1
陳書卷三十
Book of Chen, Volume 30
2
列傳第二十四
Biographies, Part Twenty-four
3
蕭濟陸瓊子從典顧野王傅縡章華
Xiao Ji; Lu Qiong; his son Congdian; Gu Ye; Fu Zhi; Zhang Hua
4
蕭濟字孝康，東海蘭陵人也。 少好學，博通經史，諮梁武帝左氏疑義三十餘條，尚書僕射范陽張纘、太常卿南陽劉之遴並與濟討論，纘等莫能抗對。 解褐梁祕書郎，遷太子舍人。 預平侯景之功，封松陽縣侯，邑五百戶。
Xiao Ji, styled Xiaokang, came from Lanling in Donghai commandery. From boyhood he loved books and mastered the classics and histories. He put more than thirty questions on the Zuo Commentary before Liang's Emperor Wu; Zhang Zuan of Fanyang, vice director of the masters of writing, and Liu Zhiliao of Nanyang, minister of ceremonies, debated them with him—and could not hold their ground. He entered service as a Liang secretariat gentleman, then became groom of the heir apparent. He shared in the campaign that crushed Hou Jing and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Songyang, with a fief of five hundred households.
5
及高祖作鎮徐方，以濟為明威將軍、征北長史。 承聖二年，徵為中書侍郎，轉通直散騎常侍。 世祖為會稽太守，又以濟為宣毅府長史，遷司徒左長史。 世祖即位，授侍中。 尋遷太府卿，丁所生母憂，不拜。 濟毗佐二主，恩遇甚篤，賞賜加於凡等。 歷守蘭陵、陽羨、臨津、臨安等郡，所在皆著聲績。
When the Founder was holding Xuzhou as his command, he made Ji bright-prestige general and chief secretary on the northern campaign staff. In Chengsheng year 2 (553) he was summoned as secretariat vice director, then made regular attendant of the communicating scattered cavalry. When Emperor Wen governed Kuaiji, he again made Ji chief secretary of the firm-resolution establishment and soon promoted him to left chief secretary of the secretariat. When Emperor Wen succeeded, Ji was made palace attendant. Soon he was named grand steward of the imperial household, but mourning his birth mother he declined the appointment. Ji served two sovereigns with uncommon trust; rewards and gifts outstripped the usual measure. He governed in turn Lanling, Yangxian, Linjin, and Lin'an, and everywhere left a name for solid achievement.
6
太建初，入為五兵尚書，與左僕射徐陵、特進周弘正、度支尚書王瑒、[1]散騎常侍袁憲俱侍東宮。 復為司徒長史。 尋授度支尚書，領羽林監。 遷國子祭酒，領羽林如故。 加金紫光祿大夫，兼安德宮衛尉。 尋遷仁威將軍、揚州長史。 高宗嘗敕取揚州曹事，躬自省覽，見濟條理詳悉，文無滯害，乃顧謂左右曰「我本期蕭長史長於經傳，不言精練繁劇，乃至於此」。 遷祠部尚書，加給事中，復為金紫光祿大夫。 未拜而卒，時年六十六。 詔贈本官，官給喪事。
At the start of Taijian (569) he entered court as minister of the five armies, and with left vice director Xu Ling, special emeritus Zhou Hongzheng, minister of revenue Wang Chang, [1] and scattered-cavalry regular attendant Yuan Xian he attended the eastern palace together. He again became chief secretary of the secretariat. Soon he was made minister of revenue and also led the feathered forest guard. He was moved to libationer of the national university while still leading the feathered forest. He was further made grand master with golden seal and purple ribbon and concurrently defender of the secure virtue palace. Soon he was made benevolent-prestige general and chief secretary of Yangzhou. Emperor Xuan once ordered the Yangzhou bureau papers brought for his own reading. Ji had arranged everything with meticulous clarity, the documents flowing without snag or tangle. The emperor turned to his attendants and said, "I expected Chief Secretary Xiao to shine in the classics—not that he would master tangled administration to this degree." He was made minister of ceremonies, given the additional post of supervising censor, and again made grand master with golden seal and purple ribbon. Before he could take office he died, at sixty-six. An edict granted his last office posthumously and supplied his funeral from the treasury.
7
陸瓊字伯玉，吳郡吳人也。 祖完，梁琅邪、彭城二郡丞。 父雲公，梁給事黃門侍郎，掌著作。
Lu Qiong, styled Boyu, came from Wu in Wu commandery. His grandfather Wan was Liang's chief clerk in Langye and Pengcheng commanderies. His father Yungong was Liang's attendant gentleman of the yellow gate and director of composition.
8
瓊幼聰惠有思理，六歲為五言詩，頗有詞采。 大同末，雲公受梁武帝詔校定棋品，到溉、朱异以下並集，瓊時年八歲，於客前覆局，由是京師號曰神童。 异言之武帝，有敕召見，瓊風神警亮，進退詳審，帝甚異之。 十一，丁父憂，毀瘠有至性，從祖襄歎曰「此兒必荷門基，所謂一不為少」。 及侯景作逆，攜母避地于縣之西鄉，勤苦讀書，晝夜無怠，遂博學，善屬文。
Qiong as a child was quick and thoughtful. At six he wrote pentasyllabic verse with real polish. Near the end of Datong, Yungong received Emperor Wu of Liang's order to fix the grades of weiqi players. Dao Gai, Zhu Yi, and the rest assembled; Qiong was eight and, before the guests, reconstructed a game from memory. The capital thereafter called him a prodigy. Zhu Yi spoke of him to the throne, and an edict called him in. Qiong's presence was keen and luminous; he moved with careful grace. The emperor was deeply struck. At eleven he mourned his father, wasting away with a grief that showed his deepest nature. His father's cousin Xiang sighed and said, "This boy will carry the clan. As they say, one such son is not too few." When Hou Jing rose in rebellion, Qiong took his mother to refuge in the county's western hamlets and read without rest by day or lamp by night, until he was broadly learned and sure with the brush.
9
及高宗為司徒，妙簡僚佐，吏部尚書徐陵薦瓊於高宗曰：「新安王文學陸瓊，見識優敏，文史足用，進居郎署，歲月過淹，左西掾缺，允膺茲選，階次小踰，其屈滯已積。」 乃除司徒左西掾。 尋兼通直散騎常侍，聘齊。
When Emperor Xuan was secretariat director he chose his staff with care. Minister of personnel Xu Ling recommended Qiong to him, saying, "Lu Qiong, literary officer to the Prince of Xin'an, is sharp in judgment and quick in mind; his command of letters and history is ample. He has lingered in the secretariat too long. The left western aide post stands open and he should fill it—only his rank is a little low, and the delay has pressed on him too long." He was then made left western aide of the secretariat. Soon he also held regular attendant of the communicating scattered cavalry and went on embassy to Qi.
10
太建元年，重以本官掌東宮管記。 除太子庶子，兼通事舍人。 轉中書侍郎、太子家令。 長沙王為江州刺史，不循法度，高宗以王年少，授瓊長史，行江州府國事，帶尋陽太守。 瓊以母老，不欲遠出，太子亦固請留之，遂不行。 累遷給事黃門侍郎，領羽林監。 轉太子中庶子，領步兵校尉。 又領大著作，撰國史。
In the first year of Taijian (569) he again held his former post and directed the eastern palace records. He was made junior mentor of the heir apparent and also communicating affairs attendant. He was moved to secretariat vice director and steward of the heir apparent's household. The Prince of Changsha, as inspector of Jiangzhou, ignored law and precedent. Emperor Xuan, judging him young, made Qiong his chief secretary to run the Jiangzhou establishment and the commandery's state affairs, and concurrently interior administrator of Xunyang. Qiong's mother was old and he did not wish to travel far; the heir apparent also pressed to keep him—and so he never went. He rose in turn to attendant gentleman of the yellow gate and leader of the feathered forest guard. He was made junior mentor in the heir apparent's household and also led the footsoldiers commandant. He also led the grand composition office and compiled the national history.
11
後主即位，直中書省，掌詔誥。 俄授散騎常侍，兼度支尚書，領揚州大中正。 至德元年，除度支尚書，參掌詔誥，并判廷尉、建康二獄事。 初，瓊父雲公奉梁武帝敕撰嘉瑞記，瓊述其旨而續焉，自永定訖于至德，勒成一家之言。 遷吏部尚書，著作如故。 瓊詳練譜諜，雅鑒人倫，先是，吏部尚書宗元饒卒，右僕射袁憲舉瓊，高宗未之用也，至是居之，號為稱職，後主甚委任焉。
When Houzhu succeeded, Qiong served in the secretariat itself and directed edicts and proclamations. Soon he was made scattered-cavalry regular attendant, additionally minister of revenue, and grand rectifier of Yangzhou. In the first year of Zhide (583) he was made minister of revenue, shared in directing edicts and proclamations, and jointly judged cases in the court of review and the two Jiankang prisons. Earlier his father Yungong, on Liang Emperor Wu's order, had begun the Record of Auspicious Omens. Qiong took up his aim and carried it on from Yongding through Zhide until it stood complete as a single tradition. He was moved to minister of personnel while still directing composition. Qiong knew genealogies and registers down to the last line and judged men with a quiet eye. When Minister of Personnel Zong Yuanrao died, right vice director Yuan Xian had recommended him, but Emperor Xuan had not yet appointed him. Now that he held the office, men said he filled it; Houzhu entrusted him without reserve.
12
瓊性謙儉，不自封植，雖位望日隆，而執志愈下。 園池室宇，無所改作，車馬衣服，不尚鮮華，四時祿俸，皆散之宗族，家無餘財。 暮年深懷止足，思避權要，恆謝病不視事。 俄丁母憂，去職。 初，瓊之侍東宮也，母隨在官舍，後主賞賜優厚。 及喪柩還鄉，詔加賻贈，并遣謁者黃長貴持冊奠祭，後主又自製誌銘，朝野榮之。 瓊哀慕過毀，以至德四年卒，時年五十。 詔贈領軍將軍，官給喪事。 有集二十卷行於世。 長子從宜，仕至武昌王文學。
Qiong was modest and frugal and never built himself up. Though rank and renown climbed, his resolve sank lower still. He changed neither garden nor hall; his carriages and robes never chased new brilliance; each season's stipend he scattered among his kin, and no coin remained at home. In his later years he felt he had enough and sought to step back from power; again and again he pleaded illness and would not govern. Soon he mourned his mother and left office. When Qiong had served the eastern palace, his mother lived with him in the official quarters, and Houzhu had rewarded them generously. When the coffin went home, an edict added funeral gifts and sent herald Huang Changgui with a patent to offer libation and sacrifice. Houzhu himself wrote the epitaph, and court and countryside alike took it as honor. Qiong's grief for his mother passed all bounds. In Zhide year 4 (586) he died, at fifty. An edict posthumously made him general of the palace guard and supplied his funeral from the treasury. A collection in twenty juan circulated in his time. His eldest son Congyi rose to literary officer to the Prince of Wuchang.
13
第三子從典，字由儀。 幼而聰敏。 八歲，讀沈約集，見回文研銘，從典援筆擬之，便有佳致。 年十三，作柳賦，其詞甚美。 瓊時為東宮管記，宮僚並一時俊偉，瓊示以此賦，咸奇其異才。 從父瑜特所賞愛，及瑜將終，家中墳籍皆付從典，從典乃集瑜文為十卷，仍製集序，其文甚工。
His third son Congdian, styled Youyi. From childhood he was clever and keen. At eight he read Shen Yue's collected works. Seeing a palindrome study inscription, Congdian took up the brush to match it and at once produced something fine. At thirteen he wrote a Rhapsody on the Willow, and its language was very fine. Qiong was then directing the eastern palace records; the palace staff were all men of mark in their day. He showed them the rhapsody, and each wondered at the boy's gift. His father's cousin Yu cherished him above the rest. When Yu was dying he entrusted the household's grave registers and books to Congdian, who gathered Yu's writings into ten juan and wrote a preface—the prose was accomplished throughout.
14
從典篤好學業，博涉群書，於班史尤所屬意。 年十五，本州舉秀才。 解褐著作佐郎，轉太子舍人。 時後主賜僕射江總并其父瓊詩，總命從典為謝啟，俄頃便就，文華理暢，總甚異焉。 尋授信義王文學，轉太子洗馬。 又遷司徒左西掾，兼東宮學士。 丁父憂去職。 尋起為德教學士，固辭不就，後主敕留一員，以待從典。 俄屬金陵淪沒，隨例遷關右。 仕隋為給事郎，兼東宮學士。 又除著作佐郎。 右僕射楊素奏從典續司馬遷史記迄于隋，其書未就。 值隋末喪亂，寓居南陽郡，以疾卒，時年五十七。
Congdian loved learning deeply and ranged through many books; the History of the Former Han was his particular passion. At fifteen his home province nominated him as cultivated talent. He entered service as composition aide, then became groom of the heir apparent. Houzhu then bestowed verse on vice director Jiang Zong and on his father Qiong together. Zong had Congdian draft the letter of thanks; in a moment it stood finished, elegant in word and clear in reason, and Zong was astonished. Soon he was made literary officer to the Prince of Xinyi, then groom who washes the heir apparent's horses. He was again made left western aide of the secretariat and additionally academician of the eastern palace. He mourned his father and left office. Soon he was summoned as academician of the virtue-teaching establishment; he firmly declined. Houzhu ordered one post kept vacant, waiting for Congdian. Soon Jinling fell; by precedent he was moved west of the passes. Under Sui he served as attendant gentleman and additionally academician of the eastern palace. He was again made composition aide. Right vice director Yang Su memorialized that Congdian should continue Sima Qian's Records of the Historian down to Sui; the book was never finished. In the chaos at the end of Sui he lodged in Nanyang commandery and died of illness, at fifty-seven.
15
顧野王字希馮，吳郡吳人也。 祖子喬，梁東中郎武陵王府參軍事。 父烜，信威臨賀王記室，兼本郡五官掾，以儒術知名。
Gu Ye, styled Xifeng, came from Wu in Wu commandery. His grandfather Ziqiao was a staff officer in the eastern central army establishment of the Prince of Wuling. His father Xuan was recorder for the trustworthy-prestige Prince of Linhe and concurrently five-offices chief clerk of his home commandery, known for Confucian learning.
16
野王幼好學。 七歲，讀五經，略知大旨。 九歲能屬文，嘗製日賦，領軍朱异見而奇之。 年十二，隨父之建安，撰建安地記二篇。 長而遍觀經史，精記嘿識，天文地理、蓍龜占候、蟲篆奇字，無所不通。 梁大同四年，除太學博士。 遷中領軍臨賀王府記室參軍。 宣 （成） 〔城〕王為揚州刺史，[2]野王及琅邪王褒並為賓客，王甚愛其才。 野王又好丹青，善圖寫，王於東府起齋，乃令野王畫古賢，命王褒書贊，時人稱為二絕。
Ye loved learning from childhood. At seven he read the Five Classics and grasped their main purport. At nine he could write prose. He once composed a Rhapsody on the Sun; area commander Zhu Yi read it and marveled. At twelve he followed his father to Jian'an and wrote two chapters of a Topography of Jian'an. Grown, he ranged through the classics and histories with a memory that held without effort; astronomy and geography, milfoil and tortoise divination, insect scripts and strange characters—nothing lay outside his reach. In Liang Datong year 4 (538) he was made erudite of the national university. He was moved to recorder in the staff of the central army Prince of Linhe's establishment. Xuan Collation variant: (Cheng). Collation variant: [city], the prince served as inspector of Yangzhou, [2] and Gu Ye and Wang Bao of Langye were both his retainers; the prince greatly prized their gifts. Ye also loved ink and color and was skilled at drawing. The prince built a studio in the eastern mansion, had Ye paint the ancient worthies and Wang Bao write their praises—men of the time called the pair a double wonder.
17
及侯景之亂，野王丁父憂，歸本郡，乃召募鄉黨數百人，隨義軍援京邑。 野王體素清羸，裁長六尺，又居喪過毀，殆不勝衣，及杖戈被甲，陳君臣之義，逆順之理，抗辭作色，見者莫不壯之。 京城陷，野王逃會稽，尋往東陽，與劉歸義合軍據城拒賊。 侯景平，太尉王僧辯深嘉之，使監海鹽縣。
When Hou Jing's rebellion broke out, Ye was mourning his father and went home; he then recruited several hundred men of his township and marched with the loyal army to relieve the capital. Ye had always been slight of build, barely six feet, and in mourning had wasted until his robes hung loose—yet when he took spear and donned armor, spoke of the bond between ruler and minister and the line between loyalty and rebellion, and flushed with defiance as he spoke, every witness felt his spirit rise. When the capital fell, Ye fled to Kuaiji, then went to Dongyang and joined Liu Guiyi in holding the city against the rebels. After Hou Jing was crushed, grand marshal Wang Sengbian praised him deeply and made him overseer of Haiyan county.
18
野王少以篤學至性知名，在物無過辭失色，觀其容貌，似不能言，及其勵精力行，皆人所莫及。 第三弟充國早卒，野王撫養孤幼，恩義甚厚。 其所撰著玉篇三十卷，輿地志三十卷，符瑞圖十卷，顧氏譜傳十卷，分野樞要一卷，續洞冥紀一卷，玄象表一卷，並行於世。 又撰通史要略一百卷，國史紀傳二百卷，未就而卒。 有文集二十卷。
From youth Ye was known for devoted learning and deep feeling. Among others he never overspoke or let his face slip—to see him, you would think he could not speak at all—yet when he set his will and moved, no one could keep pace. His third younger brother Chongguo died young; Ye raised the orphaned children with deep kindness. What he wrote and compiled—the Jade Chapters in thirty juan, Topographies of the Realm in thirty juan, Diagrams of Auspicious Omens in ten juan, Genealogical Traditions of the Gu Clan in ten juan, Essentials of the Division of the Heavens in one juan, Continuation of the Records of the Hidden Realm in one juan, Tables of the Dark Signs in one juan—all circulated in his time. He also drafted Essentials of the Comprehensive History in one hundred juan and National History in Annals and Biographies in two hundred juan, but died before either was finished. He left collected works in twenty scrolls.
19
傅縡字宜事，北地靈州人也。 父彝，梁臨沂令。
Fu Zai, styled Yishi, was from Lingzhou in Beidi. His father Yi was Liang's magistrate of Linyi.
20
縡幼聰敏，七歲誦古詩賦至十餘萬言。 長好學，能屬文。 梁太清末，攜母南奔避難，俄丁母憂，在兵亂之中，居喪盡禮，哀毀骨立，士友以此稱之。 後依湘州刺史蕭循，循頗好士，廣集墳籍，縡肆志尋閱，因博通群書。 王琳聞其名，引為府記室。 琳敗，隨琳將孫瑒還都。 時世祖使顏晃賜瑒雜物，瑒託縡啟謝，詞理優洽，文無加點，晃還言之世祖，尋召為撰史學士。 除司空府記室參軍，遷驃騎安成王中記室，撰史如故。
Zai was clever as a child; at seven he could recite ancient poems and rhapsodies totaling more than a hundred thousand words. When grown he loved learning and could compose literature. At the end of Liang's Taiqing era he fled south with his mother; soon his mother died. Amid the chaos of war he observed mourning rites fully and wasted to skin and bone, and scholars praised him for it. Later he relied on Xiao Xun, inspector of Xiangzhou. Xun favored scholars and gathered many books; Zai read at will and came to master all fields of learning. Wang Lin heard his fame and made him recorder of the staff. When Lin was defeated, he followed Lin's general Sun Chang back to the capital. At that time Emperor Wu sent Yan Huang to present Sun Chang with gifts. Chang had Zai draft the letter of thanks; the reasoning was excellent and the text needed no correction. Huang reported this to Emperor Wu, and Zai was soon summoned as compiler-historian. He was made recorder in the bureau of the minister of works, then central recorder for Prince Ancheng of the pacer cavalry, still compiling history.
21
縡篤信佛教，從興皇惠朗法師受三論，[3]盡通其學。 時有大心暠法師著無諍論以詆之，縡乃為明道論，用釋其難。 其略曰：
Zai was a devout Buddhist. He received the Three Treatises from Master Huilang of Xinghuang [3] and fully mastered the school. At that time the monk Daxin Hao wrote the Treatise on Non-Contention to attack him; Zai answered with the Treatise on Illuminating the Way to resolve the objections. Its summary says:
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無諍論言：比有弘三論者，雷同訶詆，恣言罪狀，歷毀諸師，非斥眾學，論中道而執偏心，語忘懷而競獨勝，方學數論，更為讎敵，讎敵既搆，諍鬥大生，以此之心，而成罪業，罪業不止，豈不重增生死，大苦聚集？ 答曰：三論之興，為日久矣。 龍樹創其源，除內學之偏見； 提婆揚其旨，蕩外道之邪執。 欲使大化流而不擁，玄風闡而無墜。 其言曠，其意遠，其道博，其流深。 斯固龍象之騰驤，鯤鵬之摶運。 （寋） 〔蹇〕乘決羽，[4]豈能觖望其閒哉？ 頃代澆薄，時無曠士，苟習小學，以化蒙心，漸染成俗，遂迷正路，唯競穿鑿，各肆營造，枝葉徒繁，本源日翳，一師解釋，復異一師，更改舊宗，各立新意，同學之中，取寤復別，如是展轉，添糅倍多。 總而用之，心無的准； 擇而行之，何者為正？ 豈不渾沌傷竅，嘉樹弊牙？ 雖復人說非馬，家握靈蛇，以無當之卮，同畫地之餅矣。 其於失道，不亦宜乎？ 攝山之學，則不如是。 守一遵本，無改作之過； 約文申意，杜臆斷之情。 言無預說，理非宿構。 睹緣爾乃應，見敵然後動。 縱橫絡驛，忽怳杳冥。 或彌綸而不窮，或消散而無所。 煥乎有文章，蹤朕不可得； 深乎不可量，即事而非遠。 凡相酬對，隨理詳覈。 有何嫉詐，干犯諸師？ 且諸師所說，為是可毀？ 為不可毀？ 若可毀者，毀故為衰； 若不可毀，毀自不及。 法師何獨蔽護不聽毀乎？ 且教有大小，備在聖誥，大乘之文，則指斥小道。 今弘大法，寧得不言大乘之意耶？ 斯則褒貶之事，從弘放學； 與奪之辭，依經議論。 何得見佛說而信順，在我語而忤逆？ 無諍平等心如是耶？ 且忿恚煩惱，凡夫恆性，失理之徒，率皆有此。 豈可以三脩未愜，六師懷恨，而蘊涅槃妙法，永不宣揚？ 但冀其忿憤之心既極，恬淡之寤自成耳。 人面不同，其心亦異，或有辭意相反，或有心口相符。 豈得必謂他人說中道而心偏執，己行無諍，外不違而內平等？ 讎敵鬥訟，豈我事焉； 罪業聚集，鬥諍者所畏耳。
The Treatise on Non-Contention says: Lately those who promote the Three Treatises echo one another in reviling and slander, freely speak charges, destroy master after master, and reject the many schools. They talk of the middle way yet hold a biased mind; they speak of forgetting cares yet compete to win alone. Learning several treatises, they become each other's foes; once foes are joined, great disputing arises. With such a mind they form karmic offenses; offenses unceasing—will they not heap up birth, death, and great suffering? The reply says: The rise of the Three Treatises has been long. Nagarjuna founded its source, removing the biased views of inner learning; Deva spread its aim, sweeping away the heterodox clinging of outer paths. They wished the great teaching to flow without obstruction and the mysterious wind to spread without falling. Its words are vast, its meaning far, its way broad, its current deep. This is truly the soaring of dragon and elephant, the whirl of kun and peng. [jian]—emended below. [Lame] riding sky-plumes, [4] how can one strain to peer into that interval? Recent generations are shallow; the age lacks broad-minded scholars. Men learn petty doctrines to dull their minds; custom takes hold and they lose the right road. They compete in forced interpretations and each fabricates freely; branches multiply while the root is obscured. One master's explanation differs from another's; they change the old school and each sets up a new intent; fellow students wake and part again—turning thus, admixture multiplies. Taken all together, the mind has no mark to aim at; choosing what to practice, which is correct? Is this not wounding the undifferentiated by piercing it and harming the fine tree by breaking its shoots? Though men speak of the non-horse and households grasp the spirit serpent, it is like a measureless cup or a cake drawn on the ground. For losing the Way, is it not fitting? The learning of She Mountain is not like this. It keeps to one and follows the root, without altering and making anew; it contracts the text to express the meaning and blocks arbitrary judgment. Words are not pre-spoken; principle is not long composed. Seeing conditions, one responds; seeing an opponent, one moves. Vertically and horizontally they weave like post relays, suddenly dim and remote. Sometimes they extend the net without end, sometimes they dissolve and have no place. Brilliant in pattern; tracks and traces cannot be obtained; deep beyond measure—present in the affair yet not far. Whenever they answer one another, they follow principle and examine in detail. What jealousy or deceit is there in offending the various masters? Moreover, can what the various masters said be destroyed? Or can it not be destroyed? If it can be destroyed, destruction is decline; if it cannot be destroyed, destruction does not reach it. Why does the master alone shield and forbid destruction? Teaching has great and small, fully set forth in the sage's instructions; the Great Vehicle texts reproach the small path. Now in promoting the great teaching, can one fail to speak the intent of the Great Vehicle? Then praise and blame follow from broad promotion of learning; words of granting and taking away rely on the sutras for discussion. How can one believe and follow the Buddha's words yet be contrary and rebellious to mine? Is this the equal mind of non-contention? Anger and affliction are the constant nature of ordinary men; those who lose principle mostly have this. How can one, because the three cultivations are not satisfied and the six masters harbor resentment, store the wonderful dharma of nirvana and never proclaim it? One only hopes that when anger and resentment reach their limit, calm detachment will form of itself. Faces differ and hearts differ; some speak one way and mean another, some heart and mouth agree. How can one insist that when others speak the middle way their minds are biased, while one's own practice is non-contention—outwardly compliant yet inwardly equal? Foes' quarrels and lawsuits—how is that my affair? The gathering of karmic offenses is what disputants fear.
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無諍論言：攝山大師誘進化導，則不如此，即習行於無諍者也。 導悟之德既往，淳一之風已澆，競勝之心，呵毀之曲，盛於茲矣。 吾願息諍以通道，讓勝以忘德。 何必排拂異家，生其恚怒者乎？ 若以中道之心行於成實，亦能不諍； 若以偏著之心說於中論，亦得有諍。 固知諍與不諍，偏在一法。 答曰：攝山大師實無諍矣，但法師所賞，未衷其節。 彼靜守幽谷，寂爾無為，凡有訓勉，莫匪同志，從容語嘿，物無閒然，故其意雖深，其言甚約。 今之敷暢，地勢不然。 處王城之隅，居聚落之內，呼吸顧望之客，脣吻縱橫之士，奮鋒穎，勵羽翼，明目張膽，被堅執銳，騁異家，衒別解，窺伺閒隙，邀冀長短，與相酬對，捔其輕重，豈得默默無言，唯唯應命？ 必須掎摭同異，發擿玼瑕，忘身而弘道，忤俗而通教，以此為病，益知未達。 若令大師當此之地，亦何必默己，而為法師所貴耶？ 法師又言：「吾願息諍以通道，讓勝以忘德。」 道德之事，不止在諍與不諍，讓與不讓也。 此語直是人閒所重，法師慕而言之，竟未知勝若為可讓也。 若他人道高，則自勝不勞讓矣； 他人道劣，則雖讓而無益矣。 欲讓之辭，將非虛設？ 中道之心，無處不可。 成實三論，何事致乖？ 但須息守株之解，除膠柱之意，是事皆中也。 來旨言「諍與不諍，偏在一法」。 何為獨褒無諍耶？ 詎非矛楯？
The Treatise on Non-Contention says: The great master of She Mountain in enticing, advancing, transforming, and guiding was not like this—he practiced non-contention. The virtue of guiding and awakening is past; the wind of pure unity is diluted; the mind of competing for victory and the tune of reviling flourish now. I wish to rest contention to open the Way and yield victory to forget virtue. Why must one exclude other schools and breed their anger? If with the mind of the middle way one practices the Chengshi, one also can be without contention; if with a biased, clinging mind one speaks the Middle Treatises, one also may have contention. One therefore knows that contention and non-contention depend on a single dharma. The reply says: The great master of She Mountain was truly without contention, but what the master prizes does not hit his measure. He quietly kept to a secluded valley, silent and without acting; all who were instructed were of one mind; in speech or silence nothing was out of place—though his meaning was deep, his words were few. Today's spreading and exposition—the terrain is not so. Dwelling in a corner of the royal city, living within a settlement, guests who breathe and look about, men whose lips run crosswise—they sharpen points, stir wings, open eyes and bare courage, don armor and grasp weapons, gallop other schools, display separate explanations, watch for gaps, invite comparison, answer and wrestle for weight—how can one stay silent and only yes-yes obey? One must pick out sameness and difference, expose flaws, forget the body to spread the Way and go against custom to penetrate teaching; to take this as illness shows one has not attained. If the great master were in this place, why must he silence himself yet be prized by the master? The master also said, "I wish to rest contention to open the Way and yield victory to forget virtue." Matters of virtue and the Way are not only in contending or not contending, yielding or not yielding. This saying is simply what the world esteems; the master admires it and speaks it, yet does not know how victory can be yielded. If another's Way is high, victory needs no yielding; if another's Way is low, yielding brings no benefit. Words of wishing to yield—are they not empty setup? The mind of the middle way has no place where it cannot be. Chengshi and Three Treatises—what makes them diverge? One need only rest the interpretation of guarding a stump and remove the intent of gluing the peg; in these matters all are centered. Your message says "contention and non-contention depend on a single dharma." Why alone praise non-contention? Is this not spear and shield?
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無諍論言：邪正得失，勝負是非，必生於心矣，非謂所說之法，而有定相論勝劣也。 若異論是非，以偏著為失言，無是無非，消彼得失，以此論為勝妙者，他論所不及，此亦為失也。 何者？ 凡心所破，豈無心於能破，則勝負之心不忘，寧不存勝者乎？ 斯則矜我為得，棄他之失，即有取捨，大生是非，便是增諍。 答曰：言為心使，心受言詮； 和合根塵，鼓動風氣，故成語也。 事必由心，實如來說。 至於心造偽以使口，口行詐以應心，外和而內險，言隨而意逆，求利養，引聲名，入道之人，在家之士，斯輩非一。 聖人所以曲陳教誡，深致防杜，說見在之殃咎，敘將來之患害，此文明著，甚於日月，猶有忘愛軀，冒峻制，蹈湯炭，甘虀粉，必行而不顧也。 豈能悅無諍之作，而回首革音耶？ 若弘道之人，宣化之士，心知勝也，口言勝也，心知劣也，口言劣也，亦無所苞藏，亦無所忌憚，但直心而行之耳。 他道雖劣，聖人之教也； 己德雖優，亦聖人之教也。 我勝則聖人勝，他劣則聖人劣。 聖人之優劣，蓋根緣所宜爾。 於彼於此，何所厚薄哉？ 雖復終日按劍，極夜擊柝，瞋目以爭得失，作氣以求勝負，在誰處乎？ 有心之與無心，徒欲分別虛空耳。 何意不許我論說，而使我謙退？ 此謂鷦 （鵬） 〔敕〕已翔於寥廓，[5]而虞者猶窺藪澤而求之。 嗟乎！ 丈夫當弘斯道矣。
The Treatise on Non-Contention says: Wrong and right, gain and loss, victory and defeat must arise in the mind; the dharma spoken has no fixed mark for judging superiority. If one takes biased clinging as faulty, dissolves gain and loss in no-is and no-is-not, and holds this treatise supreme beyond others—that also is fault. How so? Whatever the mind destroys, is there not a mind in the destroyer? Then the mind of victory and defeat is not forgotten—does it not still harbor the victor? Then one prides oneself as right and abandons another's fault; taking and rejecting arise and is and is-not grow—this increases contention. The reply says: Words are the mind's envoy; the mind receives words' explication; joining roots and dust, stirring wind and qi, therefore words are formed. Affairs must come from the mind, as the Tathagata said. The mind may make falsity to employ the mouth and the mouth practice deceit to answer the mind—outwardly harmonious yet inwardly dangerous, words following yet intent opposing, seeking profit and fame. Those who enter the Way and gentlemen at home—such are not few. The sage therefore bent his teaching and set up guards, speaking present calamities and future harms; this is brighter than sun and moon—yet some forget love of body, brave stern prohibition, tread boiling coals and sweeten chaff powder, and act without looking back. How can they be pleased by compositions on non-contention and turn to change their tune? If those who spread the Way know in mind they are victorious and speak victory, know they are inferior and speak inferiority, they hide nothing and fear nothing—they only act with a straight mind. Another's Way though inferior is still the sage's teaching; one's own virtue though superior is also the sage's teaching. If I am victorious the sage is victorious; if another is inferior the sage is inferior. The sage's superiority and inferiority are probably what roots and conditions make fitting. Regarding that and this, what partiality is there? Though one may clutch a sword all day and beat the night watch, glare to fight over gain and loss, and work up breath to win or lose—in whom does it finally rest? Minded versus unminded—they only try to carve distinctions in empty space. Why refuse to let me argue and instead make me yield and withdraw? This is to say—the jiao (peng) [The imperial edict] has already soared into the vast sky, [5] yet the apprehensive still peek into marshes seeking it. Alas! A true man ought to spread this Way.
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無諍論言：無諍之道，通於內外。 子所言須諍者，此用末而救本，失本而營末者也。 今為子言之。 何則？ 若依外典，尋書契之前，至淳之世，朴質其心，行不言之教，當于此時，民至老死不相往來，而各得其所，復有何諍乎？ 固知本 （來） 〔末〕不諍，[6]是物之真矣。 答曰：諍與無諍，不可偏執。 本之與末，又安可知？ 由來不諍，寧知非末？ 於今而諍，何驗非本？ 夫居後而望前，則為前； 居前而望後，則為後。 而前後之事猶如彼此，彼呼此為彼，此呼彼為彼，彼此之名，的居誰處？ 以此言之，萬事可知矣。 本末前後，是非善惡，可恆守邪？ 何得自信聰明，廢他耳目？ 夫水泡生滅，火輪旋轉，入牢阱，受羈紲，生憂畏，起煩惱，其失何哉？ 不與道相應，而起諸見故也。 相應者則不然，無為也，無不為也。 善惡不能偕，而未曾離善惡，生死不能至，亦終然在生死，故得永離而任放焉。 是以聖人念繞桎之不脫，愍黏膠之難離，故殷勤教示，備諸便巧。 希向之徒，涉求有類，雖驎角難成，象形易失，寧得不髣彿遐路，勉勵短晨？ 且當念己身之善惡，莫揣他物，而欲分別，而言我聰明，我知見，我計校，我思惟，以此而言，亦為疏矣。 他人者實難測，或可是凡夫真爾，亦可是聖人俯同，時俗所宜見，果報所應睹。 安得肆胸衿，盡情性，而生譏誚乎？ 正應虛己而遊乎世，俛仰於電露之閒耳。 明月在天，眾水咸見，清風至林，群籟畢響。 吾豈逆物哉？ 不入鮑魚，不甘腐鼠。 吾豈同物哉？ 誰能知我，共行斯路。 浩浩乎！ 堂堂乎！ 豈復見有諍為非，無諍為是？ 此則諍者自諍，無諍者自無諍，吾俱取而用之。 寧勞法師費功夫，點筆紙，但申於無諍； 弟子疲脣舌，消晷漏，唯對於明道？ 戲論哉！ 糟粕哉！ 必欲且考真偽，蹔觀得失，無過依賢聖之言，檢行藏之理，始終研究，表裏綜覈，使浮辭無所用，詐道自然消。 請待後筵，以觀其妙矣。
The Non-Contention Treatise says: the way of non-contention runs through inner and outer alike. When you say one must contend, that uses the branch to save the root and loses the root while tending the branch. Now I will explain it to you. How so? If one follows secular classics back before written records, in the most pristine age hearts were plain and the wordless teaching held sway—then people lived to old age without visiting one another, yet each had his place; what contention could there be? Thus one knows the root (lai) [The end] does not contend, [6] which is the truth of things. He replied: contention and non-contention cannot be clung to one-sidedly. Root and branch—how can one know for certain? If from of old there is no contention, how do you know that is not the branch? If one contends today, what proof that it is not the root? Standing behind and looking forward, that is forward; standing in front and looking back, that is behind. Yet before and after are like this and that—each side calls the other "that"; the names this and that—who really holds the place? Put this way, the myriad affairs become knowable. Root and branch, before and after, right and wrong, good and evil—can any of them be held forever? How can one trust one's own cleverness and discard others' ears and eyes? Water bubbles rise and burst, the fire-wheel spins—one enters the pit, wears fetters, breeds worry and fear, and raises vexations—what is lost? It is because one fails to correspond to the Way and instead raises fixed views. Those who correspond are otherwise—there is non-action, and there is nothing left undone. Good and evil cannot coincide, yet one never leaves them; birth and death cannot be reached, yet one remains in them—therefore one can forever leave and let go. Therefore the sage, seeing that winding bonds are not shed and pitying how sticky glue is hard to leave, earnestly teaches and provides every expedient. Seekers on the path still have their kind; though a unicorn's horn is hard to finish and likenesses slip away, how can one not take the far road as model and press on through the brief dawn? One should reflect on the good and evil in oneself, not measure other things and try to divide them up, saying "I am clever, I see, I reckon, I think"—that too is crude. Others are truly hard to fathom; they may be ordinary men as they seem, or sages stooping to what the times should see and what karmic retribution should show. How can one give free rein to the breast, exhaust one's nature, and then breed ridicule? One should empty oneself and wander the world, bowing and rising in the span between lightning and dew. The bright moon is in the sky and every water reflects it; the clear wind reaches the grove and every pipe sounds. How would I go against things? Not entering among salted fish, not sweet on rotten rats. How would I be the same as things? Who can know me and walk this road with me? Vast! Majestic! How again can one treat contention as wrong and non-contention as right? Let those who contend on their own and those who do not contend refrain on their own—I take both and use them. Better that the Dharma master spare the effort of dotting brush and paper and only preach non-contention; while the disciple wear out lips and tongue and consume the sundial's drip—only to face the illumined Way? Idle disputation! Dregs and lees! If one must for the moment test truth and falsehood and briefly weigh gain and loss, nothing surpasses relying on sages and worthies, checking conduct and intent, studying beginning and end, collating inner and outer, so floating phrases fail and deceitful ways vanish of themselves. Please wait for the later session and observe its subtlety.
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尋以本官兼通直散騎侍郎使齊，還除散騎侍郎、鎮南始興王諮議參軍，兼東宮管記。 歷太子庶子、僕，兼管記如故。 後主即位，遷祕書監、右衛將軍，兼中書通事舍人，掌詔誥。 縡為文典麗，性又敏速，雖軍國大事，下筆輒成，未嘗起草，沉思者亦無以加焉，甚為後主所重。 然性木彊，不持檢操，負才使氣，陵侮人物，朝士多銜之。 會施文慶、沈客卿以便佞親幸，專制衡軸，而縡益疏。 文慶等因共譖縡受高驪使金，後主收縡下獄。 縡素剛，因憤恚，乃於獄中上書曰：「夫君人者，恭事上帝，子愛下民，省嗜慾，遠諂佞，未明求衣，日旰忘食，是以澤被區宇，慶流子孫。 陛下頃來酒色過度，不虔郊廟之神，專媚淫昏之鬼； 小人在側，宦豎弄權，惡忠直若仇讎，視生民如草芥； 後宮曳綺繡，廄馬餘菽粟，百姓流離，殭尸蔽野； 貨賄公行，帑藏損耗，神怒民怨，眾叛親離。 恐東南王氣，自斯而盡。」 書奏，後主大怒。 頃之，意稍解，遣使謂縡曰：「我欲赦卿，卿能改過不？」 縡對曰：「臣心如面，臣面可改，則臣心可改。」 後主於是益怒，令宦者李善慶窮治其事，[7]遂賜死獄中，時年五十五。 有集十卷行於世。
Soon, retaining his original post, he was also made unranked gentleman attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry on mission to Qi; on his return he was made gentleman attendant of the scattered cavalry and adviser to the Prince of Shixing, general who pacifies the south, while retaining his eastern palace recorder post. He served as crown prince household supervisor and steward, still keeping the recorder post. When Houzhu took the throne he was made director of the secretariat and right guard general, concurrently secretariat attendant for current affairs, in charge of edicts. Zai wrote in a classical, ornate style and was quick by nature—even on great military and state affairs his brush finished at once; he never drafted beforehand, and even deep thinkers could not surpass him; Houzhu valued him greatly. Yet he was stiff by nature, held to no restraint, relied on talent and vented his temper, and insulted others—most court gentlemen resented him. Shi Wenqing and Shen Keqing won favor through flattery, monopolized power, and Zai grew still more distant. Wenqing and the others then slandered Zai for taking gold from a Goguryeo envoy; Houzhu had him arrested and imprisoned. Zai was by nature unyielding; in rage he submitted a memorial from prison: "A ruler should respectfully serve Heaven, love the people, curb desire, keep far from flatterers, rise at unclear dawn and forget food at sundown—then grace covers the realm and blessing reaches his heirs. Your Majesty of late has gone to excess in wine and sex, neglects the spirits of the suburban altars, and dotes only on ghosts of lewd darkness; petty men stand at your side, eunuchs toy with power, you hate the loyal and upright as enemies, and treat the people like grass; the rear palace trails brocade while stable horses leave grain unused, the people wander homeless, and stiff corpses cover the wilds; bribes run openly, the treasury drains, spirits rage and the people resent, the masses rebel and kin turn away. I fear the kingly qi of the southeast ends here." When the memorial arrived Houzhu was furious. Before long his anger cooled somewhat; he sent an envoy to tell Zai, "I wish to pardon you—can you reform your faults?" Zai replied, "My mind is like my face; if my face can change, then my mind can change." Houzhu then grew still angrier and ordered the eunuch Li Shanqing to investigate to the end, [7] and Zai was ordered to die in prison, aged fifty-five. A collected works in ten scrolls circulated after his death.
27
時有吳興章華，字仲宗，家世農夫，至華獨好學，與士君子遊處，頗覽經史，善屬文。 侯景之亂，乃遊嶺南，居羅浮山寺，專精習業。 歐陽頠為廣州刺史，署為南海太守。 及歐陽紇敗，乃還京師。 太建中，高宗使吏部侍郎蕭引喻廣州刺史馬靖，令入子為質，引奏華與俱行。 使還，而高宗崩。 後主即位，朝臣以華素無伐閱，競排詆之，乃除大市令，既雅非所好，乃辭以疾，鬱鬱不得志。 禎明初，上書極諫，其大略曰：「昔高祖南平百越，北誅逆虜； 世祖東定吳會，西破王琳； 高宗克復淮南，辟地千里：三祖之功，亦至勤矣。 陛下即位，于今五年，不思先帝之艱難，不知天命之可畏，溺於嬖寵，惑於酒色，祠七廟而不出，拜妃嬪而臨軒，老臣宿將，棄之草莽，諂佞讒邪，昇之朝廷。 今疆埸日蹙，隋軍壓境，陛下如不改絃易張，臣見麋鹿復遊於姑蘇臺矣。」 書奏，後主大怒，即日命斬之。
At the time Zhang Hua of Wuxing, styled Zhongzong, came from a farming family—he alone loved learning, kept company with scholars, read widely in the classics and histories, and wrote well. During Hou Jing's turmoil he fled to Lingnan, lived at Luofu Mountain Temple, and devoted himself to study. Ouyang Fu, inspector of Guangzhou, appointed him administrator of Nanhai. When Ouyang He was defeated he returned to the capital. In the Taichu era Emperor Gaozong sent Vice Minister of Personnel Xiao Yin to instruct Guangzhou inspector Ma Jing to send his son as hostage; Yin memorialized that Hua should accompany the mission. When the mission returned, Emperor Gaozong had died. When Houzhu took the throne, court gentlemen—Hua had no record of merit—competed to slander him; he was made director of the great market. That post ill suited him; he pleaded illness and resigned, depressed and thwarted. Early in Zhenming he submitted a memorial of fierce remonstrance, saying in gist: "In the past the Founder southward pacified the Hundred Yue and northward punished the rebel lord; Emperor Shizu eastward settled Wu and Kuaiji and westward broke Wang Lin; Emperor Gaozong recovered Huainan and opened land for a thousand li—the merit of the three ancestors was utmost diligence. Your Majesty has reigned five years without remembering the former emperor's hardships or fearing Heaven's mandate, drowning in favorites and delusion of wine and sex, sacrificing at the seven temples yet not going out, bowing to consorts yet holding court, casting old ministers and veteran generals to the wilds and raising flatterers and slanderers. Now the frontier shrinks daily and Sui troops press the border—if Your Majesty does not change course, I see deer roaming the Gusu Terrace again." When the memorial arrived Houzhu was furious and ordered him beheaded that same day.
28
史臣曰：蕭濟、陸瓊，俱以才學顯著，顧野王博極群典，傅縡聰警特達，並一代之英靈矣。 然縡不能循道進退，遂寘極網，悲夫！
The historiographer says: Xiao Ji and Lu Qiong both shone for talent and learning; Gu Yewang mastered the canon; Fu Zai was brilliantly sharp—all spirits of an age. Yet Zai could not advance and withdraw by the Way and so fell into the utmost net—pitiable!
29
校勘記
Collation notes
30
度支尚書王瑒「瑒」字原本墨丁，據各本補。
On "Director of Revenue Wang Chang": chang was an ink dot in the base text and is restored from other editions.
31
宣 （成） 〔城〕王為揚州刺史據北監本、汲本、殿本改。
Xuan (cheng) On "[Cheng] prince as inspector of Yang Province": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions.
32
從興皇惠朗法師受三論「興皇」下北監本、汲本、殿本有「寺」字。
On "received the Three Treatises from the Dharma master Huilang of Xinghuang": below Xinghuang, the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions add si (temple).
33
（寋） 〔蹇〕乘決羽據殿本改。 按《文苑英華》七四七亦作「蹇」。
(jian) On "[Jian] riding Jueyu": emended per the Hall edition. Note: Wenyuan yinghua 747 also reads jian.
34
此謂鷦 （鵬） 〔敕〕已翔於寥廓張森楷 〈校勘記〉 云「鵬」當作「敕」。 按焦明，鳥名，後增鳥旁，張說是，今據改。
This is to say—the jiao (peng) On "[imperial edict] has already soared into the vast sky": Zhang Senkai 〈Collation note〉 says peng ought to read imperial edict. Note: Jiaoming is a bird name; later the bird radical was added; Zhang is correct; the text is now emended accordingly.
35
固知本 （來） 〔末〕不諍據《文苑英華》四七四改。 按此承上文「用末而救本，失本而營末」言，作「末」是。
Thus one knows the root (lai) On "[end] does not contend": emended per Literary Gathering in the Garden 474. This follows the passage above on using the end to save the root while losing the root to serve the end; end is the correct reading.
36
令宦者李善慶窮治其事「李善慶」《南史》作「李善度」。
On "ordered the eunuch Li Shanqing to investigate the matter exhaustively": the Southern History reads Li Shandu for Li Shanqing.