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儒學中
Confucian Scholars, Part Two
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郎餘令 (餘慶) 徐齊聃 (堅嶠) 沈伯儀路敬淳 (敬潛) 王元感王紹宗彭景直盧粲尹知章張齊賢柳沖馬懷素 (殷踐猷) 孔若思 (季詡至)
Lang Yuling (Yu Qing) Xu Qichan (Jian, Qiao) Shen Boyi, Lu Jingchun (Jingqian) Wang Yuangan, Wang Shaozong, Peng Jingzhi, Lu Can, Yin Zhizhang, Zhang Qixian, Liu Chong, Ma Huaisu (Yin Jianyou) Kong Ruosi (Ji Xu and following)
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郎餘令,定州新樂人。 祖穎,字楚之,與兄蔚之俱有名。 隋大業中,為尚書民曹朗,蔚之位左丞。 煬帝語稱「二郎」。 武德時,楚之以大理卿封常山郡公,與李綱、陳叔達定律令。 持節諭山東,為竇建德所獲,脅以白刃,終不屈。 賊平,以老乞身,謚曰平。
Lang Yuling was a native of Xinle in Dingzhou. His grandfather Ying, courtesy name Chuzhi, was as renowned as his elder brother Weizhi. During the Daye reign of Sui, he served as bureau director in the Ministry of Revenue, while Weizhi held the left vice directorship. Emperor Yang addressed them in speech as "the two Langs." In the Wude era, Chuzhi was ennobled as Duke of Changshan Commandery while serving as chief judge of Dali, and together with Li Gang and Chen Shuda drafted statutes and ordinances. Bearing imperial credentials, he went to instruct the lands east of the mountains, was captured by Dou Jiande, threatened with naked blades, and never yielded. After the rebels were pacified, he asked to retire on account of age; his posthumous title was Ping.
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餘令博於學,擢進士第,授霍王元軌府參軍事。 從父知年,亦為王友。 元軌每曰:「郎家二賢皆入府,不意培塿而松柏為林也。」 徙幽州錄事參軍。 有為浮屠者,積薪自焚,長史裴煚率官屬將觀焉,餘令曰:「人好生惡死,情也。 彼違蔑教義,反其所欲,公當察之,毋輕往。」 煚試廉按,果得其奸。
Yuling was deeply learned; he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed adjutant in the household of Prince Huo, Li Yuanji. His father's younger cousin Zhinian also served as a companion to the prince. Yuanji would often say, "Two worthies of the Lang family have both entered my household—who would have thought that from mere mounds could grow a forest of pines and cedars! He was transferred to serve as recording secretary of Youzhou. A Buddhist monk piled firewood to burn himself; Chief Clerk Pei Jiong led the officials to go and watch. Yuling said, "People love life and hate death—that is human nature. He violates and scorns religious teaching and acts against what he himself desires; you ought to investigate—do not go lightly. Jiong investigated on grounds of integrity and indeed uncovered his fraud.
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孝敬在東宮,餘令以梁元帝有《孝德傳》,更撰《後傳》數十篇獻太子,太子嗟重。 改著作佐郎,卒。
When Xiaojing was crown prince, Yuling, noting that Emperor Yuan of Liang had written a Biographies of Filial Virtue, composed dozens of sequel chapters and presented them to the heir apparent, who admired them greatly. He was promoted to assistant drafting editor and then died.
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兄餘慶,為吏清而刻於法。 高宗時,為萬年令,道無掇遺。 累遷御史中丞,務謙謹下人,引御史坐與議論。 吏部侍郎楊思玄倨貴,視選者不以禮,餘慶劾免其官。 久之,出為蘇州刺史。 坐累下遷交州都督。
His elder brother Yu Qing was an upright official who was severe in the application of law. Under Emperor Gaozong he served as magistrate of Wannian, where nothing lost on the roads was picked up. He rose to vice censor-in-chief, practiced modesty and deference toward others, and would seat censors beside him for discussion. Vice Minister of Personnel Yang Sixuan was arrogant and did not treat candidates with courtesy; Yu Qing impeached him and had him removed from office. After a long while he was posted out as prefect of Suzhou. Because of accumulated offenses he was demoted to military governor of Jiaozhou.
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驩州司馬裴敬敷與餘慶雅故,以事笞餘慶婢父,婢方嬖,譖敬敷死獄中。 又裒貨無藝,民詣闕訴之,使者十輩臨按,餘慶謾讕,不能得其情。 最後,廣州都督陳善弘按之,餘慶自恃在朝廷久,明法令,輕善弘,不置對。 善弘怒曰:「舞文弄法,吾不及君; 今日以天子命治君,吾力有餘矣。」 欲搒械之,餘慶懼,服罪。 高宗詔放瓊州。 會赦當還,朝廷惡其暴,徙春州。
Huanzhou assistant commandant Pei Jingfu was an old friend of Yu Qing's; over some matter he beat the father of Yu Qing's maidservant. The maid was then a favorite, and she slandered Jingfu until he died in prison. He also amassed goods without restraint; the people appealed at the capital. Ten rounds of envoys came to investigate, but Yu Qing prevaricated and they could not get at the truth. Finally Guangzhou military governor Chen Shanhong investigated the case; Yu Qing, trusting in his long years at court and his mastery of statutes, looked down on Shanhong and would not respond. Shanhong said angrily, "In twisting texts and manipulating the law, I am not your equal; but today, with the Son of Heaven's mandate to deal with you, my strength is more than enough. He was about to beat and shackle him; Yu Qing was afraid and confessed his guilt. Emperor Gaozong ordered him exiled to Qiongzhou. When an amnesty would have allowed his return, the court detested his brutality and transferred him to Chunzhou.
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始,餘慶治萬年,父知運嫌其酷,將杖之,餘慶避免。 父嘆曰:「國家用之矣,吾尚奈何!」 及為御史中丞,復嘆曰:「郎氏危矣!」 以憂死。 餘慶卒以貪殘廢。
At first, when Yu Qing governed Wannian, his father Zhiyun disliked his harshness and was about to beat him; Yu Qing avoided the blow. His father sighed, "The state is already using him—what can I still do! When he became vice censor-in-chief, he sighed again, "The Lang clan is in peril!" He died of worry. Yu Qing was ultimately ruined for greed and cruelty.
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徐齊聃,字將道,湖州長城人,世客馮翊。 梁慈源侯整四世孫。 八歲能文,太宗召試,賜所佩金削刀。 舉弘文生,調曹王府參軍。 高宗時,為潞王府文學、崇文館學士,侍皇太子講,修書於芳林門。 時姑為帝婕妤,嫌以恩進,故求出為桃林令。 召為沛王侍讀,再遷司議郎,皆不就。 累進西臺舍人。
Xu Qichan, courtesy name Jiangdao, was a native of Changcheng in Huzhou; his family had long resided as guests in Fengyi. He was a fourth-generation descendant of Marquis Zheng of Ciyuan under the Liang. At eight he could write; Taizong summoned him for a test and bestowed the gold trimming knife from his own belt. He entered as a Hongwen student and was assigned as adjutant in the household of the Prince of Cao. Under Gaozong he served as literary tutor to the Prince of Lu and as a Chongwen Hall scholar, attending the crown prince's lectures and compiling books at the Fanglin Gate. At the time his aunt was the emperor's jieyu; he shrank from advancement through favor and therefore sought an outside post as magistrate of Taolin. He was summoned as reader-attendant to the Prince of Pei and twice promoted to Gentleman for Discussion of Policy, but declined both appointments. He rose to drafter of the Western Terrace.
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咸亨初,詔突厥酋長子弟得事東宮,齊聃上書諫,以為:「氈裘冒頓之裔,解辮削衽,使在左右,非所謂『恭慎威儀,以近有德』、『任官惟賢才,左右惟其人』之義。」 又長孫無忌以讒死,家廟毀頓,齊聃言於帝曰:「齊獻公,陛下外祖,雖後嗣有罪,不宜毀及先廟。 今周忠孝公廟反崇飾逾制,恐非所以示海內。」 帝寤,有詔復獻公官,以無忌孫延主其祀。
At the beginning of Xianheng, an edict allowed sons and younger brothers of Türk chieftains to serve in the Eastern Palace. Qichan submitted a memorial of remonstrance, arguing that placing descendants of Modun in felt robes, with queues cut and robes altered, at one's left and right was not what was meant by "Reverent and cautious in bearing, to draw near the virtuous" or "In appointing offices, only the talented; at one's side, only the right men. When Zhangsun Wuji died through slander and his family temple fell into ruin, Qichan said to the emperor, "Duke Xian of Qi was Your Majesty's maternal grandfather; though later descendants were guilty, the ancestral temple ought not to be destroyed. Yet the temple of Duke Zhongxiao of Zhou is instead over-adorned beyond regulation—I fear this is not how to show the realm what is right." The emperor took heed; an edict restored the Duke of Qi's offices and made Wuji's grandson Yan head his sacrifices.
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齊聃善文誥,帝愛之,令侍皇太子及諸王屬文,以職樞劇,許間日一至。 坐漏禁中事,貶蘄州司馬。 又流欽州。 卒,年四十四。 睿宗時,贈禮部尚書。 子堅。
Qichan excelled at literary edicts; the emperor favored him and ordered him to attend the crown prince and the princes in literary matters. Because the post was critically demanding, he was permitted to come every other day. He was demoted to assistant commandant of Qizhou for leaking inner-palace affairs. He was further exiled to Qinzhou. He died at the age of forty-four. Under Ruizong he was posthumously made Minister of Rites. His son was Jian.
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堅,字元固,幼有敏性。 沛王聞其名,召見,授紙為賦,異之。 十四而孤,及壯,寬厚長者。 舉秀才及第,為汾州參軍事,遷萬年主簿。
Jian, courtesy name Yuangu, had quick wit as a child. The Prince of Pei heard of his reputation, summoned him, gave him paper to compose a fu, and marveled at the result. Orphaned at fourteen, when grown he was a generous and forbearing man of stature. He passed the xiucai examination, served as adjutant of Fenzhou, and was promoted to recorder of Wannian.
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天授三年,上言:「書有五聽,令有三覆,慮失情也。 比犯大逆,詔使者勘當,得實輒決。 人命至重,萬有一不實,欲訴無由,以就赤族,豈不痛哉! 此不足檢下之奸亂,適長使人威福耳。 臣請如令覆奏,則死者無恨。 又古者罰不逮嗣,故卻芮亂國而缺升諸朝,嵇康蒙戮而紹死於難,則於它親不復致疑。 今選部廣責逆人親屬,至無服者尚數十條。 且詔書『與逆同堂親不任京畿,緦麻親不得侍衛』,臣請如詔書外,一切不禁,以申曠蕩。」
In the third year of Tianshou he memorialized, "The Book of Documents speaks of five modes of hearing; ordinances speak of three reviews—this is from concern lest the true circumstances be missed. Lately, in cases of great treason, edicts send emissaries to investigate; once the facts are found, judgment is immediate. Human life is supremely weighty; if in ten thousand cases there is one that is not true, there is no means to appeal and the whole clan goes to execution—is this not agonizing! This is insufficient to restrain wickedness below—it only nourishes the power and favor of agents. Your subject asks that, as the ordinance provides, cases be reviewed in memorial to the throne; then the condemned would have no cause for resentment. Again, in antiquity punishment did not reach descendants; thus though Que and Rui threw the state into disorder, Que was still raised in court, and though Ji Kang suffered execution, Shao died in the disaster—so toward other kin no further suspicion was raised. Now the Selection Bureau broadly blames the kin of traitors—even for kin beyond mourning dress there are still dozens of clauses. Moreover the edict reads, 'Kin in the same hall as traitors may not hold office in the capital region; kin in fine hemp mourning may not serve as guards.' Your subject asks that beyond what the edict states, everything else not be forbidden, to express magnanimous ease."
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聖歷中,東都留守楊再思、王方慶共引為判官。 方慶善《禮》學,嘗就質疑晦,堅為申釋,常得所未聞。 屬文典厚,再思每目為鳳閣舍人樣。 與徐彥伯、劉知幾、張說與修《三教珠英》,時張昌宗、李嶠總領,彌年不下筆,堅與說專意撰綜,條匯粗立,諸儒因之,乃成書。 累遷給事中,封慈源縣子。
In the Shengli era, Eastern Capital regents Yang Zaisi and Wang Fangqing together brought him in as judicial aide. Fangqing was versed in the Rites; he would come to Jian with obscure doubts, and Jian would explain them—often giving Fangqing what he had never heard. His compositions were classical and substantial; Zaisi would call him the model of a Phoenix Pavilion drafter. With Xu Yanbo, Liu Zhiji, and Zhang Yue he compiled the Pearl Grove of the Three Teachings; Zhang Changzong and Li Jiao oversaw the project, and for a full year no one set brush to paper. Jian and Yue concentrated on drafting and synthesis; outlines were roughly set, the other scholars followed up, and the book was completed. He rose to supervising censor and was ennobled as Viscount of Ciyuan.
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中宗怒韋月將,欲即斬之,堅奏盛夏生長,請須秋乃決,時申救者亦眾,得以搒死。 俄以禮部侍郎為修文館學士。
Zhongzong was angry at Wei Yuejiang and wished to behead him at once; Jian memorialized that in midsummer all things grow and asked that execution wait until autumn. Many at the time also pleaded for mercy; Wei was spared instant death but was beaten to death. Soon he was made a scholar of the Hall for Cultivation of Letters while serving as vice minister of rites.
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睿宗即位,授太子左庶子兼崇文館學士,修史,進東海郡公,遷黃門侍郎。 時監察御史李知古兵擊姚州渳河蠻,降之,又請築城,使輸賦徭。 堅議:「蠻夷羈縻以屬,不宜與中國同法,恐勞師遠伐,益不償損。」 不聽,詔知古發劍南兵築城堡,列州縣。 知古因是欲誅其豪酋,入子女為奴婢,蠻懼,殺知古,相率潰叛,姚、巂路閉不通者數年。
When Ruizong took the throne, Jian was made left mentor of the heir apparent and concurrently a Chongwen Hall scholar, compiled history, was advanced to Duke of the Eastern Sea, and was promoted to vice minister of the Yellow Gate. At the time investigating censor Li Zhigu led troops against the Mi River barbarians of Yaozhou, subdued them, and also asked to build fortifications and make them submit taxes and corvée labor. Jian argued, "Barbarians are held by loose reins of attachment—they should not be subject to the same laws as China; I fear laboring the army on distant campaigns where the losses will exceed the gain. His advice was not heeded; an edict ordered Zhigu to raise troops from Jiannan, build fortifications, and establish prefectures and counties. Zhigu took this occasion to seek to execute their great chiefs and bring sons and daughters in as slaves; the barbarians feared this, killed Zhigu, and fled in revolt one after another; the roads through Yao and Xi were closed for years.
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初,太平公主用事,武攸暨屢邀請堅,堅不許。 又以妻岑羲女弟,固辭機密,轉太子詹事,曰:「吾非求高,逃禍耳。」 羲敗,不染於惡,出為絳州刺史。 數外徙,久乃遷秘書監、左散騎常侍。
At first, when Princess Taiping held power, Wu Youqi repeatedly invited Jian, but Jian would not agree. Also, because his wife was the younger sister of Cen Xi's daughter, he firmly declined confidential posts and was transferred to grand mentor of the heir apparent, saying, "I am not seeking elevation—I am fleeing disaster. When Xi fell, Jian was not stained by the evil and was posted out as prefect of Jiangzhou. After several external transfers, long afterward he was made director of the Palace Library and left regular attendant.
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玄宗改麗正書院為集賢院,以堅充學士,副張說知院事。 帝大酺集賢,幔舍在百司上,說令揭大榜以侈其寵,堅見,遽命撤之,曰:「君子烏取多尚人!」 從上泰山,以參定儀典,加光祿大夫。 堅於典故多所諳識,凡七當撰次高選。 卒,年七十餘,帝悼惜,遣使就吊,贈太子少保,謚曰文。
Xuanzong changed the Lizheng Academy to the Jixian Academy and made Jian a scholar, assisting Zhang Yue in directing the academy. The emperor held a grand feast for the Jixian scholars; their curtained lodges stood above all the other offices. Yue had a great placard posted to display his favor; when Jian saw it, he immediately ordered it removed, saying, "What gentleman courts excess to impress others! He accompanied the emperor to Mount Tai, assisted in fixing the ritual codes, and was given the additional title of Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Jian was well versed in many precedents and ordinances; seven times he was chosen for major compilation work. He died in his seventies; the emperor mourned him, sent envoys to offer condolences at his home, posthumously made him junior mentor of the heir apparent, and gave him the posthumous title Wen.
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齊聃姑為太宗充容,仲為高宗婕妤,皆明圖史,議者以堅父子如漢班氏。
Qichan's elder aunt served Taizong as a palace lady of rong; his younger aunt served Gaozong as a jieyu—both were versed in maps and histories; opinion likened Jian and his father to the Ban family of Han.
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子嶠,字巨山。 開元中為駕部員外郎、集賢院直學士,遷中書舍人、內供奉、河南尹。 封慈源縣公。 父子相次為學士,自祖及孫,三世為中書舍人。
His son was Qiao, courtesy name Jushan. In the Kaiyuan era he served as vice director in the Ministry of Transport and as a direct scholar of the Jixian Academy, then was promoted to drafting secretary of the Central Secretariat, inner attendant, and governor of Henan. He was granted the title of Duke of Ciyuan County. Father and son served as academicians in succession, and for three generations—from grandfather to grandson—the family held the post of Secretariat Drafter.
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沈伯儀,湖州吳興人。 武後時,為太子右諭德。
Shen Boyi came from Wuxing in Huzhou. Under Empress Wu, he served as Right Mentor to the Crown Prince.
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初,太常少卿韋萬石議明堂大享事,上言:「鄭玄說祀五天帝,王肅謂祀五行帝。 《貞觀禮》從玄,至《顯慶禮》祀昊天上帝,乾封詔書祀五天帝兼祀昊天,上元詔書從《貞觀禮》,儀鳳初詔祀事一用周制。 今應何樂?」 高宗乃詔尚書省集諸儒議,未能定。 於是大享參用《貞觀》、《顯慶》二禮。
At first, Vice Minister of Ceremonies Wei Wanshi raised the question of the grand Bright Hall offerings in a memorial: Zheng Xuan taught that one sacrificed to the Five Heavenly Emperors, while Wang Su argued for sacrifice to the Five Elemental Emperors. The Zhenguan Rites had followed Zheng Xuan; the Xianqing Rites turned to worship of August Heaven, the Supreme Lord; a Qianfeng edict mandated both the Five Heavenly Emperors and August Heaven; a Shangyuan edict reverted to the Zhenguan model; and at the start of Yifeng all sacrifices were ordered to follow Zhou practice. Which standard should govern the rites now? Emperor Gaozong then ordered the Department of State Affairs to assemble the Confucian scholars for debate, but they could not settle the matter. In the end, the grand offerings drew on both the Zhenguan and Xianqing rites.
23
垂拱元年,成均助教孔玄義奏:「嚴父莫大配天,天於萬物為最大,推父偶天,孝之大,尊之極也。 《易》稱『先王作樂崇德,殷薦之上帝,以配祖、考』。 上帝,天也。 昊天之祭,宜祖、考並配,請以太宗、高宗配上帝於圓丘,神堯皇帝配感帝南郊。 《祭法》:『祖文王,宗武王。』 祖,始也; 宗,尊也。 一名而有二義。 《經》稱『宗祀文王』,文王當祖而雲宗,包武王以言也。 知明堂以祖、考配,與二經合。」 伯儀曰:「有虞氏禘黃帝而郊嚳,祖顓頊而宗堯; 夏後氏禘黃帝而郊鯀,祖顓頊而宗禹; 殷人禘嚳而郊冥,祖契而宗湯; 周人禘嚳而郊稷,祖文王而宗武王。 鄭玄曰:『禘、郊、祖、宗,皆配食也。 祭昊天圓丘曰禘,祭上帝南郊曰郊,祭五帝、五神明堂曰祖、宗。』 此為最詳。 虞夏退顓頊郊嚳,殷舍契郊冥,去取違舛,惟周得禮之序,至明堂始兩配焉。 文王上配五帝,武王下配五神,別父子也。 《經》曰:『嚴父莫大於配天。』 又曰:『宗祀文王於明堂,以配上帝。』 不言嚴武王以配天,則武王雖在明堂,未齊於配,雖同祭而終為一主也。 緯曰:『後稷為天地主,文王為五帝宗。』 若一神而兩祭之,則薦獻數瀆,此神無二主也。 貞觀、永徽禮實專配,由顯慶後始兼尊焉。 今請以高祖配圓丘、方澤,太宗配南北郊,高宗配五天帝。」 鳳閣舍人元萬頃、範履冰等議:「今禮昊天上帝等五祀,鹹奉高祖、太宗兼配,以申孝也。 《詩昊天》章『二後受之』,《易》『薦上帝,配祖、考』,有兼配義。 高祖、太宗既先配五祀,當如舊。 請奉高宗歷配焉。」 自是郊、丘,三帝並配雲。
In the first year of Chuigong, Kong Xuanyi, assistant instructor at the Imperial Academy, submitted a memorial: "No honor surpasses pairing one's father with Heaven. Heaven is supreme among all things, and to exalt the father beside Heaven is the greatest filial devotion and the highest mark of reverence. The Book of Changes says: "The former kings made music to glorify virtue; the Yin people offered to the Supreme Lord, pairing their ancestors and forefathers." The Supreme Lord is Heaven itself. In sacrifices to August Heaven, both ancestors and forefathers ought to be paired; I propose that Emperor Taizong and Emperor Gaozong be paired with the Supreme Lord at the Circular Altar, and Emperor Shenyao with the Lord of Sensation at the southern suburb. The Record of Sacrifices says: "Take King Wen as zu and King Wu as zong." Zu means "the beginning"; zong means "the honored." The same term carries two distinct meanings. The Classic speaks of "honoring King Wen as zong," yet King Wen should be zu—calling him zong embraces King Wu in the same phrase. This shows that pairing ancestors and forefathers in the Bright Hall agrees with both texts. Shen Boyi replied: "The Yu dynasty performed di to the Yellow Emperor and jiao to Ku at the suburban altar, took Zhuanxu as zu and Yao as zong; The Xia performed di to the Yellow Emperor and jiao to Gun at the suburban altar, took Zhuanxu as zu and Yu as zong; the Yin performed di to Ku and jiao to Ming at the suburban altar, took Qi as zu and Tang as zong; the Zhou performed di to Ku and jiao to Hou Ji at the suburban altar, took King Wen as zu and King Wu as zong. Zheng Xuan said: "Di, jiao, zu, and zong are all paired offerings. Sacrifice at the Circular Altar to August Heaven is di; sacrifice to the Supreme Lord at the southern suburb is jiao; sacrifice to the Five Emperors and Five Spirits in the Bright Hall is zu and zong. This is the most detailed account. Yu and Xia displaced Zhuanxu to sacrifice jiao to Ku; Yin set aside Qi for jiao to Ming—their choices were inconsistent and wrong. Only Zhou preserved the proper ritual order, and only at the Bright Hall did dual pairing begin. King Wen was paired above with the Five Emperors and King Wu below with the Five Spirits, distinguishing father from son. The Classic says: "There is nothing greater than honoring one's father by pairing him with Heaven." It also says: "Honor King Wen in sacrifice at the Bright Hall, pairing him with the Supreme Lord." It does not speak of honoring King Wu by pairing him with Heaven; so although King Wu was included in the Bright Hall rite, he was not equal in rank of pairing. Though both received sacrifice, in the end there was only one principal deity. An apocryphal text says: "Hou Ji was lord of Heaven and Earth; King Wen was zong of the Five Emperors." If one spirit received two sacrifices, the repeated offerings would be excessive—a single spirit cannot have two principals. The Zhenguan and Yonghui rites in fact used exclusive pairing; only after the Xianqing era did joint honoring begin. I now propose that Emperor Gaozu be paired at the Circular Altar and Square Pond, Emperor Taizong at the northern and southern suburbs, and Emperor Gaozong with the Five Heavenly Emperors. Fengge Attendants Yuan Wanqing, Fan Lubing, and others argued: "In the present rites for August Heaven, the Supreme Lord, and the other five sacrifices, Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Taizong should both be paired, to express filial devotion. The Ode to August Heaven says "the two sovereigns received it"; the Book of Changes says "present offerings to the Supreme Lord, pairing ancestors and forefathers"—both imply joint pairing. Since Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Taizong had already been paired in the five sacrifices, the former practice should stand. I request that Emperor Gaozong be paired in turn as well. From then on, at the suburban and mound sacrifices, all three emperors were jointly paired.
24
伯儀歷國子祭酒、修文館學士,卒。
Shen Boyi later served as Director of the Imperial Academy and Academician of the Xiucheng Hall, and died in office.
25
路敬淳,貝州臨清人。 父文逸,遇隋季大亂,闔門死於盜。 文逸遁免,流離辛苦,自傷家多難,閉口不食,行者哀其窮,強飲食之,更負以行,乃得脫。 貞觀末,官申州司馬。
Lu Jingchun came from Linqing in Beizhou. His father Wenyi lived through the great turmoil at the end of the Sui, when the whole household was killed by bandits. Wenyi alone escaped. Wandering in hardship and grieving the many calamities that had befallen his family, he refused to eat; travelers took pity on his destitution, forced food on him, and carried him on their backs until he finally got away. At the end of the Zhenguan era, he served as assistant administrator of Shenzhou.
26
敬淳少誌學,足不履門。 居親喪,倚廬不出者三年。 服除,號慟入門,形容臒毀,妻不之識。 後擢進士第。 天授中,再遷太子司議郎兼修國史、崇賢館學士。 數受詔纂輯慶恤儀典,武後稱之。 尤明姓系,自魏、晉以降,推本其來,皆有條序,著《姓略》、《衣冠系錄》等百餘篇。 後坐綦連耀交通,下獄死。 神龍初,贈秘書少監。
In youth Jingchun was devoted to study and scarcely left his door. While mourning his parents, he lived in a mourning hut and did not go out for three years. When the mourning period ended, he wailed as he entered the gate. He was so emaciated and wasted that his wife did not recognize him. He later passed the jinshi examination at the highest tier. During the Tianshou era he was twice promoted to Secretary for Memorials to the Crown Prince, while also compiling the national history and serving as Academician of the Chongxian Hall. He repeatedly received edicts to compile rites for felicitations and condolence, and Empress Wu praised his work. He was especially expert in clan genealogy. From Wei and Jin downward he traced every lineage in orderly sequence, and wrote more than a hundred works, including Genealogical Summaries and Records of Official Families. He was later implicated in dealings with Qi Lianyao, thrown into prison, and died there. At the beginning of the Shenlong era, he was posthumously awarded the post of Vice Director of the Secretariat.
27
弟敬潛,少與敬淳齊名,歷懷州錄事參軍,亦坐耀事系獄,免死。 後為遂安令。 先是,令多死,敬潛欲辭,妻曰:「君不死獄而得全,非生死有命邪?」 從之。 到官,有梟嘯其屏,鼠數十走於前,左右驅之,擁杖而號,敬潛不為懼。 久之,遷衛令,位中書舍人。
His younger brother Jingqian was as renowned as Jingchun in their youth. He served as recording secretary of Huaizhou and was also imprisoned in Lianyao's affair, but escaped death. He later became magistrate of Suian. Previously many magistrates of that county had died. Jingqian wished to decline the appointment, but his wife said: "You escaped death in prison and were spared—is life and death not a matter of fate? He agreed. Upon taking office, an owl shrieked at his screen and dozens of rats scurried before him. His attendants drove them away, yet clutching his staff he wailed—and Jingqian was not afraid. After some time he was transferred to magistrate of Wei and held the post of Secretariat Drafter.
28
唐初,姓譜學唯敬淳名家。 其後柳沖、韋述、蕭穎士、孔至各有撰次,然皆本之路氏。
In the early Tang, only the Lu family of Jingchun was renowned in the study of clan genealogies. Later Liu Chong, Wei Shu, Xiao Yingshi, and Kong Zhi each compiled works of their own, yet all drew on the Lu family's scholarship.
29
王元感,濮州鄄城人。 擢明經高第,調博城丞。 紀王慎為兗州都督,厚加禮,敕其子東平王續往受業。 天授中,稍遷左衛率府錄事,兼直弘文館。 武後時,已郊,遂享明堂,封嵩山,詔與韋叔夏等草儀具,眾推其練洽。 轉四門博士,仍直弘文館。
Wang Yuangan came from Juancheng in Puzhou. He passed the Mingjing examination at the highest tier and was appointed assistant magistrate of Bocheng. Prince Ji of Ji was military governor of Yanzhou and treated him with great courtesy, ordering his son the Prince of Dongping to go and study under him. During the Tianshou era he was gradually promoted to recording secretary of the Left Guard Office while concurrently serving on duty at the Hongwen Hall. Under Empress Wu, after the suburban sacrifice came the Bright Hall offering and the Mount Song feng; he was ordered to draft the ritual provisions with Wei Shuxia and others, and all praised his thorough mastery. He was transferred to Erudite of the Four Gates while continuing on duty at the Hongwen Hall.
30
年雖老,讀書不廢夜。 所撰《書糾謬》、《春秋振滯》、《禮繩愆》等凡數十百篇,長安時上之,丐官筆楮寫藏秘書。 有詔兩館學士、成均博士議可否。 祝欽明、郭山惲、李憲等本章句家,見元感詆先儒同異,不懌,數沮詰其言,元感緣罅申釋,竟不詘。 魏知古見其書,嘆曰:「《五經》指南也。」 而徐堅、劉知幾、張思敬等惜其異聞,每為助理,聯疏薦之,遂下詔褒美,以為儒宗。 拜太子司議郎兼崇賢館學士。 中宗以東宮官屬,加朝散大夫,卒。
Though advanced in years, he never stopped reading at night. Among the works he authored—Corrections to the Documents, Resolving Difficulties in the Spring and Autumn Annals, Rectifying Errors in the Rites, and others—were several tens to hundreds of chapters. During the Chang'an era he submitted them and begged for official paper and brushes to have them copied and stored in the Secretariat. An edict ordered the academicians of both halls and the Erudites of the Imperial Academy to debate their merits. Zhu Qinming, Guo Shanyun, Li Xian, and others were classicists of the commentarial school. Seeing that Yuangan criticized the earlier Ru for their disagreements, they were displeased and repeatedly obstructed and challenged him; Yuangan seized on openings to explain, and in the end was not defeated. Wei Zhigu saw his books and sighed: "A guide to the Five Classics. Yet Xu Jian, Liu Zhiji, Zhang Sijing, and others valued his unusual findings and often assisted him. They jointly submitted a memorial recommending him, and an edict was issued praising him as a patriarch of the Ru. He was appointed Secretary for Memorials to the Crown Prince and concurrently Academician of the Chongxian Hall. Emperor Zhongzong, on account of his service among the Eastern Palace officials, additionally granted him the honorary title of Grand Master of Palace Leisure, and he died.
31
元感初著論三年之喪以三十有六月,譏詆諸儒。 鳳閣舍人張柬之破其說曰:「三年之喪,二十五月,由古則然。 《春秋》僖公三十三年十二月『乙巳,公薨』,文公二年冬『公子遂如齊納幣』。 左氏曰:『禮也。』 杜預謂:『僖喪終是年十一月,納幣在十二月。 故謂之禮。』 《公羊傳》:『納幣不書,此何以書? 譏。 何以譏? 三年之內不圖婚。』 何休曰:『僖以十二月薨,未終二十五月,故譏雲。』 杜預推歷乙巳乃在十一月,《經》書十二月為誤。 文公元年四月,葬僖公。 《傳》曰:『緩。』 夫諸侯之葬五月,若十二月薨,五月不得雲緩,則十一月明甚。 然二家所競,乃一月,非一歲,則二十五月,其一驗也。 《書》稱成湯既沒,太甲元年曰:『惟元祀,十有二月,伊尹祀於先王,奉嗣王祇見厥祖。』 孔安國曰:『湯以元年十一月崩。』 此則明年祥,又明年大祥,故下言『惟三祀,十有二月朔,尹以冕服,奉嗣王歸於亳』。 是十一月服除而冕。 《顧命》:『四月哉生魄,王不懌。 翌日乙丑,王崩。 丁卯,命作冊度。 越七日癸酉,伯相命士須材。』 則成王崩至康王麻冕黼裳凡十日,康王始見廟。 明湯崩在十一月。 比殯訖,以十二月祗見其祖。 《顧命》見廟訖『諸侯出廟門俟』,《伊訓》言『祗見厥祖,侯甸群後鹹在』,則崩及見廟,周因於殷也,非元年前復有一歲,此二十五月之二驗。 《禮》:『三年之喪,二十五月而畢,哀痛未盡,然而以是為斷者,送死有已,服生有節。』 又曰:『期而小祥,食菜果; 又期而大祥,有醯醬; 中月而禫,食酒肉。』 又曰:『再期之喪,三年; 期之喪,二年; 九月、七月之喪,三時; 五月之喪,二時; 三月之喪,一時。』 此二十五月之三驗。 《儀禮》:『期而小祥,又期而大祥,中月而禫,是月也,吉祭。』 此二十五月之四驗。 《書》、《春秋》、《禮》皆周公、尼父所定,敢問此可為法否? 昔鄭玄以中月而禫者,內容一月,自喪至禫,凡二十七月。 今既用之,而二十五月初無疑論。 大抵子於親喪,有終身之痛,創巨者日久,痛深者愈遲,何歲月而止乎? 故練而慨然,悲慕未盡,而踴擗之情差未; 祥而廓然,哀傷已除,而孤藐之懷更劇。 此情之所致,寧外飾哉? 故先王立其中制,使情文兩稱,是以祥則縞帶素紕,禫則無不佩。 夫去衰麻,襲錦縠,行道之人皆不忍,直為節之以禮,叵如之何。 故仲由不能過制為姊服,孔鯉不能過期哭母,彼詎不懷? 畏名教之嚴也。」 當世謂柬之言不詭聖人,而元感論遂廢。
Yuangan had initially written a treatise arguing that the three-year mourning period should be thirty-six months, criticizing and denouncing the various Ru. Fengge Attendant Zhang Jianzhi refuted his argument, saying: "The three-year mourning period is twenty-five months; thus it has been since antiquity. The Spring and Autumn Annals records that in the thirty-third year of Duke Xi, twelfth month, "On the day yisi the Duke died," and in the second year of Duke Wen, winter, "The Duke's son Sui went to Qi to deliver betrothal gifts." Zuo's Commentary says: "This accorded with ritual." Du Yu explained: "Duke Xi's mourning ended in the eleventh month of that year; the betrothal gifts were delivered in the twelfth month. Therefore it is called ritual. The Gongyang Commentary asks: "The delivery of betrothal gifts is not normally recorded—why is this recorded? To censure. Why censure? Within the three-year mourning period one must not plan marriage. He Xiu said: "Duke Xi died in the twelfth month; the twenty-five months had not yet ended, and therefore it is censured." Du Yu calculated the calendar and found that yisi fell in the eleventh month; the Classic's recording of the twelfth month was an error. In the first year of Duke Wen, fourth month, Duke Xi was buried. The Commentary says: "Delayed." The burial of a feudal lord takes place in the fifth month; if he had died in the twelfth month, a fifth-month burial could not be called delayed—thus the eleventh month is clearly established. Yet what the two schools disputed was a single month, not a full year—thus twenty-five months is confirmed by one piece of evidence. The Documents states that after King Cheng Tang died, in the first year of Tai Jia it says: "In the first year, twelfth month, Yi Yin sacrificed to the former king and presented the heir king to see his ancestors." Kong Anguo said: "Tang died in the eleventh month of the first year." This means that in the following year came xiang, and in the year after that da xiang; hence the next passage says "In the third year, twelfth month, first day, Yi led the heir king in cap and robes back to Bo." Thus in the eleventh month the mourning garments were removed and the cap was worn. The Announcement of the Testamentary Charge says: "In the fourth month, on the day when the moon was first waxing, the king was displeased." The next day, yichou, the king died. On dingmao he ordered the preparation of the written ordinances. Seven days later, on guiyou, the chief minister ordered the officers to prepare the materials. Thus from King Cheng's death until King Kang wore the hemp cap and skirt with embroidered hem was ten days in all; only then did King Kang first visit the ancestral temple. Clearly Tang died in the eleventh month. When the encoffining was complete, in the twelfth month he reverently presented himself before his ancestor. The Announcement of the Testamentary Charge, once the temple visit was finished, says, "The feudal lords went out the temple gate and waited"; the Instructions of Yi says, "He reverently visited his ancestor, and the marquises, domain lords, and all the host of nobles were present." Thus from death to the temple visit, Zhou followed Yin; it is not that another full year intervened before the first year—this is the second proof of twenty-five months. The Record of Rites says: "The three-year mourning is completed in twenty-five months; though grief is not yet exhausted, yet to take this as the limit is because sending off the dead has its end, and serving the living has its measure. It also says: "After one year comes xiao xiang, and one eats vegetables and fruit; After another year comes da xiang, and there are pickles and sauces; In the middle month comes tan, and one eats wine and meat. It also says: "Mourning of two periods is three years; Mourning of one period is two years; Mourning of nine months or seven months is three seasons; Mourning of five months is two seasons; Mourning of three months is one season. This is the third proof of twenty-five months. The Ceremonies says: "After one period comes xiao xiang; after another period comes da xiang; in the middle month comes tan—in that month, auspicious sacrifice. This is the fourth proof of twenty-five months. The Documents, the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the Rites were all established by the Duke of Zhou and Confucius—dare I ask whether this may be taken as law? Formerly Zheng Xuan held that "in the middle month comes tan" included a full month within it, so from mourning to tan was altogether twenty-seven months. Now that this has been adopted, at the beginning of the twenty-fifth month there was no dispute. Broadly speaking, a son mourning a parent carries pain that lasts a lifetime; the greater the wound, the longer the days; the deeper the grief, the slower the recovery—how could one stop at a fixed number of months? Thus at lian one sighs deeply, for longing and grief are not yet exhausted, and the impulse to stamp and beat one's breast is not yet diminished; At xiang one grows calm, for sorrow and injury have been removed, yet the feeling of orphanhood grows keener. This is what feeling brings about—could it be merely outward display? Therefore the former kings established a mean measure, so that feeling and form would both be fitting; thus at xiang one wears the white headband and white edge, and at tan one always wears ornaments. To remove the hemp mourning garments and put on brocade and gauze—even passersby on the road cannot bear it; it is simply that ritual sets bounds to it—what can be done? Thus Zhong You could not exceed the measure in mourning for his elder sister, and Kong Li could not mourn his mother beyond the prescribed period—did they not feel grief? They feared the strictness of the teaching of names and relationships. Contemporaries held that Jianzhi's words did not pervert the sages, and Yuangan's treatise was thereupon abandoned.
32
王紹宗,字承烈,梁左民尚書銓曾孫。 系本瑯邪,徙江都雲。 少貧俠,嗜學,工草隸,客居僧坊,寫書取庸自給,凡三十年。 庸足給一月即止,不取贏,人雖厚償,輒拒不受。
Wang Shaozong, courtesy name Chenglie, was a great-grandson of Quan, Left Minister of the People under Liang. His lineage originated in Langye; the family migrated to Yun in Jiangdu. In youth he was poor but chivalrous, devoted to learning, and skilled in cursive and clerical script; he lodged in a monks' quarters, copying books for wages to support himself—for thirty years in all. When his wages sufficed for one month he would stop, taking no surplus; though people offered generous payment, he always refused and would not accept.
33
徐敬業起兵,聞其行,以幣劫之,稱疾篤。 復令唐之奇強遣,不肯赴,敬業怒,將殺之,之奇曰:「彼人望也,殺之沮士心,不可。」 由是免。 事平,大總管李孝逸表其節,武後召赴東都,謁殿中,褒慰良厚,擢太子文學。 累進秘書少監,使侍皇太子。 紹宗雅修飾,當時公卿莫不慕悅其風,張易之兄弟亦頗結納。 易之誅,坐廢,卒於家。
When Xu Jingye raised troops, hearing of his conduct, he sent gifts to coerce him into service; Shaozong claimed grave illness. Jingye again had Tang Zhiqi forcibly dispatch him, but he refused to go; Jingye was angry and was about to kill him. Zhiqi said: "That man has public esteem; to kill him would dampen the soldiers' hearts—it cannot be done. Thus he was spared. When the affair was settled, Grand General of Pacification Li Xiaoyi memorialized his integrity; Empress Wu summoned him to the Eastern Capital, and when he was received in the palace hall she praised and comforted him generously, promoting him to Literary Scholar of the Heir Apparent. He was promoted in succession to Vice Director of the Secretariat and was assigned to attend the heir apparent. Shaozong was refined in personal adornment; at the time none among the high ministers and nobles failed to admire and delight in his manner, and the brothers Zhang Yizhi also cultivated ties with him. When Yizhi was executed, Shaozong was implicated and dismissed; he died at home.
34
嘗與人書曰:「鄙夫書無工者,特由水墨之積習耳。 常精心率意、虛神靜思以取之。 吳中陸大夫常以余比虞君,以不臨寫故也。 聞虞被中畫腹,與余正同。」 虞,即世南也。
He once wrote to someone: "A vulgar man's writing has no skill—it is simply the accumulated habit of ink and water. One must constantly concentrate the mind, follow one's intent, empty the spirit, and quiet one's thoughts to obtain it. Grand Master Lu of Wu often compared me to Lord Yu—because I do not copy from models. I heard that Yu, while under the covers, would draw on his belly—the same as my own practice. Yu was Yu Shinan.
35
紹宗兄玄宗,隱嵩山,號太和先生,傳黃老術。
Shaozong's elder brother Xuanzong hid himself on Mount Song, styled himself Master of Grand Harmony, and transmitted the arts of Huang-Lao.
36
彭景直,瀛州河間人。 中宗景龍末,為太常博士。 時獻、昭、乾三陵皆日祭,景直上言:在禮,陵不日祭,宗廟有月祭,故王者設廟、祧、壇、
Peng Jingzhi was a man of Hejian in Yingzhou. At the end of the Jinglong era of Emperor Zhongzong, he served as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. At that time the tombs of Xian, Zhao, and Qian all received daily sacrifice; Jingzhi submitted a memorial: according to ritual, tombs are not sacrificed to daily; ancestral temples receive monthly sacrifice—therefore kings establish temples, tiao, altars,
37
墠,為親疏多少之殺。 立七廟、一壇、一墠。 曰考廟,曰王考廟,曰皇考廟,曰顯考廟,皆月祭。 遠廟為祧,享嘗乃止。 去祧為壇,去壇為墠,有禱祭之,無禱乃止。 譙周曰:「天子始祖、高祖、曾祖、祖、考之廟,皆朔加薦,以象生時朔食,號月祭,二祧廟不月祭。」 則古無日祭者。 今諸陵朔、望進食,近古之殷事; 諸節進食,近古之薦新。 鄭玄曰:「殷事,月之朔、半,薦新奠也。」 於《儀禮》,朔、半日,猶常日朝夕也,既大祥,即四時焉,此其祭皆在廟雲。 近世始以朔、望諸節祭陵寢,唯四時及臘,五享於廟。 尋經質禮,無日祭於陵之文。 漢時,京師自高祖下至宣帝,與太上皇、悼皇考陵旁立廟。 園各有寢、便殿,故日祭諸寢,月祭諸便殿。 貢禹以禮節煩數,白元帝願罷郡、國廟。 丞相韋玄成等後因議七廟外寢園皆無復修。 議者亦以祭不欲數,宜復古四時祭於廟。 劉歆引《春秋外傳》曰:「祖、禰日祭,曾、高月祀,二祧時享,壇、墠歲貢。」 魏、晉以降,不祭墓。 唐家擇古作法,臣謂宜罷諸陵日祭,如禮便。
and open-air platforms, according to the gradations of closeness and distance. They establish seven temples, one altar, and one open-air platform. There is the temple of the father, the temple of the grandfather, the temple of the great-grandfather, and the temple of the remote ancestor—all receive monthly sacrifice. Remote temples become tiao; offering and tasting sacrifice then cease. When tiao are removed they become altars; when altars are removed they become open-air platforms; when there is prayer sacrifice they are served; when there is no prayer they cease. Qiao Zhou said: "The temples of the Son of Heaven's founding ancestor, high ancestor, great-great-grandfather, great-grandfather, grandfather, and father all receive offerings on the first of the month, imitating the morning meal of life—this is called monthly sacrifice; the two tiao temples do not receive monthly sacrifice. Thus in antiquity there was no daily sacrifice. Now at the various tombs offerings are presented on the first and fifteenth of the month—this approximates the Yin practice of antiquity; offerings presented at the various festivals approximate the offering of new produce of antiquity. Zheng Xuan said: "Yin practice means on the first and middle of the month, offering new produce as sacrifice. In the Ceremonies, on the first and middle days of the month one still observes the regular morning and evening rites; after da xiang, then come the four seasons—yet these sacrifices are all in the temple. In recent times people began to sacrifice at tomb chambers on the first, fifteenth, and various festival days; only at the four seasons and at la are the five offerings made in the temple. Searching the classics and examining ritual, there is no text authorizing daily sacrifice at tombs. In Han times, in the capital from Gaozu down to Emperor Xuan, together with the tombs of the Grand Supreme Emperor and the Lamented Imperial Father, temples were erected beside the tombs. Each park had its sleeping chamber and convenience hall; therefore daily sacrifice was at the various sleeping chambers, and monthly sacrifice at the various convenience halls. Gong Yu, because the rites were excessively numerous, reported to Emperor Yuan asking that the district and state temples be abolished. Chancellor Wei Xuancheng and others later, in their deliberations, likewise ceased all further repair of the outer sleeping parks beyond the seven temples. Those deliberating also held that sacrifice should not be too frequent, and that one should restore the ancient practice of four-season sacrifice in the temple. Liu Xin cited the Outer Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals: "Ancestor and immediate forebear receive daily sacrifice; great-great-grandfather and great-grandfather receive monthly sacrifice; the two tiao receive seasonal offering; altars and open-air platforms receive yearly tribute. From Wei and Jin onward, graves were not sacrificed to. Our Tang dynasty selects ancient practice and follows it; your servant holds that daily sacrifice at the various tombs should be abolished, as ritual requires.
38
帝不從,因下詔:「有司言諸陵不當日進食。 夫禮以人情為之沿革,何專古而泥所聞? 乾陵宜朝晡進奠,昭、獻陵日一進,或所司乏於費,可減朕常膳為之。」
The emperor did not agree, and thereupon issued an edict: "The responsible officials say the various tombs ought not receive daily offerings. Ritual follows human feeling in its changes and continuations—why adhere exclusively to antiquity and cling to what one has heard? At Qianling offerings should be presented morning and afternoon; at Zhao and Xian tombs one offering per day—or if the responsible offices lack funds, my regular meals may be reduced to provide for it."
39
帝崩,葬定陵,有司議以和思皇后祔葬,後為武後所殺,不得其喪所,將以招魂合諸梓宮,景直曰:「招魂古無傳,不可。 請如橋山藏衣冠故事,納後祎衣,復寢宮,舉衣魂輅,告以太牢,內之方中,奉帝梓棺右,覆以夷衾。」 眾當其言,制曰:「可。」 景直後歷禮部郎中卒。
When the emperor died and was buried at Dingling, the responsible officials deliberated associating in burial Empress Hexi, who had later been killed by Empress Wu and whose place of burial could not be found; they were about to summon the soul and unite it with the inner coffin. Jingzhi said: "Summoning the soul has no precedent in antiquity—it cannot be done. I ask that we follow the precedent of burying robes and caps at Qiao Mountain: place the empress's ceremonial robe within, restore the sleeping chamber, raise the robe on the soul carriage, announce it with the grand sacrifice, place it within the square enclosure, set it to the right of the emperor's inner coffin, and cover it with the plain quilt. The assembly approved his proposal; the decree said: "Approved. Jingzhi later served as Director in the Ministry of Rites and died in office.
40
盧粲,幽州范陽人,後魏侍中陽烏五世孫。 祖彥卿,亦善著書。 粲始冠,擢進士第。 神龍中,累遷給事中。 時節湣太子立,韋後疾之,諷中宗以衛府封物給東宮,粲駁奏:「太子匕鬯主,歲時服用,宜取於百司。 《周禮》:諸用財器,『歲終則會,唯王及太子不會』。 今乃與諸王等夷,非所謂憲章古昔者。」 詔可。
Lu Can was a man of Fanyang in Youzhou, a fifth-generation descendant of Attendant-in-Ordinary Yangwu of Northern Wei. His grandfather Yanqing was also skilled at writing books. When Can first came of age, he passed the jinshi examination. During the Shenlong era he was promoted in succession to Supervising Secretary. At that time the Crown Prince of Min was established; Empress Wei resented it and prompted Emperor Zhongzong to grant the Eastern Palace sealed goods from the guard offices. Can submitted a rebuttal: "The heir apparent's sacrificial vessels and annual and seasonal supplies should be taken from the hundred offices. The Rites of Zhou: for all uses of wealth and vessels, "at year's end there is reckoning—only the king and the heir apparent are not reckoned." Now to treat him the same as the various princes is not what is meant by taking the ancient statutes as model. The edict approved.
41
武崇訓死,詔墓視陵制,粲曰:「凡王、公主墓,無稱陵者,唯永泰公主事出特制,非後人所援比。 崇訓塋兆,請視諸王。」 詔曰:「安樂公主與永泰不異,崇訓於主當同穴,為陵不疑。」 粲固執,以「陵之稱,本施尊極,雖崇訓之親,不及雍王,雍墓不稱陵,崇訓緣主而得假是名哉?」 詔可。 主大怒,出粲陳州刺史。 粲曰:「茍所論得行,雖遠何憚!」 開元初,為秘書少監。
When Wu Chongxun died, an edict ordered his tomb to follow tomb regulations. Can said: "For tombs of kings and princesses in general there is no designation of ling; only Princess Yongtai received a special decree—later men should not cite it as precedent. For Chongxun's tomb mound, I ask that it follow the standard for the various princes. The edict said: "Princess Anle differs not from Yongtai; Chongxun, as the princess's consort, should share her tomb—there is no doubt he should be a ling. Can firmly persisted: "The designation ling is originally applied to the most exalted; though Chongxun was close in kinship, he did not equal Prince Yong—Yong's tomb was not called a ling; could Chongxun borrow that name through the princess? The edict approved. The princess was greatly angered and had Can sent out as Prefect of Chen. Can said: "If what I argued can be carried out, though distant I have no fear! At the beginning of the Kaiyuan era he served as Vice Director of the Secretariat.
42
其從父行嘉,仕為雍王記室,亦以學聞。 粲累封固安縣侯,終邠王傅,謚曰景。
His paternal cousin Xingjia served as Recorder of Prince Yong and was also known for learning. Can was enfeoffed in succession as Marquis of Gu'an County, ended as Tutor to the Prince of Bin, and was posthumously titled Jing.
43
尹知章,絳州翼城人。 少雖學,未甚通解,忽夢人持巨鑿破其心,內若劑焉,驚悟,誌思開徹,遂遍明《六經》。 諸生嘗講授者,更北面受大義。
Yin Zhizhang was a man of Yicheng in Jiangzhou. In youth, though he studied, he had not attained thorough understanding; suddenly he dreamed that a man held a great chisel and broke open his heart—inside it was like medicine; startled awake, his thoughts opened and became penetrating, and he thereupon mastered the Six Classics completely. Those students who had formerly lectured to him turned to face north and received the great meaning from him.
44
長安中,擢定王府文學。 遷太常博士。 中宗時,或建言以涼武昭王為七廟始祖,知章議:「武昭遠世,非王業所因。」 乃止。 出為陸渾令,坐事,輒棄官去。 時散騎常侍解琬亦罷歸,與知章潭思經術,舉欣欣然。 張說表諸朝,擢禮部員外郎,轉國子博士。 馬懷素緒定秘書,奏知章是正文字。
During the Chang'an era he was selected as Literary Scholar of the Prince of Ding's household. He was transferred to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. During the Zhongzong era, some proposed making Liang Wuzhao Wang the founding ancestor of the seven temples; Zhizhang argued: "Wuzhao was of a remote age and was not the source from which royal enterprise arose. The proposal was dropped. He was posted as magistrate of Luhun, but when he became implicated in a matter, he immediately resigned and left office. About then Attendant Cavalier-at-Large Xie Wan was also dismissed and returned home; he and Zhizhang immersed themselves in classical learning, and their lives together were full of quiet contentment. On Zhang Yue's recommendation to the throne, he was promoted to vice director in the Ministry of Rites and later appointed erudite of the Directorate of Education. When Ma Huaisu undertook to organize the palace archives, he recommended Zhizhang to standardize the written characters.
45
每休沐,講授未始輟。 於《易》、《老》、《莊》書尤縣解。 弟子貧者,赒給之。 性和厚,人不見有喜慍。 未嘗問產業,其子欲廣市樵米為歲中計,知章曰:「如而計,則貧人何以取資? 且吾尚應奪民利邪?」 卒官。 所註傳頗多,行於時。 門人孫季良等頌其德,刻著東都國子監門外。
Even on his days off, he never stopped teaching. He had an especially lucid grasp of the Book of Changes, the Laozi, and the Zhuangzi. He supported students who could not afford to study on their own. Mild and steady by nature, he never let pleasure or irritation show on his face. He never concerned himself with the family fortune; when his son proposed buying up firewood and grain in bulk as a year's investment, Zhizhang said, "If we did as you suggest, how would the poor earn their living? And would I really profit at the people's expense? He died in office. He produced many commentaries and expository works, all widely read in his day. Disciples including Sun Jiliang composed encomiums to his virtue and had them carved on stone outside the Directorate of Education in Luoyang.
46
季良,偃師人,一名翌,仕歷左拾遺、集賢院直學士。 張齊賢,陜州陜人。 聖歷初,為太常奉禮郎。
Jiliang, also called Yi, was a native of Yanshi who served as a left reminder and direct academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Zhang Qixian was a native of Shan in Shanzhou. Early in the Shengli reign he was appointed master of ceremonies in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
47
武後詔百官議告朔於明堂,讀時令,布政事,京官九品以上、四方朝集使皆列於廷。 太常博士辟閭仁谞曰:「經無天子月告朔。 唯《玉藻》:『天子聽朔南門之外。』 《周太宰》:『正月之吉,布政於邦國都鄙。』 幹寶曰:『建子月告朔日也。』 此《玉藻》聽朔同誼。 今元日讀時令,合古聽朔事。 獨鄭玄以秦制《月令》有五帝五官,因言『聽朔必以特牲告時帝及神,以文王、武王配。』 其言非是。 《月令》曰『其帝太昊,其神句芒』,謂宣令告人,使奉時務業,月皆有令,故云,非天子月朔以配帝祭也。 告朔者,諸侯禮也,《春秋》:『既視朔,遂登臺。』 玄又說人君月告朔於廟,其祭為朝享。 魯自文公始不視朔,明非天子所行。 玄謂告帝即人帝,神即重、黎、五官,不言天子拜祭。 臣請罷告朔、月祭,以應古禮。」 齊賢不韙其說,質曰:「穀梁氏稱『閏月,天子不告朔』,它月故告朔矣。 左氏言魯『不告閏朔,為棄時政』,則諸侯雖閏告朔矣。 《周太史》『頒朔於邦國』,《玉藻》『閏月,王居門』,是天子雖閏亦告朔。 二家去聖不遠,載天子、諸侯告朔事,顯顯弗繆。 今議者乃以《太宰》正月之吉,布治邦國,而言天子元日一告朔,殊失其旨。 一歲之元,六官自布所職之典。 幹寶謂吉為朔,故世人繆吉為告,據繆失經,不得為法。 議者又引左氏說,專在諸侯,不知《玉藻》與左說正同,而獨於天子言歲首一告,何去取之恣也! 又謂時帝,五人帝也。 玄於時帝包天人,故以文、武作配,是並告兩五帝為不疑。 諸侯受朔天子,藏於廟。 天子受朔於天,宜在明堂,故告時帝,配祖考。 議者曰:『天子月告祭頒朔,則諸侯安得藏之? 故太宰歲首布一歲事,太史頒之也。』 是不然。 《周太史》『頒朔邦國』,是總頒十二朔於諸侯; 天子猶月告者,頒官府都鄙也。 內外異言之也。 禮不可罷。」 鳳閣侍郎王方慶又推言:「明堂,布政之宮,所以明天氣,統萬物也。 漢儒以明堂、太廟為一,宗祀其祖,而配上帝。 取宗祀曰清廟,正室為太室,向陽為明堂,建學為太學,圜水為辟雍,異名同事,古之制也。 天子以正月上辛總受十二月政於南郊,還藏於祖廟,月取一政,班之明堂。 諸侯則受於天子,藏之祖廟,月取一政,行之於國。 王者以其禮告廟,謂之告朔; 視月之政,謂之視朔。 《玉藻》:『玄冕而朝日東門之外,聽朔南門之外。』 鄭玄說:『明堂在國陽,就其時之堂而聽朔焉。 卒事,宿路寢。』 今元日通天宮受朝,有司遂讀時令、布政,古之禮也。 舊說天子歲入明堂者十八:大享,一; 月告朔,十二; 四時迎氣,四; 巡狩之歲,一。 今議者唯許歲首一入,不亦隘乎? 陛下幸建明堂,遵用告朔事,若月一聽,則近於煩,每孟月視朔,惟制定其禮,臣下不敢專。」 成均博士吳楊吾等共言:「秦滅學,告朔禮廢。 今用四孟月、季夏,至明堂告五時帝堂上,請兼如齊賢、方慶議。」 不數歲,禮亦廢。
Empress Wu summoned the officials to debate performing the monthly announcement of the new moon at the Bright Hall, reading the seasonal ordinances, and issuing government business. Capital officials of the ninth rank and above, together with assembly envoys from the provinces, all lined the hall. Pilü Renxu, erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, argued: "No classic text prescribes a monthly new-moon announcement for the Son of Heaven. Only the "Jade Regalia" passage reads: "The Son of Heaven receives the new moon outside the southern gate." The "Grand Steward" chapter says: "On the auspicious day of the first month, promulgate government throughout the states, capitals, and districts." Gan Bao explains: "This refers to the new-moon day of the first month. This is the same in meaning as "receiving the new moon" in the "Jade Regalia. Reading the seasonal ordinances on New Year's Day, as we do now, matches the ancient rite of receiving the new moon. Only Zheng Xuan, drawing on the Qin "Monthly Ordinances" with its Five Emperors and Five Officials, added that receiving the new moon required a special victim to announce to the seasonal emperor and the spirits, with King Wen and King Wu as associates. That interpretation is wrong. When the "Monthly Ordinances" says "Its emperor is Taihao; its spirit is Goumang," it means proclaiming ordinances so people observe seasonal work—each month has its own decree. It does not mean the Son of Heaven performs a monthly new-moon sacrifice to paired emperors. Announcing the new moon was a feudal-lord rite. The "Spring and Autumn Annals" records: "Having inspected the new moon, he then ascended the tower. Zheng Xuan also held that the ruler announces the new moon monthly in the ancestral temple and that the sacrifice constitutes the morning audience. From Duke Wen of Lu onward Lu stopped inspecting the new moon—clear evidence that this was not a Son-of-Heaven rite. Zheng Xuan took "emperor" to mean the human emperor and "spirit" to mean Chong, Li, and the Five Officials, yet never said the Son of Heaven bowed in sacrifice. I therefore ask that the monthly announcement and monthly sacrifice be abolished, in keeping with ancient ritual. Qixian rejected this view and replied: "The Guliang tradition says, 'In an intercalary month the Son of Heaven does not announce the new moon'—which implies that in ordinary months he did. The Zuo commentary says Lu "failed to announce the intercalary new moon, thereby abandoning timely government"—showing that feudal lords too announced the new moon in intercalary months. The "Zhou Grand Astrologer" says "Distribute the new moon to the states," and the "Jade Regalia" says "In an intercalary month the king dwells at the gate"—showing that the Son of Heaven announced the new moon even in intercalary months. These two traditions lie close to the sages themselves, and their records of Son-of-Heaven and feudal-lord new-moon rites are plainly sound. The debaters now cite the "Grand Steward" passage about promulgating government on the first month's auspicious day and conclude that the Son of Heaven announced the new moon only once a year on New Year's Day—a serious misreading. At the year's opening, each of the six officials promulgates the ordinances of his own department. Gan Bao equated "auspicious day" with "new-moon day," and later scholars wrongly equated "auspicious" with "announce." To build law on such a mistake is to abandon the classics. They also cite the Zuo tradition as if it applied only to feudal lords, not seeing that the "Jade Regalia" agrees with Zuo—yet they grant the Son of Heaven only a single year-opening announcement. What arbitrary picking and choosing! They further hold that the seasonal emperor refers to the Five Human Emperors. For Zheng Xuan the seasonal emperor united Heaven and man, which is why he paired King Wen and King Wu—thereby announcing to both pentads of emperors without hesitation. Feudal lords received the calendar from the Son of Heaven and kept it in the ancestral temple. The Son of Heaven received the new moon from Heaven and properly did so at the Bright Hall, announcing to the seasonal emperor with his ancestors as associates. The debaters object: "If the Son of Heaven performed monthly sacrificial announcements and distributed the new moon, how could feudal lords keep it in storage? Hence the Grand Steward promulgates the year's business once at the year's opening, and the Grand Astrologer distributes it. That is incorrect. The "Zhou Grand Astrologer" says "Distribute the new moon to the states"—meaning to issue all twelve monthly new moons to the feudal lords at once; while the Son of Heaven's continuing monthly announcement distributes them to government offices and districts. This is a difference between what is said of the inner court and what is said of the outer realm. The rite must not be abolished. Vice Minister Wang Fangqing of the Phoenix Pavilion added: "The Bright Hall is the hall of government, where Heaven's influence is made manifest and the myriad things are brought into order. Han scholars identified the Bright Hall with the Grand Ancestral Temple, honoring ancestors in sacrifice and pairing them with the Supreme Emperor. The ancestral shrine was called the Pure Temple, the central chamber the Grand Chamber, the south-facing hall the Bright Hall, the imperial academy the Grand Academy, and the encircled pond the Enclosing Moat—different names for one institution, as antiquity arranged it. On the first xin day of the first month the Son of Heaven received the full year's ordinances at the southern suburb, stored them in the ancestral temple, and each month took one ordinance to promulgate in the Bright Hall. Feudal lords received the calendar from the Son of Heaven, kept it in the ancestral temple, and enacted one ordinance per month within their domains. When the king reported this rite to the temple, it was called announcing the new moon; when he reviewed the month's ordinances, it was called inspecting the new moon. The "Jade Regalia" reads: "Wearing the dark ceremonial cap, he faces the sun outside the eastern gate and receives the new moon outside the southern gate." Zheng Xuan explained: "The Bright Hall stands in the capital's sunny quarter; one goes to the seasonal hall to receive the new moon. When the rite is complete, one lodges in the inner chamber. Today's New Year audience at the Tongtian Palace, followed by the reading of seasonal ordinances and promulgation of government, follows the ancient rite. Older accounts say the Son of Heaven entered the Bright Hall eighteen times a year: the great offering, once; monthly new-moon announcements, twelve; welcoming the qi of the four seasons, four; and in years of the imperial tour, once. The debaters now allow only a single annual entry—is that not unduly restrictive? Your Majesty has built the Bright Hall and wishes to restore the new-moon announcement. A monthly audience would verge on excessive; let Your Majesty inspect the new moon at the start of each season and settle the rite by edict—we ministers dare not decide on our own. Erudites Wu Yangwu and others of the Directorate of Education jointly argued: "When the Qin suppressed learning, the new-moon rite fell into disuse. We propose using the four seasonal first months and the last month of summer to announce to the Five Seasonal Emperors in the Bright Hall's upper chamber—combining the recommendations of Qixian and Fangqing. Within a few years the rite lapsed once more.
48
久之,齊賢遷博士。 時東都置太社,禮部尚書祝欽明問禮官博士:「周家田主用所宜木,今社主石,奈何?」 齊賢與太常少卿韋叔夏、國子司業郭山惲、尹知章等議:「《春秋》:『君以軍行,祓社釁鼓,祝奉以從。』 故曰:『不用命,戮於社。』 社稷主用石,以可奉而行也。 崔靈恩曰:『社主用石,以地產最實歟!』 《呂氏春秋》言『殷人社用石』。 後魏天平中,遷太社石主,其來尚矣。 周之田主用所宜木,其民間之社歟! 非太社也。」 於是舊主長尺有六寸,方尺七寸,問博士雲何,齊賢等議:「社主之制,禮無傳。 天子親征,載以行,則非過重。 《禮》:『社祭土,主陰氣。』 《韓詩外傳》:『天子太社方五丈,諸侯半之。』 五,土數。 社主宜長五尺,以準數五; 方二尺,以準陰偶; 剡其上,以象物生; 方其下,以象地體; 埋半土中,本末均也。 請度以古尺」雲。 又問:「社稷壇隨四方用色,而中不數尺,冒黃土,謂何?」 齊賢等曰:「天子太社,度廣五丈,分四方,上冒黃土,象王者覆被四方,然則當以黃土覆壇上。 舊壇上不數尺,覆被之狹,乖於古。」 於是以方色飾壇四面及陛,而黃土全覆上焉。 祭牲皆太牢。 其後改先農曰「帝社」,又立「帝稷」,皆齊賢等參定。
Before long Qixian was promoted to erudite. When the Eastern Capital established the Grand Earth Altar, Minister of Rites Zhu Qinming asked the ritual officials and erudites: "The Zhou used the appropriate tree for the field lord, but our altar lord is stone—what should we do?" Qixian, Vice Director Wei Shuxia of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Vice Director Guo Shanyun of the Directorate of Education, Yin Zhizhang, and others replied: "The "Spring and Autumn Annals" records: "When the ruler marches with the army, he purifies the soil altar and smears blood on the drums; the invocator carries the lord and follows. Hence the saying: "Those who disobey orders are executed before the soil altar. The lords of the altars of soil and grain are therefore made of stone, because stone can be carried on campaign. Cui Lingen said: "The altar lord is stone because earth's product is the most solid!" The "Mr. Lü's Spring and Autumn Annals" states that "the Yin people's altar used stone." In the Tianping era of Later Wei the stone lord of the Grand Altar was moved—so the practice is very old. When the Zhou used the appropriate tree for the field lord, that referred to the common people's altars! It was not the Grand Altar." The existing lord measured one foot six inches long and one foot seven inches square. When the erudites were consulted, Qixian and his colleagues argued: "The dimensions of the altar lord are nowhere prescribed in the rites. When the Son of Heaven campaigns in person, the lord travels with the army—it cannot be too heavy. The "Rites" say: "In sacrificing to the soil altar one sacrifices to earth; the lord represents yin qi. The "Han Poetry Outer Commentary" says: "The Son of Heaven's Grand Altar of Soil is five zhang square; feudal lords use half that size. Five is earth's number. The altar lord should therefore be five chi long, matching the number five; two chi square, matching yin's even quality; tapered above, representing things coming into being; squared below, representing the form of earth; half buried in soil, root and crown equal. We ask that it be measured by the ancient foot." They were asked further: "The altars of soil and grain are colored by the four directions, yet at the center, over only a few chi, yellow earth is piled—what is the meaning of this?" Qixian and his colleagues replied: "The Son of Heaven's Grand Altar of Soil is five zhang wide, divided into four quarters, with yellow earth heaped on top—symbolizing the king's embrace of the four quarters. Yellow earth should therefore cover the entire altar top. The old altar top, only a few chi across, covered too small an area and departed from ancient practice." The four sides of the altar and its steps were then decorated with the colors of the quarters, and yellow earth covered the top entirely. All sacrificial victims were grand offerings. Later the Former Farmer rite was renamed the "Emperor's Altar of Soil," and an "Emperor's Altar of Grain" was also established—both arrangements were settled with Qixian and his colleagues.
49
中宗即位,因武後東都廟改為唐廟,議滿七室,以涼武昭王為始祖。 齊賢上議:「《禮》,天子七廟,尊始封君曰太祖,百代不遷,始祖無聞焉。 殷自玄王至湯,周後稷至武王,皆出太祖後,合食有序。 景皇帝始封唐,實為太祖,以世數近,故尚在昭穆。 今乃上引武昭王為始祖,異乎殷、周之本卨、稷也。 卨、稷興胙,景皇帝是也。 昭王國不世傳,後嗣失守。 景帝實始封唐,子孫是承。 若近舍唐,遠引涼,不見其可。 且魏不祖曹參,晉不祖司馬卬,宋不祖楚元王,齊、梁不祖蕭何,陳、隋不祖胡公、楊震,今謂昭王為祖,可乎? 漢以周郊後稷,議欲郊堯,杜林以為周興自後稷,漢業特起,功不緣堯,卒不果郊。 武德初定,去昭王尤近,不托祖者,不可故也。 今而立之,非祖宗意。 景皇失位,神弗臨享,殆非詒厥孫謀者。」 博士劉承慶、尹知章又言:「受命之君,王跡有淺深,代系有遠邇。 祖以功,昭穆以親。 有功者不遷,親盡者毀。 今不宜以廟數未備,引當遷之主於昭穆上,茍充七室也。 景皇帝既號太祖,以世淺猶在六室位,則室未當有七,非天子廟不當七也。 大帝神主既祔,宣皇帝當遷。 宣非始祖,又無宗號,親盡而遷,不可復立。 請仍為六室。」 詔宰相詳裁。 於是祝欽明等上言:「博士等三百人為兩說:齊賢等不祖武昭王,劉承慶等請遷宣皇帝。 臣等欲皆可其奏。」 詔可。 俄以孝敬皇帝為義宗,列於廟為七室。 西京太廟亦如之。
When Emperor Zhongzong acceded, the Eastern Capital temple Empress Wu had established was converted into the Tang ancestral temple. Officials debated filling all seven chambers by making Liang Wuzhao Wang the founding ancestor. Qixian submitted a memorial arguing: "The "Rites" prescribe seven temples for the Son of Heaven. The lord of the first enfeoffment is called the Grand Ancestor and is never displaced for a hundred generations—the rites nowhere mention a separate founding ancestor. In both Yin and Zhou, from the Mysterious King down to Tang and from Houji down to King Wu, every line issued from the Grand Ancestor, and the order of their joint sacrificial feasting was fixed and proper. Emperor Jing had been the first to receive the fief of Tang and was in truth the dynasty's Grand Ancestor; because so few generations separated him from the reigning house, he still held a place in the zhao-mu sequence. To elevate Prince Zhao of Wu as founding ancestor now would diverge from the Yin and Zhou precedent, in which the founding lines traced back to Qi and Ji respectively. Just as Qi and Ji had risen to eminence through enfeoffment and sacrificial standing, so too was Emperor Jing. Prince Zhao's kingdom was not handed down through successive generations, and his later descendants forfeited it. It was Emperor Jing who had first received the enfeoffment of Tang, and it was his descendants who carried on the line. To set aside nearby Tang and invoke distant Liang finds no justification. Wei did not enshrine Cao Shen as a dynastic forebear, nor Jin Sima Ang, Song the Prince of Chu, Yuan, nor Qi and Liang Xiao He, nor Chen and Sui Duke Hu and Yang Zhen—under such precedents, can Prince Zhao really be proclaimed founding ancestor? The Han, like the Zhou, sacrificed to Houji at the suburban altar; there was discussion of sacrificing to Yao as well, but Du Lin argued that while Zhou's rise proceeded from Houji, Han's empire had sprung up independently, its achievement owing nothing to Yao—and in the end no sacrifice to Yao was performed. At the beginning of the Wude reign, when Prince Zhao lay within living memory, the dynasty nonetheless refrained from making him its forebear—and that restraint cannot have been without cause. To install him as ancestor now would go against what the forefathers intended. To displace Emperor Jing would mean the spirits no longer receive his offerings—hardly the kind of legacy one bequeaths to posterity. The Erudites Liu Chengqing and Yin Zhizhang also submitted: 'A ruler who receives the Mandate may leave traces of kingship that are shallow or deep, and the line of succession may stretch back near or far. Founding ancestry is determined by merit; placement in the zhao-mu system is determined by closeness of kin. Worthy forebears are never displaced; when closeness of kin runs out, their tablets are removed. One ought not, merely because the temple lacks a full complement of chambers, drag in ancestors due for removal and seat them in the zhao-mu sequence just to make up seven shrines. Emperor Jing already bears the title of Grand Ancestor and, generations being so few, still holds one of the six shrines—therefore the temple should not yet have seven chambers; this is not a denial that an emperor's temple may eventually reach seven. After the Great Emperor's tablet has been installed in the shared rite, Emperor Xuan should be transferred from the main temple. Emperor Xuan was neither founding ancestor nor holder of a temple honorific; once the bond of kinship expired he was due for removal, and there is no grounds to restore his shrine. We ask that the temple remain at six shrines.' An edict directed the chief ministers to examine the matter fully and decide. Zhu Qinming and his colleagues then memorialized: 'Of the three hundred-odd Erudites, two schools have emerged—Qi Xian's party opposes honoring Prince Zhao of Wu as ancestor, while Liu Chengqing's party asks that Emperor Xuan be removed from the temple. We propose to approve both positions. The emperor assented by edict. Before long Emperor Xiaojing was installed as the Honorific Ancestor, bringing the temple to seven shrines. The ancestral temple in the western capital was organized in the same way.
50
齊賢遷累諫議大夫,卒。
Qi Xian rose through successive postings to Remonstrating Advisor and then died.
51
柳沖,蒲州虞鄉人,隋饒州刺史莊曾孫。 父楚賢,大業中為河北縣長。 高祖兵興,堯君素據郡固守,楚賢說曰:「隋之亡,天下共知。 唐公名在圖箓,動以誠信,豪英景赴,天所贊也。 君子見幾而作,俟終日邪?」 君素不從,楚賢潛行自歸,授侍御史。 貞觀中,持節冊拜突厥,辭其遺不受。 歷交、桂二州都督、杭州刺史,皆有名。
Liu Chong came from Yuxiang in Pu Prefecture; he was the great-grandson of Zhuang, who had served as prefect of Raozhou under the Sui. His father Chu Xian was magistrate of Hebei County in the Daye reign. When Gaozu took up arms, Yao Junsu held the commandery and refused to yield. Chu Xian remonstrated with him: 'Everyone knows the Sui dynasty is finished. The Duke of Tang's name appears in the prophetic registers; he moves with sincerity and good faith, and heroes flock to his radiance—that is Heaven's chosen man. A gentleman acts at the first hint of change—why wait until the day is spent? Junsu refused to listen. Chu Xian slipped away to join the Tang camp and was appointed Attendant Censor. In the Zhenguan reign he was dispatched with imperial credentials to invest the Turks but declined the gifts they offered. He held successive posts as military governor of Jiao and Gui and as prefect of Hangzhou, earning renown at each.
52
沖好學,多所研總。 天授初,為司府寺主簿,詔遣安撫淮南,使有指,封河東縣男。 中宗景龍中,遷左散騎常侍,修國史。
Liu Chong was devoted to scholarship and pursued wide-ranging study with thorough mastery. Early in the Tianshou reign he served as chief clerk of the Court of the Imperial Household, then was dispatched to pacify Huainan. His mission succeeded, and he was created Baron of Hedong County. During Emperor Zhongzong's Jinglong reign he was promoted to Regular Attendant of the Left and joined in compiling the national history.
53
初,太宗命諸儒撰《氏族志》,甄差群姓。 其後門胄興替不常,沖請改修其書,帝詔魏元忠、張錫、蕭至忠、岑羲、崔湜、徐堅、劉憲、吳兢及沖共取德、功、時望、國籍之家,等而次之。 夷蕃酋長襲冠帶者,析著別品。 會元忠等繼物故,至先天時,復詔沖及堅、兢與魏知古、陸象先、劉子玄等討綴,書乃成,號《姓系錄》。 歷太子賓客、宋王師、昭文館學士,以老致仕。 開元初,詔沖與薛南金復加刊竄,乃定。
Earlier, Emperor Taizong had ordered scholars to compile the Register of Clans, classifying the great surname groups. Later, as noble houses waxed and waned unpredictably, Liu Chong petitioned for a revision. The emperor charged Wei Yuanzhong, Zhang Xi, Xiao Zhizhong, Cen Yi, Cui Shi, Xu Jian, Liu Xian, Wu Jing, and Liu Chong to rank families by virtue, achievement, contemporary eminence, and official registration. Tribal leaders from border peoples who had inherited Chinese titles and dress were assigned separate categories. After Yuanzhong and several others died in turn, in the Xiantian reign Liu Chong was again ordered to work with Xu Jian, Wu Jing, Wei Zhigu, Lu Xiangxian, and Liu Zixuan to finish the compilation. The completed work was titled the Genealogical Record of Surnames. He served as Guest of the Heir Apparent, tutor to the Prince of Song, and academician of the Zhaowen Hall before retiring in old age. Early in Kaiyuan, Liu Chong and Xue Nanjin were charged with another round of editing before the work was finally settled.
54
後柳芳著論甚詳,今刪其要,著之左方。 芳之言曰:
Liu Fang later wrote a detailed treatise on the subject; what follows is an abridgment of its main points. Liu Fang wrote:
55
氏族者,古史官所記也。 昔周小史定系世,辯昭穆,故古有《世本》,錄黃帝以來至春秋時諸侯、卿、大夫名號繼統。 左丘明傳《春秋》,亦言:「天子建德,因生以賜姓,胙之土,命之氏; 諸侯以字為氏,以謚為族。」 昔堯賜伯禹姓曰姒,氏曰有夏; 伯夷姓曰姜,氏曰有呂。 下及三代,官有世功,則有官族,邑亦如之。 後世或氏於國,則齊、魯、秦、吳; 氏於謚,則文、武、成、宣; 氏於官,則司馬、司徒; 氏於爵,則王孫、公孫; 氏於字,則孟孫、叔孫; 氏於居,則東門、北郭; 氏於誌,則三烏、五鹿; 氏於事,則巫、乙、匠、陶。 於是受姓命氏,粲然眾矣。
The records of clans and surnames were kept by the historiographers of antiquity. In Zhou times minor scribes fixed genealogies and sorted zhao from mu; hence the ancient Genealogical Annals, which recorded the titles and succession lines of lords, ministers, and grandees from the Yellow Emperor down to the Spring and Autumn era. Zuo Qiuming, commentator on the Spring and Autumn Annals, likewise wrote: 'The Son of Heaven establishes virtue; based on the circumstances of birth he bestows a surname, grants sacrificial land as enfeoffment, and assigns a clan name; Feudal lords take their courtesy names as clan names and their posthumous titles as lineage designations. In ancient times Yao gave Bo Yu the surname Si and the clan designation Youxia; Bo Yi bore the surname Jiang and the clan name Youlyu. Through the Three Dynasties, offices held across generations for accumulated merit gave rise to official clan names; enfeoffments worked the same way. In later ages some derived clan names from states—Qi, Lu, Qin, Wu; from posthumous titles—Wen, Wu, Cheng, Xuan; from offices—Sima, Situ; from noble ranks—Wangsun, Gongsun; from courtesy names—Mengsun, Shusun; from places of residence—Dongmen, Beiguo; from personal aspiration—Sanwu, Wulu; from occupation—Wu, Yi, Jiang, Tao. And so, with surnames and clan names granted in every manner, they proliferated in dazzling variety.
56
秦既滅學,公侯子孫失其本系。 漢興,司馬遷父子乃約《世本》修《史記》,因周譜明世家,乃知姓氏之所由出,虞、夏、商、周、昆吾、大彭、豕韋、齊桓、晉文皆同祖也。 更王叠霸,多者千祀,少者數十代。 先王之封既絕,後嗣蒙其福,猶為強家。
When Qin suppressed scholarship, the descendants of the feudal nobility lost track of their ancestral lines. At the rise of Han, Sima Qian and his father drew on the Genealogical Annals to compile the Records of the Grand Historian; using Zhou genealogical tables they clarified the great lineages and traced surnames to their origins, revealing that the lines of Yu, Xia, Shang, Zhou, Kunwu, Dapeng, Shiwei, Duke Huan of Qi, and Duke Wen of Jin all shared a common ancestry. Thrones changed hands and hegemony passed in succession; some lines endured a thousand years of rites, others only a few dozen generations. Even after the feudal grants of the ancient kings lapsed, descendants who still basked in their legacy remained powerful clans.
57
漢高帝興徒步,有天下,命官以賢,詔爵以功,誓曰:「非劉氏王、無功侯者,天下共誅之。」 先王公卿之胄,才則用,不才棄之,不辨士與庶族,然則始尚官矣。 然猶徙山東豪傑以實京師,齊諸田,楚屈、景,皆右姓也。 其後進拔豪英,論而錄之,蓋七相、五公之所由興也。
Emperor Gaodi of Han rose from the ranks to win the realm; he appointed officials by talent and enfeoffed by merit, swearing: 'Any non-Liu made king or any marquis created without merit shall be put to death by all under Heaven. Descendants of the old royal and ministerial houses were employed if capable and dismissed if not, with no regard for gentry versus common stock—thus the Han era first honored official rank. Yet he still resettled powerful eastern families to fill the capital; the Tians of Qi and the Qu and Jing clans of Chu were all eminent surnames. Later generations promoted eminent men, assessed and recorded them in rank—and from this arose the tradition of the seven chancellors and five high ministers.
58
魏氏立九品,置中正,尊世胄,卑寒士,權歸右姓已。 其州大中正、主簿,郡中正、功曹,皆取著姓士族為之,以定門胄,品藻人物。 晉、宋因之,始尚姓已。 然其別貴賤,分士庶,不可易也。 於時有司選舉,必稽譜籍,而考其真偽。 故官有世胄,譜有世官,賈氏、王氏譜學出焉。 由是有譜局,令史職皆具。 過江則為「僑姓」,王、謝、袁、蕭為大; 東南則為「吳姓」,朱、張、顧、陸為大; 山東則為「郡姓」,王、崔、盧、李、鄭為大; 關中亦號「郡姓」,韋、裴、柳、薛、楊、杜首之; 代北則為「虜姓」,元、長孫、宇文、於、陸、源、竇首之。 「虜姓」者,魏孝文帝遷洛,有八氏十姓,三十六族九十二姓。 八氏十姓,出於帝宗屬,或諸國從魏者; 三十六族九十二姓,世為部落大人; 並號河南洛陽人。 「郡姓」者,以中國士人差第閥閱為之制,凡三世有三公者曰「膏粱」,有令、仆者曰「華腴」,尚書、領、護而上者為「甲姓」,九卿若方伯者為「乙姓」,散騎常侍、太中大夫者為「丙姓」,吏部正員郎為「丁姓」。 凡得入者,謂之「四姓」。 又詔代人諸胄,初無族姓,其穆、陸、奚、於,下吏部勿充猥官,得視「四姓」。 北齊因仍,舉秀才、州主簿、郡功曹,非「四姓」不在選。 故江左定氏族,凡郡上姓第一,則為右姓; 太和以郡四姓為右姓; 齊浮屠曇剛《類例》凡甲門為右姓; 周建德氏族以四海通望為右姓; 隋開皇氏族以上品、茂姓則為右姓; 唐《貞觀氏族志》凡第一等則為右姓; 路氏著《姓略》,以盛門為右姓; 柳沖《姓族系錄》凡四海望族則為右姓。 不通歷代之說,不可與言譜也。 今流俗獨以崔、盧、李、鄭為四姓,加太原王氏號五姓,蓋不經也。
Wei instituted the nine-rank system and the Rectifier offices, elevating hereditary nobles and disdaining poor scholars—power had already passed to the great surname families. Prefectural grand rectifiers and chief clerks, along with commandery rectifiers and merit clerks, were all chosen from established gentry clans to fix lineage gates and rate men's qualifications. Jin and Song adopted the same system—surname prestige was now firmly established. Yet the division between noble and low-born, gentry and commoner, had become unalterable. In official recruitment, authorities invariably consulted genealogical registers and verified their authenticity. Offices passed through noble lines, registers tracked hereditary posts—and the genealogical expertise of the Jia and Wang families arose in response. Genealogical bureaus were established with a full complement of clerical staff. South of the Yangzi came the 'émigré surnames,' led by the Wang, Xie, Yuan, and Xiao clans; in the southeast came the 'Wu surnames,' headed by Zhu, Zhang, Gu, and Lu; in Shandong came the 'commandery surnames,' dominated by Wang, Cui, Lu, Li, and Zheng; Guanzhong likewise had 'commandery surnames,' led by Wei, Pei, Liu, Xue, Yang, and Du; the northern frontier had 'barbarian surnames,' headed by Yuan, Zhangsun, Yuwen, Yu, Lu, Yuan, and Dou. 'Barbarian surnames': when Emperor Xiaowen of Wei moved his capital to Luoyang, there were eight clans and ten surnames, thirty-six tribal lineages and ninety-two family names. The eight clans and ten surnames came from the imperial clan or from peoples who had submitted to Wei; the thirty-six tribal lineages and ninety-two surnames had for generations served as tribal chieftains; all were registered as natives of Henan and Luoyang. 'Commandery surnames' were classified by the prestige of Chinese gentry clans: three generations of grand councilors earned the title 'fat grain'; ministers or vice-ministers earned 'rich meat'; holders of director or commissioner rank and above were 'first-grade surnames'; nine ministers or regional governors were 'second-grade'; regular attendants or palace counselors were 'third-grade'; full-ranked personnel clerks were 'fourth-grade.' All who qualified were known collectively as the 'four surnames.' An edict further declared that northern noble lines originally without clan surnames—such as the Mu, Lu, Xi, and Yu—were not to be assigned to inferior posts by the Ministry of Personnel but were to be treated on par with the 'four surnames.' Northern Qi maintained the rule: for recommendations of cultivated talent, prefectural chief clerks, and commandery merit clerks—only members of the 'four surnames' were eligible. Thus the Jiangzuo region defined clans thus: whichever surname ranked first in a commandery counted as a prominent surname; Under Emperor Xiaowen's Taihe reign, a commandery's four leading surnames counted as prominent surnames; In the monk Tan Gang's Categories and Precedents of Qi, all first-grade clans were prominent surnames; Zhou's Jian'ge clan registry treated families of empire-wide renown as prominent surnames; Sui's Kaihuang registry counted top-rank and flourishing surnames as prominent; Tang's Zhenguan Register of Clans treated first-grade families as prominent surnames; Lu's Summary of Surnames took flourishing clans as the standard for prominence; Liu Chong's Genealogical Record of Surname Clans counted families of empire-wide standing as prominent surnames. Without knowledge of how each dynasty defined its clans, one cannot even discuss genealogies intelligently. Popular usage today treats Cui, Lu, Li, and Zheng alone as the four great surnames, with the Wang of Taiyuan added to make five—a usage largely without historical basis.
59
夫文之弊,至於尚官; 官之弊,至於尚姓; 姓之弊,至於尚詐。 隋承其弊,不知其所以弊,乃反古道,罷鄉舉,離地著,尊執事之吏。 於是乎土無鄉里,裏無衣冠,人無廉恥,士族亂而庶人僭矣。 故善言譜者,系之地望而不惑,質之姓氏而無疑,綴之婚姻而有別。 山東之人質,故尚婚婭,其信可與也; 江左之人文,故尚人物,其智可與也; 關中之人雄,故尚冠冕,其達可與也; 代北之人武,故尚貴戚,其泰可與也。 及其弊,則尚婚婭者先外族、後本宗,尚人物者進庶孽、退嫡長,尚冠冕者略伉儷、慕榮華,尚貴戚者徇勢利、亡禮教。 四者俱弊,則失其所尚矣。
When refinement decayed, esteem passed to official rank; when office decayed, esteem passed to surname; and when surname decayed, esteem passed to fraud. The Sui inherited this corruption without understanding its cause. Reversing the ancient way, it abolished local recommendations, broke the tie to fixed local registration, and exalted the clerks who actually ran affairs. The countryside lost its native communities; villages lost their gentry; people lost their sense of shame; aristocratic clans fell into disorder, and commoners seized rank beyond their station. A master of genealogies, then, anchors records in regional standing without confusion, verifies them against surnames without doubt, and organizes them through marriage alliances with proper distinctions. Shandong folk are plainspoken and value marriage alliances—their trustworthiness can be relied on; the Jiangzuo region is cultured and values personal character—their discernment can be relied on; Guanzhong folk are forceful and value official rank and insignia—their advancement can be trusted; the northern frontier is martial and esteems noble kin—their prestige can be relied on. But in their decadence, marriage-alliance advocates favored in-laws over one's own lineage; character advocates advanced bastards over legitimate eldest sons; rank advocates scorned proper marital matches and pursued mere glory; and advocates of noble kin chased power and profit and abandoned ritual propriety. When all four standards rotted, each region lost the very quality it had once prized.
60
人無所守,則士族削; 士族削,則國從而衰。 管仲曰:「為國之道,利出一孔者王,二孔者強,三孔者弱,四孔者亡。」 故冠婚者,人道大倫。 周、漢之官人,齊其政,一其門,使下知禁,此出一孔也,故王; 魏、晉官人,尊中正,立九品,鄉有異政,家有競心,此出二孔也,故強; 江左、代北諸姓,紛亂不一,其要無歸,此出三孔也,故弱; 隋氏官人,以吏道治天下,人之行,不本鄉黨,政煩於上,人亂於下,此出四孔也,故亡。 唐承隋亂,宜救之以忠,忠厚則鄉黨之行修; 鄉黨之行修,則人物之道長; 人物之道長,則冠冕之緒崇; 冠冕之緒崇,則教化之風美; 乃可與古參矣。
When people had nothing to uphold, the aristocracy withered; when the aristocracy withered, the state declined in turn. Guan Zhong said: "To govern a state: when all advantage flows through a single channel, one becomes a true king; through two channels, one stays strong; through three, one grows weak; through four, one perishes. Thus capping and marriage are the great bonds of human society. Zhou and Han, in selecting officials, unified policy and clan standing so that subjects knew the limits of propriety—advantage flowed through one channel, and so they achieved true kingship; Wei and Jin honored the Rectifier of the Center and established the nine grades; villages pursued different policies and households competed for advantage—two channels, and so they remained strong; the clans of Jiangzuo and the northern frontier were divided and chaotic, with no clear governing principle—three channels, and so they grew weak; The Sui governed through clerical bureaucracy alone; conduct no longer arose from village and district; policy tangled above while the people churned below—four channels, and so the dynasty perished. Tang inherited Sui's disorder and should restore it through loyalty; with loyalty and sincerity, village and district conduct would be restored; with village conduct restored, the cultivation of personal character would flourish; with character flourishing, official rank and insignia would regain their prestige; with rank restored, the tide of moral instruction would run clear; Only then could one stand comparison with the ancients.
61
晉太元中,散騎常侍河東賈弼撰《姓氏簿狀》,十八州百十六郡,合七百一十二篇,甄析士庶無所遺。 宋王弘、劉湛好其書。 弘每日對千客,可不犯一人諱。 湛為選曹,撰《百家譜》以助銓序,文傷寡省,王儉又廣之,王僧孺演益為十八篇,東南諸族自為一篇,不入百家數。 弼傳子匪之,匪之傳子希鏡,希鏡撰《姓氏要狀》十五篇,尤所諳究。 希鏡傳子執,執更作《姓氏英賢》一百篇,又著《百家譜》,廣兩王所記。 執傳其孫冠,冠撰《梁國親皇太子序親簿》四篇。 王氏之學,本於賈氏。
In Jin's Taeyuan reign, Regular Attendant Jia Bi of Hedong compiled the Register of Surname Records, covering eighteen provinces and 116 commanderies in 712 fascicles, classifying gentry and commoners without omission. Wang Hong and Liu Zhan of the Liu-Song dynasty prized his work. Hong hosted a thousand guests daily yet never once violated anyone's name taboo. As head of the Selection Bureau, Liu Zhan compiled the Hundred Clans Genealogy to assist in ranking candidates. The text was spare; Wang Jian enlarged it, and Wang Sengru expanded it further into eighteen fascicles. The southeastern clans received a separate fascicle, excluded from the main hundred-clan count. Bi passed his work to his son Fei Zhi, who passed it to his son Xi Jing. Xi Jing compiled Essential Records of Surnames in fifteen fascicles, a subject he mastered deeply. Xi Jing passed it to his son Zhi, who produced Illustrious Worthies by Surname in one hundred fascicles and also wrote a Hundred Clans Genealogy, expanding the records of the two Wangs. Zhi passed it to his grandson Guan, who compiled the Genealogical Register of Relatives of the Crown Prince of Liang in four fascicles. The Wang lineage's genealogical scholarship traced back to the Jia family.
62
唐興,言譜者以路敬淳為宗,柳沖、韋述次之。 李守素亦明姓氏,時謂「肉譜」者。 後有李公淹、蕭穎士、殷寅、孔至,為世所稱。
When Tang came to power, genealogical experts regarded Lu Jingchun as their master, with Liu Chong and Wei Shu as the chief successors. Li Shousu was also expert in surnames and was known in his day as a "living genealogy." Later came Li Gongyan, Xiao Yingshi, Yin Yin, and Kong Zhi, all celebrated in their time.
63
初,漢有鄧氏《官譜》,應劭有《氏族》一篇,王符《潛夫論》亦有《姓氏》一篇,宋何承天有《姓苑》二篇。 譜學大抵具此。 魏太和時,詔諸郡中正,各列本土姓族次第為舉選格,名曰「方司格」,人到於今稱之。
Early works included the Deng clan's Official Genealogy of Han; Ying Shao's one-fascicle On Clans; the Surnames chapter in Wang Fu's Treatises of a Hidden Gentleman; and He Chengtian's two-fascicle Garden of Surnames of Liu-Song. In these works, genealogical scholarship was largely complete. In Wei's Taihe era, an edict directed each commandery's Rectifier of the Center to rank local clans as standards for recommendation and selection. The result, called the Commandery Rectifier Chart, has been cited ever since.
64
馬懷素,字惟白,潤州丹徒人。 客江都,師事李善,貧無資,晝樵,夜輒然以讀書,遂博通經史。 擢進士第,又中文學優贍科,補郿尉。 積勞,遷左臺監察御史。 長安中,大夫魏元忠為張易之構謫嶺表,太仆崔貞忄貞、東宮率獨孤祎之祖道,易之怒,使人上急變,告貞忄貞等與元忠謀反。 武後詔懷素按之,使者促迫,懷素執不從,曰:「貞忄貞餞流人當得罪,以為謀反,則非。 昔彭越以逆誅,欒布奏事屍下,漢不坐罪。 今元忠罪非越比,不宜坐餞闊之人。 且陛下操生殺柄,欲加之罪,自當處決聖心。 既付臣按狀,惟知守陛下法爾。」 後意解,貞忄貞等乃免。 宰相李迥秀藉易之勢,斂賕諉法,懷素劾罷之。 轉禮部員外郎。 以十道使黜陟江西,處決平恕。 遷考功,核取實才,權貴謁請不能阿撓。 擢中書舍人內供奉,為修文館直學士。
Ma Huaisu, courtesy name Weibai, was a native of Dantu in Runzhou. While living in Jiangdu as a guest, he studied under Li Shan. Penniless, he chopped firewood by day and read by lamplight at night until he had mastered the classics and histories. He passed the jinshi examination and the Literary Excellence and Generosity special examination, then was appointed assistant magistrate of Mei. Through accumulated merit he was promoted to investigating censor of the Left Secretariat. During the Chang'an era, Grand Counselor Wei Yuanzhong was framed by Zhang Yizhi and exiled to the Lingnan frontier. Vice Master of the Stud Cui Zhenshen and East Palace Commander Dugu Yizhi gave him a roadside farewell. Enraged, Yizhi had an agent file an urgent report accusing Zhenshen and the others of plotting rebellion with Yuanzhong. Empress Wu ordered Huaisu to investigate. Messengers pressed him hard, but he refused to comply, saying: "Zhenshen's offense was giving a farewell to an exile; to charge them with treason is wrong. When Peng Yue was executed for treason, Luan Bu still made his case before the corpse—and the Han did not punish him. Yuanzhong's offense does not compare to Peng Yue's; those who merely paid their respects at his farewell should not be punished. Moreover, Your Majesty holds the power of life and death. If you wish to condemn them, that should be your own sovereign decision. But since the case has been entrusted to me, I can only uphold Your Majesty's law. In time the empress relented, and Zhenshen and the others were spared. Chancellor Li Jiongxiu, trading on Yizhi's influence, took bribes and evaded the law. Huaisu impeached him and had him removed. He was transferred to vice director of the Ministry of Rites. Sent as a ten-circuit commissioner to assess officials in Jiangxi, he rendered judgments fairly and with leniency. Promoted to the Bureau of Merit, he selected genuine talent and could not be swayed by petitions from the powerful. He was promoted to drafting secretary on inner attendance and appointed resident scholar of the Hall for Cultivating Literature.
65
開元初,為戶部侍郎,封常山縣公,進兼昭文館學士。 篤學,手未嘗廢卷。 謙恭慎畏,推為長者。 玄宗詔與褚無量同為侍讀,更日番入。 既叩閣,肩輿以進; 或行在遠,聽乘馬。 宮中每宴見,帝自送迎以師臣禮。 有詔句校秘書。 是時,文籍盈漫,皆炱朽蟫斷,簽紛舛。 懷素建白:「願下紫微、黃門,召宿學巨儒就校繆缺。」 又言:「自齊以前舊籍,王儉《七志》已詳。 請采近書篇目及前誌遺者,續儉《志》以藏秘府。」 詔可。 即拜懷素秘書監。 乃詔國子博士尹知章、四門助教王直、直國子監趙玄默,陸渾丞吳綽、桑泉尉韋述、扶風丞馬利征、湖州司功參軍劉彥直、臨汝丞宋辭玉、恭陵丞陸紹伯、新鄭尉李子釗、杭州參軍殷踐猷、梓潼尉解崇質、四門直講余欽、進士王愜、劉仲丘、右威衛參軍侯行果、邢州司戶參軍袁暉、海州錄事參軍晁良、右率府胄曹參軍毋煚、滎陽主簿王灣、太常寺太祝鄭良金等分部撰次,踐猷從弟秘書丞承業、武陟尉徐楚璧是正文字。 懷素奏秘書少監盧俌、崔沔為修圖書副使,秘書郎田可封、康子元為判官。 然懷素不善著述,未能有所緒別。 會卒,帝舉哀洛陽南城門,贈潤州刺史,謚曰文,給輿還鄉里,喪事官辦。
In the early Kaiyuan era he became vice minister of revenue, was enfeoffed as Duke of Changshan County, and was concurrently appointed a scholar of the Hall of Broad Culture. Deeply devoted to learning, he never let a book leave his hand. Humble, reverent, and cautious, he was widely regarded as a venerable elder. Emperor Xuanzong appointed him and Chu Wuliang as lecturing readers, entering the palace on alternating days. When he arrived at the palace gate, he was carried in by sedan chair; and when the emperor was away at a distant residence, he was permitted to ride a horse. Whenever he was received at palace banquets, the emperor himself saw him off and welcomed him with the ceremony due a teacher. An edict ordered periodic collation of the imperial library collections. At that time the archives overflowed with texts, many rotted by soot and worms, their shelf labels jumbled and wrong. Huaisu submitted a memorial: "I ask that orders go out through the Central Secretariat and the Gate of the Yellow to summon veteran scholars to collate errors and gaps in the collections. He added: "For pre-Qi texts, Wang Jian's Seven Records is already comprehensive. Please gather recent works and titles omitted from earlier catalogs, extend Jian's Records, and deposit them in the imperial archive. The edict approved the proposal. Huaisu was immediately appointed Director of the Secretariat. An edict then appointed National University Erudite Yin Zhizhang, Four Gates Assistant Instructor Wang Zhi, Direct Attendant of the Directorate of Education Zhao Xuanmo, and a host of local officials and scholars—including Wei Shu, Yin Jianyou, Yu Qin, Wang Qie, Liu Zhongqiu, Hou Xingguo, and Zheng Liangjin—to compile sections in parallel. Yin Jianyou's younger cousin, Secretariat Assistant Yin Chengye, and Wuzhi Assistant Magistrate Xu Chubi corrected the text. Huaisu recommended Vice Directors Lu Fu and Cui Mian as deputy commissioners for the book restoration project, with Secretariat Clerks Tian Kefeng and Kang Ziyuan as adjudicators. But Huaisu was not a strong writer and was unable to organize the work further. He soon died. The emperor mourned at Luoyang's south gate, posthumously appointing him governor of Runzhou with the posthumous title Wen. A state carriage bore his body home, and officials handled the funeral.
66
懷素卒後,詔秘書官並號修書學士,草定四部,人人意自出,無所統一,逾年不成。 有司疲於供擬,太仆卿王毛仲奏罷內料。 又詔右常侍褚無量、大理卿元行沖考絀不應選者,無量等奏:「修撰有條,宜得大儒綜治。」 詔委行沖。 乃令煚、述、欽總緝部分,踐猷、愜治經,述、欽治史,煚、彥直治子,灣、仲丘治集。 八年,《四錄》成,上之。 學士無賞擢者。
After Huaisu's death, all Secretariat officials were styled Scholar-Editors of Books. Each drafted entries for the four divisions according to his own judgment, with no unified direction, and after more than a year the project remained unfinished. The supply offices were worn out providing for the project, and Vice Master of the Stud Wang Maozhong memorialized to cut off its internal provisions. Another edict directed Right Regular Attendant Chu Wuliang and Chief Minister of Justice Yuan Xingchong to review and demote scholars who failed selection. They memorialized: "Compilation requires rules; a great scholar should oversee the whole effort. The edict put the project in Xingchong's hands. Xingchong then put Ju, Shu, and Qin in charge of compilation. Jianyou and Qie worked on the Classics; Shu and Qin on Histories; Ju and Yanzhi on Masters; Wan and Zhongqiu on Collections. In the eighth year the Four Catalogues were completed and submitted. None of the scholars received reward or promotion.
67
行沖知麗正院,又奏紹伯、利征、彥直、踐猷、行果、子釗、直、煚、述、灣、玄默、欽、良金與朝邑丞馮朝隱、冠氏尉權寅獻、秘書省校書郎孟曉、揚州兵曹參軍韓覃、王嗣琳,福昌令張悱、進士崔藏之入校麗正書。 由是秘書省罷撰緝,而學士皆在麗正矣。
As director of the Lizheng Academy, Xingchong also recommended Shaobo, Lizheng, Yanzhi, Jianyou, Xingguo, Zizhao, Zhi, Ju, Shu, Wan, Xuanmo, Qin, Liangjin, and others—including Feng Chaoyin, Quan Yinxian, Meng Xiao, Han Qin, Wang Cilin, Zhang Fei, and Cui Zangzhi—to join the collation of Lizheng Academy texts. Thereafter the Secretariat stopped compiling books, and the scholars were all assigned to Lizheng.
68
愜、仲丘老病還鄉里。 紹伯卒於官。 直終岐王府記室參軍事。 玄默集賢直學士。 利征,出為山茌令,儒緩無治術,免官,終於家。 子釗坐保任非人,終德州長史。 欽至太學博士、集賢院學士。 灣,洛陽尉。 良金,右補闕、京兆府倉曹參軍事。 寅獻,臨淮太守。 曉,左補闕。 覃,萊州別駕,坐誣告刺史,流遠方。 藏之,膳部員外郎,明年,以將仕郎梁令瓚文學直書院,後以右率府兵曹參軍而罷,終恒王府司馬。 秘書省校書郎源幼良代利征,後以協律郎罷。
Qie and Zhongqiu, aged and ill, returned home. Shaobo died in office. Zhi ended his career as recorder of the Prince of Qi's household. Xuanmo became a direct scholar of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Lizheng was posted as magistrate of Shanzhi. Gentle and scholarly but lacking administrative skill, he was dismissed and died at home. Zizhao was punished for vouching for an unworthy man and ended his career as chief administrator of Dezhou. Qin rose to Erudite of the Grand Academy and scholar of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Wan served as assistant magistrate of Luoyang. Liangjin served as right remonstrance official and military storehouse clerk of the capital prefecture. Yinxian served as governor of Linhuai. Xiao served as left remonstrance official. Qin served as vice governor of Laizhou but was exiled to a distant region for falsely accusing the governor. Zangzhi served as vice director of the Board of Provisions. The next year Candidate Gentleman Liang Lingzan joined the Academy of Literary Writings; later Zangzhi was dismissed as military administrator of the Right Victory Guard and ended as secretary of the Prince of Heng's household. Secretariat proofreader Yuan Youliang replaced Lizheng; later he was dismissed as harmonizing official and left office.
69
殷踐猷,字伯起,陳給事中不害五世從孫。 博學,尤通氏族、歷數、醫方。 與賀知章、陸象先、韋述最善,知章嘗號為「五總龜」,謂龜千年五聚,問無不知也。 初為杭州參軍,舉文儒異等科,授秘書省學士,用曹州司法參軍,兼麗正殿學士。 以叔父喪,哀慟歐血而卒,年四十八。
Yin Jianyou, courtesy name Boqi, was a fifth-generation collateral descendant of Attendant-in-Ordinary Yin Buhai of Chen. Broadly learned, he was especially expert in clans, calendrical reckoning, and medical prescriptions. He was closest to He Zhizhang, Lu Xiangxian, and Wei Shu. Zhizhang once nicknamed him a "fivefold tortoise"—a tortoise, it was said, gathers wisdom five times in a thousand years and answers every question put to it. He began as military administrator of Hangzhou, passed the Exceptional Literary and Confucian examination, was appointed a Secretariat scholar, served as judicial administrator of Caozhou, and concurrently held appointment as a Lizheng Hall scholar. When mourning his paternal uncle, he grieved so deeply that he vomited blood and died, at the age of forty-eight.
70
少子寅,舉宏辭,為太子校書,出為永寧尉。 吏侮謾甚,寅怒殺之,貶澄城丞。 病且死,以母蕭老,不忍決。 及斂,其子亮斷指剪發置棺中,自誓事祖母如寅在。 其後侍蕭疾,不脫衣者數年,有白燕巢其楣。 後終給事中、杭州刺史。
His youngest son Yin passed the Expanded Literary examination, served as proofreader to the Crown Prince, and was later posted as magistrate of Yongning. When local clerks heaped abuse on him, Yin flew into a rage and killed one of them; he was demoted to assistant magistrate of Chengcheng. When illness brought him close to death, he still could not bring himself to end his life, for his mother Xiao was aged and frail. At the encoffining, his son Liang cut off a finger and clipped his hair to place in the coffin, vowing to care for his grandmother exactly as Yin would have done. Thereafter he nursed Xiao through her illness and for years never removed his clothes, even to sleep. White swallows built their nest on his lintel beam. He eventually rose to attendant within the Gates and governor of Hangzhou.
71
踐猷弟季友,歷秘書郎,善畫。
Jianyou's younger brother Jiyou served as a secretariat gentleman and was an accomplished painter.
72
從父仲容,終冬官郎中,有重名。 子承業,以謹樸稱,歷太子左諭德、右威衛將軍。
His paternal cousin Zhongrong eventually reached the post of director of the Winter Office and enjoyed wide renown. His son Chengye was celebrated for his sober, unassuming character; he served as left mentor of the Crown Prince and general of the Right Weiji Guard.
73
族子成己,晉州長史。 初,母顏叔父吏部郎中敬仲為酷吏所陷,率二妹割耳訴冤,敬仲得減死。 及成己生,而左耳缺雲。
His clansman Chengji served as chief administrator of Jinzhou. At first his mother Yan, when her maternal uncle Jingzhong, a director in the Ministry of Personnel, was framed by a harsh official, led her two younger sisters in cutting off their ears to plead for justice; Jingzhong's death sentence was commuted. When Chengji was born, his left ear bore a cloud-shaped notch—as if echoing what his mother had done.
74
孔若思,越州山陰人,陳吏部尚書奐四世孫。 祖紹安,與兄紹新蚤知名。 陳亡,客居鄠,勵誌於學。 外兄虞世南曰:「本朝淪覆,吾分湮滅,有弟若此,知不亡矣。」 紹安與孫萬壽皆以文辭稱,時謂「孫孔」。 隋大業末,為監察御史。 高祖討賊河東,紹安與夏侯端同監軍,禮遇尤密。 帝受禪,端先歸,拜秘書監。 已而紹安間道走長安,帝悅,擢內史舍人,賜宅一區、良馬二匹。
Kong Ruosi was a native of Shanyin in Yuezhou and a fourth-generation descendant of Huan, minister of personnel under Chen. His grandfather Shao'an and his elder brother Shaoxin were both celebrated while still young. After the fall of Chen, he settled as a guest in Hu and applied himself zealously to his studies. His maternal cousin Yu Shinan said: "Our dynasty has fallen; my own line may be extinguished—but with a younger brother like this, I know the family will not perish. Shao'an and Sun Wanshou were both celebrated for their literary gifts, and their contemporaries spoke of them as "Sun and Kong." In the late Sui Daye period he served as investigating censor. When the High Ancestor marched against rebels in Hedong, Shao'an and Xiahou Duan jointly served as army supervisors, and the emperor showed them unusual favor. After the emperor accepted the throne through abdication, Duan returned to the capital first and was appointed director of the Secretariat. Before long Shao'an made his way to Chang'an by secret routes; the emperor was delighted and promoted him to gentleman of the Inner Scribe, granting him a residence and two fine horses.
75
若思早孤,其母躬訓教,長以博學聞。 有遺以褚遂良書者,納一卷焉。 其人曰:「是書貴千金,何取之廉?」 答曰:「審爾,此為多矣。」 更還其半。 擢明經,歷庫部郎中,常曰:「仕宦至郎中足矣。」 座右置止水一石,明自足意。
Ruosi lost his father early; his mother raised and taught him herself, and he grew to be known for his wide learning. When someone offered him writings in Chu Suiliang's hand, he accepted only a single scroll. The man said: "This calligraphy is worth a thousand in gold—why do you take so little? Ruosi replied: "If that is truly the case, a single scroll is already more than enough." He then returned half of what had been offered. He passed the Mingjing examination and served as director in the Board of the Treasury. He often remarked: "In public service, reaching the rank of director is enough. Beside his seat he kept a stone symbolizing still water—a reminder that he was content where he was.
76
中宗初,敬暉、桓彥範當國,以若思多識古今,凡大政事,必咨質後行。 三遷禮部侍郎,出為衛州刺史。 故事,以宗室為州別駕,見刺史,驁放不肯致恭。 若思劾奏別駕李道欽,請訊狀。 有詔別駕見刺史致恭,自若思始。 以清白擢銀青光祿大夫,賜絹百匹,累封梁郡公。 開元七年卒,謚曰惠。
Early in Emperor Zhongzong's reign, while Jing Hui and Huan Yanfan held power, they consulted Ruosi on every major policy beforehand, for he was deeply versed in affairs ancient and modern. After three promotions he rose to vice minister of rites, then was appointed governor of Weizhou. By long-standing custom, when an imperial clansman served as a prefectural vice governor and came before the governor, he would behave insolently and refuse the proper show of deference. Ruosi impeached Vice Governor Li Daoqin and requested a formal investigation. An edict was issued requiring vice governors to show proper deference when meeting governors—a change that began with Ruosi. For his integrity he was promoted to silver-blue-gleaming grand master of the glory and awarded one hundred bolts of silk; he was eventually enfeoffed as Duke of Liang Commandery. He died in the seventh year of Kaiyuan and was posthumously titled Hui.
77
從父禎,第進士,歷監察御史,門無賓謁,時譏其介。 高宗時,再遷絳州刺史,封武昌縣子,謚曰溫。
His paternal cousin Zhen passed the jinshi examination and served as investigating censor. Few ever called at his gate, and contemporaries ridiculed him for his stiff reserve. Under Emperor Gaozong he was twice promoted to governor of Jiangzhou, enfeoffed as viscount of Wuchang County, and posthumously titled Wen.
78
子季詡,字季和。 永昌初,擢制科,授秘書郎。 陳子昂常稱其神清韻遠,可比衛玠。 終左補闕。
His son Jixu, courtesy name Jihe. Early in the Yongchang era he passed the special decree examination and was appointed a secretariat gentleman. Chen Zi'ang often praised his lucid bearing and refined elegance, saying he was the equal of Wei Jie. He ended his career as left remonstrance and rectification official.
79
若思子至,字惟微。 歷著作郎,明氏族學,與韋述、蕭穎士、柳沖齊名。 撰《百家類例》,以張說等為近世新族,剟去之。 說子垍方有寵,怒曰:「天下族姓,何豫若事,而妄紛紛邪?」 垍弟素善至,以實告。 初,書成,示韋述,述謂可傳。 及聞垍語,懼,欲更增損,述曰:「止! 丈夫奮筆成一家書,奈何因人動搖? 有死不可改。」 遂罷。 時述及穎士、沖皆撰《類例》,而至書稱工。
Ruosi's son Zhi, courtesy name Weiwei. He served as a compilation gentleman, was a leading authority on clans, and stood in equal renown with Wei Shu, Xiao Yingshi, and Liu Chong. He compiled the "Classification Examples of the Hundred Families" and, deeming Zhang Yue and his allies upstart clans of recent times, struck them from the record. Yue's son Ji was then in high favor and flared with anger: "Clans throughout the realm—what business is that of yours? Why meddle so recklessly? Ji's younger brother, who had long been close to Zhi, told him exactly what had been said. When the book was first finished, he showed it to Wei Shu, who declared it worthy of publication. When Zhi heard what Ji had said, he grew afraid and wanted to revise the work—but Shu said: "Stop! When a man takes up the brush and finishes a work that is truly his own, how can he let himself be shaken by other people's words? Even if it costs you your life, the book must not be changed. Zhi dropped the idea. At that time Shu, Yingshi, and Chong each wrote a work titled "Classification Examples," but Zhi's alone was judged the finest.