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卷十六 列傳第十: 趙知禮 蔡景歷 劉師知 謝岐

Volume 16: Zhao Zhili; Cai Jingli; Liu Shizhi; Xie Qi

Chapter 16 of 陳書 · Book of Chen
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Chapter 16
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1
Book of Chen, Volume 16
2
Biographies, Part Ten
3
Zhao Zhili; Cai Jingli; Liu Shizhi; Xie Qi
4
Zhao Zhili
5
西
Zhao Zhili, styled Qidan, came from Longxi in Tianshui. His father Xiaomu had been magistrate of Houguan under Liang.
6
便 [1]
Zhili read widely in literature and history and wrote a fine clerical hand. When the Founder marched against Yuan Jingzhong, someone recommended him and he was made record-office aide. Zhili wrote copiously and fast. Dictated army papers left his brush finished in one pass, and almost all pleased the Founder. From then on he was always at the Founder's side, deeply trusted, and party to every plan of the day. [1] He also offered much counsel on policy. When the Founder crushed Hou Jing and the army reached Baimao Bay, the memorials to Emperor Yuan of Liang and the letters to Wang Senbian on military affairs were all Zhili's work.
7
滿 [2]
Zhili was quiet and shrewd. On every grave matter of state or army, Emperor Wen sent sealed letters to ask his view. When his term ended he was made General of Manifest Prestige and right commandant of the heir apparent's guard. He was transferred to right guard general and also front army general. In the sixth year he died, at forty-seven. He was posthumously made palace attendant with the posthumous name Loyal. His son Yungong succeeded him. See editorial note 2.
8
Cai Jingli
9
Cai Jingli, styled Maoshi, came from Kaocheng in Jiyang. His grandfather Dian had been master of the left for the people under Liang. His father Datong was record-office aide to the Prince of Yueyang of the Light Chariots establishment and ran metropolitan appointments.
10
使
Jingli in youth was bright and open, and known for filial piety. Though poor he loved learning, wrote excellent letters, and excelled at cursive and clerical script. He entered service as a princely aide, then became magistrate of Haiyang, where his rule won a name for competence. In Hou Jing's rebellion Emperor Jianwen was held by Jing. Jingli and the heir of Nankang, Xiao Huili, plotted to carry the emperor off, but the plot was discovered and he was arrested. The rebel Wang Wei shielded him and he survived. He then wandered as a guest to Jingkou. After Hou Jing fell the Founder held Zhufang, had long heard of him, and summoned him by letter. Jingli answered the envoy's letter without lifting his brush and without a single revision. He wrote:
11
駿
I have received your gracious letter, summoning me with such kindness. Reading it again and again, I am deeply glad. The age seeks famous steeds that can run a thousand li on good ground; the time delights in rare jewels, and already on the carriage mirror there is a gem an inch across. Yet now Yun Xian plays, and of themselves the Bayu dances cease; catalpa and paulownia are being carved—who would still look to the stables for fodder?
12
使姿 祿 使宿 使
Looking up to you, Illustrious General, Lord, and Marquis: talent in full flower, bearing heroic and bright; fortune is hard and your will sets the realm right; you shake Mount Heng and pacify the Five Ridges, cleanse the Chan headwaters and clear the nine streams; a hundred thousand armored men, thousands of strong crossbows; you swear the army that will restore the throne and gather righteous men; enemies are cut down in a campaign that does not outlast its season, the air clears, and soldiers win without bloody blades. When Han executed Lu and Chan the whole court truly leaned on the Marquis of Jiang; when Jin struck Su and Jun the court within and without alike leaned on Tao Kan—set beside your deeds, what are those worth reckoning? You show might in Yan and the eastern lands; nobles pass the northern gate; you array banners in Xu and song fills the eastern road; border posts lay aside their drums, travelers sleep in the open, no one picks up what another drops, markets hold no strange prices—your merit, virtue, and rule are vast beyond antiquity, not something a shallow man could tell to the end. So the people of the realm turn to your wind and admire your righteousness; heel to toe they open their robes and crowd in. Some are noble scions of the house, honored wanderers of fine name, splendid talents of Qi and Chu, precocious youths of Jing and Wu. Warriors bristle with fierce spirit and ambition fills the four quarters; on land they uproot mountains, on water they cut dragons; six-jun bows shoot left and right; ten-thousand-man swords close hand to hand; they storm ramparts like Wen Yang and burn ships like Huang Gai; a hundred battles, a hundred victories; hosts gather like pi-xiu. Scholars are broadly learned, men of great talent and vessel; their ornamented prose shines and their brushwork weaves brocade; Yang Xiong cannot match their pens, Yu Xin cannot surpass their records; a letter flies and Liaocheng falls; pure talk rises and Ying's army retreats. There are debaters of Sanhe who change grief and joy in an instant, and strategists of the Six Wonders who reverse sudden change in a flash. They govern like Zijian and wherever they step succeed; they judge like Zhong You and a single phrase decides right. In straight speech they are like Mao Sui and stiffen their lord's majesty; as envoys they are like Xiang Ru and do not disgrace their ruler's charge. Loyal and righteous, grateful they give themselves; sincerity cuts gold, spirit pierces the white sun; heroes within the seas—all are gathered in your net. You leave saddle and dismount, push aside your desk and stop eating, extend rank to honor them and build lodges to settle them—light with wealth, heavy with spirit, humble in body and generous to scholars—how grand! how grand! How grand! how grand!
13
使 便
I have also heard that in the Warring States generals and ministers all promoted guests; in middle antiquity governors lavishly extended staff—many officers, many scholars: thus a general's nobility is made. Only measure capacity and test truth, call talent and assign office, round pegs in round holes and square in square, each in his fit; entrusted with charge and held to completion—who would not give full force? As for me, a runner of low rank, I am but a vain and mediocre man. I read books autumn and winter and in the end am ashamed before true scholarship; I wield the brush as clerk and in the end lack a special grade. My gate is humble and plain, with no path to fame; my office petty and my means light—how could I reach far? Since the yang-nine met obstruction and Heaven's step was hard, like those honored officials I drowned in the great bandit, repeatedly neared peril, and fully trod thin ice. Now the royal way revives and anxious care opens fortune; to preserve this slight life is already great fortune; I am just now glad for drink and peck—this is what men call returning to life. Yet the imperial carriage has not returned; Wan and Luo lie waste; four walls hold only the leavings of three armies; through long summer not half a bean's yield; wandering among old friends I borrow for a time; having reached this happy land, truly beautiful—I forget to return. Privately I admire your high righteousness and for a time visit your gate; you have lowered your countenance; two or three scholar friends lend their surplus talk; you do not discard rush and reeds and send a letter bidding me stay—you would set chickens and ducks in the pool with mandarin ducks and swans, and move rubble to share the price of gold and jade. Formerly Zengzi with broken ribs wandered in Qin and suddenly met Pan Cai; carrying matting he entered Zhao and at once was detained—today though I am a sojourner, compared with that it is not equal; the burden of Fan Lin—how could I bear it? Yet tiny convolvulus leans on tall pine to lift itself; foolish gnats trust the triple team's tail to run far. I venture without limit and wish to serve as your footman, to be hair on belly and back, and if released to join the number of barking dogs—added honor and changed view would already be much fortune. The sea does not dislike depth; the mountain does not yield height; I dare lay out my inmost heart—may you read it, General.
14
The Founder received the letter and admired it greatly. He sent another letter in reply and the same day appointed him record-office aide in the northern expedition headquarters, still heading the record office.
15
[3]
Prince Xian of Hengyang Chang was administering Wuxing. [3] He was still young. Wuxing was his home commandery; elders and old friends observed rank by seniority. The Founder feared the prince was young and might receive them with improper courtesy, and sent Jingli to assist him. In the Chengsheng era he was made regular attendant for direct communication and again ran the establishment record office. When the Founder was about to strike Wang Senbian he plotted alone with Hou Andu and a few others; Jingli knew nothing of it. When dispositions were complete he summoned him to draft the proclamation. Jingli took brush and finished at once; the wording was moving and all pleased the Founder. When Senbian was killed the Founder assisted the government and made Jingli attendant of the masters of writing, still managing the record office. In the first year of Shaotai (555) he was made attendant gentleman of the Yellow Gate and also ran the chancellor's record office. When the Founder took the throne he was made director of the secretariat, secretariat communicating affairs attendant, and manager of edicts. In Yongding year 2 (558) his wife's younger brother Liu Yan was found to have fraudulently accepted horses from Zhou Bao'an; Censor-in-Chief Shen Jiong impeached him and he was demoted to secretariat gentleman, keeping his post as attendant.
16
[5]
When the Deposed Emperor came to the throne, Jingli was recalled as adviser to the Prince of Poyang, Pacifier of the East, and concurrently grand master of the great boats. [5] When Hua Jiao rebelled, Jingli was made General Who Overcomes the Enemy and army aide to Wu Mingche. When Jiao fell, Mingche on his own authority executed Interior Magistrate of Ancheng Yang Wentong in camp and accepted horses and weapons from surrendered men with unclear title; Jingli was again charged for failing to correct this and was arrested for trial. After a long time he was pardoned and recalled as adviser to the Prince of Poyang, Pacifier of the East.
17
[7] 輿 輿
In Taijian year 5 (573) Commander Wu Mingche marched north and won wherever he went; he fought the Zhou general Liang Shiyan at Luliang, shattered him, and beheaded and captured tens of thousands; he was about to advance on Pengcheng. Emperor Xuan was keen on the lands south of the Yellow River and thought command alone could settle them; Jingli remonstrated that the army was weary and the generals proud and that the distant strategy should not be pressed too far. Emperor Xuan hated his damping the men's spirit and was furious, yet because he was an old court minister did not punish him deeply and sent him out as General of Far Illumination and interior magistrate of Yuzhang. Before he could leave he was impeached by flying memorial; his corruption in the capital was notorious and the emperor ordered investigation. [7] Jingli admitted only half. Censor-in-Chief Zong Yuanrao then memorialized: "I have heard that in a gentleman's conduct loyalty serves his superiors and integrity holds his person; if he violates this way, punishment knows no pardon. I respectfully accuse General of Far Illumination and Interior Magistrate of Yuzhang, Marquis of Xinfeng, Jingli: by many strokes of fortune he was early favored at the founding king's side; when the imperial fortune was lifting he took part in the founding structure. In the Tianjia era his bribes were notorious; by imperial grace he was recorded for use and allowed to sound again; fief land and lofty rank were not long in returning. He could not change his ways and encourage himself to repay partial formation; he then monopolized greed and corruption, manifest near and far—once was already too much; how could there be a second? He should be placed in the penal code to clarify autumn law. We jointly propose that, on the matter before us, Jingli be removed from the office he holds and the Court of Imperial Entertainments be directed to strip his fief. Respectfully presenting the white bamboo to inform." An edict said, "Approved." Thereupon he was moved to live in Kuaiji. When Wu Mingche was defeated the emperor recalled Jingli's former words and the same day recalled him, again making him adviser to the Prince of Poyang, Campaign South. Within several days he was made extraordinary attendant of scattered cavalry and concurrently censor-in-chief, restored to his original enfeoffment, and entered to hold the post of minister of revenue. By old form, receiving office was in the afternoon; on the day Jingli took office the imperial carriage happened to visit the Black Tortoise Observatory; all in office were at the feast; the emperor feared Jingli would not be at ease and specially ordered early investiture—such was the regard for him.
18
輿
That year he died in office, at sixty. He was posthumously made minister of ceremonies with the posthumous name Reverent. In the thirteenth year, when he was reburied, he was again posthumously made central commander of the palace army. In the first year of Zhenming (587) he was granted sacrifice in the Founder's temple court. In the second year the imperial carriage personally visited his residence; Jingli was again posthumously made palace attendant and general who pacifies the center, posthumous name Loyal-Reverent, given one set of pipes and drums, and a stele was erected at the tomb.
19
In composition Jingli did not favor ornate excess but excelled at narrative; swift to meet the moment, he was praised by his age. He left collected writings in thirty juan.
20
Liu Shizhi
21
Liu Shizhi came from Xiang in Pei. His family for generations had been a plain clan. His grandfather Xi Zhi had been aide to Qi’s prince of Jin’an and administrator of Huainan, a capable magistrate whom Emperor Wu of Qi repeatedly praised in his own hand. His father Jingyan had been Liang’s left vice director of the masters of writing and minister of agriculture.
22
Shizhi was studious and had real talent for his day. He read widely in history, wrote well, understood ceremony, and knew secretariat precedent in detail. Under Liang he served in several princes’ households as staff officer. When Shaotai began the Founder took power as regent and made Shizhi a palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary in charge of edicts. After the wars ritual was largely lost; Shizhi drew up the protocols for the Founder’s regency, the Nine Bestowals, and the abdication. When the Founder took the throne Shizhi kept his post as attendant-in-ordinary. He was blunt and often clashed with others; though his rank scarcely rose, his trust was great and his counsel was always useful.
23
輿殿 輿 輿簿 簿 殿 便 簿 [8][9] [10] 輿 [11] 使耀 簿輿 西簿 殿 便 簿 [12]
When the Founder died, on the sixth day mourning dress was completed. The court debated whether attendants at the late emperor’s spirit seat should wear auspicious or mourning dress. Academician Shen Wen’a argued for auspicious dress. Shizhi argued: "Completing mourning dress means preparing the full mourning rite. Everything at the spirit couch should be plain white. There is no formal office of spirit-seat attendants now, but when Liang’s Crown Prince Zhaoming died his attendants at the completion of mourning all wore the coarsest hemp, except that they still wore armor. That is our model. On the sixth day, when mourning dress is completed, attendants at the spirit seat should wear hemp mourning." Cai Jingli, palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary, also said: "The tomb procession has both auspicious and mourning regalia, but completion of mourning dress is mourning only. Civil and military attendants cannot alone wear jade and sable. In ritual feeling they should wear coarse hemp." Palace secretariat attendants Jiang Dezao, Xie Qi, and others all sided with Shizhi. Wen’a replied: "The Jin and Song tomb protocols say: ‘When the spirit carriage and inner coffin descend to the hall, each attendant-in-ordinary reports.’ The protocol for completing mourning dress also says: ‘The spirit carriage and inner coffin accommodate attendant officers, incense, and oranges.’ The protocol for the spirit carriage’s advance and halt says: ‘Direct attendants at the spirit seat wear auspicious dress and stand in the auspicious guard of honor.’ It also says: ‘Attendants at the inner coffin wear hemp mourning and stand in the inauspicious guard of honor.’ So in the hall there are both auspicious and mourning attendants." Because the two sides disagreed, they asked left vice director Xu Ling to decide. Ling said: "The inner coffin goes to the tomb and the spirit couch to the ancestral temple. That division itself shows what is auspicious and what is mourning. In the auspicious section of the tomb guard of honor (office) [8] in the fifth rank, from dukes and ministers down through guides, tiger guards, musicians, canopy bearers, and chariot attendants—all wear auspicious dress. How could spirit-seat attendants alone wear hemp mourning? The answer is plain. If dukes, ministers, clerks, and attendants all wore hemp, how would they differ from the inner-coffin guard? If ritual objects are auspicious but those who manage affairs are in mourning, how could one (lapel) [10] wear hemp at the lapels yet hold the state canopy, or wear mourning robes yet mount the jade chariot? I agree with the academician." Shizhi argued again: "The left vice director says the inner coffin goes to the tomb and the spirit couch to the temple, so there must be auspicious and mourning sections, and completion of mourning dress cannot have mourning above. The academician still holds to the tomb rite. When the imperial carriage begins the funeral both regalia are already in place. Measured against completion of mourning dress, I am still uneasy. Mourning regulations extend from the Son of Heaven downward. Wang Wenhien’s Explanations of Mourning Dress says: ‘For officials of the third rank, twenty persons attend the spirit. From the fourth rank down to the scholar’s rite, ten attend the spirit in each case. All wear white-cloth trousers and jackets and white-silk caps. For inner mourning the women attendants match the men in number but wear second-grade hemp. Someone asked: if inner and outer attendants are the same, why is mourning dress different? The answer was: by ruler-and-minister rites the outer attendants wear the coarsest cut and the inner the second grade. Recent ages have seen many troubles, and rites were cut to fit the times. Below feudal lords, officials were humble and attendants mostly volunteers. Ruler-minister form was incomplete and hemp caps too costly, so they kept ordinary dress and only changed the cap. Women attendants were low servants; lord and concubine stood apart, so their dress was complete.’ Our dynasty’s code is not like that. From this one infers coarse hemp. Spirit attendants are like seat attendants; in white caps they cannot wear colored dress. Liang’s protocols for Crown Prince Zhaoming still survive. Those two texts are clear proof and a settled standard. Rites arise from feeling and may be adjusted in practice. When anyone mourns, once the spirit couch and tables are set out and curtains hung, ordinary life changes; reed mats and grass huts are the mourning rite. Within the hall kin and guests gather in hemp of every grade, weeping in ranks. Black caps do not call—all wear plain dress. Who could see students and retainers rushing about in silk, with concubines in red and purple at their sides? How much more when the realm is in deep mourning and all under Heaven feels as one, and the three armies wear plain white in a single regulation of dress. Yet a thousand gates open at dawn without whitewash on the vermilion gate; the hundred officials arrive in coarse dress instead of vermilion sashes, while gold gleams in the ranks and jade sounds in procession. In the heart it cannot satisfy; by the ritual canon there is no precedent. How can completion of mourning dress be likened to the tomb rites? When burial is finished there are auspicious and mourning protocols. Completing mourning dress means completing the mourning rite. All offices inside and out change to auspicious dress—if spirit-seat attendants alone do not, what is completion of mourning? If there are no spirit-seat attendants, so be it; if there are, they must wear hemp mourning." Xie Qi argued: "The spirit couch goes to the temple and the inner coffin to the tomb, as the left vice director said. But the tomb guard has both auspicious and mourning sections. Those who follow the spirit carriage keep their dress; those who follow the inner coffin all wear hemp. Down to the scholar’s rite the rule is the same. That is the tomb rite, not completion of mourning dress. Now the inner coffin and spirit screen both stand on the western steps and we call it completing mourning dress, yet there is no guard of honor—only that from clerks to dukes, throughout the realm, all must wear hemp. When Liang’s Crown Prince Zhaoming died is the established example. How could every commoner wear the heavy grade while attendants-in-ordinary down to the martial guards—the nearest officers—wore jade and azure no differently from an ordinary auspicious day? The left vice director treats it as a tomb matter; I think that may differ from completion of mourning dress. If on that day spirit-seat attendants, civil and military alike, were unchanged, then chief clerks, heralds, runners, and responders to edicts who attend the spirit should likewise not change." Cai Jingli argued again: "Spirit-seat attendants came from the five hundred. That day they wore mourning dress and dwelt in the mourning hut but still belonged to their offices and were led up to the hall—how could they change to sable and jade? If other officers were drafted to fill the insignia ranks, then on that day some would not have completed mourning dress. The tomb has its own auspicious-and-mourning debate. Completion of mourning dress is mourning, not auspicious. I still follow the former view and agree with Attendant Liu." Dezao argued again: "On the day of ancestral burial, when the rite is forever complete, high officials receive posthumous honors and display grace. The auspicious guard may come from that. Private families imitated it and it became custom. Upper dress should change from auspicious to mourning; by principle one should not still wear silk gauze. Attendant Liu cited General Wang’s mourning protocol and the Liang Zhaoming precedent—clear proof already in hand. The academician and left vice director each stated his view; since no decision was reached, inquiry should go further—to the eight ministers, the heir apparent’s tutor, the minister of rites, the censor-in-chief (Kong) [12] and the household tutors and general attendants Yuan Shu, Zhang Zhong, Zhou Hongzheng, Hongrang, Shen Jiong, and Kong Huan." The eight ministers and below all submitted: "Weighing the discussions and old protocol, Liang’s protocols for completing mourning dress at Crown Prince Zhaoming’s death survive in clear text and suffice as standard. On the day of completing mourning dress, attendant officers cannot follow auspicious rites. Burial rites divide into auspicious sections at the tomb; that does not concern the day of completing mourning dress. We hold that Attendant Liu’s view is acceptable." Ling answered again: "Old and ill, I can say little. Men of old who disputed often bred resentment; Fu Xuan was blamed in Jin and Wang Shang fell in Han. I seal my lips thrice and honor your command. If by chance I do not die, I may yet speak and discuss the matter again with the court." Wen’a still held to his view. The assembly could not decide, recorded both arguments, submitted them, and followed Shizhi’s view.
24
Soon he was made minister herald, keeping his post as attendant-in-ordinary. In Tianjia year one he was dismissed for an offense. Earlier Emperor Wen had ordered Shizhi to compile the imperial diary from autumn of Yongding year two through winter of Tianjia year one—ten scrolls. He was recalled as palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary and again put in charge of edicts. In Tiankang year one, when Emperor Wen fell ill, Shizhi with vice director of the masters of writing Dao Zhongju and others entered to tend him with medicine. When Emperor Wen died, Shizhi had already received the deathbed charge. When Emperor Xuan was director of the masters of writing and regent, in Guangda year one Shizhi with Zhongju and others sent attendant Yin Buniu with a forged order telling Emperor Xuan to return to the Eastern Mansion. The plot was exposed and he was granted death in the northern prison.
25
Xie Qi was from Shanyin in Kuaiji. His father Da was a Liang erudite of the imperial academy.
26
Qi was quick-witted as a youth, loved learning, and won praise under Liang. He was a revenue clerk in the masters of writing and magistrate of Shanyin. When Hou Jing rebelled, Qi took refuge in Dongyang. After Jing was suppressed he joined Zhang Biao. When Biao held Wu and Kuaiji he entrusted all routine affairs to Qi. Whenever Biao campaigned he left Qi to supervise the commandery and handle affairs behind him. When Biao was defeated the Founder drew Qi into confidential planning and made him acting right vice director of the masters of writing. Campaigns were frequent and grain stores often empty; wherever Qi managed affairs he won deep trust. In Yongding year one he was made attendant of the yellow gate and palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary, still acting right vice director. In Tianjia year two he died and was posthumously made regular attendant of scattered cavalry.
27
Qi’s younger brother Qiao was devoted to learning and a leading Confucian of the age.
28
[13]
The historian says: When the Founder raised the dynasty and quelled chaos, martial prowess won his achievement, but literary men also played their part. [13] Zhao Zhili and Cai Jingli recognized him early and helped build the state. Liu Shizhi was broadly learned but blind to the moment; though he wished to keep his integrity, he ended on the execution ground—this was folly.
29
〈Biography of Liu Shizhi〉 "Kong Central Palace Attendant Zhu Tong"—doubtful.
30
Collation notes
31
殿
On "none of the plans was not participated in": yan supplied per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions and the History of the Southern Dynasties.
32
殿
On "his son Yun'gong succeeded": the Hall edition notes the History of the Southern Dynasties reads Yuan for Yun.
33
廿
On "Prince Xian of Hengyang when Administrator of Wuxing, Chang still young": Chang supplied per Yuan Gui 708 and 727. Qian Daxin holds the character Chang should stand under Prince Xian of Hengyang. Present review: only one Chang is missing after Prince Xian of Hengyang; the lower Chang should not be moved.
34
殿
On "also received one hundred bolts of silk from Ouyang Wuwei": the Hall edition notes the History of the Southern Dynasties omits Wu. Present review: here too a full name is reduced to a single character, as the History of the Southern Dynasties often does.
35
殿 殿 使·殿
On "concurrently Grand Boat Minister": the Southern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions all read Grand Storehouse Minister. The Hall edition holds the Supervisory edition wrongly wrote zhou for fu and emended it—note: Present review: in Liang Tianjian year 7 the commissioner of waterways became Grand Boat Minister, the lowest regular minister, in charge of shipping and dikes (Book of Sui, Treatise on Officials); the Hall emendation is wrong.
36
殿
On "chief administrator to the Xuan-yi Prince of Changsha": Ji reads Xuan-yu; Hall follows the Northern Supervisory with Xuan-yi (alternate graph). Prince of Changsha Chen Shujian became general of resolute declaration in Taijian year 4, so the title xuan-yi (resolute declaration) is correct.
37
殿
On "the Emperor ordered inquiry": Di was written Zhang; emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions, the History of the Southern Dynasties, and Yuan Gui 519.
38
簿 殿
According to the auspicious section of the imperial funeral procession regulations (wei) On "[Wu] within": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, Hall editions, and History of the Southern Dynasties.
39
On "and extending to martial tiger guard, drum-and-pipe, canopy-bearers, and chariot attendants": wu-ben renders hu-ben, taboo-changed for Tang.
40
殿
How can one allow (she) On "[ren] with mourning sash yet bearing the imperial canopy": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, Hall editions, and History of the Southern Dynasties.
41
殿
On "curtained bier, spirit screen": the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions read chamber for screen. Zhang Yuanji 〈Collation note〉 writes: "Chamber is an error for yi; screen and yi are the same object. Since the passage below has spirit yi before the cedar bier, ping (screen) may originally have been yi."
42
Vice censor (Kong) On "[ji] and Central Palace Attendants Zhu Tong, Yuan Shu, Zhang Zhong, Zhou Hongzheng, Hongrang, Shen Jiong, and Kong Huan": emended per all editions. According to the old collation appended at the end of this scroll: 〈Biography of Liu Shizhi〉 "Kong Central Palace Attendant Zhu Tong" is doubtful; the edition Zeng Gong and others saw also wrote kong for ji.
43
殿
On "literary brush also then deployed its strength": the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions read gan (administer) for han (brush).
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