—all not reaching sacrifice. Therefore from early Tang through Kaiyuan, di and he still left the east-facing position vacant. When nine temples were established and Xian and Yi were traced as ancestors, yet in invoking the three ancestors they were not called subjects. In the Zhide era temples were rebuilt again; therefore they were not made lords of Hongnong Prefecture—sacrifice did not reach them. In the Guangde era Jingdi was first placed in the east-facing position; Xian and Yi with exhausted kinship ceased he-offering and were stored. Yan Zhenqing cited Cai Mo's deliberation and again placed the Xian tablet facing east, Yi in zhao, Jing in mu. He did not note that Mo's deliberation was never used in Jin—can Tang's single royal law be taken as standard? We hold that seasonal, di, suburban, and altar sacrifices have no two exalted ones; burial, destruction, moving, and storing each follow meaning. Jingdi already faces east—to change in one day cannot be called ritual; it is appropriate to again store Xian and Yi in the west chamber, following the Canon of Sacrifices: 'distant temples are tiao; leaving tiao is altar; leaving altar is open ground; altar and open ground have prayer sacrifices, without prayer stop.' The Grand Ancestor obtains correctness with no bending."
72
吏部郎中柳冕等十二人議曰:「天子以受命之君為太祖,諸侯以始封之主為祖,故自太祖、祖以下,親盡叠毀。 洎秦滅學,漢不暇禮,晉失宋因,故有連王廟之制,有虛太祖之位。 且不列昭穆,非所謂有序; 不建叠毀,非所謂有殺; 連王廟,非所謂有別; 虛太祖位,非所謂一尊。 此禮所由廢也。 《傳》曰:『父為士,子為天子,祭以天子,葬以士。』 今獻、懿二祖,在唐未受命時,猶士也。 故高祖、太宗以天子之禮祭之,而不敢奉以東向位。 今而易之,無乃亂先帝序乎? 周有天下,追王太王、王季以天子禮; 及其祭,則親盡而毀。 漢有天下,尊太上皇以天子之禮; 及祭也,親盡而毀。 唐家追王獻、懿二祖以天子禮; 及其祭也,親盡而毀,復何所疑? 《周官》有先公之祧、先王之祧。 先公遷主,藏後稷之廟,其周未受命之祧乎? 先王遷主,藏文、武之廟,其周已受命之祧乎? 故有二祧,所以異廟也。 今自獻而下,猶先公也; 自景而下,猶先王也。 請別廟以居二祖,則行周道,復古制,便。」
Director of the Ministry of Works Liu Mian and twelve others debated: "The Son of Heaven takes the mandate-receiving lord as Grand Ancestor; feudal lords take the first-enfeoffed lord as ancestor; therefore below Grand Ancestor and ancestor kinship is exhausted and temples destroyed in succession. When Qin extinguished learning Han had no leisure for ritual; Jin lost and Song followed—hence the institution of linked royal temples and the vacant Grand Ancestor position. Moreover not arranging zhao-mu is not what is called ordered; not establishing successive destruction is not what is called gradation; linked royal temples is not what is called distinction; vacant Grand Ancestor position is not what is called single exaltation. This is why ritual was abandoned. The tradition says: 'The father was a servitor, the son is Son of Heaven—sacrifice with Son of Heaven ritual, bury with servitor ritual. Now Xian and Yi before Tang received the mandate were still servitors. Therefore Gaozu and Taizong sacrificed to them with Son of Heaven ritual but dared not place them in the east-facing position. To change now—would this not disorder the former emperor's sequence? When Zhou possessed the realm it posthumously ennobled Grand King and King Ji with Son of Heaven ritual; at their sacrifice kinship was exhausted and temples destroyed. When Han possessed the realm it honored the Grand Emperor Supreme with Son of Heaven ritual; at sacrifice kinship was exhausted and temples destroyed. Tang posthumously ennobled Xian and Yi with Son of Heaven ritual; at their sacrifice kinship is exhausted and temples destroyed—what further doubt? The Offices of Zhou has tiao of former dukes and tiao of former kings. Former dukes' moved tablets stored in Hou Ji's temple—is this Zhou before receiving the mandate's tiao? Former kings' moved tablets stored in Wen and Wu's temple—is this Zhou after receiving the mandate's tiao? Therefore there are two tiao—this is why temples differ. Now from Xian downward are like former dukes; from Jing downward are like former kings. I request separate temples to house the two ancestors—then following Zhou's Way and restoring ancient institution is convenient."
73
工部郎中張薦等請自獻而降,悉入昭穆,虛東向位。 司勛員外郎裴樞曰:「《禮》:『親親故尊祖,尊祖故敬宗,敬宗故收族,收族故宗廟嚴,宗廟嚴故社稷重。』 太祖之上,復追尊焉,則尊祖之義乖。 太廟之外,別祭廟焉,則社稷不重。 漢韋玄成請瘞主於園,晉虞喜請瘞廟兩階間。 喜據左氏自證曰:『先王日祭祖、考,月祀曾、高,時享及二祧,歲祫及壇墠,終禘及郊宗石室,是謂郊宗之祖。』 喜請夾室中為石室以處之,是不然。 何者? 夾室所以居太祖下,非太祖上藏主所居。 未有卑處正、尊居傍也。 若建石室於園寢,安遷主,采漢、晉舊章,祫禘率一祭,庶乎《春秋》得變之正。」
Director of Works Zhang Jian and others requested from Xian downward all enter zhao-mu, leaving the east-facing position vacant. Director of Merit Pei Shu said: "The Rites: 'Through cherishing kin one honors ancestors; through honoring ancestors one reveres the lineage; through revering the lineage one gathers the clan; through gathering the clan ancestral temples are stern; through stern ancestral temples the altars of soil and grain are weighty. Above the Grand Ancestor further posthumous honor—then the meaning of honoring ancestors is wrong. Outside the Grand Temple separate sacrifice temples—then the altars of soil and grain are not weighty. Han's Wei Xuancheng requested burying tablets in the garden; Jin's Yu Xi requested burying between the temple's two flights. Xi citing the Zuo Tradition self-justified: 'Former kings daily sacrificed to ancestors and fathers, monthly to great-great and great-grandfathers, seasonal offering reaching two tiao, yearly he reaching altar and open ground, final di reaching suburban ancestral stone chamber—this is called suburban ancestral ancestor. Xi requested building a stone chamber in the side room to house them—this is not so. Why? Side rooms are for below the Grand Ancestor—not where tablets are stored above the Grand Ancestor. Never has the low occupied the center while the exalted dwelt at the side. If building a stone chamber in the garden tomb and placing moved tablets, adopting Han and Jin old statutes, di and he following one sacrifice—perhaps the Spring and Autumn Annals obtains the correct of change."
74
是時,京以考功員外郎又言:「興聖皇帝則獻之曾祖,懿之高祖。 以曾孫祔曾高之廟,人情大順也。」 京兆少尹韋武曰:「祫則大合,禘則序祧。 當祫之歲,常以獻東向,率懿而後以昭穆極親親。 及禘,則太祖筵於西,列眾主左右,是於太祖不為降,獻無所厭。」 時諸儒以左氏「子齊聖,不先父食」,請迎獻主權東向,太祖暫還穆位。 同官尉仲子陵曰:「所謂不先食者,丘明正文公逆祀。 儒者安知夏後世數未足時,言禹不先鯀乎? 魏、晉始祖率近,始祖上皆有遷主。 引《宮》詩,則永可也。 因虞主,則瘞園可也。 緣遠祧,則築宮可也。 以太祖實卑,則虛位可也。 然永與瘞園,臣子所不安。 若虛正位,則太祖之尊無時而申。 請奉獻、懿二祖遷於德明、興聖廟為順。 或曰二祖別廟,非合食。 且德明、興聖二廟禘祫之年,皆有薦饗,是已分食,奚獨疑二祖乎?」
At that time Jing as Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel again said: "Emperor Xingsheng was Xian's great-great-grandfather, Yi's great-grandfather. To enshrine great-great-grandson in great-great and great-grandfather's temple—human feeling greatly compliant." Assistant Governor of the Capital Wei Wu said: "He is great joining; di orders tiao. In he years regularly place Xian facing east, leading Yi afterward with zhao-mu utmost kinship. At di the Grand Ancestor's mat is west, arraying all lords left and right—thus toward the Grand Ancestor there is no lowering; Xian has nothing to resent." At the time Confucians citing the Zuo Tradition that 'the son was sage and did not eat before the father' requested welcoming the Xian tablet provisionally facing east while the Grand Ancestor temporarily returned to mu position. Colleague Erudite Zhong Ziling said: "What is called not eating first—Qiuming was correcting Duke Wen's improper sacrifice. How would Confucians know that when Xia's generations were not yet sufficient it was said Yu did not place Gun first? Wei and Jin founding ancestors were close in succession; above the founding ancestor all had moved lords. Citing the Gong Ode, perpetual offering is possible; following the plain tablet, burial in garden is possible; following distant tiao, building a shrine is possible; because the Grand Ancestor is truly lower, vacant position is possible. Yet perpetual offering and garden burial—ministers and sons cannot be at ease. If vacating the correct position, the Grand Ancestor's honor has no time to be expressed. I request moving Xian and Yi to the Deming and Xingsheng temples as compliant. Some say separate temples for the two ancestors is not joint offering. Yet in di and he years the Deming and Xingsheng temples all have offerings—is this already divided offering; why doubt only the two ancestors?"
75
國子四門博士韓愈質眾議,自申其說曰:「一謂獻、懿二主宜永藏夾室,臣不謂可。 且禮,祫祭,毀主皆合食。 今藏夾室,至祫得不食太廟乎? 若二祖不豫,不謂之合矣。 二謂兩主宜毀而瘞之,臣不謂可。 禮,天子七廟、一壇、一墠,遷主皆藏於祧,雖百代不毀。 祫則太廟享焉。 魏晉以來,始有毀瘞之議,不見於經。 唐家立九廟,以周制推之,獻、懿猶在壇墠,可毀瘞而不禘祫乎? 三謂二祖之主宜各遷諸陵,臣不謂可。 二祖享太廟二百年,一日遷之,恐眷顧依違,不即享於下國。 四謂宜奉主祔興聖廟而不禘祫,臣不謂可。 禮,『祭如在』。 景皇帝雖太祖,於獻、懿,子孫也。 今引子東向,廢父之祭,不可謂典。 五謂獻、懿宜別立廟京師,臣不謂可。 凡禮有降有殺,故去廟為祧,去祧為壇,去壇為墠,去墠為鬼,漸而遠者,祭益希。 昔魯立煬宮,《春秋》非之,謂不當取已毀之廟、既藏之主,復築宮以祭。 今議正同,故臣皆不謂可。 古者殷祖玄王,周祖後稷,太祖之上,皆自為帝。 又世數已遠,不復祭之,故始祖得東向也。 景皇帝雖太祖,於獻、懿,子孫也。 當禘祫,獻祖居東向位,景從昭若穆,是祖以孫尊,孫以祖屈,神道人情,其不相遠。 又常祭眾,合祭寡,則太祖所屈少,而所伸多。 與其伸孫尊,廢祖祭,不以順乎?」
National University Simen Erudite Han Yu questioned the crowd's deliberation and stated his own view: "First, the Xian and Yi tablets should be permanently stored in side chambers—I do not say this is acceptable. Moreover in ritual he sacrifice—all destroyed lords are jointly offered. Now storing in side chambers—at he will they not be offered in the Grand Temple? If the two ancestors are not included, it cannot be called joining. Second, the two lords should be destroyed and buried—I do not say this is acceptable. Ritual: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, one altar, one open ground; moved lords are all stored in tiao—though a hundred generations they are not destroyed. At he the Grand Temple receives offerings. From Wei and Jin onward there began deliberation on destruction and burial—not seen in the classics. Tang established nine temples; pushing by Zhou institution, Xian and Yi are still at altar and open ground—can they be destroyed and buried yet not di and he offered? Third, the two ancestors' tablets should each move to their tombs—I do not say this is acceptable. The two ancestors have been offered in the Grand Temple two hundred years—to move them in one day fears lingering attachment and hesitation, not immediately offering in the lower realm. Fourth, tablets should be enshrined in the Xingsheng Temple without di and he—I do not say this is acceptable. Ritual: 'sacrifice as if present.' Jingdi though Grand Ancestor to Xian and Yi is descendant. Now placing the son facing east and abolishing the father's sacrifice—this cannot be called canonical. Fifth, Xian and Yi should separately establish temples in the capital—I do not say this is acceptable. All ritual has lowering and gradation; therefore leaving temple becomes tiao, leaving tiao becomes altar, leaving altar becomes open ground, leaving open ground becomes ghost—gradually more distant, sacrifice more rare. In the past Lu established the Yang Palace—the Spring and Autumn Annals censured it, saying one should not take already destroyed temples and already stored lords and rebuild a palace to sacrifice. Today's deliberation is exactly the same—therefore I all say not acceptable. In antiquity Yin's ancestor Xuanwang, Zhou's ancestor Hou Ji—above the Grand Ancestor all were emperors in their own right. Moreover generations were already distant and sacrifice ceased—therefore the founding ancestor could face east. Jingdi though Grand Ancestor to Xian and Yi is descendant. At di and he the Xian ancestor occupies the east-facing position; Jing follows zhao or mu—the ancestor is exalted through the grandson, the grandson bends through the ancestor; spirit Way and human feeling are not far apart. Moreover regular sacrifices are many, joint sacrifices few—then the Grand Ancestor bends little and extends much. Compared with extending the grandson's honor and abolishing the ancestor's sacrifice—is this not compliant?"
76
冕又上《禘祫義證》十四篇,帝詔尚書省會百官、國子儒官,明定可否。 左司郎中陸淳奏:「按《禮》及諸儒議,復太祖之位,正也。 太祖位正,則獻、懿二主宜有所安。 今議者有四:曰藏夾室,曰置別廟,曰各遷於園,曰祔興聖廟。 臣謂藏夾室,則享獻無期,非周人藏二祧之義; 置別廟,論始曹魏,《禮》無傳焉,司馬晉議而不用; 遷諸園,亂宗廟之制。 唯祔興聖廟,禘若祫一祭,庶乎得禮。」 帝依違未決也。
Mian again submitted fourteen chapters of Evidential Meaning on Di and He; the emperor ordered the Ministry of Personnel to assemble all officials and National University Confucian officers to clarify what could or could not be done. Director of the Left Bureau Lu Chun submitted: "According to the Rites and various Confucians' deliberation, restoring the Grand Ancestor's position is correct. When the Grand Ancestor's position is correct, the Xian and Yi tablets should have a place to rest. Today's debaters have four: store in side chambers, establish separate temples, each move to gardens, enshrine in Xingsheng Temple. I say storing in side chambers then offering to Xian has no term—not Zhou people's meaning of storing two tiao; establishing separate temples began with Cao Wei—no transmission in the Rites; Jin deliberated but did not use; moving to gardens disorders ancestral temple institution. Only enshrining in Xingsheng Temple with di or he one sacrifice—perhaps obtains ritual." The emperor wavered undecided.
77
十九年,將禘祭,京復奏禘祭大合祖宗,必尊太祖位,正昭穆。 請詔百官議。 尚書左僕射姚南仲等請奉獻、懿主祔德明、興聖廟。 鴻臚卿王權、申衍之曰:「周人祖文王,宗武王,故《詩·清廟》章曰:『祀文王也。』 胡不言太王、王季? 則太王、王季而上,皆祔後稷,故清廟得祀文王也。 太王、王季之尊,私禮也; 祔後稷廟,不敢以私奪公也。 古者先王遷廟主,以昭穆合藏於祖廟。 獻、懿主宜祔興聖廟,則太祖東向得其尊,獻、懿主歸得其所。」 是時,言祔興聖廟什七八,天子尚猶豫未剛定。 至是,群臣稍顯言二祖本追崇,非有受命開國之鴻構; 又權根援《詩》、《禮》明白。 帝泮然,於是定遷二祖於興聖廟,凡禘祫一享。 詔增廣興聖二室。 會祀日薄,廟未成,張繒為室,內神主廟垣間,奉興聖、德明主居之。 廟成而祔。 自是景皇帝遂東向。
In the nineteenth year di sacrifice was imminent; Jing again submitted that di sacrifice greatly joins ancestors and lords—must honor the Grand Ancestor's position and correct zhao-mu. I request an edict ordering officials to debate. Left Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel Yao Nanzhong and others requested enshrining Xian and Yi in the Deming and Xingsheng temples. Director of Ceremonials Wang Quan and Shen Yan said: "Zhou people took King Wen as ancestor and King Wu as lineage-lord; therefore the Pure Temple ode says: 'Sacrificing to King Wen. Why not speak of Grand King and King Ji? Grand King and King Ji upward all enshrined in Hou Ji's temple—therefore Pure Temple could sacrifice to King Wen. Grand King and King Ji's honor was private ritual; enshrining in Hou Ji's temple dared not use private to seize public. In antiquity former kings moved temple tablets and by zhao-mu jointly stored them in the ancestor temple. Xian and Yi tablets should enshrine in Xingsheng Temple—then the Grand Ancestor facing east obtains honor and Xian and Yi tablets return to their place." At the time seven or eight tenths spoke of enshrining in Xingsheng Temple; the Son of Heaven still hesitated without firm decision. By then officials gradually stated clearly the two ancestors were originally posthumously honored—not having received the mandate and founding the state's great structure. Moreover Quan's citations from the Odes and Rites were clear. The emperor was moved; thereupon it was decided to move the two ancestors to Xingsheng Temple—all di and he one offering. An edict enlarged the two chambers of Xingsheng. When the joint sacrifice day approached the temple was not yet complete; Zhang Zeng made rooms and placed spirit tablets within the temple wall, housing Xingsheng and Deming tablets there. When the temple was complete they were enshrined. From this Jingdi faced east.
78
京自博士獻議,彌二十年乃決,諸儒無後言。 帝賜京緋衣、銀魚。 昭陵寢占山上,宦侍憚免汲乏,請更其所,宰相未能抗。 京曰:「此太宗之誌,其儉足以為後世法,不可改。」 議者多附宦人,帝曰:「京議善。」 卒不徙。 帝器京,謂有宰相才,欲用之。 會病狂易,自刺弗殊,又言中書舍人崔邠、御史中丞李汶訕己,帝使詰辨無狀,然猶自考功員外再遷給事中,皆兼集賢殿學士。 帝疑京為忌者中傷,中人問賚相繼。 後對延英,帝諭遣,京沮駭走出,罷為秘書少監,卒。
From Jing's submission as erudite it took nearly twenty years to decide; Confucians had no further words. The emperor bestowed on Jing crimson robes and silver fish. The Zhaoling tomb palace occupied the mountain summit; eunuch attendants feared drawing water was exhausting and requested changing the site; the chief minister could not resist. Jing said: "This was Taizong's intent; its frugality suffices as model for later ages—it cannot be changed." Most debaters sided with the eunuchs; the emperor said: "Jing's deliberation is good." Ultimately it was not moved. The emperor valued Jing, saying he had chief minister talent and wished to use him. When he fell ill with manic disorder, stabbing himself without dying, and said Secretariat Drafter Cui Bin and Imperial Censor Li Wen mocked him, the emperor had them questioned and found no basis; yet still from Assistant Director of Personnel he was again promoted to Attendant Within the Gates, all concurrently Erudites of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. The emperor suspected Jing was slandered by jealous persons; palace envoys inquired and bestowed gifts in succession. Later facing the emperor at Yanying Hall the emperor ordered him dismissed; Jing, dejected and startled, ran out and was dismissed as Vice Director of the Secretariat; he died.
79
京無子,以從子褒嗣。 褒孫伯宣,辭著作佐郎不拜。
Jing had no son; his collateral nephew Bao succeeded. Bao's grandson Boxuan declined appointment as Assistant Editor without accepting.
80
贊曰:德宗敝政,稅間架、借商錢、宮市為最甚。 順宗為太子,欲極陳之,懲王叔文之諫而止,其畏如此。 區區之臣,冒顏而關說,難哉! 其饗國日淺,誌不在民矣。 憲宗聞暴斂之令首於賊臣,感憤太息,愛人之至也。 及任程異、皇甫镈,諫者不聽。 興利之臣敗君之德甚矣!
The encomium reads: Dezong's corrupt governance—the interval tax, merchant loans, and palace market were most severe. Shunzong as heir apparent wished to state this fully but stopped at Wang Shuwen's remonstrance—such was his fear. Petty ministers risking their faces to remonstrate—how difficult! His enjoyment of the state was brief; intent was not on the people. Xianzong hearing of extortionate collection orders originating with treacherous ministers sighed in indignant grief—utmost love for the people. Yet appointing Cheng Yi and Huangfu Bo, remonstrators were not heard. Profit-seeking ministers ruined the lord's virtue greatly!
81
暢當,河東人。 父璀,左散騎常侍,代宗時,與裴冕、賈至、王延昌待制集賢院,終戶部尚書。
Chang Dang was a native of Hedong. His father Cui was Left Regular Attendant of the Palace Horse; in Emperor Daizong's time together with Pei Mian, Jia Zhi, and Wang Yanchang he attended duty at the Hall of Assembled Worthies and ended as Minister of Revenue.
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當進士擢第,貞元初,為太常博士。 昭德皇后崩,中外服除,皇太子、諸王將服三年,詔太常議太子服。 當與博士張薦、柳冕、李吉甫曰:「子為母齊衰三年,蓋通喪也; 太子為皇后服,古無文。 晉元皇后崩,亦疑太子服。 杜預議:『古天子三年喪,既葬除服,魏亦以既葬為節。 皇太子與國為體,若不變除,則東宮臣仆亦以衰麻出入殿省。』 太子遂以卒哭除服。 貞觀十年六月,文德皇后崩,十一月而葬,太子喪服之節,國史不書。 至明年正月,以晉王為并州都督。 既命官,當已除矣。 今皇太子宜如魏、晉制:既葬而虞,虞而卒哭,卒哭而除,心喪三年。」 宰相劉滋、齊映召問當等:「『子食於有喪者之側,未嘗飽也。』 今太子以衰服侍膳至葬,可乎? 令:群臣齊衰三十日公除。 宜約以為服限。」 乃請如宋、齊皇后為其父母服三十日除,入謁則服墨慘,還宮衰麻。 右補闕穆質上疏曰:「『三年之喪,自天子達於庶人。』 漢文帝以宗廟社稷之重自貶,乃以日易月,後世所不能革。 太子,人臣也,不得如人君之制,母喪宜無厭降。 惟晉既葬公除,議者詭辭以甘時主,不足師法。 今有司之議,虧化敗俗,常情所郁。 夫政以德為本,德以孝為大。 後世記禮之失,自今而始,顧不重哉! 父在為母期,古禮也。 國朝服之三年,臣謂三年則太重,唯行古為得禮。」 德宗遣內常侍馬欽敘謂質曰:「太子有撫軍、監國、問安、侍膳之事,有司以三十日除,既葬釋服,以墨衰終喪,是何疑邪?」 質又奏疏曰:「太子於陛下,子道也,臣道也。 君臣以義,則撫軍監國,有權奪。 父子問安侍膳,固無服衰之嫌,古未有服衰而廢者。 舒王以下服三年,將不得問安侍膳邪? 太子、舒王,皆臣子也,不宜甚異。 且皇后,天下之母,其父母,士庶也,以天下之母,為士庶降服,可也。 太子,臣子也,以臣子為母降,可乎? 公除,非古也。 入公門變服,今期喪以下慘制是也。 太子晨昏侍,非公除比。 墨衰奪情,事緣金革。 今不監國撫軍,何抑奪邪? 子之於父母,禮異而情均。 太子奉君父之日遠,報母之日少,忍使失令名哉?」 乃詔宰臣與有司更議,當等曰:「《禮》有公門脫齊衰,《開元禮》,皇后父母服十二月,從朝旨則十三日而除; 皇太子外祖父母服五月,從朝旨則五日而除。 恐喪服入侍,傷至尊之意,非特以金革奪也。 太子公除,以墨慘奉朝,歸宮衰麻,酌變為制可也。」 宰相乃令太常卿鄭叔則草奏:「既葬卒哭,十一月小祥,十三月大祥,十五月禫,內謁即墨服。」 復詔問質,質以為雖不能循古禮,猶愈於魏、晉之文遠甚。 宰相乃言:「太子居皇后喪,至朝則抑哀承慈,實臣子至行。 唯心與服,內外宜稱。 今質請降詔於外,無害墨衰於內。 臣謂言行於外,而服異於內,事非至誠,乖於德教。 請下明詔如叔則議。」 天子從之。 及董晉代叔則為太常卿,帝曰:「皇太子服期,繇諫官,初非朕意。 暢當等請循魏、晉故事,至論也。」
Dang was selected in the jinshi examination; at the beginning of Zhenyuan he was Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. When Empress Zhaode died court and commoners ended mourning; the crown prince and various princes were about to mourn three years; an edict ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to debate the crown prince's mourning. Dang together with Erudites Zhang Jian, Liu Mian, and Li Jifu said: "Son mourning for mother with qi one year—this is universal mourning; crown prince mourning for empress—antiquity has no text. When Jin's Empress Yuan died there was also doubt about crown prince mourning. Du Yu deliberated: 'In antiquity the Son of Heaven mourned three years; after burial mourning garments were removed; Wei also took post-burial as the term. The crown prince and the state are one body; if garments are not changed, Eastern Palace servants and attendants also wear sackcloth entering palace halls. The crown prince therefore removed garments at final wailing. In Zhenguan year 10 sixth month Empress Wende died; buried in the eleventh month—the crown prince mourning garment terms the national history does not record. By the first month of the next year the Prince of Jin was appointed Protector-General of Bingzhou. Once officials were appointed he should already have been released. Now the crown prince should follow Wei and Jin institution: after burial perform yu, at yu final wailing, at final wailing remove garments, inner mourning three years." Chief Ministers Liu Zi and Qi Ying summoned Dang and others asking: "'A son eating beside one in mourning never eats his fill'—can the crown prince serve meals in sackcloth until burial? Edict: all ministers qi one year, public release at thirty days. It is appropriate to approximate this as the mourning limit. They therefore requested like Song and Qi when empress mourned for parents—thirty days release; entering audience wear dark gray, returning to palace sackcloth. Right Supplementation Censor Mu Zhi submitted a memorial: "'Three years mourning—from Son of Heaven down to commoners. ' Emperor Wen of Han because of ancestral temple and altars' weight lowered himself and exchanged days for months—later ages could not reform this. The crown prince is a subject and cannot follow the ruler's institution; mourning for mother should have no weary reduction. Only Jin after burial public release—debaters used sophistry to please the temporal lord—not worth taking as model. The relevant offices' deliberation impairs transformation and defeats custom—ordinary feeling is depressed. Government takes virtue as root; virtue takes filial piety as greatest. Later ages recording ritual's error begins from today—can one not value this heavily! Father alive mourning for mother one period—ancient ritual. Our dynasty mourned three years—I say three years is too heavy; only following antiquity obtains ritual. Our dynasty mourned for three years; I say three years is too heavy, and only following antiquity accords with ritual." Dezong sent Palace Attendant Ma Qinxu to tell Zhi: "The crown prince has pacifying the army, supervising the state, inquiring after health, and serving meals—relevant offices release at thirty days, after burial remove garments, ending mourning with dark gray—is there what doubt?" Zhi again submitted a memorial: "The crown prince toward Your Majesty is son's Way and also subject's Way. Lord and subject by righteousness—then pacifying the army and supervising the state have expedient displacement. Father and son inquiring after health and serving meals—naturally no suspicion of wearing sackcloth; antiquity never had wearing sackcloth and being abolished. If the Prince of Shu and below mourn three years—will they not inquire after health and serve meals? Crown prince and Prince of Shu are all subjects—overly different treatment is inappropriate. Moreover the empress is mother of all under Heaven; her parents are servitors and commoners—to lower mourning for servitors and commoners because of mother of all under Heaven is acceptable. The crown prince is a subject—to lower mourning for mother as a subject—is this acceptable? Public release is not ancient. Entering the public gate change garments—today's dark gray system below one-period mourning is this. The crown prince attends morning and evening—not comparable to public release. Dark gray displaces feeling—matters follow metal and leather warfare. Now not supervising state or pacifying army—why suppress and displace? Son toward parents—ritual differs but feeling is equal. The crown prince's days serving lord and father are many, days repaying mother few—how bear losing a good name?" An edict ordered chief ministers and relevant offices to debate again; Dang and others said: "The Rites has removing qi at the public gate; the Kaiyuan Rites empress's parents mourn twelve months—following court intent thirteen days release; crown prince's maternal grandparents mourn five months—following court intent five days release. Fearing mourning garments entering attendance hurts the exalted one's intent—not specially because metal and leather displaces. Crown prince public release, presenting court in dark gray, returning to palace sackcloth—weighing change as institution is acceptable." Chief ministers then ordered Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Zheng Shuzhe to draft memorial: "After burial final wailing, eleventh month small sacrifice, thirteenth month great sacrifice, fifteenth month end of mourning garments, inner audience then dark garments." Again edict asked Zhi; Zhi held though unable to follow ancient ritual, still far better than Wei and Jin's empty text. Chief ministers then said: "Crown prince dwelling in empress mourning—at court then suppressing grief and receiving kindness is truly subject's utmost conduct. Only heart and garments, inner and outer should match. Now Zhi requests lowering edict outward—no harm to dark gray inward. We say conduct shown outward while garments differ inward—conduct not utmost sincerity, wrong with virtue's teaching. I request issuing clear edict as Shuzhe proposed." The Son of Heaven followed this. When Dong Jin replaced Shuzhe as Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices the emperor said: "Crown prince mourning one period came from remonstrating officials—initially not my intent. Dang and others requested following Wei and Jin precedent—ultimately correct deliberation."
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當以果州刺史卒。
Dang died while serving as Prefect of Guozhou.
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林蘊,字復夢,泉州莆田人。 父披,字茂彥,以臨汀多山鬼淫祠,民厭苦之,撰《無鬼論》。 刺史樊晃奏署臨汀令,以治行遷別駕。
Lin Yun, courtesy name Fumeng, was a native of Putian in Quanzhou. His father Pi, courtesy name Maoyan, because Linting had many mountain ghost licentious shrines and the people suffered, wrote On There Being No Ghosts. Prefect Fan Huang memorialized appointing him Magistrate of Linting; for administrative conduct he was transferred to Assistant Governor.
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蘊世通經,西川節度使韋臯辟推官。 劉辟反,蘊曉以逆順,不聽。 復遺書切諫,辟怒,械於獄,且殺之,將就刑,大呼曰:「『危邦不入,亂邦不居』,得死為幸矣!」 辟惜其直,陰戒刑人抽劍磨其頸,以脅服之。 蘊叱曰:「死即死,我項豈頑奴砥石邪?」 辟知不可服,舍之,斥為唐昌尉。 及辟敗,蘊名重京師。
Yun mastered the classics through generations; Western Sichuan Military Governor Wei Gao recruited him as administrative aide. When Liu Pi rebelled Yun admonished with reversal and compliance; he would not listen. Again sending a letter sternly remonstrating, Pi was angered, shackled him in prison and was about to kill him; as execution approached he shouted: "'Dangerous state do not enter, chaotic state do not dwell'—to obtain death is fortune!" Pi valued his forthrightness, secretly warned the executioner to draw sword and grind his neck to coerce submission. Yun rebuked: "Die then die—would my neck be a stupid slave's whetstone?" Pi knew he could not be made to submit and released him, banishing him as Assistant in Tangchang. When Pi was defeated Yun's name was weighty in the capital.
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李吉甫、李絳、武元衡為相,蘊貽書諷以:「國家有西土,猶右臂也。 今臂不附體,北彌豳郊,西極汧、隴,不數百里為外域。 涇原、鳳翔、邠寧三鎮皆右臂,大藩擁旄鉞數十百人,唯李抱玉請復河、湟,命將不得其人,宜拔行伍之長,使守秦、隴。 王者功成作樂,治定制禮。 有權臣制樂曲,自立喪紀。 舜命契:『百姓弗親,五品不遜,汝作司徒。』 唐以臯、佑、鍔、季安為司徒,官不擇人。 盧從史、於臯謨罪大而刑輕。 農桑無百分之一,農夫一人給百口,蠶婦一人供百身,竭力於下者,饑不得食,寒不得衣。 邊兵菜色,而將帥縱侈自養。 中人十戶不足以給一無功之卒,百卒不足奉一驕將。」 六事皆當時極敝。 蘊亦韋臯所引重,嫉其專制,感憤關說。 然嗜酒多忤物,宰相置不用也。
Li Jifu, Li Jiang, and Wu Yuanheng as chief ministers—Yun sent letters admonishing: "The state has the western territory—it is like the right arm. Now the arm does not attach to the body; north reaching Bin suburbs, west reaching Qian and Long—in less than several hundred li is outer territory. Jingyuan, Fengxiang, and Binning three garrisons are all the right arm; great prefectures holding banners and axes several hundred people—only Li Baoyu requested recovering He and Huang; appointing generals without the right men—it is appropriate selecting leaders from the ranks to guard Qin and Long. When the king's achievement is complete he makes music; when governance is settled he establishes ritual. Powerful ministers compose music and establish mourning regulations themselves. Shun commanded Qi: 'The people are not close, the five ranks are not compliant—you serve as Minister of Education. Tang took Gao, You, E, and Ji'an as Ministers of Education—office does not select people. Lu Congshi and Yu Gaomo had great crimes yet light punishment. Agriculture and sericulture not one percent—one farmer feeds a hundred mouths, one silkwoman supplies a hundred bodies; those exhausting strength below go hungry without food, cold without clothes. Frontier soldiers are gaunt while generals indulge in extravagance nourishing themselves. Ten eunuch households cannot supply one meritless soldier; a hundred soldiers cannot support one arrogant general." Six matters were all extreme corruption of the time. Yun was also heavily promoted by Wei Gao, resented his autocracy, and remonstrated indignantly at court. Yet fond of wine and often offending people, chief ministers placed him without use.
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滄景程權辟掌書記。 既而權上四州版籍請吏,而軍中習熟擅地,畏內屬,挾權拒命,不得出。 蘊陳君臣大誼,諭首將,人人釋然,於是權得去。 蘊遷禮部員外郎。 刑部侍郎劉伯芻薦之於朝,出為邵州刺史。 嘗杖殺客陶玄之,投屍江中,籍其妻為倡,復坐贓,杖流儋州而卒。
Cangjing Cheng Quan was recruited as secretary. Soon Quan submitted registers of four prefectures requesting officials; the army was accustomed to seizing land, fearing inner attachment, holding Quan and refusing orders—he could not leave. Yun stated lord-subject great righteousness, persuading the chief generals; everyone was relieved; thereby Quan could depart. Yun was transferred to Assistant Master of Rites. Vice Director of the Ministry of Justice Liu Boxu recommended him to court; he was sent out as Prefect of Shao. He once beat to death guest Tao Xuanzhi, threw the corpse in the river, registered his wife as a courtesan; again convicted of corruption, beaten and banished to Danzhou where he died.
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蘊辯給,嘗有姓崔者矜氏族,蘊折之曰:「崔杼弒齊君,林放問禮之本,優劣何如邪?」 其人俯首不能對。
Yun was eloquent in debate; once a man surnamed Cui flaunted clan prestige; Yun refuted him: "Cui Zhu assassinated the Qi lord; Lin Fang asked about ritual's root—who is superior and inferior?" That man bowed his head unable to reply.
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韋公肅
Wei Gongsu
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韋公肅,隋儀同觀城公約七世孫。 元和初為太常博士兼脩撰。 憲宗將耕藉,詔公肅草具儀典,容家善之。 太子少傅判太常卿事鄭餘慶廟有二祖妣,疑於祔祭,請諸有司。 公肅議:「古諸侯一娶九女,故廟無二嫡。 自秦以來有再娶,前娶後繼,皆嫡也,兩祔無嫌。 晉驃騎大將軍溫嶠繼室三,疑並為夫人,以問太學博士陳舒,舒曰:『妻雖先沒,榮辱並從夫。 禮祔於祖姑,祖姑有三,則各祔舅之所生。 是皆夫人也。 生以正禮,沒不可貶。』 於是遂用舒議。 且嫡繼於古有殊制,於今無異等,祔配之典,安得不同? 卿士之寢祭二妻,廟享可異乎? 古繼以媵妾,今以嫡妻,不宜援一娶為比,使子孫榮享不逮也。 或曰:『《春秋》,魯惠公元妃孟子卒,繼室以聲子,聲子,孟侄娣也,不入惠廟。 宋武公生仲子,歸於魯,生桓公而惠薨,立宮而奉之,不合於惠公,而別宮者何? 追父誌也。 然其比奈何?』 曰:晉南昌府君廟有荀、薛兩氏,景帝廟有夏侯、羊兩氏,唐家睿宗室則昭成、肅明二後,故太師顏真卿祖室有殷、柳兩氏。 二夫人並祔,故事則然。」 諸儒不能異。
Wei Gongsu was seventh-generation descendant of Sui General of Ceremonial Guards Wei Yue of Guancheng. At the beginning of Yuanhe he was Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices concurrently Compiler. Xianzong was about to plow the sacred field; an edict ordered Gongsu to draft complete ritual canon; Rong family praised it. Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent and Acting Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Zheng Yuqing's temple had two ancestral grandmothers; he doubted enshrinement sacrifice and asked relevant offices. Gongsu debated: "Ancient feudal lords one marriage nine women—therefore temples had no two legitimate wives. From Qin onward there was remarriage; first wife and later successor—all legitimate; dual enshrinement without objection. Jin General of Agile Cavalry Wen Jiao had three successive wives, doubting all as madam, asked Grand Academy Erudite Chen Shu; Shu said: 'Wife though first deceased, honor and disgrace follow the husband. Ritual enshrines at the husband's paternal aunts; if three paternal aunts each enshrine at the uncle who bore them. All are madams. Living by correct ritual, dead cannot be demeaned. Thereupon Shu's deliberation was used. Moreover legitimate succession in antiquity had special institutions; today no different rank—enshrinement pairing canon—how can it differ? Minister and servitor's bedroom sacrificing to two wives—can temple offering differ? In antiquity succession was by concubine handmaid; today by legitimate wife—should not cite one marriage as comparison, making descendants' honored offering not reach. Some say: 'The Spring and Autumn Annals—Lu Duke Hui's primary consort Mengzi died; successor was Shengzi; Shengzi was Meng's niece handmaid—not entering Hui's temple. Song Duke Wu bore Zhongzi, sent to Lu, bore Duke Huan; Hui died, established palace and offered—not joining Hui but separate palace—why? Following the father's intent. Yet what is the comparison? I say: Jin Nanchang Lord's temple had Xun and Xue two clans; Jingdi's temple had Xiahou and Yang two clans; Tang Ruizong's chamber had Zhaocheng and Suming two empresses; therefore Grand Master Yan Zhenqing's ancestral chamber had Yin and Liu two clans. Two madams jointly enshrined—precedent is so." Confucians could not differ.
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初,睿宗祥月,太常奏朔望弛朝,尚食進蔬具,止樂。 余日禦便殿,具供奉仗。 中書、門下官得侍,它非奏事毋謁。 前忌與晦三日、後三日,皆不聽事。 忌晦之明日,百官叩側門通慰。 後遂為常。 及是,公肅上言:「《禮》,忌日不樂,而無忌月。 唯晉穆帝將納後,疑康帝忌月,下其議有司,於是荀納、王洽等引忌時、忌歲譏破其言。 今有司承前所禁,在二十五月限,有弛朝徹樂事。 喪除則禮革,王者不以私懷逾禮節,故禫禮徙月樂,漸去其情也,不容追遠,而立禮反重。 今茲太常,雖郊廟,樂且停習,是謂反重以慢神也。 有司悉禁中外作樂,是謂無故而徹也。 願依經誼,裁正其違。」 有詔中書門下召禮官、學官議,咸曰宜如公肅所請。 制可。 以官壽卒。
Initially Ruizong's auspicious month—the Court of Imperial Sacrifices submitted new and full moons suspending court, Imperial Kitchen presenting vegetarian dishes, stopping music. Remaining days hold court in convenient hall with full guard of honor. Chief Secretariat and Chancellery officials may attend; others without memorial business do not audience. Three days before and after the anniversary and three days before and after the last day of month—all do not attend to affairs. Day after anniversary and last day of month all officials knock at side gate to express condolences. Later this became regular. By then Gongsu submitted: "The Rites—anniversary day no music, but no mourning month. Only Jin Emperor Mudi about to marry empress doubted Emperor Kang's mourning month and submitted to relevant offices; thereupon Xun Na, Wang Qia and others cited mourning time and mourning year to refute their words. Now relevant offices inherit previous prohibition within the twenty-five month limit—having suspend court and withdraw music. When mourning ends ritual changes; the king does not use private feeling to exceed ritual bounds; therefore end-of-garments ritual moves month music, gradually removing feeling—cannot pursue the distant yet establish ritual doubly heavy. Now the Court of Imperial Sacrifices though suburban and temple sacrifices—music yet stops practice—this is called doubly heavy and slighting spirits. Relevant offices all forbid inner and outer making music—this is called without cause withdrawing. I wish following canonical meaning to cut and correct the violation." An edict ordered Chief Secretariat and Chancellery to summon ritual officers and learning officers to debate; all said should follow Gongsu's request. Edict approved. He died in office of old age.
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許康佐
Xu Kangzuo
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許康佐,貞元中舉進士、宏辭,連中之。 家苦貧,母老,求為知院官,人譏其不擇祿。 及母喪已除,凡辟命皆不答,人乃知其為親屈,由是有名。
Kangzuo in Zhenyuan was selected in jinshi and grand composition examinations, succeeding in both. His family was bitterly poor; his mother was old; he sought appointment as director of an academy office—people mocked him for not choosing salary. When his mother's mourning ended he answered none of all recruitment orders—people then knew he had bent for his parent and thereby gained renown.
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遷侍御史。 以中書舍人為翰林侍講學士,與王起皆為文宗寵禮。 帝讀《春秋》至「閽弒吳子余祭」,問:「閽何人邪?」 康佐以中官方強,不敢對,帝嘻笑罷。 後觀書蓬萊殿,召李訓問之,對曰:「古閽寺,今宦人也。 君不近刑臣,以為輕死之道,孔子書之以為戒。」 帝曰:「朕邇刑臣多矣,得不慮哉!」 訓曰:「列聖知而不能遠,惡而不能去,陛下念之,宗廟福也。」 於是內謀剪除矣。 康佐知帝指,因辭疾,罷為兵部侍郎。 遷禮部尚書。 卒,贈吏部,謚曰懿。
He was transferred to Attending Censor. From Secretariat Drafter he became Hanlin Lecturing Scholar; together with Wang Qi both received Emperor Wenzong's favored treatment. The emperor reading the Spring and Autumn Annals to "Hu assassinated Wu Zi Yuji" asked: "Who is Hu?" Kangzuo because eunuch power was then strong dared not reply; the emperor smiled and dropped the matter. Later viewing books in Penglai Hall he summoned Li Xun to ask; Xun replied: "In antiquity gatekeepers, today palace attendants. The lord does not approach punished ministers—regarding it as the way of treating death lightly; Confucius wrote it as a warning." The emperor said: "I have lately had many punished ministers—can I not worry!" Xun said: "The successive sages knew yet could not keep distant, hated yet could not remove—Your Majesty mindful of this is fortune for the ancestral temple." Thereupon inner plotting to cut them off began. Kangzuo knowing the emperor's intent therefore pleaded illness and was dismissed as Vice Minister of War. He was transferred to Minister of Rites. He died and was posthumously appointed to the Ministry of Personnel with posthumous title Resolute.
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諸弟皆擢進士第,而堯佐最先進,又舉宏辭,為太子校書郎。 八年,康佐繼之。 堯佐位諫議大夫。
All younger brothers were selected in the jinshi examination; Yao Zuo entered first and also passed the grand composition examination, serving as Proofreader to the Heir Apparent. In the eighth year Kangzuo followed. Yao Zuo reached Remonstrance Grand Master.