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Volume 200 Biographies 125: Confucian Scholars 3

Chapter 200 of 新唐書 · New Book of Tang
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1
Confucian Scholars, Part Three
2
Chu Wuliang
3
Chu Wuliang, whose courtesy name was Hongdu, came from Yanguan in Hangzhou Prefecture. As a boy he studied the classics under Shen Zizheng and Cao Fu, devoting himself single-mindedly to the canon of antiquity. His family lived beside Linping Lake. When a dragon emerged, all the neighbors rushed out to look, yet Wuliang, still a child, continued reading as if he heard nothing at all. Everyone found this remarkable. He was especially steeped in the Rites and in Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian. He passed the Mingjing examination, rose through successive appointments as Doctor of the National University, and was promoted to Vice Director of Education while also serving as an academician of the Hall for Cultivating Literature.
4
As Emperor Zhongzong prepared to offer sacrifice at the southern suburb, he issued an edict requiring the rites to be defined. At that time Zhu Qinming and Guo Shanyun urged that the empress serve as the secondary offering official. Wuliang, along with the Masters of Rites Tang Shao and Jiang Qinxu, objected strenuously, holding that the suburban sacrifice was a matter of paramount state importance and that no authority could settle it better than the Rites of Zhou. According to the Rites of Zhou, Heaven is sacrificed to at the Round Mound on the winter solstice without pairing Earth with the rite; only the founding ancestor serves as the principal recipient, and no consort is paired with him either. The empress therefore cannot take part. Moreover, the Grand Master of Ceremonies says: "Whenever the queen does not join a major sacrifice, she stands in proxy to present the dishes and trays and to withdraw them afterward." From this it follows that the empress should not assist in the sacrifice. The Palace Steward's duties likewise state: "At a great sacrifice, when the empress performs the libation offering, she assists by presenting the jade goblet." Since sacrifices to Heaven involve no libation, this passage clearly refers to ancestral temple rites alone. The Master of Chariots and the Palace Mistress of Attire oversee the empress's six ceremonial robes and five chariots, yet no robes or chariots are assigned to the empress for sacrifices to Heaven. The empress therefore does not assist in heavenly sacrifice. Only under the Han dynasty were Heaven and Earth sacrificed to together, with the empress sharing in the ceremony. In decadent times the spirits were profaned; such practices have no warrant in the classics and cannot be taken as precedent. Left Vice Director Wei Juyuan sided with Qinming at the time, and Wuliang's proposal was set aside. He resigned from office to care for his aged mother.
5
殿
In the fifth year of Kaiyuan, the emperor planned to visit the Eastern Capital, but the Imperial Ancestral Temple fell into ruin. Yao Chong urged: "The temple stands on what was once Fu Jian's old palace hall; the journey ought not to be abandoned. Wuliang held this advice in contempt and deemed it unworthy of attention. He submitted a memorial stating: "When a ruler's yin grows excessive and yang grows weak, the ancestors reveal signs of change. All consorts in the inner palace who no longer receive the emperor's favor should be dismissed, so as to answer these omens. Promote the worthy, curb extravagance, lighten taxes, punish with restraint, heed remonstrance, expose flattery, and revive lineages cut off in their prime—then Heaven and humanity will be in accord and calamities will cease." The emperor sided with Yao Chong, and the imperial procession set out for the east. Wuliang submitted another memorial: "In antiquity, when Emperor Shun went on royal hunts, he ranked the mountains and rivers in order and paid homage to all the spirits. Emperor Jing of Han sacrificed to the Yellow Emperor at Mount Qiao; Emperor Wu sacrificed to Shun at Jiuyi; Emperor Gaozu, passing through Wei, offered sacrifice at the tomb of Lord Xinling, and passing through Zhao enfeoffed a descendant of Yue Yi; Emperor Zhang sacrificed at the tomb of Huan Tan. I ask that wherever Your Majesty passes—renowned mountains, great rivers, hills, mounds, and plains—and wherever ancient emperors and worthy ministers appear in the sacrificial canon, edicts be issued commanding sacrifice. Since antiquity, every ruler who received the Mandate has revived what was extinguished and continued what was cut off, honoring virtue and repaying merit. Thus to preserve a man's patrimony is a greater act than to rescue him from disaster; and to establish a man's heir weighs more than merely honoring his tomb. I ask that upon reaching the Eastern Capital, Your Majesty trace and restore the lineages of meritorious ministers from the founding of Tang down to the present whose families have died out, so that even collateral branches may inherit their titles. The emperor accepted his advice and at once ordered Wuliang to sacrifice to Yao at Pingyang, Song Jing to Shun at Puban, and Su Ting to Yu at Anyi, with the local prefects joining in the offerings. He also searched out descendants of meritorious ministers since the Wude reign and restored their hereditary titles.
6
殿使 祿 西殿殿 歿殿
At first the old books of the imperial treasury, housed in the palace since Gaozong's reign, lay in chaotic disorder by category. Wuliang proposed that they be repaired, recopied, and re-cataloged to enlarge the collection of rare texts. The emperor ordered the books gathered, sorted, and collated in the eastern wing of Qianyuan Hall at the Eastern Capital, with Wuliang appointed to oversee the work. He then recommended Wenxi Assistant Magistrate Lu Zhen, Jiangxia Assistant Magistrate Lu Qutai, Registrar Wang Zecong of the Left Directorate of Palace Gates, and Wuzhi Assistant Magistrate Xu Chubi to divide the work of collation and verification. The Minister of Guards provided quarters, and the Minister of Imperial Household supplied meals. The emperor also ordered the Secretariat, the Office of Classics, and the Zhaowen and Chongwen academies to cross-check one another's work and gather lost books from across the realm to fill gaps in the texts. Within a few years the four libraries were fully restored. The emperor summoned the ministers to view the books and bestowed silk rewards of varying measure upon Wuliang and his colleagues. Wuliang also said: "During the Zhenguan era every imperial book bore a chancellor's signature at the end. My rank is too low for such an honor; I ask permission to co-sign the colophon with a chancellor. The request was denied. When the emperor returned west, the books were moved to Lizheng Hall, the book-editing academicians were renamed Direct Academicians of Lizheng Hall, and they were granted standing comparable to capital officials who attended court. The emperor again ordered Wuliang to continue the earlier compilation at Lizheng Hall. The crown prince and four princes had not yet begun their schooling; Wuliang presented the emperor with five copies each of the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects. The emperor said: "I take your meaning. He then selected Xi Changheng, Guo Qianguang, Pan Yuanzuo, and others to serve as reading tutors to the crown prince and the princes. In the seventh year the crown prince came of age at the National University; the emperor ordered Wuliang to ascend the lectern and deliver an exhortation, with officials of all ranks in attendance, and generous rewards were granted. He died at the age of seventy-five. On his sickbed he told those around him that his greatest regret was that the Lizheng library project remained unfinished. When the emperor heard the news he grieved deeply and told the chancellors: "Wuliang was my teacher; now that he is gone forever, he should receive the highest honors. He was posthumously appointed Minister of Rites, given the posthumous name Wen, and his funeral was provided for by the state. He authored more than a hundred works. After his death twelve chapters of his lectures on the Records of the Grand Historian and Utmost Words were discovered in a book hall and presented to the throne; the emperor sighed in admiration and bestowed five hundred bolts of silk on his family.
7
At first Wuliang and Ma Huaisu served as imperial reading tutors; later Secretariat Vice Director Kang Ziyuan and National University Doctor Hou Xingguo joined their ranks. Rewards grew ever more frequent, but the respect accorded them waned. Lu Qutai served in succession as Left and Right Remonstrance Official and as an Inner Attendant. Wang Zecong, a native of Jingzhao, ended his career as magistrate of Sishui.
8
Xu Anzhen
9
Xu Chubi first entered the imperial examination and three times placed in the top grade. During the Kaiyuan era he served as Secretariat Drafter and academician of the Jixian Academy; the emperor often entrusted him with reviewing draft edicts. He ended his career as Vice Director of the Secretariat and was enfeoffed as Viscount of Donghai County. He served for many years in the Secretariat. Li Linfu was then in power, and some said Xu often took part in his deliberations. He later changed his name to Anzhen.
10
Yuan Xingchong
11
Yuan Dan, courtesy name Xingchong, was known by his courtesy name. He was a descendant of Su Lian, Prince of Changshan of Northern Wei. Orphaned in youth, he was raised by his maternal grandfather Wei Ji, Minister of Revenue. When he came of age he was broadly learned and especially versed in ancient exegesis. After passing the jinshi examination he rose through successive promotions to Protocol Officer. Di Renjie held him in high regard. He once told Renjie: "Serving a superior is like a wealthy household stocking provisions for its own use—cured meats to enrich the table, ginseng, atractylodes, lingzhi, and cassia to ward off illness. Your gate already has many who supply delicacies; may I serve as one bitter remedy among them? Renjie smiled and said: "You are exactly what belongs in my medicine chest—I cannot do without you for a single day."
12
西
During the Jingyun era he was appointed Vice Minister of Rites. Xingchong, whose lineage traced to the Tuoba, lamented the lack of a chronological history of Wei and composed the Wei Canon in thirty chapters—rich in detail yet spare in style—which scholars held in high esteem. In the reign of Emperor Ming of Wei, a stone emerged at Liugu in Hexi bearing the image of an ox following a horse. Wei Shou held that Emperor Yuan of Jin was in fact a son of the Niu clan who had falsely assumed the surname Sima, and he recorded this as fulfillment of the stone omen. Xingchong argued that Emperor Zhaocheng's given name was Jian, that he received the Mandate after Jin, and that this alone fit the omen. Someone opened an ancient tomb and found a bronze vessel resembling a pipa, perfectly round in body, which no one could identify. Xingchong said: "This is an instrument made by Ruan Xian. He had it reproduced in wood and strung; its tone was clear and elegant, and musicians thereafter called the instrument the "Ruan Xian."
13
使 使
Early in the Kaiyuan era he was dismissed as Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent and appointed prefect of Qi Prefecture, concurrently serving as Inspector of Guannei. He considered himself a scholar without talent for investigation and governance and firmly declined the appointment. He was recalled to serve as Right Attendant Cavalier and Deputy Protector of the Eastern Capital. Prince Zhizhao, son of the Prince of Peng, was accused by an enemy of plotting rebellion; under interrogation he falsely confessed and dozens were implicated. Xingchong found the case unjust, submitted a detailed memorial, and the victims were pardoned. After four promotions to Minister of Justice he disliked the legalist approach, firmly declined the post, and was reassigned as Left Attendant Cavalier and enfeoffed as Duke of Changshan County. He served as commissioner to inspect the Jixian Academy and was twice promoted to Guest of the Heir Apparent and academician of the Hongwen Guan. Previously Ma Huaisu had compiled a book catalogue and Chu Wuliang had collated the four divisions of books at Lizheng Hall; neither task was finished before they died in succession. The emperor ordered Xingchong to take over both tasks. Emperor Xuanzong personally annotated the Classic of Filial Piety and ordered Xingchong to write a commentary, which was adopted as an official school text. On account of age he was relieved of his duties collating books at Lizheng Hall.
14
Initially Wei Guangcheng petitioned that Wei Zheng's Classified Rites be ranked among the classics. The emperor ordered Xingchong and other Confucian scholars to gather interpretations and compose commentaries, intending to establish the text in the schools. He then had National University Doctor Fan Xinggong and Simen Assistant Instructor Shi Jingben collect and edit the material into fifty chapters, which were submitted to the throne. Right Chancellor Zhang Yue then urged: "The Rites compiled by Dai Sheng have stood alongside the classics for a thousand years; they cannot be set aside. Wei Sunyan had first extracted passages by category from the old texts and stitched them together like copied excerpts, which the Confucian scholars widely rejected. Even when Wei Zheng further reorganized the material into commentary and annotation, it was feared the result would be unusable. The emperor agreed, and the book was kept within the palace and never issued. Xingchong believed the other scholars were speaking against him and wrote a treatise in self-defense titled Resolution of Doubts. It reads:
15
A guest asked the host: "The learning of Xiao Dai and the annotations of Zheng Xuan—yet Wei Zheng dared to revise them. Which of the two classics is superior? The host replied: "The Rites of Xiao Dai circulated at the end of the Han dynasty; Ma Rong wrote a commentary on them, and Lu Zhi combined twenty-nine chapters and supplied explanations, but these were not handed down. When the Partisan Proscription arose, Zheng Xuan, in hiding and exile, still worked to untangle the confused classics; though he pursued inquiry, he had no counselors to consult. The Zheng Records contained more than a hundred categories of material, yet the scholars devoted to textual glosses never once examined them. Following Wang Su's example, many scholars launched attacks and denunciations. Within Zheng Xuan's school was Sun Yan, who though he upheld Zheng's doctrines still subdivided provisions into branches, inserted admonitions throughout, and added and revised a hundred sections. The Wei clan objected to the verbose and fragmentary mass of commentaries, gathered the finest and most concise interpretations, edited and polished the text, and upon completing the book reported it to the throne. Emperor Taizong praised and rewarded the work and had it copied and bestowed upon the crown prince. Your Majesty has inherited the enterprise and ought to follow that precedent; you therefore commanded the Confucian scholars to sort through and distinguish the old interpretations. Who would have thought that scholars devoted to textual glosses would cling to their old opinions, suppress new views and refuse to speak out, doubt the value of knowing what is new, and be resolute in holding to what is old?"
16
忿 忿 祿 駿 退
The guest said: "Those caught up in affairs call themselves confused, but the bystander sees clearly—what is there to doubt that keeps you from presenting your case? The reply came: "To change textual glosses presents five difficulties. When Kong Anguo of Han annotated the Old Text Book of Documents, his clansman Zang wrote to him: 'Xiangru often resented how vulgar Confucians used excessive words that obscured meaning; he wanted to restore order from chaos but could not achieve it. Shallow scholarship clings to the old like a hare waiting by a stump; the crowd denounces what is not orthodox—this has been so since antiquity. I fear this doctrine will not be trusted, and solitary wisdom will be condemned. This is the first. In the past Kong Jichan devoted himself to ancient learning. There was Kong Fu, who drifted with the vulgar currents and always admonished Jichan: 'The court today generally favors textual glosses and inner learning; you alone cultivate ancient meaning. Ancient meaning is not textual glosses and inner learning—it is a path that endangers one's person. Solitary excellence finds no place in the world—you are likely in peril! This is the second. Liu Xin favored the Zuo Tradition and wished to establish an academic chair for it. Emperor Ai accepted the proposal, but the Confucian scholars delayed and refused to respond when questioned. Xin sent letters reproaching them, and all the erudites were filled with resentment. Gong Sheng, then Senior Master of the Palace, upon seeing Xin's proposal, asked to retire from office. Minister of Works Shi Dan was greatly angered and denounced Xin for altering and disrupting previous records and slandering what the former emperor had established. Xin, in fear, was sent out as Administrator of Wuyuan. With the learning of Junbin and the breadth of Gongzhong, he was still constrained by partisan disputes within the same school, and in the end caused Zijun to bear slander. This is the third. Wang Su cited against Zheng Xuan several thousand or even tens of thousands of passages; Ma Zhao of Zheng Xuan's school impeached Su's shortcomings. An imperial command sent Erudite Zhang Rong to examine the classics and question them; Rong weighed right and wrong, and Su spent an entire year exhausted in rebuttal. This is the fourth. Wang Can said: 'The age proclaimed that east of the Yi and Luo rivers and north of the Huai and Han, Kangcheng alone sufficed. All said the early Confucians had many lacunae, and the Way of the Zheng clan was complete. Can privately sighed in wonder; he therefore sought out what he had studied and obtained Zheng's Commentary on the Book of Documents. Reflecting on its meaning afterward, he found its intent fully expressed, yet points of doubt still remained unclear—in all, two chapters. Wang Shao said: 'Wei and Jin were frivolous and ornate; the ancient Way was submerged and lost. For three hundred years scholars and officials were ashamed to engage in textual glosses. Only rustic scholars in the wilds claimed mastery of a single classic; unable to pursue broad investigation and choose what was good, they merely wished to call Kangcheng father and Zishen elder brother—sooner say Confucius was mistaken than admit Zheng and Fu were wrong. Thus apart from Zheng and Fu, all became adversaries. This is the fifth. When things reach their extreme they change; within a hundred years there will surely be a wise and enlightened gentleman who regrets not living in the same age as I. Whether the Way is practiced or abandoned must have its proper time, must it not? Why hasten to invite suspicion of seeking a quick name?"
17
Shortly thereafter he requested retirement. He died in the seventeenth year, at age seventy-seven, and was posthumously appointed Minister of Rites with the posthumous title Offered.
18
Chen Zhenjie
19
使
Chen Zhenjie was a native of Yingchuan. At the beginning of the Kaiyuan era he served as Right Remonstrator. Initially the four crown princes Yin, Zhanghuai, Yide, and Jiemin all had mausoleum temples built for them, divided into eight offices with officials, clerks, and soldiers appointed, and sacrificial officers presenting offerings in all four seasons. Zhenjie considered this improper and submitted a memorial: "When a king establishes sacrifices, even those based on merit and virtue are destroyed when kinship ties are exhausted. The temples of the four crown princes are all separate ancestral shrines; they performed no service to the people, yet receive seasonal offerings in garden temples with officials guarding them, on a par with the emperors. Metal music and ascending songs are used to praise merit and virtue. The Odes says: 'The bells and drums having been set up, in one morning they are feasted. To praise those without merit—is this not singing and dancing beyond measure? Under Zhou institutions, only the founding ancestor is called a lesser temple. It is not known what the four temples are to be called. I request that the soldiers and clerks be abolished and that sacrificial officers be commanded to have no subordinates, in accordance with ritual canon. In antiquity a son by a secondary wife became an ancestor, hence there were greater and lesser lineages. If it is said that sacrifices cannot yet be discontinued, the descendants who succeed them should be permitted to maintain them." An edict ordered the relevant offices to deliberate broadly. Assistant Master of Carriages Pei Ziyu said: "The four crown princes were all heir sons of former emperors; the successive sages, mindful of their close kinship, established sacrifices for them. The Spring and Autumn Annals records the Jin heir prince saying: 'I am about to give Jin to Qin; Qin will sacrifice to me. This concerns not being sacrificed to. It also says: 'Spirits do not accept offerings from those not of their kind—would not the lord's sacrifice be perverse! This concerns having a temple. In the first year of Duke Ding of Lu, the Yang Palace was established. Yang was a son of Bo Qin, a distant ancestor of the Ji clan, and was not yet subject to limits—how much more so when the Son of Heaven deeply cherishes kinship and extends it to collateral relations—who would not say this is right?" Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Duan Tong said: "The four mausoleum temples are all cases of the Son of Heaven cherishing kinship and continuing broken lines. The departed are granted offerings of duckweed and artemisia, just as the living are granted fief domains. In antiquity enfeoffed princes and sons—did they all have merit? While living there was no discussion; only after death is ritual invoked to stop sacrifices—what will people say? Yin was senior to the emperor—a father's elder brother's son; mourning was one year with hempen sash. Zhanghuai was a father's elder brother; mourning was one full year. Yide and Jiemin were paternal cousins of the same generation; mourning was nine months. Kinship ties are not yet exhausted; the temples cannot be abolished." Minister of Rites Zheng Weizhong and twenty-seven others also endorsed this view. Thereupon the four mausoleum temples had only their soldiers and clerks reduced by half; everything else remained as before.
20
He was transferred to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Emperor Xuanzong had Empress Zhaocheng enshrined alongside Emperor Ruizong, and also wished to have Empress Suming elevated together with her. Zhenjie submitted a memorial: "A temple must have a consort; one emperor and one empress—this is correct ritual. Empress Zhaocheng had the virtue of Tai Si and ought to be elevated as consort of Ruizong; Empress Suming, not having attained eminence through her son, ought to be in a separate temple. The Zhou people 'played the Yi Ze pitch-pipe and sang the Xiao Lü hymn to sacrifice to the ancestral mother.' The ancestral mother was Jiang Yuan, who bore Hou Ji; therefore a separate temple was established called the Gong Shrine. Empress Xuan of Jin Emperor Jianwen was not given shared offerings; a shrine was built outside, and seasonal sacrifices were offered. For Suming I request following the precedents of Zhou's Jiang Yuan and Jin's Empress Xuan—install the spirit tablet in a separate temple and offer seasonal sacrifices according to ritual." Thereupon the spirit tablet was kept in the Yikun Temple, with an edict placing it under the Grand Ancestral Temple and not establishing official staff. Zhenjie together with Erudite Su Xian also submitted a memorial: "Ruizong was younger brother to Emperor Xiaohé. According to He Xun's explanation, brothers do not succeed one another. Therefore Pan Geng of Yin did not follow Yang Jia in sequence but succeeded upward to the former lord; Emperor Guangwu of Han did not succeed Emperor Xiaocheng but received the line upward from Emperor Yuandi; Emperor Huai of Jin succeeded Shizu and did not succeed Emperor Hui. Therefore Yang Jia and Emperor Xiaocheng were placed in separate temples." They also said: "When brothers share the same generation and their zhao and mu positions are the same, two temples must be destroyed. One who possesses the realm, proceeding upward from the father, serves seven temples; the more exalted one's dominion, the further back one reaches to distant ancestors. If brothers are accommodated, then ancestors and forefathers above must be destroyed, and the Son of Heaven cannot fully serve seven generations. I request that Emperor Zhongzong be placed in a separate temple, and at the great he sacrifice he be joined in offerings with the Grand Ancestor. Having Ruizong succeed Emperor Gaozong, the libation and offering sequence will be permanently ordered." An edict approved this. Thereupon Emperor Zhongzong was placed in a separate temple, and Ruizong was elevated to the seventh chamber.
21
殿 殿 使
In the fifth year the Grand Ancestral Temple collapsed. The Son of Heaven lodged the spirit tablets in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, built a new temple, wore plain garments and avoided the main palace, did not hold court for three hundred days, yet still visited the Eastern Capital. Sun Pingzi, a commoner of Yique, submitted a memorial saying: "In the first month the Grand Ancestral Temple was destroyed—this is verification of elevating two emperors. The Spring and Autumn Annals: 'When the lord dies, after the final wailing the tablet is enshrined; after enshrinement the spirit tablet is made; special sacrifices are offered to the tablet; seasonal and di sacrifices are offered in the temple. All of this is now violated. In the second year of Duke Wen of Lu, Duke Xi was elevated above Duke Min; afterward the Grand Chamber collapsed. The Spring and Autumn Annals records this disaster, and the explanation says: 'Although Xi was Min's elder brother, he had once been his subject; a subject placed above his lord is called a breach of ritual—therefore the Grand Chamber collapsed. Moreover, when an elder brother had been subject to a younger brother, elevation is still impermissible; when a younger brother had once been subject to an elder brother—can he be elevated? When Duke Zhuang died, in Duke Min's second year a di sacrifice was held—the Spring and Autumn Annals censures this. How much more so when the late emperor died in summer and the Grand Ancestral Temple held a di sacrifice in winter—is this not too hasty? The Grand Chamber is the exalted place; it is as if to say that from this Lu declined and the sacrifices to Duke Zhou were abandoned. The Grand Ancestral Temple is now destroyed—does this mean the dynasty will decline and the sacrifices to former emperors will be abandoned? Your Majesty has not yet sacrificed to Emperor Xiaohé but first sacrificed to the Grand Emperor—subject before lord. Formerly brothers were elevated above one another; now the younger brother is sacrificed to before the elder brother. Formerly the Grand Chamber collapsed; now the Grand Ancestral Temple is destroyed—exactly the same as in the Spring and Autumn Annals. This cannot but be examined. Empress Wu usurped the realm, yet Emperor Xiaohé's restoration had merit. Now the inner lord has a separate shrine and cannot stand in the dynastic line—this is already meager enough. Merit cannot be abandoned; a lord cannot be demoted; an elder cannot be slighted. Moreover, a subject succeeding a lord is like a son succeeding a father. Therefore Yu did not place Gun first, and Zhou did not place Bu Qiu first; Song and Zheng did not slight Emperor Yi and King Li for their unworthy conduct but still honored them—how much more so for a restoration? In the Taikang era of Jin, the ground of Emperor Xuan's temple sank and beams broke; after three more years the Grand Ancestral Temple hall sank to the spring, was rebuilt, and the beams broke again. Heaven's reprimand is not necessarily because things are rotten and decayed. Jin did not accept Heaven's mandate, and therefore fell into disorder. I say Emperor Xiaohé ought to be moved back to the temple—why must we violate ritual and follow the examples of Lu and Jin? The emperor was struck by his words and ordered the relevant offices to deliberate again. Zhenjie and Xian together with Erudite Feng Zong debated, saying: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao and three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor making seven. Father is zhao, son is mu; brothers are not included. From Cheng Tang to Emperor Yi, the twelve lords of Yin had six generations of fathers and sons. The Qian Zao Du of the Book of Changes says: 'The six generations of kings of Yin's Emperor Yi. Then brothers do not count as generations. The six temples of the Yin people: four ancestral temples, plus Tang making six. The four brother-lords of Yin—if considered as generations, one would destroy four chambers above and have no ancestral or immediate-father temples; this surely cannot be so. In antiquity, proceeding from the immediate father to the highest ancestor, though temples were destroyed and moved in succession, the three zhao and mu were never deficient. The Rites: When the major lineage has no son, a branch son is established. It also says: 'One who becomes another's successor is counted as that person's son. There is no case of brothers succeeding one another; therefore the closest kin is set aside and a distant member is chosen. Father-to-son is called succession; brother-to-brother is called passing to; brothers do not enter the temple together—this is long established. Even supposing brothers alternately established the succession, in announcing sacrifices one could not call them successor son or successor grandson but would speak of deceased elder uncle and deceased elder grandfather—what order of succession would that be? Of the twelve lords of Yin, only three ancestors and three honored ones—clearly brothers had separate temples of their own. Emperor Shizu of Han listed seven temples, and Emperor Hui was not included. The descendants of King Wen and King Wu flourished; King Wen was Han's Grand Ancestor. Jingdi of Jin was also Emperor Wen's elder brother; with Jing's line extinct, he was not placed in the temple. When announcing Shizu's posthumous title they called Jing a distant grandfather. Now you say Jin Emperor Wu excessively exalted his father and the temple was destroyed leading to ruin—why did Han exclude Emperor Hui yet enjoy long-lasting fortune? Seven temples and five temples distinguish the Son of Heaven and feudal lords; father and son succeeding one another is a single succession; the zhao-mu ordering is the weight of succession. Ritual: when brothers succeed one another they may not be called successor son—clearly Ruizong did not take Xiaohé as father but must succeed upward to Gaozong. Adjacent chambers in the temple would make two mu—is this permissible by ritual? What ritual forbids, yet would have the Son of Heaven adopt a deceased elder uncle by collateral succession and abandon his own proper legitimate line? Xiaohé's restoration separately established a garden tomb that would not be destroyed for a hundred generations—what further debate is needed? Pingzi rashly cited Duke Xi's improper sacrifice as a parallel, not knowing that Xiaohé was elevated to a new tomb while Sheng Zhen was just being enshrined in the temple—they never occupied a higher position for even a day." The emperor told the chief ministers to summon Pingzi and the erudites for detailed debate. The erudites defended their earlier statements and combined to suppress Pingzi. Pingzi cited the classics with clear numbered arguments; Xian and the others could not refute him. Su Ting sided with the erudites, and therefore Pingzi was demoted to Commandant of the Capital District. Yet the Confucians, because Pingzi stood alone, saw him oppressed by the ritual officials and were displeased. The emperor also knew he was upright; long unable to decide, yet in the end did not restore Zhongzong to the temple.
22
殿 便 殿使
The next year the emperor was about to perform the great sacrifice at the Bright Hall. Zhenjie disliked what Empress Wu had built, which was not the ancient system of 'wood unadorned, earth unembellished,' and together with Feng Zong submitted a memorial: "The Bright Hall must face bing and si, to receive governance from the Fang and Xin asterisms; the Supreme Palace is where the Supreme God resides. Empress Wu initially took the Qianyuan main palace occupying the yang-wu position; the former emperor held court there, so the hall was demolished to make the Bright Hall. On the day of demolition there was a sound like thunder; the common people clamored and mocked, believing the spirits were displeased. When the hall was completed, disaster fire followed. Later she did not cultivate virtue and soon built again, exhausting resources in extreme extravagance, performing strange rites to avert the calamity, yet also wishing to join the Supreme God in sacrifice—would the spirits consent to descend? Moreover it is close to the inner palace, with human and divine affairs mixed in disorder—this is what is called a place where things cannot be left loose. The two capitals and the upper capital are the model for all directions. The Son of Heaven holds court from a convenient seat, with no way to display majesty to the ministers. I wish that the Bright Hall be restored to the Qianyuan Hall, so people may recognize its former state—is this not better?" An edict ordered the relevant offices to deliberate in detail. Minister of Justice Wang Zhikan and others unanimously said: "The Bright Hall is bizarre and unlawful; after heaven's burning, it cannot accommodate the great sacrifice. I request following the old system and restoring the Qianyuan main palace. At the winter and summer solstices the Son of Heaven would hold court there for assemblies. For the great sacrifice, the Round Mound would again serve as the temporary site." An edict approved this. Zhenjie died of old age.
23
Shi Jingben
24
滿滿 祿
Shi Jingben was a native of Danyang in Runzhou. During Kaiyuan he served as Simen Assistant Instructor. Emperor Xuanzong was about to perform the feng and shan sacrifices and ordered the relevant offices to study and seek canonical ritual. Under the old system, washing hands and washing the goblet were both presided over by the Palace Attendant; the edict for sacrificing to the Heavenly Spirit was presided over by the Grand Invocator. Jingben submitted a memorial saying: "Under Zhou institutions, the Chief Ritual Master had two libation officers of lower servitor rank who managed libation affairs. Han had no libation officer and used close ministers. In Han times the Palace Attendant was a very minor post; favored ministers such as Ji Ru and Hong Ru held it. Later in Han, Shao He moved from Palace Attendant to Commandant of the Footsoldiers, rank one thousand shi; his duties included recording the emperor's movements and holding the tiger vessel—he was essentially an intimate attendant. Today the Palace Attendant ranks with the chief minister and is not comparable to a libation officer. The invocator conveys the host's intent to the spirits—it is not a lowly office. In antiquity when two lords met, a minister served as chief usher—how much more so at the boundary between Heaven and man! Zhou's Grand Invocator had two lower grand masters and four upper servitors. Lower grand master corresponds to today's Gentleman of the Palace and Assistant Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; upper servitor corresponds to outside-office gentleman and erudite. Han's Director of Invocations had rank six hundred shi; today's Grand Invocator is only a lower servitor. To use a lower servitor to receive Heaven and a great minister to serve the Son of Heaven—the weight is disproportionate and not ritual. Under the old system, the usher led the Grand Commandant up the altar. The usher's rank was low, yet the altar ascent ritual was weighty. Han's Masters of Writing and Censorate had one Usher Superintendent, rank six hundred shi, with bronze seal and blue sash; thirty-five ushers—when a Gentleman of the Palace completed a year he was called Attendant Within the Gates; before completing a year he was called Usher. Under the Director of Bright Harmony were ushers managing guest reception, seventy in number, rank equivalent to six hundred shi. Thus ancient ushers differed in name and rank; today's ushers are of low rank, clinging to empty titles and forgetting substantive duties—this is not how to serve Heaven." The emperor ordered Chief Secretariat Director Zhang Yue to summon Jingben, who was well versed in these deliberations; therefore for Palace Attendant, Invocator, and Usher, according to the weight of ritual, other officials were appointed to act in their stead.
25
Jingben served as Compiler at the Hall of Assembled Worthies from his post as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. After more than a year he was transferred to Right Supplementation Censor and Secretary; he died.
26
Lu Lübing
27
便 使 [B18J] [B18J] 使 [B18J] [B18J] [B18J]
Lu Lübing was a native of Fanyang in Youzhou, fifth-generation descendant of Yixi, Director of the Central Office of Northern Wei. In the fifth year of Kaiyuan he served successively as Right Supplementation Censor. He submitted a proposal: "In antiquity when the father was alive mourning for the mother was one year, with the spirit tablet removed and inner mourning observed. Empress Wu first requested three years equal to the father—this was wrong; I request following ritual as convenient." Emperor Xuanzong was uncertain, and because mourning for maternal uncles, sisters-in-law, and paternal uncles was also unsettled, he submitted the matter to all officials for deliberation. Director of the Penal Bureau Tian Zaosi said: "Families gathered to discuss ritual are like gathering lawsuits. Following antiquity is not necessarily correct, and following the present is not necessarily wrong. Three years mourning for the mother while the father lives—Emperor Gaozong actually implemented this and it has been recorded in statutes for a long time. Why must we go against the former emperor's intent, obstruct a son's feelings, and restrict one period of mourning for one's parent to make it the same as for paternal aunts, paternal uncles' wives, and paternal aunts and sisters? Mourning for sister-in-law, paternal uncle, and maternal uncle and nephew—Emperor Taizong actually established this; for a hundred years there has been no dissent—it cannot be changed." Lübing then said: "In the Shangyuan era, three years mourning for the mother while the father lives—though later requested, it was not used; only in the Chuigong era was it implemented. There were cases where grandparents were alive yet daughters-in-law died and mourning was observed for two periods—this cannot be called proper. Ritual: a woman has no independent way, therefore it says 'a household has no two exalted ones.' One year mourning for the mother while the father lives unifies a single exalted authority. If this error is not corrected now, I fear later ages will again have the disaster of wives usurping husbands—it cannot but be examined." The memorial was kept and not issued. Lübing then argued at length: "When the father is alive mourning for the mother sets up the offering table for one period; inner mourning lasts two periods; the father must wait three years before remarrying, to fulfill the son's intent. Would the sages scorn feeling for those who bore them? They surely had intent for all under Heaven. In the past Empress Wu secretly stored usurpation in her heart, elevating herself in advance to one-year qi mourning and donning cut-sackcloth mourning, and soon overbore the Tang house, opening the path to calamity. Emperor Xiaohé barely managed restoration; Empress Wei rose again, wantonly killed the Son of Heaven, and nearly destroyed the altars of state. Therefore I wish to rectify the bond of husband and wife—not only the relation between mother and son. Some debaters say: 'Reducing mourning for the mother is not what the Odes calls boundless feeling, and moreover makes it the same as for paternal aunts, paternal uncles' wives, and paternal aunts and sisters. Moreover qi and zhan already have gradations in rank, so the months cannot be made different. These are narrow pedants who have not studied the intent of the former kings—how can they discuss ritual? Boundless feeling means spring and autumn sacrifices and timely remembrance—what the gentleman calls lifelong sorrow; how can it be limited to one or two periods of mourning? The sages in ritual must establish a middle standard, so that worthy and unworthy alike complete the pattern of ritual before release; do paternal aunts and sisters have regulations for offering tables and mourning staffs or three years of inner mourning? Mother receives qi, father receives zhan—this is an unchanging principle." Left Regular Attendant of the Palace Horse Yuan Xingchong debated: "In antiquity ritual garments followed feeling: the daughter looks to Heaven through the father, the wife through the husband; cut-sackcloth for three years where feeling and ritual are both exhausted—this establishes the utmost from the heart. Mourning for the wife with staff for one period, where feeling and ritual are both reduced, keeps distant suspicion and honors the yang Way. For the legitimate son three years cut-sackcloth without leaving office honors the ancestor, exalts the legitimate heir, elevates the ritual and reduces the feeling. Nothing exceeds honoring the father in filial piety; therefore when the father is alive mourning for the mother requires leaving office, qi for one period, inner mourning three years—feeling is expressed but ritual is reduced—the same from Yao, Shun, Duke Zhou, and Confucius. Now abandoning the weight of honoring what is exalted, impairing the righteousness of honoring the father, and calling it ritual—can this be? Aunt combines the name of following mother; as the mother's female kin, adding mourning for the maternal uncle is not without reason. Sister-in-law and paternal uncle do not wear mourning for each other—this keeps distant suspicion. I request following antiquity as appropriate." The emperor did not reply. At that time those who spoke on mourning garments each argued from their own view, mouths crossing in uproar. In the seventh year an edict was finally issued: "Mourning regulations shall uniformly follow the ancient system." Thereafter among the people mourning for the mother while the father lived was either one period then end of mourning garments, end of garments then release, with inner mourning three years; or one period then end of garments, continuing three years; or three years qi mourning.
28
Later Lübing died in office.
29
Wang Zhongqiu
30
Wang Zhongqiu was a native of Langya in Yizhou. His grandfather Shi Shun served Emperor Gaozong, was famous in his day for deliberating transport by canal, and ended as Director of the Gate Office. Zhongqiu during Kaiyuan served successively as Left Supplementation Censor with inner palace appointment, Compiler at the Hall of Assembled Worthies, and Diarist of the Heir Apparent.
31
At that time canonical regulations were inconsistent; Zhongqiu wished to combine the Zhenguan and Xianqing rituals, relying on the principle that what has been instituted must not be abolished, and submitted a memorial: "The Zhenguan Rites on the first month upper xin day sacrifice to the Lord of Felt at the southern suburb. The Xianqing Rites: sacrifice to the August Heaven God at the Round Mound to pray for grain. I say the Odes 'in spring and summer pray for grain to the Lord on High,' and the Rites 'on upper xin pray for grain to the Lord on High'—then the Lord on High is the August Heaven. Zheng Xuan says: 'The Five Thearchs of Heaven succeed one another in kingship; the king must be moved by one to rise. Compare to sacrificing in the first month of summer at the suburb to the one from whom one was born, with one's ancestor as consort, and thereby praying for grain. Sacrifice to the Lord of Felt—the Zhenguan Rites used it. I request at the altar for praying for grain to sacrifice broadly to the Five Directional Thearchs. The Five Thearchs are the essences of the Five Phases, the lords of the nine grains. I request both rituals be used. The Zhenguan Rites: at the rain sacrifice sacrifice to the Five Directional Thearchs, Five Human Thearchs, and Five Officials at the southern suburb. The Xianqing Rites: sacrifice to the August Heaven God at the Round Mound. I say praying to the Lord on High for the hundred grains seeks sweet rain; therefore the Monthly Ordinances: 'Great rain sacrifice to the Lord, using grand music.' Zheng Xuan explains: 'Lord means the Lord on High—it is Heaven's separate title. Sacrifice at the Round Mound honors Heaven's position. The Xianqing sacrifice to the August Heaven matches the Monthly Ordinances, yet the Zhenguan Rites once sacrificed to the Five Thearchs—I request both rituals be used. The Zhenguan Rites: in late autumn sacrifice to the Five Directional Thearchs and Five Officials at the Bright Hall. The Xianqing Rites: sacrifice to the August Heaven God at the Bright Hall. I say Zhou at the suburban sacrifice paired Hou Ji with Heaven; at the ancestral sacrifice honored King Wen in the Bright Hall paired with the Lord on High. Early Confucians took Heaven as the Lord of Felt, citing the Five Thearchs of the Supreme Palace as belonging to the Lord on High—then they belong to the August Heaven. Zheng Xuan said the Offices of Zhou 'procession to the Lord on High' sacrifices to the Five Thearchs, each with different pattern and different ritual—they cannot be combined into one. Therefore in the Classic of Filial Piety regarding Heaven and the Lord on High he explained: 'The Lord on High is also Heaven.' Spirits have no two lords—only the place differs, to avoid Hou Ji. Now the Xianqing offering to the Lord on High matches the Classic, yet the Zhenguan Rites once sacrificed to the Five Directional Thearchs. I request both rituals be used." An edict approved this.
32
He was transferred to Assistant Master of Rites. He died and was posthumously appointed Vice Director of the Secretariat.
33
Kang Ziyuan
34
Kang Ziyuan was a native of Kuaiji in Yuezhou. He served successively as Magistrate of Xianling. At the beginning of Kaiyuan an edict ordered Chief Secretariat Director Zhang Yue to recommend those able to master the Changes, Laozi, and Zhuangzi; Direct Erudite of the Hall of Assembled Worthies Hou Xingguo recommended Ziyuan and Jing Huizhen of Pingyang to Yue, who reported them to the throne; both were granted robes and gifts and allowed to attend lectures. Ziyuan was promoted in succession to Vice Director of the Secretariat; Huizhen became Simen Erudite; soon both also served as Lecturing Scholars at the Hall of Assembled Worthies.
35
便
Emperor Xuanzong was about to travel east to Mount Tai; Yue summoned Ziyuan, Xingguo, Xu Jian, and Wei Tao to discuss and revise the feng and shan ritual. Initially at Emperor Gaozong's feng, Chief Secretariat Director Xu Jingzong proposed: "The Zhou people valued fragrance, therefore they sacrificed first and then burned the firewood." Yue, Jian, and Ziyuan submitted jointly: "The Offices of Zhou: with six changes of music the heavenly spirits descend. Thus spirits descend through music—it is not because of burning. From Song and Qi onward all first tasted the blessing wine, then burned. I request sacrificing first then burning, as in the Zhenguan Rites." Xingguo together with Zhao Dongxi debated that: "Burning first to bring down the spirits is long established. If one sacrifices and then burns, the spirits have no means to descend." Ziyuan's argument stood firm and did not shift. Yue said: "Does Kang Zi alone break the chariot axle to face a whole squad?" The debate was undecided; Yue requested the emperor decide, and the emperor ordered burning afterward.
36
輿
When the imperial carriage returned from Dai, the retinue of officials was reduced; the emperor first stopped at the Eastern Capital, with only Ziyuan, Wu Jiong, and Wei Shu following as scholars. After a long time he was transferred to Vice Director of the Court of the Imperial Clan; due to illness he was appointed Director of the Secretariat and retired. He died and was posthumously appointed Prefect of Bianzhou. The emperor once composed encomia to bestow on Yue and Ziyuan, ordered artisans to paint their images, and commanded Dongxi, Shu, and Jiong each to write a biography.
37
Hou Xingguo
38
Xingguo was a native of Shanggu; he served successively as Vice Director of the Directorate of Education and attended the crown prince's lectures. He died and was posthumously appointed Tutor to the Prince of Qing.
39
Initially Xingguo, Huizhen, and Feng Chaoyin of Changle entered together to lecture. Chaoyin could investigate the hidden meaning of Laozi and Zhuangzi; Huizhen was also skilled in Laozi; each time they opened a chapter they first burned incense and bathed before reading. The emperor said: "I wish to seek further those skilled in the Changes, yet there is none equal to the worthy Xingguo." Chaoyin ended as Right Mentor to the Heir Apparent; Huizhen as Erudite of the Grand Academy.
40
Zhao Dongxi
41
沿使 便 使
Zhao Dongxi was a native of Gucheng in Dingzhou. Selected by the jinshi examination, he served successively as Left Remonstrator. At the beginning of Shenlong he submitted a memorial: "Ancient statutes had more than a thousand articles. During Sui treacherous ministers mocked the law and wrote in the code: 'Where the code has no explicit article, for acquittal cite the heavier to clarify the lighter; for conviction cite the lighter to clarify the heavier. One phrase abolished several hundred articles. From this severity and leniency followed affection and hatred; the punished did not know why—if Jia Yi saw this he would surely weep bitterly. When law is easy to know, those below dare not violate and keep far from traps; when text and meaning are deep, clerks take advantage and partisan attachment flourishes. Statutes, commands, regulations, and forms—I say articles should be revised and set forth, stating matters directly. Categories such as increase and decrease by comparison, measuring circumstances, citing the lighter to clarify the heavier, and what ought not to be done—all should not be used. Let foolish men and foolish women together keep far from crime; offenders though noble must be punished. When statutes are clear people trust; when law is unified the lord is honored." At the time this was praised as correct.
42
At the beginning of Kaiyuan he was transferred to Investigating Censor and was banished to Yuezhou for an offense. Recalled and restored to office, he entered the Hall of Assembled Worthies as Compiler together with Vice Director of the Secretariat He Zhizhang, Proofreader Sun Jiliang, and Case Reviewer of the Court of Judicial Review Xian Yiye. At that time Candidate Gentleman Wang Silin and Simen Assistant Instructor Fan Xianxia served as collators; Hanlin Attendant Lü Xiang and Dongfang Hao served as proofreaders. Before long Dongxi took charge of historiographical affairs and was transferred to Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel. After more than a year he together with Jiliang, Yiye, Zhizhang, and Lü Xiang all became Direct Erudites. Dongxi was soon transferred to Secretariat Drafter with inner palace appointment and died while serving as Director of the Directorate of Education.
43
使西
Dongxi was by nature free and unrestrained, disdaining worldly affairs. Elder brother Xiar, younger brothers Hebi, Anzhen, Juzhen, Yizhen, and Huizhen—all were selected in the jinshi examination. Anzhen was Attendant Within the Gates; Juzhen was Regional Inspector of Wujun; Yizhen was Protector-General of Anxi. Juzhen's son Chang has a separate biography.
44
Wang Silin was dismissed from his post as Proofreader to the Heir Apparent. Dongfang Hao submitted a memorial that offended the intent and was demoted to Assistant Magistrate of Gao'an. Yiye was also demoted for an offense to Magistrate of Yuhang. Xianxia was skilled in discourse and later became a Daoist priest. Among Kaiyuan erudites of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, Yin Yin, Lu Jian, Zheng Qinshuo, and Lu Zuan also achieved some renown.
45
Yin Yin was a native of Tianshui in Qinzhou. His father Sizhen, courtesy name Jiruo. He mastered the Spring and Autumn Annals and was selected with high rank. He once studied under Erudite of the Directorate of Education Wang Daogui, who praised him saying: "Among my disciples there are many, but Young Yin cannot be fathomed." He was destroyed by grief in mourning for a parent. When mourning ended he did not take office. Left and Right Historiographers Zhang Yue and Yin Yuankai recommended him as Great Completion Scholar of the Directorate of Education. At each libation sacrifice he lectured and debated the Three Teachings; listeners all gained what they had never heard. He was transferred to Simen Assistant Instructor and compiled Hubs of Interpretations of the Classics and Continuation of the Records of the Historian—both unfinished. He dreamed that the Directorate of the Imperial Clan and the Directorate of the Imperial Library both summoned him; waking, he gathered kin to bid farewell and died two days later at age forty.
46
Yin was broadly learned and especially versed in Laozi's book. Initially a Daoist priest, when Emperor Xuanzong valued arcane discourse someone recommended Yin; summoned for audience the emperor was greatly pleased, treated him generously, and appointed him Remonstrance Grand Master and Erudite of the Hall of Assembled Worthies concurrently compiling the national history—he firmly declined and would not accept. An edict ordered him to attend to duties in Daoist garb; only then did he take office and exclusively supervised the books of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and the Historiographical Institute. At the end of Kaiyuan he died and was posthumously appointed Left Regular Attendant of the Palace Horse.
47
婿
Lu Jian was a native of Luoyang in Henan. Initially Assistant in Ruzhou, he was demoted to Assistant in Fuzhou when his friend by marriage Li Ci was executed, and was transferred again to Master of Communications. An edict ordered him to resume office from mourning; palace envoys were sent to urge him, but he would not accept. He served as Attendant Within the Gates concurrently as Erudite. He was skilled in calligraphy. His original name was Youti; the emperor praised his upright firmness and bestowed a new name. Following the feng at Mount Tai he was enfeoffed as Baron of Jian'an. The emperor treated him very generously, painted his image within the palace, and personally composed an encomium. He died while serving as Director of the Secretariat at age seventy-one, posthumously appointed Minister of Personnel with posthumous title Resolute.
48
Zheng Qinshuo
49
使
Qinshuo was eighth-generation descendant of Jingshu, Administrator of Puyang in Later Wei. At the beginning of Kaiyuan from Assistant Magistrate of Xinjin he requested trial examination in the Five Classics, was selected, and appointed Magistrate of Gong and Proofreader at the Hall of Assembled Worthies. He served successively as Right Supplementation Censor with inner palace appointment. He mastered calendrical arts and was broadly learned in things. Initially Liang Director of Imperial Sacrifices Ren Fang in the seventh month of Datong year 4 at Zhongshan obtained an inscription reading: "Tortoise speaks of earth, milfoil speaks of water; the thousand-li domain and yellow bell open the numinous site. Burial on the third upper geng; collapse meeting the seventh middle ji. Six thousand three hundred successive cycles intersect; two nines doubled three four hundred collapse." At the time none could interpret it; he stored it away and admonished his sons: "Generation after generation use this inscription to seek those who understand—if anyone knows it, I die without regret." Fang's fifth-generation descendant Shengzhi, living in seclusion in Shangluo, copied it and gave it to Qinshuo. Qinshuo on a mission obtained it at Changle Post; thirty li to Fushui he understood: "The diviner of the site concealed the burial year and month but beforehand knew the day and time the tomb would collapse. Thousand-li domain is five hundred; yellow bell is eleven; counting back from Datong year 4 reaches Han Jianwu year 4—in all five hundred eleven years. Burial on the tenth day of the third month gengyin—the third upper geng. Collapse on the twelfth day of the seventh month jisi—the seventh middle ji. Successive cycles is twelve; from Jianwu year 4 third month to Datong year 4 seventh month is six thousand three hundred twelve months; one month one cycle—therefore six thousand three hundred successive cycles intersect. Two nines is eighteen. Doubled three is six. From Jianwu year 4 third month tenth day to Datong year 4 seventh month twelfth day is one hundred eighty-six thousand four hundred days—therefore two nines doubled three four hundred collapse." Shengzhi was greatly astonished and admired his wisdom.
50
殿
Qinshuo was consistently disliked by Li Linfu; when Wei Jian died Qinshuo was then Palace Attendant and had often been Jian's case officer; he was demoted to Commandant of Yelang and died.
51
使
His son Kejun served as Director of the Office of Punishments. When Tibet besieged Lingzhou and military provisions were exhausted, Dezong appointed Kejun Grain Transport Commissioner for Ling and Xia; he transferred grain piled below the pass and the defenders were thereby secure.
52
Lu Zuan was third cousin of Minister of Personnel Congyuan. From Magistrate of Wenxi he became Erudite and ended as Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel.
53
Elder brother Fu during Emperor Zhongzong served successively as Right Supplementation Censor. When Mohechuo invaded and defeated Shatuo Zhongyi, an edict ordered all officials to propose strategies for defeating the enemy; Fu alone submitted a memorial holding: "Governing within can reach outward; when rewards and punishments are clear soldiers exhaust their loyalty. In the campaign at Mingsha the commander fled first, yet the central army still fought to the death. Correct law and record merit—then the army can be encouraged. As for Zhongyi, he has cavalry general talent but cannot be entrusted with great responsibility. It is appropriate following ancient methods to recruit people to migrate to the frontier, exempt them from corvée, place them in military households, clarify commands, reward captured booty; in near campaigns they guard home, in far campaigns they gain goods. Purchase brave interpreters and strengthen the various barbarians to plan attack and seizure. Select frontier prefects, gather chariots and accumulate grain, and strictly maintain beacon fires for defense." Emperor Zhongzong approved his words, yet nothing was implemented. Fu ended as Vice Director of the Secretariat.
54
調簿 滿
Tan Zhu, courtesy name Shuzuo, was a native of Zhaozhou, later moving to Guanzhong. He was thoroughly versed in the classics. At the end of Tianbao he was appointed Assistant in Linhai and Registrar in Danyang. When his term ended he lived in seclusion, content with coarse food.
55
便
Skilled in the Spring and Autumn Annals, he examined the strengths and weaknesses of the three schools, mended gaps and lacunae, and titled it Collected Commentary—only after ten years was it complete; he then extracted its main points into a systematic set of examples. His view of Confucius's intent in compiling the Spring and Autumn Annals was: "Xia government was loyal; the defect of loyalty is rusticity; the Shang received it with reverence; the defect of reverence is ghost-worship; the Zhou received it with culture; the defect of culture is superficiality. To rescue superficiality nothing surpasses loyalty. Culture is the branch of loyalty. Establish teaching at the root and its defect will be at the branch; establish teaching at the branch—what will the defect be? King Wu and Duke Zhou received the Shang defect and used it because they had no choice. After Duke Zhou died none knew how to change it; therefore its defect exceeded the two dynasties. Confucius grieved and said: 'The Way of Yu and Xia had little resentment among the people; the Way of Shang and Zhou could not overcome their defects!' Therefore he said: 'Though later ages have authors, Emperor Yu cannot be reached. This means the transformation of Tang and Yu is hard to practice in a decadent age, while Xia loyalty should be transformed and attained. Therefore the Spring and Autumn Annals uses expedient assistance, uses sincerity to decide ritual, and uses the Way of loyalty to trace feeling. It does not cling to empty names, does not esteem narrow integrity; it follows what is appropriate to rescue disorder and promotes and demotes according to the times. An ancient saying: 'Shang changed Xia, Zhou changed Shang, Spring and Autumn changed Zhou.' Gongyangzi also said: 'Delight in the Way of Yao and Shun to model later sages. This shows the Spring and Autumn Annals uses the methods of the Two Thearchs and Three Kings, taking Xia as foundation—not uniformly adhering to Zhou canon, clearly." He also said: "Though You and Li declined, the Odes had not yet become Airs. When King Ping moved east the people retained the remaining transformation; if there was good or evil it should be corrected by Zhou law. Therefore it begins from the end of King Ping's reign with Duke Yin as start—to rescue thinness and encourage goodness, save Zhou's defect, and reform ritual's error." Zhu favored the Gongyang and Guliang schools; because the Zuo Tradition's explanations were mostly erroneous, he held its book came from Confucius's disciples. Moreover in the Analects what Confucius cites are mostly earlier men such as Old Peng and Bo Yi—generally not contemporaries; yet he says: 'When Zuo Qiuming is ashamed of it, I too am ashamed of it.' Qiuming was probably like Shi Yi and Chi Ren. Moreover the Zuo Tradition and Discourses of the States are stitched together without order and narrate events perversely—they were not the work of one person. Probably Zuo collected various states' histories to explain the Spring and Autumn Annals; later people called it Zuo's and attached Qiuming's name—this is wrong. Zhu's forced interpretations are mostly of this kind.
56
Zhu's disciples Zhao Kuang and Lu Zhi were his foremost students. Zhu died at age forty-seven. After Zhu's death Zhi together with his son Yi collected and recorded what Zhu had written in General Examples of the Collected Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, requested Kuang to add and subtract, and Zhi compiled and joined it, titled it Compiled Examples. Kuang, courtesy name Boxun, was a native of Hedong; he served as Prefect of Yangzhou—the Master Zhao whom Zhi praised.
57
In the Dali era Zhu, Kuang, and Zhi were famed for the Spring and Autumn Annals; Shi Gai for the Odes; Zhong Ziling, Yuan Yi, Wei Tong, and Wei for the Rites; Cai Guangcheng for the Changes; Qiang Meng for the Analects—all named their own learning; Gai and Ziling were most outstanding.
58
Shi Gai
59
滿 穿
Gai was a native of Wu, also skilled in the Zuo Tradition of the Spring and Autumn Annals, and taught both classics. From Simen Assistant Instructor he became Erudite; when his term ended and he should have departed, students sealed a memorial requesting he remain—for nineteen years in all he died in office. Disciples jointly buried him. Gai compiled a Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, which was not widely transmitted. Later Emperor Wenzong favored classical learning; Chief Minister Li Shi therefore said Gai's Spring and Autumn Annals was worth reading. The emperor said: "I have seen it—forced interpretation learning, merely creating differences; scholars are like digging a well—obtaining good water is enough; why must one toil and seek far and wide before it counts as obtaining?"
60
Zhong Ziling
61
西
Ziling was a native of Shu, fond of ancient learning, dwelling on Mount Emei. Selected as Worthy and Upright, he was promoted to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and mastered the Rites of Hou Cang and the Elder and Younger Dai. The relevant offices requested correcting the Grand Ancestor's east-facing position and moving the tablets of Xian and Yi. Ziling debated enshrining the tablets in the Deming and Xingsheng temples; his words were canonical and correct. Later divergent opinions swirled; he again wrote Difficulties Generalized to show the Confucians, and the Confucians could not refute him. After a long time he managed selection and appointment in Qianzhong; passing home by post carriage, western people took it as honor. He ended as Assistant Master of the Gate Office. Ziling found joy in literary meaning; at death what his household retained was only books and several hu of wine.
62
穿
The encomium reads: The Spring and Autumn Annals, Odes, Changes, and Documents were transmitted from master to disciple in Confucius's time; through violent Qin they did not break, like a thread tied fast. When Han rose the proscription on books was abolished and Confucians freely lectured; the classics gradually flourished. The Zuo Tradition was contemporary with Confucius; using Lu's history attached to the Spring and Autumn Annals it made a commentary; Gongyang Gao and Guliang Chi both came from Zixia's disciples. The three schools' explanations of the classics each had deviations, yet all fundamentally derived from the sage; gain and loss were perhaps five parts in fifteen; meanings might be erroneous, but early Confucians feared the sage and dared not rashly change. Tan Zhu in Tang was famed for mastering the Spring and Autumn Annals; he collected and mocked the three schools, not basing himself on what he received, using his own named learning and deciding by private speculation; honoring it he called it Confucius's intent; Zhao and Lu followed and proclaimed it, and it thereby shone in the age. Alas! Confucius has been gone several thousand years—is what Zhu promoted and wrote truly his intent? It cannot be certain. To make certain what cannot be certain is obstinacy; to hold one's own obstinacy and proclaim it to this age is deception. Deception and obstinacy are what the gentleman does not take. Did Zhu truly deem it acceptable? He merely made later students force interpretations and argue sophistry, revile predecessors, abandon established explanations, and create their own confusion—the step Zhu opened.
63
Wei Tong was a native of Jingzhao. His fourth-generation collateral ancestor Fangzhi was chief minister in Empress Wu's time. Tong was famed for mastering the Rites; in Emperor Dezong's time he was Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
64
使
Before this, in Tianbao an edict ordered the Imperial Kitchen on new and full moons to present food to the Grand Ancestral Temple; the Son of Heaven had eunuchs attend sacrifices—the relevant offices did not participate. In the twelfth year of Zhenyuan the emperor first ordered new and full moon offerings, assigning the Court of the Imperial Clan and Court of Imperial Sacrifices to supply jointly. Thereupon Tong together with Erudite Pei Kan debated: "Ritual: ancestral temples do not sacrifice on new and full moons; garden tombs do. In Zhenguan and Kaiyuan, in ritual and edict, they did not dare change antiquity. In Tianbao the food presentation began—probably Wang Yu, seizing events of the time, used banquet vessels and intimate viands, mixing and profaning ritual offerings; this cannot be shown to distant ages. The tradition says: 'Sacrifice is not something arriving from outside—it is born in the heart. Therefore the sage equalizes sacrificial beasts, sets out baskets and stands, and of insects, plants, and all that may be offered none is absent—thereby offering to the ancestral temple, joining with spirits, and completing filial reverence. Clean meals and delicacies, the eight treasures and hundred dishes, savory foods, fine meats and sweet flavors are called intimate flavors—thereby feasting guests, joining human feeling, and showing kindness and favor. Thus offering and banquet—the sage separates them as two things; they cannot be confused. If now cooked viands are offered in sacrifice, this is not the intent of taking the different as reverence. Moreover sacrifice should not be frequent, nor should it be sparse; responding to the season and presenting offerings hits the middle. Now garden tombs sacrifice twice monthly—not sparse; temples sacrifice five times yearly—not frequent; relevant offices in attendance can exhaust their reverence. If sumptuous viands are again added on new and full moons, this is excess within ritual's middle; relevant offices cannot exhaust their reverence. Therefore the king examines antiquity and dares not exceed ritual through utmost filial thought, dares not surplus flavor through excessive dishes. I wish to abolish what Tianbao added, offer garden tombs with delicacies, offer ancestral temples with ritual—both obtaining what is appropriate." The emperor said: "This ritual was settled by the former emperor; to change it abruptly—what will people say of me? Slowly debate whether it can be done." Yet new and full moon offerings were ultimately not abolished.
65
使 便 便
When the Zhaoling garden tomb palace was extended and burned by prairie fire, guest sacrifices were offered at the Jade Terrace Buddhist temple. Moreover the old palace was on the mountain, lacking water springs; workers feared the labor and wished to make the traveling palace the tomb palace; an edict ordered chief ministers and all officials to debate. Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel Yang Yuling debated: "Garden tombs are not a Three Dynasties institution; from Qin and Han onward tombs had attached palaces, near or far without record. Wei Xuancheng and others debated garden tombs with no definitive words on establishment or abolition at the beginning. Moreover the tomb palace occupies space within the cypress city, not far from the mound; if every tomb's palace had fixed limits it could not be moved. If limited to the cypress city, the old palace is already burned and the traveling palace long established—repairing it accordingly—what objection? Some say: 'Taizong founded the enterprise; the tomb palace should not be lightly changed. This is not so. The tomb domain houses the spirit; the spirit is originally still; now great works lie waste and noisy labor presses close—not where the dark chamber rests at ease; changing is convenient." Tong said: "Former kings established capitals and cities; when unfavorable they moved—how much more when there is cause? Now the text palace suffered fire; moving to make it the palace is not without cause. The spirit rests in the move; thereby building the palace—in ritual this is utmost compliance. Moreover other tombs are all in the cypress city; building conveniently without crossing the boundary mound saves labor and is easy to follow." The emperor valued changing the former emperor's institution and restored the palace on the mountain summit.
66
After Tong died, in the fifth year of Huizong's Huichang an edict forbade ministers in the capital from building private temples. Chief Minister Li Deyu and others cited Tong's deliberation: "Ancient institution: temples must be outside the middle gate; auspicious and inauspicious are all announced—to honor through kinship, not to act on one's own. Now establishing temples outside the capital cannot obtain ritual's intent. South of the palace nine wards—three wards called outside the enclosure, land barren on the left, establishing temples without objection; the remaining six wards may be forbidden." An edict did not permit it; they were allowed to establish temples at their residences according to antiquity.
67
Chen Jing, courtesy name Qingfu, was fifth-generation descendant of Chen Prince of Yidu Shuming. His father Jian served as Right Supplementation Censor and Hanlin Scholar. Jing was skilled in literary composition; Chang Gun praised him and gave him his elder brother's son in marriage. Selected in the jinshi examination, he was transferred in succession to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
68
退 使
When Dezong was at Fengtian he heard Duan Xiushi was killed by rebels and for seven days did not hold court. The chief minister said: "In a time of many difficulties it is inappropriate to block myriad affairs—what will the realm say?" Jing said: "The chief minister's words are wrong. To honor great integrity and show care for worthy ministers is how the realm is secured—how much more for those outstanding and singular?" The emperor said: "Good." Returning to the capital he was promoted to Left Supplementation Censor. When the emperor appointed Lu Qi Prefect of Raozhou, Jing together with Zhao Xu, Pei Ji, Yuwen Xuan, Lu Jingliang, and Zhang Jian jointly impeached: "Qi as chief minister held key position; great ministers for more than a month could not gain audience; all officials trembled as if blades were at their necks. Your Majesty reappoints him—traitors and villains will clap hands and rise again." The emperor would not listen. Jing and the others argued especially firmly; the emperor was greatly angered; attendants shrank back and remonstrators gradually withdrew. Jing with stern countenance said: "Xu and the others do not hastely retreat!" He exhaustively argued it could not be done and pleaded with his life; Qi was thereby dismissed. When the emperor was established he sought and welcomed the Empress Dowager; long unable to find her his intent grew slack. Jing secretly reported: "Just send envoys to search by description and seek." The emperor greatly understood and thereafter dared not neglect the matter.
69
西 使 西
Initially after Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined, Xian and Yi were moved to the west side chambers and the Grand Ancestor was placed facing east. Ritual Commissioner Yu Xiulie debated: "Xian and Yi are more exalted than the Grand Ancestor; if jointly offered, the Grand Ancestor's position cannot be correct. I request storing the spirit tablets of the two ancestors and having Taizong, Zhongzong, Ruizong, and Suzong follow Shizu facing south, and Gaozong and Xuanzong follow Gaozu facing north." Di and he sacrifices did not include the two ancestors—for eighteen years in all. At the beginning of Jianzhong, when Emperor Daizong's mourning ended, the great he sacrifice was due. Jing as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices submitted: "The meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals: tablets of destroyed temples are displayed before the Grand Ancestor; tablets of undestroyed temples are jointly offered to the ancestor; there is no statement about moving tablets of undestroyed temples not being offered. Tang sacrificial institutions differ from Zhou; Zhou took Hou Ji as the founding ancestor and all destroyed tablets were below Hou Ji; therefore the Grand Ancestor faced east and always commanded honor. Jin took the High Emperor, Grand Emperor, and Western Expedition Four Lords as separate temples; at great di and he the Grand Ancestor's position was corrected with no bending. Separate temples sacrificing from the High and Grand Emperors downward order kinship. Tang should separately establish temples for Xian and Yi; at di and he sacrifice; the Grand Ancestor then correctly faces east. Deming and Xingsheng already had temples; storing and enshrining the two ancestors is appropriate."
70
使西
An edict ordered all officials to debate broadly. Ritual Commissioner and Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent Yan Zhenqing said: "Today's debaters have three views: first, Xian and Yi are distant in kinship and moved—they should not be he-offered and their tablets should be stored in the west chamber; second, the two ancestors should be he-offered with the Grand Ancestor in zhao-mu order, leaving the east-facing position vacant; third, bringing the two ancestors into di and he means the Grand Ancestor can never fully hold his beginning; the two lords should be enshrined in the Deming Temple. Even so, human and divine are not yet satisfied. Jingdi once received the mandate and was first enfeoffed—never moved for a hundred generations—and moreover was paired with Heaven, honor none above; at di and he time temporarily bending zhao-mu to express filial reverence for ancestors is truly the bright spirits' intent and teaches filial piety to all under Heaven. Moreover Jin's Cai Mo and others had established deliberation—not without basis. I request at the great he sacrifice offering the Xian tablet facing east, the Yi tablet in zhao, the Jing tablet in mu—honoring the root and esteeming compliance, as law for ten thousand generations. He means joining. If separately offering to Deming, this is divided offering—not joint offering." At the time debaters agreed in uproar. Thereupon the Xian and Yi tablets were returned to he-offering in the temple as Yan Zhenqing proposed.
71
西 西西 西
In the seventh year of Zhenyuan Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Pei Yu submitted: "Shang and Zhou took Qi and Ji as ancestors; above there was no surplus exaltation; therefore joint offering had order. Han received the mandate and took Emperor Gao as ancestor; therefore the Grand Emperor Supreme was not jointly offered in zhao-mu. Wei took Emperor Wu as ancestor; Jin took Emperor Xuan as ancestor; therefore the High Emperor, Recluse, Western Expedition and others were also not jointly offered in zhao-mu. Jingdi was first enfeoffed with Tang; Tang traced its ancestor thereby; yet Xian and Yi with exhausted kinship and moved temples still occupied the east-facing position—sacrifice not of ritual—the spirits do not accept. I wish the ministers below to debate." Thereupon Left Subordinate to the Heir Apparent Li Rong and others submitted: "Respectfully according to Jin Sun Qin's deliberation: 'Before the Grand Ancestor, though there were lords, di and he did not reach them; those reached were after the Grand Ancestor, undestroyed and already elevated and stored in the two tiao—therefore though a hundred generations they were reached. Xian and Yi were before the first enfeoffment; kinship exhausted, lords moved; comparing upward to the Three Dynasties, di and he did not reach them. Below the Grand Ancestor, like Shizu, are what the Spring and Autumn Annals calls 'displayed before the Grand Ancestor.' Han debated abolishing commandery and kingdom temples; Chancellor Wei Xuancheng deliberated: 'The Grand Emperor Supreme and Emperor Xiaohui with exhausted kinship should be destroyed. The Grand Emperor Supreme's tablet should be buried in the garden; Emperor Xiaohui's tablet moved to the High Temple. The Grand Emperor Supreme was before the Grand Ancestor; tablet buried in garden, not reaching di and he—comparable to Xian and Yi. Xiaohui moved to High Temple after the Grand Ancestor and reached di and he—comparable to Shizu. Wei Emperor Ming moved the Recluse's tablet and established a garden settlement; seasonally the magistrate and assistant presented offerings; Eastern Jin moved Western Expedition and other ancestors into the west wing, together called tiao—all not reaching sacrifice. Therefore from early Tang through Kaiyuan, di and he still left the east-facing position vacant. When nine temples were established and Xian and Yi were traced as ancestors, yet in invoking the three ancestors they were not called subjects. In the Zhide era temples were rebuilt again; therefore they were not made lords of Hongnong Prefecture—sacrifice did not reach them. In the Guangde era Jingdi was first placed in the east-facing position; Xian and Yi with exhausted kinship ceased he-offering and were stored. Yan Zhenqing cited Cai Mo's deliberation and again placed the Xian tablet facing east, Yi in zhao, Jing in mu. He did not note that Mo's deliberation was never used in Jin—can Tang's single royal law be taken as standard? We hold that seasonal, di, suburban, and altar sacrifices have no two exalted ones; burial, destruction, moving, and storing each follow meaning. Jingdi already faces east—to change in one day cannot be called ritual; it is appropriate to again store Xian and Yi in the west chamber, following the Canon of Sacrifices: 'distant temples are tiao; leaving tiao is altar; leaving altar is open ground; altar and open ground have prayer sacrifices, without prayer stop.' The Grand Ancestor obtains correctness with no bending."
72
便
Director of the Ministry of Works Liu Mian and twelve others debated: "The Son of Heaven takes the mandate-receiving lord as Grand Ancestor; feudal lords take the first-enfeoffed lord as ancestor; therefore below Grand Ancestor and ancestor kinship is exhausted and temples destroyed in succession. When Qin extinguished learning Han had no leisure for ritual; Jin lost and Song followed—hence the institution of linked royal temples and the vacant Grand Ancestor position. Moreover not arranging zhao-mu is not what is called ordered; not establishing successive destruction is not what is called gradation; linked royal temples is not what is called distinction; vacant Grand Ancestor position is not what is called single exaltation. This is why ritual was abandoned. The tradition says: 'The father was a servitor, the son is Son of Heaven—sacrifice with Son of Heaven ritual, bury with servitor ritual. Now Xian and Yi before Tang received the mandate were still servitors. Therefore Gaozu and Taizong sacrificed to them with Son of Heaven ritual but dared not place them in the east-facing position. To change now—would this not disorder the former emperor's sequence? When Zhou possessed the realm it posthumously ennobled Grand King and King Ji with Son of Heaven ritual; at their sacrifice kinship was exhausted and temples destroyed. When Han possessed the realm it honored the Grand Emperor Supreme with Son of Heaven ritual; at sacrifice kinship was exhausted and temples destroyed. Tang posthumously ennobled Xian and Yi with Son of Heaven ritual; at their sacrifice kinship is exhausted and temples destroyed—what further doubt? The Offices of Zhou has tiao of former dukes and tiao of former kings. Former dukes' moved tablets stored in Hou Ji's temple—is this Zhou before receiving the mandate's tiao? Former kings' moved tablets stored in Wen and Wu's temple—is this Zhou after receiving the mandate's tiao? Therefore there are two tiao—this is why temples differ. Now from Xian downward are like former dukes; from Jing downward are like former kings. I request separate temples to house the two ancestors—then following Zhou's Way and restoring ancient institution is convenient."
73
Director of Works Zhang Jian and others requested from Xian downward all enter zhao-mu, leaving the east-facing position vacant. Director of Merit Pei Shu said: "The Rites: 'Through cherishing kin one honors ancestors; through honoring ancestors one reveres the lineage; through revering the lineage one gathers the clan; through gathering the clan ancestral temples are stern; through stern ancestral temples the altars of soil and grain are weighty. Above the Grand Ancestor further posthumous honor—then the meaning of honoring ancestors is wrong. Outside the Grand Temple separate sacrifice temples—then the altars of soil and grain are not weighty. Han's Wei Xuancheng requested burying tablets in the garden; Jin's Yu Xi requested burying between the temple's two flights. Xi citing the Zuo Tradition self-justified: 'Former kings daily sacrificed to ancestors and fathers, monthly to great-great and great-grandfathers, seasonal offering reaching two tiao, yearly he reaching altar and open ground, final di reaching suburban ancestral stone chamber—this is called suburban ancestral ancestor. Xi requested building a stone chamber in the side room to house them—this is not so. Why? Side rooms are for below the Grand Ancestor—not where tablets are stored above the Grand Ancestor. Never has the low occupied the center while the exalted dwelt at the side. If building a stone chamber in the garden tomb and placing moved tablets, adopting Han and Jin old statutes, di and he following one sacrifice—perhaps the Spring and Autumn Annals obtains the correct of change."
74
西
At that time Jing as Assistant Director of the Ministry of Personnel again said: "Emperor Xingsheng was Xian's great-great-grandfather, Yi's great-grandfather. To enshrine great-great-grandson in great-great and great-grandfather's temple—human feeling greatly compliant." Assistant Governor of the Capital Wei Wu said: "He is great joining; di orders tiao. In he years regularly place Xian facing east, leading Yi afterward with zhao-mu utmost kinship. At di the Grand Ancestor's mat is west, arraying all lords left and right—thus toward the Grand Ancestor there is no lowering; Xian has nothing to resent." At the time Confucians citing the Zuo Tradition that 'the son was sage and did not eat before the father' requested welcoming the Xian tablet provisionally facing east while the Grand Ancestor temporarily returned to mu position. Colleague Erudite Zhong Ziling said: "What is called not eating first—Qiuming was correcting Duke Wen's improper sacrifice. How would Confucians know that when Xia's generations were not yet sufficient it was said Yu did not place Gun first? Wei and Jin founding ancestors were close in succession; above the founding ancestor all had moved lords. Citing the Gong Ode, perpetual offering is possible; following the plain tablet, burial in garden is possible; following distant tiao, building a shrine is possible; because the Grand Ancestor is truly lower, vacant position is possible. Yet perpetual offering and garden burial—ministers and sons cannot be at ease. If vacating the correct position, the Grand Ancestor's honor has no time to be expressed. I request moving Xian and Yi to the Deming and Xingsheng temples as compliant. Some say separate temples for the two ancestors is not joint offering. Yet in di and he years the Deming and Xingsheng temples all have offerings—is this already divided offering; why doubt only the two ancestors?"
75
National University Simen Erudite Han Yu questioned the crowd's deliberation and stated his own view: "First, the Xian and Yi tablets should be permanently stored in side chambers—I do not say this is acceptable. Moreover in ritual he sacrifice—all destroyed lords are jointly offered. Now storing in side chambers—at he will they not be offered in the Grand Temple? If the two ancestors are not included, it cannot be called joining. Second, the two lords should be destroyed and buried—I do not say this is acceptable. Ritual: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, one altar, one open ground; moved lords are all stored in tiao—though a hundred generations they are not destroyed. At he the Grand Temple receives offerings. From Wei and Jin onward there began deliberation on destruction and burial—not seen in the classics. Tang established nine temples; pushing by Zhou institution, Xian and Yi are still at altar and open ground—can they be destroyed and buried yet not di and he offered? Third, the two ancestors' tablets should each move to their tombs—I do not say this is acceptable. The two ancestors have been offered in the Grand Temple two hundred years—to move them in one day fears lingering attachment and hesitation, not immediately offering in the lower realm. Fourth, tablets should be enshrined in the Xingsheng Temple without di and he—I do not say this is acceptable. Ritual: 'sacrifice as if present.' Jingdi though Grand Ancestor to Xian and Yi is descendant. Now placing the son facing east and abolishing the father's sacrifice—this cannot be called canonical. Fifth, Xian and Yi should separately establish temples in the capital—I do not say this is acceptable. All ritual has lowering and gradation; therefore leaving temple becomes tiao, leaving tiao becomes altar, leaving altar becomes open ground, leaving open ground becomes ghost—gradually more distant, sacrifice more rare. In the past Lu established the Yang Palace—the Spring and Autumn Annals censured it, saying one should not take already destroyed temples and already stored lords and rebuild a palace to sacrifice. Today's deliberation is exactly the same—therefore I all say not acceptable. In antiquity Yin's ancestor Xuanwang, Zhou's ancestor Hou Ji—above the Grand Ancestor all were emperors in their own right. Moreover generations were already distant and sacrifice ceased—therefore the founding ancestor could face east. Jingdi though Grand Ancestor to Xian and Yi is descendant. At di and he the Xian ancestor occupies the east-facing position; Jing follows zhao or mu—the ancestor is exalted through the grandson, the grandson bends through the ancestor; spirit Way and human feeling are not far apart. Moreover regular sacrifices are many, joint sacrifices few—then the Grand Ancestor bends little and extends much. Compared with extending the grandson's honor and abolishing the ancestor's sacrifice—is this not compliant?"
76
Mian again submitted fourteen chapters of Evidential Meaning on Di and He; the emperor ordered the Ministry of Personnel to assemble all officials and National University Confucian officers to clarify what could or could not be done. Director of the Left Bureau Lu Chun submitted: "According to the Rites and various Confucians' deliberation, restoring the Grand Ancestor's position is correct. When the Grand Ancestor's position is correct, the Xian and Yi tablets should have a place to rest. Today's debaters have four: store in side chambers, establish separate temples, each move to gardens, enshrine in Xingsheng Temple. I say storing in side chambers then offering to Xian has no term—not Zhou people's meaning of storing two tiao; establishing separate temples began with Cao Wei—no transmission in the Rites; Jin deliberated but did not use; moving to gardens disorders ancestral temple institution. Only enshrining in Xingsheng Temple with di or he one sacrifice—perhaps obtains ritual." The emperor wavered undecided.
77
·
In the nineteenth year di sacrifice was imminent; Jing again submitted that di sacrifice greatly joins ancestors and lords—must honor the Grand Ancestor's position and correct zhao-mu. I request an edict ordering officials to debate. Left Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel Yao Nanzhong and others requested enshrining Xian and Yi in the Deming and Xingsheng temples. Director of Ceremonials Wang Quan and Shen Yan said: "Zhou people took King Wen as ancestor and King Wu as lineage-lord; therefore the Pure Temple ode says: 'Sacrificing to King Wen. Why not speak of Grand King and King Ji? Grand King and King Ji upward all enshrined in Hou Ji's temple—therefore Pure Temple could sacrifice to King Wen. Grand King and King Ji's honor was private ritual; enshrining in Hou Ji's temple dared not use private to seize public. In antiquity former kings moved temple tablets and by zhao-mu jointly stored them in the ancestor temple. Xian and Yi tablets should enshrine in Xingsheng Temple—then the Grand Ancestor facing east obtains honor and Xian and Yi tablets return to their place." At the time seven or eight tenths spoke of enshrining in Xingsheng Temple; the Son of Heaven still hesitated without firm decision. By then officials gradually stated clearly the two ancestors were originally posthumously honored—not having received the mandate and founding the state's great structure. Moreover Quan's citations from the Odes and Rites were clear. The emperor was moved; thereupon it was decided to move the two ancestors to Xingsheng Temple—all di and he one offering. An edict enlarged the two chambers of Xingsheng. When the joint sacrifice day approached the temple was not yet complete; Zhang Zeng made rooms and placed spirit tablets within the temple wall, housing Xingsheng and Deming tablets there. When the temple was complete they were enshrined. From this Jingdi faced east.
78
使殿
From Jing's submission as erudite it took nearly twenty years to decide; Confucians had no further words. The emperor bestowed on Jing crimson robes and silver fish. The Zhaoling tomb palace occupied the mountain summit; eunuch attendants feared drawing water was exhausting and requested changing the site; the chief minister could not resist. Jing said: "This was Taizong's intent; its frugality suffices as model for later ages—it cannot be changed." Most debaters sided with the eunuchs; the emperor said: "Jing's deliberation is good." Ultimately it was not moved. The emperor valued Jing, saying he had chief minister talent and wished to use him. When he fell ill with manic disorder, stabbing himself without dying, and said Secretariat Drafter Cui Bin and Imperial Censor Li Wen mocked him, the emperor had them questioned and found no basis; yet still from Assistant Director of Personnel he was again promoted to Attendant Within the Gates, all concurrently Erudites of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. The emperor suspected Jing was slandered by jealous persons; palace envoys inquired and bestowed gifts in succession. Later facing the emperor at Yanying Hall the emperor ordered him dismissed; Jing, dejected and startled, ran out and was dismissed as Vice Director of the Secretariat; he died.
79
Jing had no son; his collateral nephew Bao succeeded. Bao's grandson Boxuan declined appointment as Assistant Editor without accepting.
80
The encomium reads: Dezong's corrupt governance—the interval tax, merchant loans, and palace market were most severe. Shunzong as heir apparent wished to state this fully but stopped at Wang Shuwen's remonstrance—such was his fear. Petty ministers risking their faces to remonstrate—how difficult! His enjoyment of the state was brief; intent was not on the people. Xianzong hearing of extortionate collection orders originating with treacherous ministers sighed in indignant grief—utmost love for the people. Yet appointing Cheng Yi and Huangfu Bo, remonstrators were not heard. Profit-seeking ministers ruined the lord's virtue greatly!
81
Chang Dang was a native of Hedong. His father Cui was Left Regular Attendant of the Palace Horse; in Emperor Daizong's time together with Pei Mian, Jia Zhi, and Wang Yanchang he attended duty at the Hall of Assembled Worthies and ended as Minister of Revenue.
82
殿 使
Dang was selected in the jinshi examination; at the beginning of Zhenyuan he was Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. When Empress Zhaode died court and commoners ended mourning; the crown prince and various princes were about to mourn three years; an edict ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to debate the crown prince's mourning. Dang together with Erudites Zhang Jian, Liu Mian, and Li Jifu said: "Son mourning for mother with qi one year—this is universal mourning; crown prince mourning for empress—antiquity has no text. When Jin's Empress Yuan died there was also doubt about crown prince mourning. Du Yu deliberated: 'In antiquity the Son of Heaven mourned three years; after burial mourning garments were removed; Wei also took post-burial as the term. The crown prince and the state are one body; if garments are not changed, Eastern Palace servants and attendants also wear sackcloth entering palace halls. The crown prince therefore removed garments at final wailing. In Zhenguan year 10 sixth month Empress Wende died; buried in the eleventh month—the crown prince mourning garment terms the national history does not record. By the first month of the next year the Prince of Jin was appointed Protector-General of Bingzhou. Once officials were appointed he should already have been released. Now the crown prince should follow Wei and Jin institution: after burial perform yu, at yu final wailing, at final wailing remove garments, inner mourning three years." Chief Ministers Liu Zi and Qi Ying summoned Dang and others asking: "'A son eating beside one in mourning never eats his fill'—can the crown prince serve meals in sackcloth until burial? Edict: all ministers qi one year, public release at thirty days. It is appropriate to approximate this as the mourning limit. They therefore requested like Song and Qi when empress mourned for parents—thirty days release; entering audience wear dark gray, returning to palace sackcloth. Right Supplementation Censor Mu Zhi submitted a memorial: "'Three years mourning—from Son of Heaven down to commoners. ' Emperor Wen of Han because of ancestral temple and altars' weight lowered himself and exchanged days for months—later ages could not reform this. The crown prince is a subject and cannot follow the ruler's institution; mourning for mother should have no weary reduction. Only Jin after burial public release—debaters used sophistry to please the temporal lord—not worth taking as model. The relevant offices' deliberation impairs transformation and defeats custom—ordinary feeling is depressed. Government takes virtue as root; virtue takes filial piety as greatest. Later ages recording ritual's error begins from today—can one not value this heavily! Father alive mourning for mother one period—ancient ritual. Our dynasty mourned three years—I say three years is too heavy; only following antiquity obtains ritual. Our dynasty mourned for three years; I say three years is too heavy, and only following antiquity accords with ritual." Dezong sent Palace Attendant Ma Qinxu to tell Zhi: "The crown prince has pacifying the army, supervising the state, inquiring after health, and serving meals—relevant offices release at thirty days, after burial remove garments, ending mourning with dark gray—is there what doubt?" Zhi again submitted a memorial: "The crown prince toward Your Majesty is son's Way and also subject's Way. Lord and subject by righteousness—then pacifying the army and supervising the state have expedient displacement. Father and son inquiring after health and serving meals—naturally no suspicion of wearing sackcloth; antiquity never had wearing sackcloth and being abolished. If the Prince of Shu and below mourn three years—will they not inquire after health and serve meals? Crown prince and Prince of Shu are all subjects—overly different treatment is inappropriate. Moreover the empress is mother of all under Heaven; her parents are servitors and commoners—to lower mourning for servitors and commoners because of mother of all under Heaven is acceptable. The crown prince is a subject—to lower mourning for mother as a subject—is this acceptable? Public release is not ancient. Entering the public gate change garments—today's dark gray system below one-period mourning is this. The crown prince attends morning and evening—not comparable to public release. Dark gray displaces feeling—matters follow metal and leather warfare. Now not supervising state or pacifying army—why suppress and displace? Son toward parents—ritual differs but feeling is equal. The crown prince's days serving lord and father are many, days repaying mother few—how bear losing a good name?" An edict ordered chief ministers and relevant offices to debate again; Dang and others said: "The Rites has removing qi at the public gate; the Kaiyuan Rites empress's parents mourn twelve months—following court intent thirteen days release; crown prince's maternal grandparents mourn five months—following court intent five days release. Fearing mourning garments entering attendance hurts the exalted one's intent—not specially because metal and leather displaces. Crown prince public release, presenting court in dark gray, returning to palace sackcloth—weighing change as institution is acceptable." Chief ministers then ordered Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Zheng Shuzhe to draft memorial: "After burial final wailing, eleventh month small sacrifice, thirteenth month great sacrifice, fifteenth month end of mourning garments, inner audience then dark garments." Again edict asked Zhi; Zhi held though unable to follow ancient ritual, still far better than Wei and Jin's empty text. Chief ministers then said: "Crown prince dwelling in empress mourning—at court then suppressing grief and receiving kindness is truly subject's utmost conduct. Only heart and garments, inner and outer should match. Now Zhi requests lowering edict outward—no harm to dark gray inward. We say conduct shown outward while garments differ inward—conduct not utmost sincerity, wrong with virtue's teaching. I request issuing clear edict as Shuzhe proposed." The Son of Heaven followed this. When Dong Jin replaced Shuzhe as Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices the emperor said: "Crown prince mourning one period came from remonstrating officials—initially not my intent. Dang and others requested following Wei and Jin precedent—ultimately correct deliberation."
83
Dang died while serving as Prefect of Guozhou.
84
Lin Yun, courtesy name Fumeng, was a native of Putian in Quanzhou. His father Pi, courtesy name Maoyan, because Linting had many mountain ghost licentious shrines and the people suffered, wrote On There Being No Ghosts. Prefect Fan Huang memorialized appointing him Magistrate of Linting; for administrative conduct he was transferred to Assistant Governor.
85
西使
Yun mastered the classics through generations; Western Sichuan Military Governor Wei Gao recruited him as administrative aide. When Liu Pi rebelled Yun admonished with reversal and compliance; he would not listen. Again sending a letter sternly remonstrating, Pi was angered, shackled him in prison and was about to kill him; as execution approached he shouted: "'Dangerous state do not enter, chaotic state do not dwell'—to obtain death is fortune!" Pi valued his forthrightness, secretly warned the executioner to draw sword and grind his neck to coerce submission. Yun rebuked: "Die then die—would my neck be a stupid slave's whetstone?" Pi knew he could not be made to submit and released him, banishing him as Assistant in Tangchang. When Pi was defeated Yun's name was weighty in the capital.
86
西 西 使
Li Jifu, Li Jiang, and Wu Yuanheng as chief ministers—Yun sent letters admonishing: "The state has the western territory—it is like the right arm. Now the arm does not attach to the body; north reaching Bin suburbs, west reaching Qian and Long—in less than several hundred li is outer territory. Jingyuan, Fengxiang, and Binning three garrisons are all the right arm; great prefectures holding banners and axes several hundred people—only Li Baoyu requested recovering He and Huang; appointing generals without the right men—it is appropriate selecting leaders from the ranks to guard Qin and Long. When the king's achievement is complete he makes music; when governance is settled he establishes ritual. Powerful ministers compose music and establish mourning regulations themselves. Shun commanded Qi: 'The people are not close, the five ranks are not compliant—you serve as Minister of Education. Tang took Gao, You, E, and Ji'an as Ministers of Education—office does not select people. Lu Congshi and Yu Gaomo had great crimes yet light punishment. Agriculture and sericulture not one percent—one farmer feeds a hundred mouths, one silkwoman supplies a hundred bodies; those exhausting strength below go hungry without food, cold without clothes. Frontier soldiers are gaunt while generals indulge in extravagance nourishing themselves. Ten eunuch households cannot supply one meritless soldier; a hundred soldiers cannot support one arrogant general." Six matters were all extreme corruption of the time. Yun was also heavily promoted by Wei Gao, resented his autocracy, and remonstrated indignantly at court. Yet fond of wine and often offending people, chief ministers placed him without use.
87
Cangjing Cheng Quan was recruited as secretary. Soon Quan submitted registers of four prefectures requesting officials; the army was accustomed to seizing land, fearing inner attachment, holding Quan and refusing orders—he could not leave. Yun stated lord-subject great righteousness, persuading the chief generals; everyone was relieved; thereby Quan could depart. Yun was transferred to Assistant Master of Rites. Vice Director of the Ministry of Justice Liu Boxu recommended him to court; he was sent out as Prefect of Shao. He once beat to death guest Tao Xuanzhi, threw the corpse in the river, registered his wife as a courtesan; again convicted of corruption, beaten and banished to Danzhou where he died.
88
Yun was eloquent in debate; once a man surnamed Cui flaunted clan prestige; Yun refuted him: "Cui Zhu assassinated the Qi lord; Lin Fang asked about ritual's root—who is superior and inferior?" That man bowed his head unable to reply.
89
Wei Gongsu
90
使
Wei Gongsu was seventh-generation descendant of Sui General of Ceremonial Guards Wei Yue of Guancheng. At the beginning of Yuanhe he was Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices concurrently Compiler. Xianzong was about to plow the sacred field; an edict ordered Gongsu to draft complete ritual canon; Rong family praised it. Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent and Acting Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Zheng Yuqing's temple had two ancestral grandmothers; he doubted enshrinement sacrifice and asked relevant offices. Gongsu debated: "Ancient feudal lords one marriage nine women—therefore temples had no two legitimate wives. From Qin onward there was remarriage; first wife and later successor—all legitimate; dual enshrinement without objection. Jin General of Agile Cavalry Wen Jiao had three successive wives, doubting all as madam, asked Grand Academy Erudite Chen Shu; Shu said: 'Wife though first deceased, honor and disgrace follow the husband. Ritual enshrines at the husband's paternal aunts; if three paternal aunts each enshrine at the uncle who bore them. All are madams. Living by correct ritual, dead cannot be demeaned. Thereupon Shu's deliberation was used. Moreover legitimate succession in antiquity had special institutions; today no different rank—enshrinement pairing canon—how can it differ? Minister and servitor's bedroom sacrificing to two wives—can temple offering differ? In antiquity succession was by concubine handmaid; today by legitimate wife—should not cite one marriage as comparison, making descendants' honored offering not reach. Some say: 'The Spring and Autumn Annals—Lu Duke Hui's primary consort Mengzi died; successor was Shengzi; Shengzi was Meng's niece handmaid—not entering Hui's temple. Song Duke Wu bore Zhongzi, sent to Lu, bore Duke Huan; Hui died, established palace and offered—not joining Hui but separate palace—why? Following the father's intent. Yet what is the comparison? I say: Jin Nanchang Lord's temple had Xun and Xue two clans; Jingdi's temple had Xiahou and Yang two clans; Tang Ruizong's chamber had Zhaocheng and Suming two empresses; therefore Grand Master Yan Zhenqing's ancestral chamber had Yin and Liu two clans. Two madams jointly enshrined—precedent is so." Confucians could not differ.
91
便殿
Initially Ruizong's auspicious month—the Court of Imperial Sacrifices submitted new and full moons suspending court, Imperial Kitchen presenting vegetarian dishes, stopping music. Remaining days hold court in convenient hall with full guard of honor. Chief Secretariat and Chancellery officials may attend; others without memorial business do not audience. Three days before and after the anniversary and three days before and after the last day of month—all do not attend to affairs. Day after anniversary and last day of month all officials knock at side gate to express condolences. Later this became regular. By then Gongsu submitted: "The Rites—anniversary day no music, but no mourning month. Only Jin Emperor Mudi about to marry empress doubted Emperor Kang's mourning month and submitted to relevant offices; thereupon Xun Na, Wang Qia and others cited mourning time and mourning year to refute their words. Now relevant offices inherit previous prohibition within the twenty-five month limit—having suspend court and withdraw music. When mourning ends ritual changes; the king does not use private feeling to exceed ritual bounds; therefore end-of-garments ritual moves month music, gradually removing feeling—cannot pursue the distant yet establish ritual doubly heavy. Now the Court of Imperial Sacrifices though suburban and temple sacrifices—music yet stops practice—this is called doubly heavy and slighting spirits. Relevant offices all forbid inner and outer making music—this is called without cause withdrawing. I wish following canonical meaning to cut and correct the violation." An edict ordered Chief Secretariat and Chancellery to summon ritual officers and learning officers to debate; all said should follow Gongsu's request. Edict approved. He died in office of old age.
92
Xu Kangzuo
93
祿
Kangzuo in Zhenyuan was selected in jinshi and grand composition examinations, succeeding in both. His family was bitterly poor; his mother was old; he sought appointment as director of an academy office—people mocked him for not choosing salary. When his mother's mourning ended he answered none of all recruitment orders—people then knew he had bent for his parent and thereby gained renown.
94
殿
He was transferred to Attending Censor. From Secretariat Drafter he became Hanlin Lecturing Scholar; together with Wang Qi both received Emperor Wenzong's favored treatment. The emperor reading the Spring and Autumn Annals to "Hu assassinated Wu Zi Yuji" asked: "Who is Hu?" Kangzuo because eunuch power was then strong dared not reply; the emperor smiled and dropped the matter. Later viewing books in Penglai Hall he summoned Li Xun to ask; Xun replied: "In antiquity gatekeepers, today palace attendants. The lord does not approach punished ministers—regarding it as the way of treating death lightly; Confucius wrote it as a warning." The emperor said: "I have lately had many punished ministers—can I not worry!" Xun said: "The successive sages knew yet could not keep distant, hated yet could not remove—Your Majesty mindful of this is fortune for the ancestral temple." Thereupon inner plotting to cut them off began. Kangzuo knowing the emperor's intent therefore pleaded illness and was dismissed as Vice Minister of War. He was transferred to Minister of Rites. He died and was posthumously appointed to the Ministry of Personnel with posthumous title Resolute.
95
All younger brothers were selected in the jinshi examination; Yao Zuo entered first and also passed the grand composition examination, serving as Proofreader to the Heir Apparent. In the eighth year Kangzuo followed. Yao Zuo reached Remonstrance Grand Master.
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