1
陳書卷十六
Book of Chen, Volume 16
2
列傳第十
Biographies, Part Ten
3
趙知禮蔡景歷劉師知謝岐
Zhao Zhili; Cai Jingli; Liu Shizhi; Xie Qi
4
趙知禮
Zhao Zhili
5
趙知禮字齊旦,天水隴西人也。 父孝穆,梁候官令。
Zhao Zhili, styled Qidan, came from Longxi in Tianshui. His father Xiaomu had been magistrate of Houguan under Liang.
6
知禮涉獵文史,善隸書。 高祖之討元景仲也,或薦之,引為記室參軍。 知禮為文贍速,每占授軍書,下筆便就,率皆稱旨。 由是恆侍左右,深被委任,當時計畫,莫不預〔焉〕。 [1]知禮亦多所獻替。 高祖平侯景,軍至白茅灣,上表於梁元帝及與王僧辯論述軍事,其文並知禮所製。
Zhili read widely in literature and history and wrote a fine clerical hand. When the Founder marched against Yuan Jingzhong, someone recommended him and he was made record-office aide. Zhili wrote copiously and fast. Dictated army papers left his brush finished in one pass, and almost all pleased the Founder. From then on he was always at the Founder's side, deeply trusted, and party to every plan of the day. [1] He also offered much counsel on policy. When the Founder crushed Hou Jing and the army reached Baimao Bay, the memorials to Emperor Yuan of Liang and the letters to Wang Senbian on military affairs were all Zhili's work.
7
知禮沈靜有謀謨,每軍國大事,世祖輒令璽書問之。 秩滿,為明威將軍、太子右衛率。 遷右衛將軍,領前軍將軍。 六年卒,時年四十七。 詔贈侍中,諡曰忠。 子允恭嗣。 [2]
Zhili was quiet and shrewd. On every grave matter of state or army, Emperor Wen sent sealed letters to ask his view. When his term ended he was made General of Manifest Prestige and right commandant of the heir apparent's guard. He was transferred to right guard general and also front army general. In the sixth year he died, at forty-seven. He was posthumously made palace attendant with the posthumous name Loyal. His son Yungong succeeded him. See editorial note 2.
8
蔡景歷
Cai Jingli
9
蔡景歷字茂世,濟陽考城人也。 祖點,梁尚書左民侍郎。 父大同,輕車岳陽王記室參軍,掌京邑行選。
Cai Jingli, styled Maoshi, came from Kaocheng in Jiyang. His grandfather Dian had been master of the left for the people under Liang. His father Datong was record-office aide to the Prince of Yueyang of the Light Chariots establishment and ran metropolitan appointments.
10
景歷少俊爽,有孝行。 家貧好學,善尺牘,工草隸。 解褐諸王府佐,出為海陽令,為政有能名。 侯景亂,梁簡文帝為景所幽,景歷與南康嗣王蕭會理謀,欲挾簡文出奔,事泄見執,賊黨王偉保護之,獲免。 因客遊京口。 侯景平,高祖鎮朱方,素聞其名,以書要之。 景歷對使人答書,筆不停綴,文不重改。 曰:
Jingli in youth was bright and open, and known for filial piety. Though poor he loved learning, wrote excellent letters, and excelled at cursive and clerical script. He entered service as a princely aide, then became magistrate of Haiyang, where his rule won a name for competence. In Hou Jing's rebellion Emperor Jianwen was held by Jing. Jingli and the heir of Nankang, Xiao Huili, plotted to carry the emperor off, but the plot was discovered and he was arrested. The rebel Wang Wei shielded him and he survived. He then wandered as a guest to Jingkou. After Hou Jing fell the Founder held Zhufang, had long heard of him, and summoned him by letter. Jingli answered the envoy's letter without lifting his brush and without a single revision. He wrote:
11
蒙降札書,曲垂引逮,伏覽循回,載深欣暢。 竊以世求名駿,行地能致千里,時愛奇寶,照車遂有徑寸。 但雲咸斯奏,自輟巴渝,杞梓方雕,豈盼樗櫪。
I have received your gracious letter, summoning me with such kindness. Reading it again and again, I am deeply glad. The age seeks famous steeds that can run a thousand li on good ground; the time delights in rare jewels, and already on the carriage mirror there is a gem an inch across. Yet now Yun Xian plays, and of themselves the Bayu dances cease; catalpa and paulownia are being carved—who would still look to the stables for fodder?
12
仰惟明將軍使君侯節下,英才挺茂,雄姿秀拔,運屬時艱,志匡多難,振衡岳而綏五嶺,滌灨源而澄九派,帶甲十萬,彊弩數千,誓勤王之師,總義夫之力,鯨鯢式剪,役不踰時,氛霧廓清,士無血刃。 雖漢誅祿、產,舉朝寔賴絳侯,晉討約、峻,中外一資陶牧,比事論功,彼奚足筭。 加以抗威兗服,冠蓋通於北門,整旆徐方,詠歌溢於東道,能使邊亭臥鼓,行旅露宿,巷不拾遺,市無異價,洋洋乎功德政化,曠古未儔,諒非膚淺所能殫述。 是以天下之人,向風慕義,接踵披衿,雜遝而至矣。 或帝室英賢,貴遊令望,齊、楚秀異,荊、吳岐嶷。 武夫則猛氣紛紜,雄心四據,陸拔山岳,水斷虯龍,六鈞之弓,左右馳射,萬人之劍,短兵交接,攻壘若文鴦,焚艦如黃蓋,百戰百勝,貔貅為群。 文人則通儒博識,英才偉器,雕麗暉煥,摛掞絢藻,子雲不能抗其筆,元瑜無以高其記,尺翰馳而聊城下,清談奮而嬴軍卻。 復有三河辯客,改哀樂於須臾,六奇謀士,斷變反於倏忽。 治民如子賤,踐境有成,折獄如仲由,片辭從理。 直言如毛遂,能厲主威,銜使若相如,不辱君命。 懷忠抱義,感恩徇己,誠斷黃金,精貫白日,海內雄賢,牢籠斯備。 明將軍徹鞍下馬,推案止食,申爵以榮之,築館以安之,輕財重氣,卑躬厚士,盛矣哉! 盛矣哉!
Looking up to you, Illustrious General, Lord, and Marquis: talent in full flower, bearing heroic and bright; fortune is hard and your will sets the realm right; you shake Mount Heng and pacify the Five Ridges, cleanse the Chan headwaters and clear the nine streams; a hundred thousand armored men, thousands of strong crossbows; you swear the army that will restore the throne and gather righteous men; enemies are cut down in a campaign that does not outlast its season, the air clears, and soldiers win without bloody blades. When Han executed Lu and Chan the whole court truly leaned on the Marquis of Jiang; when Jin struck Su and Jun the court within and without alike leaned on Tao Kan—set beside your deeds, what are those worth reckoning? You show might in Yan and the eastern lands; nobles pass the northern gate; you array banners in Xu and song fills the eastern road; border posts lay aside their drums, travelers sleep in the open, no one picks up what another drops, markets hold no strange prices—your merit, virtue, and rule are vast beyond antiquity, not something a shallow man could tell to the end. So the people of the realm turn to your wind and admire your righteousness; heel to toe they open their robes and crowd in. Some are noble scions of the house, honored wanderers of fine name, splendid talents of Qi and Chu, precocious youths of Jing and Wu. Warriors bristle with fierce spirit and ambition fills the four quarters; on land they uproot mountains, on water they cut dragons; six-jun bows shoot left and right; ten-thousand-man swords close hand to hand; they storm ramparts like Wen Yang and burn ships like Huang Gai; a hundred battles, a hundred victories; hosts gather like pi-xiu. Scholars are broadly learned, men of great talent and vessel; their ornamented prose shines and their brushwork weaves brocade; Yang Xiong cannot match their pens, Yu Xin cannot surpass their records; a letter flies and Liaocheng falls; pure talk rises and Ying's army retreats. There are debaters of Sanhe who change grief and joy in an instant, and strategists of the Six Wonders who reverse sudden change in a flash. They govern like Zijian and wherever they step succeed; they judge like Zhong You and a single phrase decides right. In straight speech they are like Mao Sui and stiffen their lord's majesty; as envoys they are like Xiang Ru and do not disgrace their ruler's charge. Loyal and righteous, grateful they give themselves; sincerity cuts gold, spirit pierces the white sun; heroes within the seas—all are gathered in your net. You leave saddle and dismount, push aside your desk and stop eating, extend rank to honor them and build lodges to settle them—light with wealth, heavy with spirit, humble in body and generous to scholars—how grand! how grand! How grand! how grand!
13
抑又聞之,戰國將相,咸推引賓遊,中代岳牧,並盛延僚友,濟濟多士,所以成將軍之貴。 但量能校實,稱才任使,員行方止,各盡其宜,受委責成,誰不畢力。 至如走賤,妄庸人耳。 秋冬讀書,終慚專學,刀筆為吏,竟闕異等。 衡門衰素,無所聞達,薄宦輕資,焉能遠大。 自陽九遘屯,天步艱阻,同彼貴仕,溺於巨寇,亟鄰危殆,備踐薄冰。 今王道中興,慇憂啟運,獲存微命,足為幸甚,方歡飲啄,是謂來蘇。 然皇鑾未反,宛、洛蕪曠,四壁固三軍之餘,長夏無半菽之產,遨遊故人,聊為借貸,屬此樂土,洵美忘歸。 竊服高義,暫謁門下,明將軍降以顏色,二三士友假其餘論,菅蒯不棄,折簡賜留,欲以雞鶩廁鴛鴻於池沼,將移瓦礫參金碧之聲價。 昔折脅遊秦,忽逢盼採,檐簦入趙,便致留連,今雖羇旅,方之非匹,樊林之賁,何用克堪。 但眇眇纖蘿,憑喬松以自聳,蠢蠢輕蚋,託驂尾而遠騖。 竊不自涯,願備下走,且為腹背之毛,脫充鳴吠之數,增榮改觀,為幸已多。 海不厭深,山不讓高,敢布心腹,惟將軍覽焉。
I have also heard that in the Warring States generals and ministers all promoted guests; in middle antiquity governors lavishly extended staff—many officers, many scholars: thus a general's nobility is made. Only measure capacity and test truth, call talent and assign office, round pegs in round holes and square in square, each in his fit; entrusted with charge and held to completion—who would not give full force? As for me, a runner of low rank, I am but a vain and mediocre man. I read books autumn and winter and in the end am ashamed before true scholarship; I wield the brush as clerk and in the end lack a special grade. My gate is humble and plain, with no path to fame; my office petty and my means light—how could I reach far? Since the yang-nine met obstruction and Heaven's step was hard, like those honored officials I drowned in the great bandit, repeatedly neared peril, and fully trod thin ice. Now the royal way revives and anxious care opens fortune; to preserve this slight life is already great fortune; I am just now glad for drink and peck—this is what men call returning to life. Yet the imperial carriage has not returned; Wan and Luo lie waste; four walls hold only the leavings of three armies; through long summer not half a bean's yield; wandering among old friends I borrow for a time; having reached this happy land, truly beautiful—I forget to return. Privately I admire your high righteousness and for a time visit your gate; you have lowered your countenance; two or three scholar friends lend their surplus talk; you do not discard rush and reeds and send a letter bidding me stay—you would set chickens and ducks in the pool with mandarin ducks and swans, and move rubble to share the price of gold and jade. Formerly Zengzi with broken ribs wandered in Qin and suddenly met Pan Cai; carrying matting he entered Zhao and at once was detained—today though I am a sojourner, compared with that it is not equal; the burden of Fan Lin—how could I bear it? Yet tiny convolvulus leans on tall pine to lift itself; foolish gnats trust the triple team's tail to run far. I venture without limit and wish to serve as your footman, to be hair on belly and back, and if released to join the number of barking dogs—added honor and changed view would already be much fortune. The sea does not dislike depth; the mountain does not yield height; I dare lay out my inmost heart—may you read it, General.
14
高祖得書,甚加欽賞。 仍更賜書報答,即日板征北府中記室參軍,仍領記室。
The Founder received the letter and admired it greatly. He sent another letter in reply and the same day appointed him record-office aide in the northern expedition headquarters, still heading the record office.
15
衡陽獻王〔昌〕時為吳興郡,昌年尚少,[3]吳興王之鄉里,父老故人,尊卑有數,高祖恐昌年少,接對乖禮,乃遣景歷輔之。 承聖中,授通直散騎侍郎,還掌府記室。 高祖將討王僧辯,獨與侯安都等數人謀之,景歷弗之知也。 部分既畢,召令草檄,景歷援筆立成,辭義感激,事皆稱旨。 僧辯誅,高祖輔政,除從事中郎,掌記室如故。 紹泰元年,遷給事黃門侍郎,兼掌相府記室。 高祖受禪,遷祕書監,中書通事舍人,掌詔誥。 永定二年,坐妻弟劉淹詐受周寶安餉馬,為御史中丞沈炯所劾,降為中書侍郎,舍人如故。
Prince Xian of Hengyang Chang was administering Wuxing. [3] He was still young. Wuxing was his home commandery; elders and old friends observed rank by seniority. The Founder feared the prince was young and might receive them with improper courtesy, and sent Jingli to assist him. In the Chengsheng era he was made regular attendant for direct communication and again ran the establishment record office. When the Founder was about to strike Wang Senbian he plotted alone with Hou Andu and a few others; Jingli knew nothing of it. When dispositions were complete he summoned him to draft the proclamation. Jingli took brush and finished at once; the wording was moving and all pleased the Founder. When Senbian was killed the Founder assisted the government and made Jingli attendant of the masters of writing, still managing the record office. In the first year of Shaotai (555) he was made attendant gentleman of the Yellow Gate and also ran the chancellor's record office. When the Founder took the throne he was made director of the secretariat, secretariat communicating affairs attendant, and manager of edicts. In Yongding year 2 (558) his wife's younger brother Liu Yan was found to have fraudulently accepted horses from Zhou Bao'an; Censor-in-Chief Shen Jiong impeached him and he was demoted to secretariat gentleman, keeping his post as attendant.
16
廢帝即位,起為鎮東鄱陽王諮議參軍,兼太舟卿。 [5]華皎反,以景歷為武勝將軍、吳明徹軍司。 皎平,明徹於軍中輒戮安成內史楊文通,又受降人馬仗有不分明,景歷又坐不能匡正,被收付治。 久之,獲宥,起為鎮東鄱陽王諮議參軍。
When the Deposed Emperor came to the throne, Jingli was recalled as adviser to the Prince of Poyang, Pacifier of the East, and concurrently grand master of the great boats. [5] When Hua Jiao rebelled, Jingli was made General Who Overcomes the Enemy and army aide to Wu Mingche. When Jiao fell, Mingche on his own authority executed Interior Magistrate of Ancheng Yang Wentong in camp and accepted horses and weapons from surrendered men with unclear title; Jingli was again charged for failing to correct this and was arrested for trial. After a long time he was pardoned and recalled as adviser to the Prince of Poyang, Pacifier of the East.
17
太建五年,都督吳明徹北伐,所向克捷,與周將梁士彥戰於呂梁,大破之,斬獲萬計,方欲進圖彭城。 是時高宗銳意河南,以為指麾可定,景歷諫稱師老將驕,不宜過窮遠略。 高宗惡其沮眾,大怒,猶以朝廷舊臣,不深罪責,出為宣遠將軍、豫章內史。 未行,為飛章所劾,以在省之日,贓汙狼藉,帝令有司按問,[7]景歷但承其半。 於是御史中丞宗元饒奏曰:「臣聞士之行己,忠以事上,廉以持身,苟違斯道,刑茲罔赦。 謹按宣遠將軍、豫章內史新豐縣開國侯景歷,因藉多幸,豫奉興王,皇運權輿,頗參締構。 天嘉之世,贓賄狼藉,聖恩錄用,許以更鳴,裂壤崇階,不遠斯復。 不能改節自勵,以報曲成,遂乃專擅貪汙,彰於遠近,一則已甚,其可再乎? 宜寘刑書,以明秋憲。 臣等參議,以見事免景歷所居官,下鴻臚削爵土。 謹奉白簡以聞。」 詔曰「可」。 於是徙居會稽。 及吳明徹敗,帝思景歷前言,即日追還,復以為征南鄱陽王諮議參軍。 數日,遷員外散騎常侍,兼御史中丞,復本封爵,入守度支尚書。 舊式拜官在午後,景歷拜日,適值輿駕幸玄武觀,在位皆侍宴,帝恐景歷不豫,特令早拜,其見重如此。
In Taijian year 5 (573) Commander Wu Mingche marched north and won wherever he went; he fought the Zhou general Liang Shiyan at Luliang, shattered him, and beheaded and captured tens of thousands; he was about to advance on Pengcheng. Emperor Xuan was keen on the lands south of the Yellow River and thought command alone could settle them; Jingli remonstrated that the army was weary and the generals proud and that the distant strategy should not be pressed too far. Emperor Xuan hated his damping the men's spirit and was furious, yet because he was an old court minister did not punish him deeply and sent him out as General of Far Illumination and interior magistrate of Yuzhang. Before he could leave he was impeached by flying memorial; his corruption in the capital was notorious and the emperor ordered investigation. [7] Jingli admitted only half. Censor-in-Chief Zong Yuanrao then memorialized: "I have heard that in a gentleman's conduct loyalty serves his superiors and integrity holds his person; if he violates this way, punishment knows no pardon. I respectfully accuse General of Far Illumination and Interior Magistrate of Yuzhang, Marquis of Xinfeng, Jingli: by many strokes of fortune he was early favored at the founding king's side; when the imperial fortune was lifting he took part in the founding structure. In the Tianjia era his bribes were notorious; by imperial grace he was recorded for use and allowed to sound again; fief land and lofty rank were not long in returning. He could not change his ways and encourage himself to repay partial formation; he then monopolized greed and corruption, manifest near and far—once was already too much; how could there be a second? He should be placed in the penal code to clarify autumn law. We jointly propose that, on the matter before us, Jingli be removed from the office he holds and the Court of Imperial Entertainments be directed to strip his fief. Respectfully presenting the white bamboo to inform." An edict said, "Approved." Thereupon he was moved to live in Kuaiji. When Wu Mingche was defeated the emperor recalled Jingli's former words and the same day recalled him, again making him adviser to the Prince of Poyang, Campaign South. Within several days he was made extraordinary attendant of scattered cavalry and concurrently censor-in-chief, restored to his original enfeoffment, and entered to hold the post of minister of revenue. By old form, receiving office was in the afternoon; on the day Jingli took office the imperial carriage happened to visit the Black Tortoise Observatory; all in office were at the feast; the emperor feared Jingli would not be at ease and specially ordered early investiture—such was the regard for him.
18
是歲,以疾卒官,時年六十。 贈太常卿,諡曰敬。 十三年,改葬,重贈中領軍。 禎明元年,配享高祖廟庭。 二年,輿駕親幸其宅,重贈景歷侍中、中撫將軍,諡曰忠敬,給鼓吹一部,并於墓所立碑。
That year he died in office, at sixty. He was posthumously made minister of ceremonies with the posthumous name Reverent. In the thirteenth year, when he was reburied, he was again posthumously made central commander of the palace army. In the first year of Zhenming (587) he was granted sacrifice in the Founder's temple court. In the second year the imperial carriage personally visited his residence; Jingli was again posthumously made palace attendant and general who pacifies the center, posthumous name Loyal-Reverent, given one set of pipes and drums, and a stele was erected at the tomb.
19
景歷屬文,不尚雕靡,而長於敘事,應機敏速,為當世所稱。 有文集三十卷。
In composition Jingli did not favor ornate excess but excelled at narrative; swift to meet the moment, he was praised by his age. He left collected writings in thirty juan.
20
劉師知
Liu Shizhi
21
劉師知,沛國相人也。 家世素族。 祖奚之,齊晉安王諮議參軍,淮南太守,有能政,齊武帝手詔頻褒賞。 父景彥,梁尚書左丞、司農卿。
Liu Shizhi came from Xiang in Pei. His family for generations had been a plain clan. His grandfather Xi Zhi had been aide to Qi’s prince of Jin’an and administrator of Huainan, a capable magistrate whom Emperor Wu of Qi repeatedly praised in his own hand. His father Jingyan had been Liang’s left vice director of the masters of writing and minister of agriculture.
22
師知好學,有當世才。 博涉書史,工文筆,善儀體,臺閣故事,多所詳悉。 梁世歷王府參軍。 紹泰初,高祖入輔,以師知為中書舍人,掌詔誥。 是時兵亂之後,禮儀多闕,高祖為丞相及加九錫并受禪,其儀注並師知所定焉。 高祖受命,仍為舍人。 性疏簡,與物多忤,雖位宦不遷,而委任甚重,其所獻替,皆有弘益。
Shizhi was studious and had real talent for his day. He read widely in history, wrote well, understood ceremony, and knew secretariat precedent in detail. Under Liang he served in several princes’ households as staff officer. When Shaotai began the Founder took power as regent and made Shizhi a palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary in charge of edicts. After the wars ritual was largely lost; Shizhi drew up the protocols for the Founder’s regency, the Nine Bestowals, and the abdication. When the Founder took the throne Shizhi kept his post as attendant-in-ordinary. He was blunt and often clashed with others; though his rank scarcely rose, his trust was great and his counsel was always useful.
23
及高祖崩,六日成服,朝臣共議大行皇帝靈座俠御人所服衣服吉凶之制,博士沈文阿議,宜服吉服。 師知議云:「既稱成服,本備喪禮,靈筵服物,皆悉縞素。 今雖無大行俠御官事,按梁昭明太子薨,成服俠侍之官,悉著縗斬,唯著鎧不異,此即可擬。 愚謂六日成服,俠靈座須服縗絰。」 中書舍人蔡景歷亦云:「雖不悉準,按山陵有凶吉羽儀,成服唯凶無吉,文武俠御,不容獨鳴玉珥貂,情禮二三,理宜縗斬。」 中書舍人江德藻、謝岐等並同師知議。 文阿重議云:「檢晉、宋山陵儀:『靈輿梓宮降殿,各侍中奏。』 又成服儀稱:『靈輿梓宮容俠御官及香橙。』 又檢靈輿梓宮進止儀稱:『直靈俠御吉服,在吉鹵簿中。』 又云:『梓宮俠御縗服,在凶鹵簿中。』 是則在殿吉凶兩俠御也。」 時以二議不同,乃啟取左丞徐陵決斷。 陵云:「梓宮祔山陵,靈筵祔宗廟,有此分判,便驗吉凶。 按山陵鹵簿吉部 (位) 〔伍〕中,[8]公卿以下導引者,爰及武賁、鼓吹、執蓋、奉車,[9]並是吉服,豈容俠御獨為縗絰邪? 斷可知矣。 若言公卿胥吏並服縗苴,此與梓宮部伍有何差別? 若言文物並吉,司事者凶,豈容 (社) 〔衽〕絰而奉華蓋,[10]縗衣而升玉輅邪? 同博士議。」 師知又議曰:「左丞引梓宮祔山陵,靈筵祔宗廟,必有吉凶二部,成服不容上凶,博士猶執前斷,終是山陵之禮。 若龍駕啟殯,鑾輿兼設,吉凶之儀,由來本備,準之成服,愚有未安。 夫喪禮之制,自天子達。 按王文憲喪服明記云:『官品第三,侍靈人二十。 官品第四,下達士禮,侍靈之數,並有十人。 皆白布袴褶,著白絹帽。 內喪女侍數如外,而著齊縗。 或問內外侍靈是同,何忽縗服有異? 答云,若依君臣之禮,則外侍斬,內侍齊。 頃世多故,禮隨事省。 諸侯以下,臣吏蓋微,至於侍奉,多出義附,君臣之節不全,縗冠之費實闕,所以因其常服,止變帽而已。 婦人侍者,皆是卑隸,君妾之道既純,服章所以備矣。』 皇朝之典,猶自不然,以此而推,是知服斬。 彼有侍靈,則猶俠御,既著白帽,理無彤服。 且梁昭明儀注,今則見存,二文顯證,差為成準。 且禮出人情,可得消息。 凡人有喪,既陳筵机,繐帷靈屏,[11]變其常儀,蘆箔草廬,即其凶禮。 堂室之內,親賓具來,齊斬麻緦,差池哭次,玄冠不弔,莫非素服。 豈見門生故吏,綃縠間趨,左姬右姜,紅紫相糅? 況四海遏密,率土之情是同,三軍縞素,為服之制斯壹。 遂使千門旦啟,非塗堊於彤闈,百僚戾止,變服麤於朱韍,而耀金在列,鳴玉節行,求之懷抱,固為未愜,準以禮經,彌無前事。 豈可成服之儀,譬以山陵之禮? 葬既始終已畢,故有吉凶之儀,所謂成服,本成喪禮,百司外內,皆變吉容,俠御獨不,何謂成服? 若靈無俠御則已,有則必應縗服。」 謝岐議曰:「靈筵祔宗廟,梓宮祔山陵,實如左丞議。 但山陵鹵簿,備有吉凶,從靈輿者儀服無變,從梓宮者皆服苴縗。 爰至士禮,悉同此制,此自是山陵之儀,非關成服。 今謂梓宮靈扆,共在西階,稱為成服,亦無鹵簿,直是爰自胥吏,上至王公,四海之內,必備縗絰。 案梁昭明太子薨,略是成例,豈容凡百士庶,悉皆服重,而侍中至於武衛,最是近官,反鳴玉紆青,與平吉不異? 左丞既推以山陵事,愚意或謂與成服有殊。 若爾日俠御,文武不異,維侍靈之人,主書、宣傳、齊幹、應敕,悉應不改。」 蔡景歷又議云:「俠御之官,本出五百,爾日備服居廬,仍於本省,引上登殿,豈應變服貂玉? 若別攝餘官,以充簪珥,則爾日便有不成服者。 山陵自有吉凶二議,成服凶而不吉,猶依前議,同劉舍人。」 德藻又議云:「愚謂祖葬之辰,始終永畢,達官有追贈,須表恩榮,有吉鹵簿,恐由此義,私家放效,因以成俗。 上服本變吉為凶,理不應猶襲紈綺。 劉舍人引王衛軍喪儀及檢梁昭明故事,此明據已審,博士、左丞乃各盡事衷,既未取證,須更詢詳,宜諮八座、詹事、太常、中丞 (孔) 〔及〕中庶諸通袁樞、張種、周弘正、弘讓、沈炯、孔奐[12]。」 時八座以下,並請:「案群議,斟酌舊儀,梁昭明太子喪成服儀注,明文見存,足為準的。 成服日,侍官理不容猶從吉禮。 其葬禮分吉,自是山陵之時,非關成服之日。 愚謂劉舍人議於事為允。」 陵重答云:「老病屬纊,不能多說,古人爭議,多成怨府,傅玄見尤於晉代,王商取陷於漢朝,謹自三緘,敬同高命。 若萬一不死,猶得展言,庶與朝賢更申揚搉。」 文阿猶執所見,眾議不能決,乃具錄二議奏聞,從師知議。
When the Founder died, on the sixth day mourning dress was completed. The court debated whether attendants at the late emperor’s spirit seat should wear auspicious or mourning dress. Academician Shen Wen’a argued for auspicious dress. Shizhi argued: "Completing mourning dress means preparing the full mourning rite. Everything at the spirit couch should be plain white. There is no formal office of spirit-seat attendants now, but when Liang’s Crown Prince Zhaoming died his attendants at the completion of mourning all wore the coarsest hemp, except that they still wore armor. That is our model. On the sixth day, when mourning dress is completed, attendants at the spirit seat should wear hemp mourning." Cai Jingli, palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary, also said: "The tomb procession has both auspicious and mourning regalia, but completion of mourning dress is mourning only. Civil and military attendants cannot alone wear jade and sable. In ritual feeling they should wear coarse hemp." Palace secretariat attendants Jiang Dezao, Xie Qi, and others all sided with Shizhi. Wen’a replied: "The Jin and Song tomb protocols say: ‘When the spirit carriage and inner coffin descend to the hall, each attendant-in-ordinary reports.’ The protocol for completing mourning dress also says: ‘The spirit carriage and inner coffin accommodate attendant officers, incense, and oranges.’ The protocol for the spirit carriage’s advance and halt says: ‘Direct attendants at the spirit seat wear auspicious dress and stand in the auspicious guard of honor.’ It also says: ‘Attendants at the inner coffin wear hemp mourning and stand in the inauspicious guard of honor.’ So in the hall there are both auspicious and mourning attendants." Because the two sides disagreed, they asked left vice director Xu Ling to decide. Ling said: "The inner coffin goes to the tomb and the spirit couch to the ancestral temple. That division itself shows what is auspicious and what is mourning. In the auspicious section of the tomb guard of honor (office) [8] in the fifth rank, from dukes and ministers down through guides, tiger guards, musicians, canopy bearers, and chariot attendants—all wear auspicious dress. How could spirit-seat attendants alone wear hemp mourning? The answer is plain. If dukes, ministers, clerks, and attendants all wore hemp, how would they differ from the inner-coffin guard? If ritual objects are auspicious but those who manage affairs are in mourning, how could one (lapel) [10] wear hemp at the lapels yet hold the state canopy, or wear mourning robes yet mount the jade chariot? I agree with the academician." Shizhi argued again: "The left vice director says the inner coffin goes to the tomb and the spirit couch to the temple, so there must be auspicious and mourning sections, and completion of mourning dress cannot have mourning above. The academician still holds to the tomb rite. When the imperial carriage begins the funeral both regalia are already in place. Measured against completion of mourning dress, I am still uneasy. Mourning regulations extend from the Son of Heaven downward. Wang Wenhien’s Explanations of Mourning Dress says: ‘For officials of the third rank, twenty persons attend the spirit. From the fourth rank down to the scholar’s rite, ten attend the spirit in each case. All wear white-cloth trousers and jackets and white-silk caps. For inner mourning the women attendants match the men in number but wear second-grade hemp. Someone asked: if inner and outer attendants are the same, why is mourning dress different? The answer was: by ruler-and-minister rites the outer attendants wear the coarsest cut and the inner the second grade. Recent ages have seen many troubles, and rites were cut to fit the times. Below feudal lords, officials were humble and attendants mostly volunteers. Ruler-minister form was incomplete and hemp caps too costly, so they kept ordinary dress and only changed the cap. Women attendants were low servants; lord and concubine stood apart, so their dress was complete.’ Our dynasty’s code is not like that. From this one infers coarse hemp. Spirit attendants are like seat attendants; in white caps they cannot wear colored dress. Liang’s protocols for Crown Prince Zhaoming still survive. Those two texts are clear proof and a settled standard. Rites arise from feeling and may be adjusted in practice. When anyone mourns, once the spirit couch and tables are set out and curtains hung, ordinary life changes; reed mats and grass huts are the mourning rite. Within the hall kin and guests gather in hemp of every grade, weeping in ranks. Black caps do not call—all wear plain dress. Who could see students and retainers rushing about in silk, with concubines in red and purple at their sides? How much more when the realm is in deep mourning and all under Heaven feels as one, and the three armies wear plain white in a single regulation of dress. Yet a thousand gates open at dawn without whitewash on the vermilion gate; the hundred officials arrive in coarse dress instead of vermilion sashes, while gold gleams in the ranks and jade sounds in procession. In the heart it cannot satisfy; by the ritual canon there is no precedent. How can completion of mourning dress be likened to the tomb rites? When burial is finished there are auspicious and mourning protocols. Completing mourning dress means completing the mourning rite. All offices inside and out change to auspicious dress—if spirit-seat attendants alone do not, what is completion of mourning? If there are no spirit-seat attendants, so be it; if there are, they must wear hemp mourning." Xie Qi argued: "The spirit couch goes to the temple and the inner coffin to the tomb, as the left vice director said. But the tomb guard has both auspicious and mourning sections. Those who follow the spirit carriage keep their dress; those who follow the inner coffin all wear hemp. Down to the scholar’s rite the rule is the same. That is the tomb rite, not completion of mourning dress. Now the inner coffin and spirit screen both stand on the western steps and we call it completing mourning dress, yet there is no guard of honor—only that from clerks to dukes, throughout the realm, all must wear hemp. When Liang’s Crown Prince Zhaoming died is the established example. How could every commoner wear the heavy grade while attendants-in-ordinary down to the martial guards—the nearest officers—wore jade and azure no differently from an ordinary auspicious day? The left vice director treats it as a tomb matter; I think that may differ from completion of mourning dress. If on that day spirit-seat attendants, civil and military alike, were unchanged, then chief clerks, heralds, runners, and responders to edicts who attend the spirit should likewise not change." Cai Jingli argued again: "Spirit-seat attendants came from the five hundred. That day they wore mourning dress and dwelt in the mourning hut but still belonged to their offices and were led up to the hall—how could they change to sable and jade? If other officers were drafted to fill the insignia ranks, then on that day some would not have completed mourning dress. The tomb has its own auspicious-and-mourning debate. Completion of mourning dress is mourning, not auspicious. I still follow the former view and agree with Attendant Liu." Dezao argued again: "On the day of ancestral burial, when the rite is forever complete, high officials receive posthumous honors and display grace. The auspicious guard may come from that. Private families imitated it and it became custom. Upper dress should change from auspicious to mourning; by principle one should not still wear silk gauze. Attendant Liu cited General Wang’s mourning protocol and the Liang Zhaoming precedent—clear proof already in hand. The academician and left vice director each stated his view; since no decision was reached, inquiry should go further—to the eight ministers, the heir apparent’s tutor, the minister of rites, the censor-in-chief (Kong) [12] and the household tutors and general attendants Yuan Shu, Zhang Zhong, Zhou Hongzheng, Hongrang, Shen Jiong, and Kong Huan." The eight ministers and below all submitted: "Weighing the discussions and old protocol, Liang’s protocols for completing mourning dress at Crown Prince Zhaoming’s death survive in clear text and suffice as standard. On the day of completing mourning dress, attendant officers cannot follow auspicious rites. Burial rites divide into auspicious sections at the tomb; that does not concern the day of completing mourning dress. We hold that Attendant Liu’s view is acceptable." Ling answered again: "Old and ill, I can say little. Men of old who disputed often bred resentment; Fu Xuan was blamed in Jin and Wang Shang fell in Han. I seal my lips thrice and honor your command. If by chance I do not die, I may yet speak and discuss the matter again with the court." Wen’a still held to his view. The assembly could not decide, recorded both arguments, submitted them, and followed Shizhi’s view.
24
尋遷鴻臚卿,舍人如故。 天嘉元年,坐事免。 初,世祖敕師知撰起居注,自永定二年秋至天嘉元年冬,為十卷。 起為中書舍人,復掌詔誥。 天康元年,世祖不豫,師知與尚書僕射到仲舉等入侍醫藥。 世祖崩,預受顧命。 及高宗為尚書令,入輔,光大元年,師知與仲舉等遣舍人殷不佞矯詔令高宗還東府,事覺,於北獄賜死。
Soon he was made minister herald, keeping his post as attendant-in-ordinary. In Tianjia year one he was dismissed for an offense. Earlier Emperor Wen had ordered Shizhi to compile the imperial diary from autumn of Yongding year two through winter of Tianjia year one—ten scrolls. He was recalled as palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary and again put in charge of edicts. In Tiankang year one, when Emperor Wen fell ill, Shizhi with vice director of the masters of writing Dao Zhongju and others entered to tend him with medicine. When Emperor Wen died, Shizhi had already received the deathbed charge. When Emperor Xuan was director of the masters of writing and regent, in Guangda year one Shizhi with Zhongju and others sent attendant Yin Buniu with a forged order telling Emperor Xuan to return to the Eastern Mansion. The plot was exposed and he was granted death in the northern prison.
25
謝岐,會稽山陰人也。 父達,梁太學博士。
Xie Qi was from Shanyin in Kuaiji. His father Da was a Liang erudite of the imperial academy.
26
岐少機警,好學,見稱於梁世。 為尚書金部郎,山陰令。 侯景亂,岐流寓東陽。 景平,依于張彪。 彪在吳郡及會稽,庶事一以委之。 彪每征討,恆留岐監郡,知後事。 彪敗,高祖引岐參預機密,以為兼尚書右丞。 時軍旅屢興,糧儲多闕,岐所在幹理,深被知遇。 永定元年,為給事黃門侍郎、中書舍人,兼右丞如故。 天嘉二年卒,贈通直散騎常侍。
Qi was quick-witted as a youth, loved learning, and won praise under Liang. He was a revenue clerk in the masters of writing and magistrate of Shanyin. When Hou Jing rebelled, Qi took refuge in Dongyang. After Jing was suppressed he joined Zhang Biao. When Biao held Wu and Kuaiji he entrusted all routine affairs to Qi. Whenever Biao campaigned he left Qi to supervise the commandery and handle affairs behind him. When Biao was defeated the Founder drew Qi into confidential planning and made him acting right vice director of the masters of writing. Campaigns were frequent and grain stores often empty; wherever Qi managed affairs he won deep trust. In Yongding year one he was made attendant of the yellow gate and palace secretariat attendant-in-ordinary, still acting right vice director. In Tianjia year two he died and was posthumously made regular attendant of scattered cavalry.
27
岐弟嶠,篤學,為世通儒。
Qi’s younger brother Qiao was devoted to learning and a leading Confucian of the age.
28
史臣曰:高祖開基創業,剋定禍亂,武猛固其立功,文翰亦乃展力。 [13]趙知禮、蔡景歷早識攀附,預締構之臣焉。 劉師知博涉多通,而闇於機變,雖欲存乎節義,終陷極刑,斯不智矣。
The historian says: When the Founder raised the dynasty and quelled chaos, martial prowess won his achievement, but literary men also played their part. [13] Zhao Zhili and Cai Jingli recognized him early and helped build the state. Liu Shizhi was broadly learned but blind to the moment; though he wished to keep his integrity, he ended on the execution ground—this was folly.
29
〈劉師知傳〉 「孔中庶諸通」,疑。
〈Biography of Liu Shizhi〉 "Kong Central Palace Attendant Zhu Tong"—doubtful.
30
校勘記
Collation notes
31
莫不預〔焉〕據北監本、汲本、殿本及《南史》補。
On "none of the plans was not participated in": yan supplied per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions and the History of the Southern Dynasties.
32
子允恭嗣殿本考證云「允」《南史》作「元」。
On "his son Yun'gong succeeded": the Hall edition notes the History of the Southern Dynasties reads Yuan for Yun.
33
衡陽獻王〔昌〕時為吳興郡昌年尚少據《元龜》七〇八、七二七補。 錢大昕《廿二史考異》云當移「昌」字於「衡陽獻王」之下。 今按:此特「衡陽獻王」下脫一「昌」字耳,下「昌」字不當移。
On "Prince Xian of Hengyang when Administrator of Wuxing, Chang still young": Chang supplied per Yuan Gui 708 and 727. Qian Daxin holds the character Chang should stand under Prince Xian of Hengyang. Present review: only one Chang is missing after Prince Xian of Hengyang; the lower Chang should not be moved.
34
并受歐陽武威餉絹百匹殿本考證雲南史無「武」字。 今按:此亦改復名為單名,《南史》往往如此。
On "also received one hundred bolts of silk from Ouyang Wuwei": the Hall edition notes the History of the Southern Dynasties omits Wu. Present review: here too a full name is reduced to a single character, as the History of the Southern Dynasties often does.
35
兼太舟卿「太舟卿」南監本、汲本、殿本並作「太府卿」。 殿本考證云:「『府』監本誤『舟』,今改正。」 今按:梁天監七年,以都水使者為太舟卿,為列卿之最末者,主舟航堤渠,見《隋書·百官志》,殿本妄改。
On "concurrently Grand Boat Minister": the Southern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions all read Grand Storehouse Minister. The Hall edition holds the Supervisory edition wrongly wrote zhou for fu and emended it—note: Present review: in Liang Tianjian year 7 the commissioner of waterways became Grand Boat Minister, the lowest regular minister, in charge of shipping and dikes (Book of Sui, Treatise on Officials); the Hall emendation is wrong.
36
宣毅長沙王長史「宣毅」汲本作「宣豫」,殿本依北監本作「宣義」。 按長沙王陳叔堅於太建四年為宣毅將軍,作「宣毅」是。
On "chief administrator to the Xuan-yi Prince of Changsha": Ji reads Xuan-yu; Hall follows the Northern Supervisory with Xuan-yi (alternate graph). Prince of Changsha Chen Shujian became general of resolute declaration in Taijian year 4, so the title xuan-yi (resolute declaration) is correct.
37
帝令有司按問「帝」原訛「章」,今據北監本、汲本、殿本及《南史》、《元龜》五一九改正。
On "the Emperor ordered inquiry": Di was written Zhang; emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions, the History of the Southern Dynasties, and Yuan Gui 519.
38
按山陵鹵簿吉部 (位) 〔伍〕中據北監本、汲本、殿本及《南史》改。
According to the auspicious section of the imperial funeral procession regulations (wei) On "[Wu] within": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, Hall editions, and History of the Southern Dynasties.
39
爰及武賁鼓吹執蓋奉車「武賁」即「虎賁」,避唐諱改。
On "and extending to martial tiger guard, drum-and-pipe, canopy-bearers, and chariot attendants": wu-ben renders hu-ben, taboo-changed for Tang.
40
豈容 (社) 〔衽〕絰而奉華蓋據北監本、汲本、殿本及《南史》改。
How can one allow (she) On "[ren] with mourning sash yet bearing the imperial canopy": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, Hall editions, and History of the Southern Dynasties.
41
繐帷靈屏「屏」北監本、汲本、殿本作「房」。 張元濟 〈校勘記〉 云:「『房』為『扆』之誤,屏扆一物。 按下文有『梓宮靈扆』之語,『屏』或原作『扆』。」
On "curtained bier, spirit screen": the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions read chamber for screen. Zhang Yuanji 〈Collation note〉 writes: "Chamber is an error for yi; screen and yi are the same object. Since the passage below has spirit yi before the cedar bier, ping (screen) may originally have been yi."
42
中丞 (孔) 〔及〕中庶諸通袁樞張種周弘正弘讓沈炯孔奐據各本改。 按本卷後附舊校,云 〈劉師知傳〉 「孔中庶諸通」疑,是曾鞏等所見本亦訛「及」為「孔」也。
Vice censor (Kong) On "[ji] and Central Palace Attendants Zhu Tong, Yuan Shu, Zhang Zhong, Zhou Hongzheng, Hongrang, Shen Jiong, and Kong Huan": emended per all editions. According to the old collation appended at the end of this scroll: 〈Biography of Liu Shizhi〉 "Kong Central Palace Attendant Zhu Tong" is doubtful; the edition Zeng Gong and others saw also wrote kong for ji.
43
文翰亦乃展力「翰」北監本、汲本、殿本作「幹」。
On "literary brush also then deployed its strength": the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions read gan (administer) for han (brush).