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卷三十三 列傳第二十七: 儒林

Volume 33: Confucian Scholars

Chapter 33 of 陳書 · Book of Chen
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Chapter 33
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1
祿
Broadly speaking, Confucians today rest on the ancient Six Learnings—the canonical books of royal instruction whereby the former sages clarified Heaven's Way, [1] set human relations right, and established settled methods of bringing order. Qin Shihuang burned the books and buried the scholars alive; from then on the Six Learnings were lost. Emperor Wu of Han established erudites of the Five Classics, Collation variant: (open). He set up student quotas, [2] established target-shooting examinations for office, and encouraged them with rank and salary; those who transmitted the learning were very numerous. From the Two Han dynasties onward, those advanced as worthies all relied on classic learning. Under Wei and Jin, frivolity prevailed and Confucian teaching declined; among grandees, gentry, and commoners, few mastered the classics. Between Song and Qi, the National University was from time to time reopened. Emperor Wu of Liang opened the Five Halls, established the National University, and altogether had the Five Classics taught, Collation variant: (only the National University then the classics). For each classic he appointed assistant instructors. [3] The emperor would sometimes unbend his imperial carriage and personally visit the schools, perform the libation sacrifice to the former teacher, himself test the students in caps, extend them banquets in discourse, and reward them with bundles of silk—abundant indeed; this was the splendor of an age. When the Founder laid the foundations of the state, he inherited the disorders of the previous age; caps and gowns were utterly destroyed and bandits were not yet pacified. With each day too full for his tasks, he had no leisure to encourage instruction. From Emperor Wen downward, learning officials were gradually set up; though students were broadly recruited, those who completed their studies were few. What is gathered here now are mostly the surviving Confucians of Liang.
2
Shen Wen'a
3
Shen Wen'a, styled Guowei, came from Wukang in Wuxing. His father Jun was famed in Liang for Confucian learning and was appointed inspector of Gui, but did not take up the post.
4
Wen'a was by nature stubborn and strong, with physical strength; in youth he studied his father's profession and probed deeply into chapter-and-verse learning. His grandfather's brother-in-law the grand astrologer Shuming and his maternal uncle Wang Huixing both mastered classic learning, and Wen'a largely received their transmission. He also broadly collected the agreements and differences of earlier Confucians and composed expository commentaries of his own. He mastered the Three Rites and the Three Commentaries. Recommended as Filial and Incorrupt, he became an aide in the establishment of Liang's Prince of Linchuan, and was repeatedly promoted to concurrent national university assistant instructor and erudite of the Five Classics.
5
使 便
When Liang's Emperor Jianwen was in the eastern palace, he was brought in as an academician and received deep courtesy; when the emperor compiled the Record of the Everlasting Spring, he often had Wen'a gather divergent accounts to enlarge it. When Hou Jing rebelled, Jianwen separately sent Wen'a to recruit soldiers to relieve the capital. When the city fell, he and Zhang Song together held Wuxing; when Song was defeated, Wen'a fled into the mountains and wilds. Jing had long heard his name and sought him urgently; Wen'a, hard pressed and not knowing where to turn, climbed a tree to hang himself, but a kinsman happened to save him; he then threw himself down and broke his left arm. When Jing was pacified, the Founder, because Wen'a was from his home district, memorialized to make him magistrate of Yuanxiang and overseer of Jiangyin commandery.
6
使 使
In the first year of Shaotai (555) he entered service as erudite of the national university, and soon held concurrently the post of footsoldiers commandant and charge of ceremonial regulations. From the Taqing turmoil onward, the precedents of the palace offices had nothing left preserved; Wen'a's father Jun in Emperor Wu of Liang's time had once held charge of court ceremony and had left considerable drafts, and so Wen'a weighed and trimmed them to compose anew—ceremonial norms all issued from him. When the Founder received the abdication, Wen'a at once left office and returned to Wukang; the Founder was greatly angered and sent envoys to execute him. At that time Wen'a's clansman Shen Ke was administrator of the commandery; he asked the envoys to spare his life, then bound him with his face exposed and the collar locked and delivered him to the Founder. The Founder looked at him and laughed, saying, "What is a rotten Confucian good for?" He thereupon pardoned him.
7
When the Founder died, Wen'a together with left vice director Xu Ling, Secretariat attendant Liu Shizhi, and others debated the regulations for the garments of the attendants at the late emperor's spirit seat and imperial couch on the great journey; the discussion is in Shizhi's biography. When Emperor Wen assumed the imperial throne, on the appointed day he visited the ancestral temple; right vice director Yu Chi, [4] received the edict and sent erudites to debate the ceremony. Wen'a argued:
8
便 退殿
Things among the people shift; substance and ornament differ in their tracks; sages establish teaching according to the occasion, and kings and dukes adapt to what is fitting for the time. When a thousand men have no lord, if they do not disperse they fall into disorder; when the myriad chariots have no master, if there is no peril they perish. In the flourishing age of high Zhou, the Duke of Zhou was uncle and minister, Lü and Shao were talons and teeth; King Cheng was in mourning and disaster nearly overturned the state. Therefore, once the burial was completed there was at once the ceremony of the ducal cap; at the first encoffining he received the policy of the hemp cap and mourning robe. This was to show the realm that there was a lord and to take thought for the hardship of the altars of soil and grain. Down to the late age of contending states, Han inherited its abuses; though Wen and Jing suspended punishments, the Seven States still linked arms in war. Some took the throne after a month, some proclaimed edicts on the day of the death—these were all done with purpose and were not without concern for ritual institutions. Now on the day of the state's mourning taboo, though grief is restrained by the weight of the seal and sash, the order between ruler and minister has not yet been set. In ancient rites, after retiring from the temple audience one sat in the main chamber and heard the ministers' government; now when the emperor returns from bowing at the temple, he should take his seat in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate to set right the dignity of facing south—this is like King Kang of Zhou in court with one or two ministers guarding him.
9
沿 宿 殿
As for the rite of laying the offering in the burial mound, the Rites of Zhou take jade to make the tribute-gift: dukes and marquises use the gui, viscounts and barons hold the bi—this is auspicious jade. Once the tribute-gift offering was finished, they again presented the offering of enjoyment; the Son of Heaven used the bi, the queen used the cong. Qin burned the classics; regalia and ceremony scattered and perished; when Shusun Tong fixed the rites, he especially lost the former statutes—the tribute-gift offering had no gui, the enjoyment offering had no silk, dukes and kings alike used the bi, and the court chamberlain presented congratulations. Matters such as these are not heard of in antiquity; later ages handed them down in succession, down to Liang, which practiced them. Raising the cup and offering longevity is the great celebration of state and family; in the four side halls elegant music is played and songs of joy are performed. Now ruler and ministers swallow grief and the myriad people restrain their sorrow—how can this be the same as the rites of renewal? Moreover, in King Kang's guest-rite they offered the gui in homage but there was no presentation of ten thousand years of life—here the earlier standard is clear. Three nights of lodging and three calls of warning—the upper sacrifice is called the offering; this is surely the ritual of the feast-guest receiving blessing—how can it be called congratulatory wine! I humbly hold that on this occasion, sitting in the main hall, one should perform only the rite of presenting the bi on the mat and have no congratulatory wine. I respectfully draft the protocol for returning from the temple audience, ascending the main chamber, and the ministers attending with the offering, as set forth separately.
10
An edict approved and ordered it implemented. Soon he was moved to regular attendant of the direct and unbent scattered cavalry, concurrent erudite of the national university, and charge of the feathered forest guard; he was still ordered to lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects in the eastern palace. In Tiancheng year 4 (563) he died, aged sixty-one. An edict posthumously enfeoffed him as minister of justice.
11
Wen'a's compositions on ceremonial regulations, more than eighty juan, and Great Meanings of the Classics, eighteen juan, all circulated in the world; many Confucians transmitted his learning.
12
Shen Zhu, styled Hongdao, came from Wukang in Wuxing. His grandfather Xiuzhi, [5] was Liang magistrate of Yuhang. His father Shanqing was a Liang erudite of the national university and gentleman of the scattered cavalry.
13
使
Zhu from youth was proper and elegant, fond of learning, and did not make friends lightly. He mastered the Three Rites and the Zuo Tradition to the Spring and Autumn. With keen understanding and strong memory, on the chapter-and-verse of the Five Classics and the books of the masters and histories, there was nothing he could not answer when asked. He doffed the headcloth as left regular attendant of Liang's Prince of Xiangdong's establishment, was moved to inner aide in the central army of the Prince of Xuancheng, was appointed recorder in the establishment of the Prince of Linhe of Renwei, and was promoted to director of the Masters of Writing's Bureau of Sacrifices—he was then a little over twenty. In the Datong period, many students ranged widely through literature and history and did not work on chapter-and-verse, but Zhu alone piled thought on classic learning; Zhu Yi of Wu commandery and He Chen of Kuaiji greatly praised him. When Yi and Chen lectured on the imperially directed meanings at the Forest of Scholars Hall, Zhu was regularly made chief expounder. In Hou Jing's rebellion Zhu fled to Lin'an; at that time Emperor Wen was there and personally came to study under him. When the Founder entered as regent, Zhu was made erudite of the national university and together with Shen Wen'a held charge of ceremonial regulations.
14
使 使 使便 西
When the Founder received the abdication, Zhu was additionally made supernumerary regular attendant of the scattered cavalry and served in succession as aide in the Yangzhou separate office, grand director of works, The relevant office memorialized that the former general who pacifies the distance and magistrate of Jiankang Shen Xiaogui's student Chen San'er submitted a petition stating that his master's father's coffin was in Zhou, that the master was on mission within the passes and wished to bring back the coffin, but had long failed to return. The end of this month is the second anniversary; the master's younger brother and son who are here—should they remove the spirit by month's end and the inner and outer circles observe auspicious dress? Or should they wait until the master returns and the propriety of feeling is fully carried through? The matter was referred to left vice director Jiang Dezao; Dezao argued: "Wang Weijun said: 'When mourning is long unburied, only the master does not change; the rest of the kin each complete the month-count and remove mourning. This is citing ritual text to discuss those at home who have an affair and have not yet been able to bury. Xiaogui is in a foreign land; though he has already sent to bring back the coffin, the date of return is uncertain; if the younger brothers proceed at once to remove mourning, they would forever cut off marriage—this in human feeling may perhaps not be acceptable. After the Central Plains fell, there have been cases in principle; the regular attendant Shen should be consulted for detailed deliberation." Zhu argued: Rites have the orthodox and also adaptation to what is fitting. The Record of Smaller Matters in Rites says: 'When mourning is long unburied, only the chief Collation variant: (sacrifice). The mourner does not remove mourning; [6] the rest, when the hemp month-count is completed, remove mourning and that is all.' The commentary says: 'The rest means collateral kin.' As Zheng interprets it, all the sons should not remove mourning; what Wang Weijun cited is the orthodox of the rites. [7] But in Wei, at the eastern-pass campaign, when the corpse and coffin were lost and burial had no set date, deliberation held that the rites have no mourning for a lifetime, and so regulations were made to remove the garments. In Jin, amid mourning turmoil, some died in the barbarian court with no means to bring the coffin home; south of the Yangtze they therefore again clarified the regulation. Li Yin's grandfather and Wang Hua's father were both alive or dead unknown; their sons put on mourning garments and released the hemp at the proper time—these are all cases of adapting the rites to what is fitting. Though Xiaogui, because he was on mission, wished to bring back the coffin, the barbarians are hard to approach and the date of return is not yet fixed. I humbly hold that one should follow the eastern-pass precedent: those within this state should all release the hemp garments, destroy the spirit seat, and attach the sacrifice; if the coffin can be brought back, a separate ceremony of reburial should be performed. Since the realm fell into bandit turmoil and the western court was overturned, people were cast to remote regions and feeling and propriety could not be expressed—such persons surely are not one or two; how can mourning periods be without number while they do not remove the mourning garments? The court itself should set limits, cutting affection by right, and broadly consult the learned to settle it at the center of the rites. Dezao followed Zhu's argument; the memorial was approved.
15
祿 滿使 退 使
When Emperor Wen assumed the throne, Zhu was moved to regular attendant of the direct and unbent scattered cavalry and lectured in attendance in the eastern palace. Soon he held concurrently the post of left vice director of the Masters of Writing and charge of the Yangzhou chief rectifier, was moved to minister of the household, and his lecturing attendance remained as before. When the Deposed Emperor succeeded, Zhu again became regular attendant of the direct and unbent scattered cavalry and concurrent left vice director of the Masters of Writing. He was moved to general who displays martial might and chief clerk to the Prince of Hengyang of the Light Chariots, acting in the prince's establishment affairs, with concurrent charge as commandery aide of Langye and Pengcheng. Under Liang's old statutes, the method of pressing prisoners for confession was once a day, beginning at the twilight drum and ending at the second watch. When director of the Bureau of Review Fan Quan revised the statutes and ordinances, because the old method of pressing by time was long and not what a man could bear, he divided the time-markers and made it twice a day. The court tribunal held that the new regulation was too light and requested that the eight chief ministers, directors and vice directors, together with libationer Kong Huan and acting officer Shen Zhu and the five attendants meet in the Masters of Writing office for detailed deliberation. At that time Emperor Xuan was recorder of the Masters of Writing; he gathered the assembly to debate it. Director of Punishments Zhou Hongzheng said, "It is not known how many persons in the prison are pressed for confession—how many confess? How many did not confess? First obtain the prisoners' names, their number, and the charges against them, then convene again." Court tribunal supervisor Shen Zhongyou then listed cases since the new rules: one Shou Yu'er for killing Shou Hui, and Liu Leike and seven others for stealing horses and taking dependents north; all were interrogated under law to the time limit without confessing. Liu Daoshuo was convicted of seven thefts; under legal interrogation he confessed within two days. Chen Manman was convicted of sealing stores on commission and Afu taking bribes; he confessed before the session ended. Hongzheng argued, "Cases great and small must follow the facts, apply the Five Hearings, and test truth and falsehood—how can guilt be fixed wholly by torture in examination? Moreover the hours for interrogation under torture are not ancient; only in recent times has this method existed. From the afternoon drum to the second watch—is that something ordinary men can endure? Hence under heavy fetters and on the brink of collapse, none fails to submit, and wrongful convictions are many. Morning and evening sessions with equal clepsydra counts, weighed together, strike the right balance. If shortening the earlier period makes the truly guilty refuse to confess, extending the hours would leave no false confessions. Moreover endurance differs by strength, and men's resolve follows many paths. Guan Gao was flogged, branded, and burned until no part of his body was whole [8]; Dai Jiu was smoked with needles to the utmost yet would not yield—what has that to do with the length of the hours or the severity of interrogation? Rather than kill the innocent, better to let the guilty go unpunished; when guilt is doubtful, lean light; when merit is doubtful, lean heavy—such is the clear law the ancient sage kings handed down. I hold that following Fan Quan's regulations is acceptable." Attendant Sheng Quan argued, "Fan Quan's new regulations at the ministry of justice and Minister Zhou Hongzheng's clear argument both accord with the Yu canon to lean light and the Yin hymn to spread rectitude. I have examined Shen Zhongyou's list: since the new rules there have been eleven cases; ten were interrogated, and only one confessed. I hold that for prisoners tainted with guilt, officials should argue the case clearly and exhaust the facts. If the crime is doubtful, they should open review and divide judgment, and not interrogate at random; if the crime is clearly proved, only then may they set interrogation; then guilt and innocence are distinguished, and mercy in punishment follows reason. Fan Quan's memorial cites Han law: "For capital crimes and removal from the registers, when proof is clear and beating under examination has been applied yet the accused still conceals and will not submit, the case should be listed and sent up." Du Yu's commentary says, "Listed up means the clearly proved circumstances, listing the intent to conceal." The old rules were severe: one in a hundred did not confess; the new rules are lenient: nine in ten did not confess. The two texts differ in leniency and severity, yet "listed and sent up" is nowhere revised. I hold the matter should go to the codex office to examine further the phrase "listed and sent up." Zhu argued, "Night interrogation is easy to abuse; using the day clepsydra as well is acceptable. But clepsydra periods differ between past and present. In the Han shu on calendrics and the clepsydra classics of He Chengtian, Zu Chongzhi, and the Hui father and son, from gate drum to lower drum and from afternoon drum to gate drum are all thirteen marks, alike through the four seasons. If the day was long or short, the division fell before or after midday. Now the revised clepsydra of late Liang is used: after the lower drum the short and long are divided; on the summer solstice each period has seventeen marks, on the winter solstice twelve. I bow to receive the imperial order: the marks match the edict; checking one day's marks they are indeed equal, yet use through the four seasons is not equal. The court tribunal's memorial says that because the time marks were too short, Collation variant: (dao). The prisoners did not confess. [9] My intent is to end night interrogation and use the day clepsydra, weighing past and present and harmonizing both systems, setting aside autumn and winter's fewer marks and following summer's long daylight—regardless of season, following the present summer solstice with seventeen marks each for morning and evening interrogation. Compared with the ancient clepsydra, each session has four more marks than of old [1]; using the present clepsydra, the winter solstice has five more marks [10]. Although at the winter solstice several marks encroach on night, that is when days are shortest [11]; there is no difficulty in the matter. May the guilty not resist because the clepsydra is short, and prisoners not at night Collation variant: (zhi). And suffer false conviction; [12] in my humble view this is acceptable." The assembly held that Fan Quan's former regulations should be followed. Emperor Gaozong said, "Attendant Shen's argument hits the mean; hold a broader discussion." Left assistant minister Zong Yuanyao argued, "Attendant Shen's argument does not suddenly diverge from Fan's; he wishes to equalize mark counts through the four seasons and weigh what best meets leniency and severity. Let the same memorial be sent back to the revision office to examine and amend the former regulations in detail." Emperor Gaozong approved and put it into effect.
16
Zhu died in year 1 of Taijian, aged fifty-two.
17
Qi Ji, styled Gongwen, was from Yanguan in Wu commandery. His grandfather Xian was Qi supervisor of attendants. His father Ba was Liang central army major in the Prince of Linhe's household.
18
Ji was clever from youth; he studied in the capital under erudite assistant Liu Wenshao in the Three Rites and within a year or two had the great principles largely in hand. At nineteen, Emperor Wu of Liang examined him on the Correct Meaning of Confucius and the Zhou li and Li ji; Ji placed at the top. He was then made retainer of the libationer of Yangzhou.
19
便
He went to imperial academy erudite Song Huaifang to question the Yi li; Huaifang was a northerner who had brought Yi li and Li ji commentaries from Wei and kept them secret. When he was dying he told his family, "After my death, if Student Qi comes, give him the Yi li and Li ji texts; if he does not come, bury them with me." Such was the esteem in which Confucians held him. Soon he was additionally made erudite of the grand academy.
20
When Jianwen was crown prince, he summoned Ji to lecture. He also once gave a banquet for profound Confucians, first ordering Daoist scholars to debate one another, then ordering central palace attendant Xu Chi to range through great principles with sharp talk. Chi's rhetoric was fluent and hard to answer; all were overawed and lost their composure. Ji then ranged through the meanings [13]; he and Chi debated back and forth, Ji spirited and at ease, answering like flowing water; Jianwen deeply admired him. Soon he was made extraordinary attendant of the scattered cavalry, then promoted to regular extraordinary attendant. When Emperor Jing assumed the provisional regime, Ji went out as long marcher of Jiangzhou and followed Shen Tai in garrisoning Southern Yuzhou. When Tai fled to Qi he forced Ji to go with him; later Ji escaped back from Ye. He again followed Cheng Wenji on the northern campaign; when the armies were destroyed at Lüliang, Ji was captured by Zhou and only after a long time returned. He was again made erudite assistant of the imperial academy and appointed recorder of the Prince of Shixing's household in the central guard. He died in year 13 of Taijian, aged sixty-three.
21
Ji in Liang times compiled a Recorded Meaning of the Three Rites, lost in the turmoil; his forty-scroll Meaning of the Li ji circulated in the world.
22
Zheng Zhuo, styled Maozhao, was from Xin'an in Dongyang. His grandfather Hui was Liang administrator of Hengyang. His father Jihui was regular attendant of direct communication of the scattered cavalry and magistrate of Jian'an.
23
西 西
Zhuo was clever and keen from youth, devoted himself to Confucian learning, and studied under Huang Kan. In year 5 of Zhongtong of Liang he was first appointed court gentleman for the dynasty. He rose to extraordinary attendant of the scattered cavalry, attendant at the imperial banquets, and recorder of the Prince of Linchuan's pacify-the-east household, then recorder of the Prince of Shaoling's pacify-the-west household. When Jianwen was crown prince he loved the classics and brought Zhuo in as a meaning scholar of the western secretariat. In the Chengsheng era he was made regular attendant of direct communication and additionally erudite of the imperial academy. Soon he was made martial-resolution general and additionally attendant for palace affairs of the secretariat. Under Gaozu and Shizu he served as deliberator in the households of the princes of Linchuan and Poyang, rose to grand master of palace gentlemen, and in his former office was additionally erudite of the imperial academy. Before he could take the appointment he died in year 13 of Taijian, aged sixty-eight.
24
便
Zhuo was by nature diligent and especially expert in the Three Rites. In youth he dreamed of meeting Huang Kan on the road; Kan said, "Young Master Zheng, open your mouth," and spat into Zhuo's mouth; from then on his grasp of principles advanced further. Zhuo's family was poor; he copied commentaries day into night, and when brush tips wore out he shaved them for reuse. Zhuo often ate vegetables; lecturing often brought heart heat; in melon season he would lie down with melon to calm his heart, then rise and recite at once—such was his devotion.
25
Zhang Ya and Lu Xu
26
At the time Zhang Ya of Jinling, Lu Xu of Wu, Shen Dewei of Wuxing, and He Deji of Kuaiji all styled themselves masters of ritual learning.
27
Lu Xu in youth studied Cui Ling'en's lineage of meaning in the Three Rites; in Liang times Baekje requested an erudite to lecture on the rites, and an edict ordered Xu to go. On his return he was made attendant at the imperial banquets and magistrate of Dingyang. At the beginning of Tianjia he attended Prince Bomao of Shixing in study and was promoted to director of the masters of writing for the rites bureau.
28
Shen Dewei
29
He Deji
30
He Deji, styled Chengye, transmitted ritual learning through the generations. His grandfather Wenfa and father Yan both served Liang as directors of the masters of writing for the rites bureau and were famed in their age. Deji in youth studied in the capital; for years he did not return, his clothing and funds were exhausted, and he was ashamed to wear old garments—in deep winter he wore only a lined jacket and trousers. He once met a woman before White Horse Temple in splendid dress; she called Deji into the temple gate and gave him her white silk headcloth. She then said to Deji, "You are about to become a great vessel; soon you will not be poor and cold, so I give you this." Deji asked the old woman's name; she did not answer and left. Deji was called penetratingly clear in the Li ji; he lived by teaching and rose to director of the masters of writing for the rites bureau. Although Deji did not reach high office, three generations of Confucian learning all held the rites bureau, and opinion praised that the line did not fall.
31
Quan Huan, styled Hongli, was from Qiantang in Wu commandery. In youth he studied the Changes under erudite Chu Zhongdu, devoted himself to study, and obtained its subtle points. At the beginning of Taiqing of Liang he served as gentleman of the princely household and court gentleman; soon he was made erudite assistant and additionally director of meanings, specializing in the Odes and Changes. In year 1 of Shaotai he was made director of the masters of writing for the water bureau. In the Taijian era he rose to deliberator in the pacify-south household of the Prince of Shixing [14]; he followed the establishment to Xiangzhou and died of illness, aged seventy-four. Huan mastered the Zhou yi, Lao zi, and Zhuang zi; among those who spoke of the arcane he was universally praised.
32
Zhang Ji, styled Zhiyan, was from Wucheng in Qinghe. His grandfather Sengbao was Liang attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry and groom of the heir apparent. His father Zhongyue was Liang recording adviser to the prince of Luling's household and bureau director of sacrifices in the masters of writing.
33
殿
Ji was clever and sharp from youth, with thoughtful discernment; at fourteen he had mastered the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects. He deeply loved xuanxue, studied under Zhou Hongzheng of Runan, and whenever he had a fresh insight the elders deferred to him. In Liang's Datong era he was summoned as a regular student of the imperial university. Emperor Wu of Liang once explained the Wenyan on Qian and Kun at Wendé Hall; Ji was there with Yuan Xian of Chen commandery and others. An edict ordered debate, but none of the scholars dared speak first. Ji composed himself and advanced; inquiry went round and round, his words warm and refined. Emperor Wu was greatly struck, granted skirts, robes, and silk, and said, "This shows your power in examining antiquity."
34
Ji lost his mother young. There was a patched colorful sutra cloth his mother had made; when he came to understand, the household told him. Each year at the season he would choke over the cloth, unable to master himself. When his father's mourning came due, his observance exceeded the rites. When mourning ended he was summoned as left regular attendant in the prince of Xiangdong's kingdom, transferred to field-office adviser, and made a scholar of the Forest of Gentlemen hall.
35
使 殿
When Jianwen was in the Eastern Palace he issued a topic on the Classic of Filial Piety from the Forest of Gentlemen; Ji's back-and-forth discourse won high praise, and from then on every lecture gathering sent for him. When Hou Jing rebelled, even within the besieged city he still attended the lament-heir at Wude rear hall to lecture on Laozi and Zhuangzi. When the Liang regime fell, Ji fled by a rugged path and never served Jing. After Jing was pacified, he served in turn as magistrate of Lin'an.
36
使
When the Founder received the abdication he was made vice director of the court for imperial sacrifices, then criminal-prison adviser in the prince of Shixing's household. In the Tianchen era he was made assistant teacher of the imperial university. At that time Zhou Hongzheng was at the national academy and issued a topic on the Book of Changes; his fourth younger brother Hongzhi was also on the lecture seat. Ji debated with Hongzheng until Hongzheng yielded. Hongzhi sat upright and raised his voice to help state his case. Ji then said sternly to Hongzhi, "Today's gathering debates principles. Though brothers rush to each other's aid, you, fourth sir, may not help." Hongzhi said, "I assist my master's master—why not?" The whole assembly laughed. Hongzheng once said, "Whenever I mount the seat and see Zhang Ji in the hall, it makes one stand in awe." Under Emperor Gaozong he was recording secretary to the prince of Jian'an's household and eastern-palace scholar, then recording secretary within the limits for the prince of Wuling, still a scholar.
37
殿 西
When the Later Ruler was crown prince he gathered officials for a banquet. A new jade-handled fly-whisk had just been made; he held it and said, "Though scholars today are thick as a forest, only Zhang Ji can wield this." He thereupon handed it to Ji in person. He then had Ji lecture on Zhuangzi and Laozi at Wenwen Hall; Emperor Gaozong visited the palace to listen and granted one suit of his own robes. When the Later Ruler succeeded he was advising secretary to the prince of Nanping's household and eastern-palace scholar. Soon he was made erudite of the imperial university, still a scholar. The Later Ruler once visited Kaishan Temple on Zhongshan, had his followers sit in the pine grove southwest of the temple, and ordered Ji to set forth the doctrine. When the fly-whisk had not arrived, the Later Ruler ordered a pine branch taken and gave it to Ji, saying, "It can replace the fly-whisk." Turning to the ministers he said, "This is Zhang Ji's business hereafter." In Zhenming year 3 he entered Sui and died at Chang'an, aged seventy-six.
38
Ji was tranquil by nature and sought no glory or profit, often yearning for leisure. His residence had hills and pools and flowers and fruit; there he lectured on the Changes, Laozi, and Zhuangzi. Lu Yuanlang of Wu commandery, Zhu Mengbo, the monk Facai of Yicheng Temple, the monk Huixiu of Fayun Temple, [15] and the Daoist priest Yao Sui of Zhizhen Abbey—all transmitted his learning. Ji wrote Meaning of the Zhou Changes in 30 juan, Meaning of the Documents in 15, Meaning of the Mao Odes in 20, Meaning of the Filial Classic in 8, Meaning of the Analects in 20, Meaning of Laozi in 11, Inner Chapters of Zhuangzi in 12, Outer Chapters in 20, Miscellaneous Chapters in 10, and Comprehensive Meaning of the Mystic Canon in 12; he also wrote Roaming the Mystic Cassia Grove in 24. The Later Ruler once ordered them copied from his home into the secret archive.
39
His son Xiaozhe rose to recording secretary to the prince of Shi'an.
40
Gu Yue, styled Sinan, [16] was from Yanguan in Wu commandery. He lived at Xinpo Huangang, where for generations there had been a village school; thus the Gu clan produced many Confucian scholars.
41
At the time Gong Mengshu of Dongyang also studied the Mao Odes and excelled at discussing principles of names. Under Emperor Wu of Liang he rose to assistant magistrate of Xunyang; when Emperor Yuan was at Jiangzhou he esteemed him greatly and took him as teacher in person. In the Chengsheng era he concurrently served as palace scribe. At the beginning of Tianchen he was made supernumerary attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry, concurrently assistant teacher of the imperial university and grand master for supervision of the army. He died in the Taijian era.
42
Shen Buhai
43
Shen Buhai, styled Xiaohe, was from Wukang in Wuxing. His grandfather Zong was Qi director of sacrifices in the masters of writing. His father Yi was a Liang staff officer to the prince of Shaoling.
44
殿
Buhai was orphaned young yet cultivated himself and loved learning. At fourteen he was summoned as a student of the imperial university and nominated for mastery of the classics. He rose to Liang grand-academy doctor, then criminal-prison adviser in the prince of Luling's household, advising secretary to the prince of Changsha, and concurrently magistrate of Runan. At the beginning of Tianchen he was made middle recording secretary to the prince of Hengyang's household and scholar of the Hall of Excellent Virtue. From the disorders at the end of Liang until then the national academy had not been established; Buhai submitted a memorial saying:
45
西
Your servant has heard that in establishing persons and founding states nothing surpasses honoring Confucian scholars, and in completing customs and transforming the people one must exalt teaching and learning. Thus the eastern glue and western school reached their height in the Three Dynasties, and the ringed forest and jade water flourished in the Two Capitals. Since the pure source had grown distant and shallow ways had risen, things move people without end and desire knows no bounds. Therefore one sets instruction and models, opens and guides the mind, like dyeing in indigo or carving jade; only then are human relations harmonious, high and low ordered, loyalty and filial piety clear, and the way of ruler and minister firm. Taking ritual as foundation, the Duke of Lu was hard to insult; when song and music grew minute, the Earl of Zheng perished; when shield and axes were danced the Miao came; when the pan-palace was completed the Huai Yi submitted. Long to recall the wind of Zhu and Si and the flourishing of Yan and Ji—states and families all honored it.
46
In the last years of Liang's Taiqing era misfortune struck again and again; barbarians invaded from without and wicked factions rebelled within; drums and gongs were heard in the morning, beacon fires by evening. Great Confucians and broad scholars were scattered worse than the pit-martyrs; the Five Classics and Nine Sections were lost worse than under a canopy. The accomplished mean then cast down its work; the blind-director shrine went unrepaired; the shrine of Bao Cheng offered no libation; the rite of presenting vegetables had no vessels; hymnody fell silent for more than twelve years. Later students delighted in learning but never saw the ritual of bearing the writing tablet; late scholars drilled and looked up, yet only sighed at leaning on the mat.
47
使
Your Majesty has succeeded to the throne and holds the mirror over the realm; the Way fills the seas and authority extends beyond all borders; turbid currents are clear and heavy mists dispersed; the living flourish and all ranks prosper. It is fitting to revive ritual and music grandly, establish schools, model antiquity, and dwell at the Confucian palace, selecting sons of dukes and ministers for study, with assistant teachers and erudites lecturing morning and evening, so that those who shoulder book-boxes and carry satchels press thick as a forest, square-collared and measured in step. As if cutting, as if polishing; hearing the Odes and Rites—one year doubles the work, three winters suffice for use. Thus one can raise excellence in a commandery and one's name at court; enter office and ascend court aided by superior learning; take office and govern with classic learning to order the person—carriages fill the court and blue and purple are gathered from the ground.
48
使
In antiquity the crown prince's nobility still ranked with the sons of the state; down to the Han heir this ritual did not fall; in the two Jin it grew more exalted—thus the teacher is honored and the Way respected. The crown prince is heaven-bestowed with innate knowledge and needs no repeated explanation, yet he should still bow level with others, specialize in the classics and request instruction, and set forth the libation cup before the teacher, solemn as the old canon. Formerly in the hall at Que Li, Mo Lai opened his own path; within the old dwelling silk and bamboo streamed—the former sage's legacy warns sharply. Moreover the lands south of the Yangtze are secure and the seas are cut off—how can one fail to open the great plan and extend the utmost Way? Could one allow the dark teaching and Confucian wind not to rise in a sage age, or great virtue and great enterprise to lie hidden like Yao's years? Your servant, a petty late student whose words are not worth reckoning, lightly offers blind counsel and bows in dread. An edict replied, "Your memorial has been read. Since old regulations were abandoned, subtle words were about to perish. We have succeeded to the precious enterprise and seek to draw brightness close, yet arms have not ceased and army and state are still newly founded; We constantly fear the former kings' ordered canon may be extinguished in a morning. Your talent and thought are excellent, your wen and li can be sought; broadly cherish the great body and earnestly attend the teaching of names—deliver outside for detailed deliberation and implement according to affairs.
49
使
He also memorialized to revise ritual hymns; an edict had him compose eight three-court music songs, twenty-eight pieces in all, for the Music Office.
50
祿
In year 5 he was made magistrate of Gan. He entered service as bureau director of ceremonies in the masters of writing, became erudite of the imperial university, headed the feathered forest guard, was ordered to compile the five rites, and managed draft texts for posthumous titles. In the Taijian era he was chief steward to the prince of Renwu, heir of Nan and Kang, and acted in Danyang affairs. He was transferred to supernumerary attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry and minister of the household for the imperial clan. Soon he was martial-proclamation general and chief steward to the prince of Mingwu in Wuling, acting in Wuxing affairs. Shortly he entered service as attendant-in-ordinary for direct communication and left assistant in the masters of writing. In year 12 he died, aged sixty-three.
51
Buhai mastered the classics and excelled at composition; though broadly versed in the canonical tomes, his home had no scrolls. Whenever he composed he took up the brush and finished at once, never needing to search or check. Vice director Zhou Hongzheng of Runan always said, "Master Shen may be called a sage of ideas!" He wrote Correcting the Five Rites Protocols in one hundred juan and collected writings in fourteen juan.
52
簿
His son Zhidao, styled Chongji, was known from youth. On first appointment he was registrar of Yangzhou; soon he was also a Palace Forest scholar and recording secretary to the prince of Andong in Xin. In Zhenming year 3 he entered Sui.
53
Wang Yuangui
54
Wang Yuangui, styled Zhengfan, was from Jinyang in Taiyuan. His grandfather Daobao, [20] was Qi supernumerary attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry and administrator of Jin'an commandery. His father Wei was middle recording secretary to the prince of Wuling's household.
55
Yuangui was orphaned at eight; he and his two brothers followed their mother to their uncle's house in Linhai commandery when he was twelve. A local magnate, Liu Zhen, had wealth in the tens of millions and offered his daughter in marriage. Yuangui's mother, because the brothers were young, wished to secure a powerful ally; Yuangui wept and pleaded, "Marriage must not lose kin—[21] ancients held it weighty. How can one for ease in a foreign land rashly marry outside one's kind!" His mother was moved and stopped.
56
退
Yuangui was filial by nature and served his mother with utmost care, never leaving her side morning or evening. In Liang times a sudden flood in Shanyin swept away their dwelling; Yuangui had only one small boat and in haste put his mother, younger sister, and orphaned nephews aboard, [22] while he himself took the oars and went off, leaving three kin lodged in the treetops; when the water receded all were saved, and people praised his utmost conduct.
57
When the Later Ruler was crown prince he was summoned as scholar and personally received instruction in the Record of Rites, Zuo Tradition, and Mourning Garments, with generous rewards. He was made director of the imperial university. Prince Xin'an Bogu once entered the palace just as Yuangui was about to lecture and petitioned to hold the classics; opinion at the time took it as an honor. Soon he was appointed master of writing in the bureau of temples. Since Liang, Zuo-tradition scholars had used Jia Kui and Fu Qian to challenge Du Yu in 180 points; Yuangui cited and analyzed them until nothing was left in doubt. Whenever the state debated great rites of fortune and misfortune, he regularly took part. On his mother's death he left office; when mourning ended he became recorder in the prince of Poyang's household, soon regular attendant of the scattered cavalry, then limited attendant in the prince of Nanping's household. When the prince went to Jiangzhou, Yuangui followed the staff; students from every quarter came a thousand li to seek instruction—often scores or hundreds at a time. In Zhenming year 3 he entered Sui and became eastern-pavilion sacrificial wine to the prince of Qin. At seventy-four he died at Guangling.
58
Yuangui wrote eleven scrolls of Spring and Autumn opening topics and expository records, [23] fourteen scrolls continuing classic great meanings, two on the Classic of Filial Piety, three on Zuo's sounds, and two on the Rites' sounds.
59
His son Daye was clever and well known.
60
西 穿
At the time Lu Qing of Wu commandery had loved learning from youth, mastered the Five Classics, and was especially expert in Zuo's Commentary, with very high integrity. On first appointment he was right ordinary attendant in the prince of Wuling's Liang kingdom, served as acting aide in the campaign-west ink bureau, and was appointed magistrate of Lou. When Liang fell into turmoil he turned his mind to Buddhist sutras and mastered every sutra and treatise. Early in Tianchen he was summoned as undifferentiated attendant of the scattered cavalry but declined. Prince Yongyang, as Wu commandery administrator, heard of him and wished to meet; Qing firmly pleaded illness. His clansman Lu Rong was the commandery's five-offices aide; when Qing visited him, the prince went in disguise to Rong's house and watched through a wall. The prince told Rong, "Seeing Lu Qing's bearing—severe and lofty—he is hardly fathomable; how could Yan Junping or Zheng Zizhen be ranked above him?" The princes of Poyang and Jin'an both summoned him as recorder; he accepted neither. He then built a secluded dwelling and made chanting meditation his occupation; from then on those who transmitted the classics and took pupils were few indeed.
61
Appraisal
62
The historiographer says: To hone the person and exhort conduct one must first master the classics; to establish the state and honor the family all follow this path—thus royal government through it reaches good order, and human relations through it keep their proper sequence. Men like Shen Wena, each devoted to the classics and teaching pupils, were great Confucians of their generation as well. Wena moreover helped draft rites at their inception—he was nearly in Shusun Tong's class.
63
Collation notes
64
殿
On "then the kingly teaching's canon scriptures whereby the former sages illuminate Heaven's Way": the Northern Supervisory and Hall editions read "the teaching's canon scriptures, then whereby the former sages illuminate Heaven's Way."
65
殿
Note 2. Collation variant: (opening). On "[establish] student slots": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions.
66
殿
On "[3] overall to instruct with the five classics" Collation variant: (only the National University then classics). On "each classic had its own assistant instructor": deleted per the Northern Supervisory and Hall editions. The Southern History preface to the Confucian Scholars biography also lacks these five characters.
67
On "[4] right vice director of the masters of writing Yu Chi received the edict dispatching erudites to deliberate the rites": the Southern History reads left vice director for right vice director. Yu Chi's biography has him moved to left vice director in early Tianchen.
68
On "[5] ancestor Xiu Zhi": the Southern History reads Xiu Ji for Xiu Zhi. The Jinling Bureau edition reads Xiu Ya—probably zhi and ya are shape-similar corruptions.
69
On "[6] only the host" Collation variant: (sacrifice). On "[mourning] observers do not remove": emended per the original text of Liji, "Mourning Garments," minor record.
70
On "[7] this is probably the correct point of ritual": the base text wrongly wrote host for correct; other editions are sound; now emended.
71
On "[8] body without intact parts": zhe in the Southern and Northern Supervisory and Ji editions all read fu (skin). The Hanshu biography of Zhang Er and Chen Yu correctly reads "body without intact parts"; writing fu for zhe is a later unwarranted change.
72
殿
Note 9. Collation variant: (arrive). On "[bring] criminals not to kneel": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions, the Southern History, and Yuan Gui 615.
73
On "[10] then [one] on top added four quarter-mark days": supplied per the Southern History and Yuan Gui 615. "One on top" means performing graduated punishment once.
74
On "[11] this was few days": the base text wrongly wrote five for correct; other editions are sound; now emended.
75
On "[12] prisoners have no means to be in the night" Collation variant: (of). On "[er] leading to false accusation": emended per all editions and the Southern History.
76
殿
On "[13] while detained he expounded meanings": the Northern Supervisory and Hall read "while detained he explained court-audience meanings"; the Southern History reads "when detained he explained court-audience meanings."
77
On "[14] in Taijian repeatedly advanced to [pacifies] the south prince of Shixing's staff counsel": Shuling's biography has him made general who pacifies the south in Taijian year 4; south clearly lacks pacifies; the Southern History has it; now supplied.
78
殿
On "[15] Fayun Temple monk Huixiu": the Hall edition notes xiu in the Southern History reads ba.
79
殿
On "[16] Gu Yue styled Sinan": the Hall edition notes si in the Southern History reads yun.
80
On "[17] beside connecting variant meanings": the character yi (variant) was an ink dot in the base text; supplied per all editions.
81
On "[18] appointed staff counsel to the prince of Shixing": the Southern History reads appointed staff counsel to the prince of Poyang's eastern center commandant household. Zhang Senkai's collation note says: per Prince Poyang Boshan's biography, Boshan once was eastern center commandant—"prince of Shixing" should follow the Southern History as "prince of Poyang."
82
On "[19] at the time age seventy-eight": seventy-eight in the Southern History reads seventy-seven.
83
殿
On "[20] grandfather Dao Bao": the Hall edition notes bao in the Southern History reads shi.
84
廿
On "[21] marriage alliance does not lose kin": the Analects reads "yin does not lose kin"; here yin is taken as marriage alliance, so yin was written as marriage yin. See Qian Daxin's Collation of the Twenty-Four Histories in detail.
85
殿
On "[22] hurriedly drew his mother, younger sister, and orphaned nephew into the boat": the Hall edition notes orphan in the Southern History reads paternal aunt.
86
On "[23] Yuangui authored Spring and Autumn opening topics and expository records eleven scrolls": the Jingdian shiwen xulu says Shen Wena's Spring and Autumn expository outline was unfinished and Wang Yuangui completed it. The Sui Treatise on Bibliography lists Wang Yuangui's continuation of Shen Wena's Zuo Commentary expository outline in ten scrolls. Expository Records here should be the error for Expository Outline.
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