1
蓋今儒者,本因古之六學,斯則王教之典籍,先聖所以明天道,〔一〕正人倫,致治之成法也。 秦始皇焚書坑儒,六學自此缺矣。 漢武帝立五經博士, (開) 〔置〕弟子員,〔二〕設科射策,勸以官祿,其傳業者甚眾焉。 自兩漢登賢,咸資經術。 魏、晉浮蕩,儒教淪歇,公卿士庶,罕通經業矣。 宋、齊之間,國學時復開置。 梁武帝開五館,建國學,總以五經教授, (唯國學乃經) 經各置助教云。 〔三〕武帝或紆鑾駕,臨幸庠序,釋奠先師,躬親試冑,申之醼語,勞之束帛,濟濟焉斯蓋一代之盛矣。 高祖創業開基,承前代離亂,衣冠殄盡,寇賊未寧,既日不暇給,弗遑勸課。 世祖以降,稍置學官,雖博延生徒,成業蓋寡。 今之採綴,蓋亦梁之遺儒云。
Broadly speaking, Confucians today rest on the ancient Six Learnings—the canonical books of royal instruction whereby the former sages clarified Heaven's Way, [1] set human relations right, and established settled methods of bringing order. Qin Shihuang burned the books and buried the scholars alive; from then on the Six Learnings were lost. Emperor Wu of Han established erudites of the Five Classics, Collation variant: (open). He set up student quotas, [2] established target-shooting examinations for office, and encouraged them with rank and salary; those who transmitted the learning were very numerous. From the Two Han dynasties onward, those advanced as worthies all relied on classic learning. Under Wei and Jin, frivolity prevailed and Confucian teaching declined; among grandees, gentry, and commoners, few mastered the classics. Between Song and Qi, the National University was from time to time reopened. Emperor Wu of Liang opened the Five Halls, established the National University, and altogether had the Five Classics taught, Collation variant: (only the National University then the classics). For each classic he appointed assistant instructors. [3] The emperor would sometimes unbend his imperial carriage and personally visit the schools, perform the libation sacrifice to the former teacher, himself test the students in caps, extend them banquets in discourse, and reward them with bundles of silk—abundant indeed; this was the splendor of an age. When the Founder laid the foundations of the state, he inherited the disorders of the previous age; caps and gowns were utterly destroyed and bandits were not yet pacified. With each day too full for his tasks, he had no leisure to encourage instruction. From Emperor Wen downward, learning officials were gradually set up; though students were broadly recruited, those who completed their studies were few. What is gathered here now are mostly the surviving Confucians of Liang.
2
沈文阿
Shen Wen'a
3
沈文阿字國衛,吳興武康人也。 父峻,以儒學聞於梁世,授桂州刺史,不行。
Shen Wen'a, styled Guowei, came from Wukang in Wuxing. His father Jun was famed in Liang for Confucian learning and was appointed inspector of Gui, but did not take up the post.
4
文阿性剛彊,有膂力,少習父業,研精章句。 祖舅太史叔明、舅王慧興並通經術,而文阿頗傳之。 又博採先儒異同,自為義疏。 治三禮、三傳。 察孝廉,為梁臨川王國侍郎,累遷兼國子助教、五經博士。
Wen'a was by nature stubborn and strong, with physical strength; in youth he studied his father's profession and probed deeply into chapter-and-verse learning. His grandfather's brother-in-law the grand astrologer Shuming and his maternal uncle Wang Huixing both mastered classic learning, and Wen'a largely received their transmission. He also broadly collected the agreements and differences of earlier Confucians and composed expository commentaries of his own. He mastered the Three Rites and the Three Commentaries. Recommended as Filial and Incorrupt, he became an aide in the establishment of Liang's Prince of Linchuan, and was repeatedly promoted to concurrent national university assistant instructor and erudite of the Five Classics.
5
梁簡文在東宮,引為學士,深相禮遇,及撰長春義記,多使文阿撮異聞以廣之。 及侯景寇逆,簡文別遣文阿招募士卒,入援京師。 城陷,與張嵊共保吳興,嵊敗,文阿竄于山野。 景素聞其名,求之甚急,文阿窮迫不知所出,登樹自縊,遇有所親救之,便自投而下,折其左臂。 及景平,高祖以文阿州里,表為原鄉令,監江陰郡。
When Liang's Emperor Jianwen was in the eastern palace, he was brought in as an academician and received deep courtesy; when the emperor compiled the Record of the Everlasting Spring, he often had Wen'a gather divergent accounts to enlarge it. When Hou Jing rebelled, Jianwen separately sent Wen'a to recruit soldiers to relieve the capital. When the city fell, he and Zhang Song together held Wuxing; when Song was defeated, Wen'a fled into the mountains and wilds. Jing had long heard his name and sought him urgently; Wen'a, hard pressed and not knowing where to turn, climbed a tree to hang himself, but a kinsman happened to save him; he then threw himself down and broke his left arm. When Jing was pacified, the Founder, because Wen'a was from his home district, memorialized to make him magistrate of Yuanxiang and overseer of Jiangyin commandery.
6
紹泰元年,入為國子博士,尋領步兵校尉,兼掌儀禮。 自太清之亂,臺閣故事,無有存者,文阿父峻,梁武世嘗掌朝儀,頗有遺藁,於是斟酌裁撰,禮度皆自之出。 及高祖受禪,文阿輒棄官還武康,高祖大怒,發使往誅之。 時文阿宗人沈恪為郡,請使者寬其死,即面縛鎖頸致於高祖,高祖視而笑曰:「腐儒復何為者?」 遂赦之。
In the first year of Shaotai (555) he entered service as erudite of the national university, and soon held concurrently the post of footsoldiers commandant and charge of ceremonial regulations. From the Taqing turmoil onward, the precedents of the palace offices had nothing left preserved; Wen'a's father Jun in Emperor Wu of Liang's time had once held charge of court ceremony and had left considerable drafts, and so Wen'a weighed and trimmed them to compose anew—ceremonial norms all issued from him. When the Founder received the abdication, Wen'a at once left office and returned to Wukang; the Founder was greatly angered and sent envoys to execute him. At that time Wen'a's clansman Shen Ke was administrator of the commandery; he asked the envoys to spare his life, then bound him with his face exposed and the collar locked and delivered him to the Founder. The Founder looked at him and laughed, saying, "What is a rotten Confucian good for?" He thereupon pardoned him.
7
高祖崩,文阿與尚書左丞徐陵、中書舍人劉師知等議大行皇帝靈座俠御衣服之制,語在師知傳。 及世祖即皇帝位,剋日謁廟,尚書右丞庾持奉詔遣博士議其禮。 〔四〕文阿議曰:
When the Founder died, Wen'a together with left vice director Xu Ling, Secretariat attendant Liu Shizhi, and others debated the regulations for the garments of the attendants at the late emperor's spirit seat and imperial couch on the great journey; the discussion is in Shizhi's biography. When Emperor Wen assumed the imperial throne, on the appointed day he visited the ancestral temple; right vice director Yu Chi, [4] received the edict and sent erudites to debate the ceremony. Wen'a argued:
8
民物推移,質文殊軌,聖賢因機而立教,王公隨時以適宜。 夫千人無君,不散則亂,萬乘無主,不危則亡。 當隆周之日,公旦叔父,呂、召爪牙,成王在喪,禍幾覆國。 是以既葬便有公冠之儀,始殯受麻冕之策。 斯蓋示天下以有主,慮社稷之艱難。 逮乎末葉縱橫,漢承其弊,雖文、景刑厝,而七國連兵。 或踰月即尊,或崩日稱詔,此皆有為而為之,非無心於禮制也。 今國諱之日,雖抑哀於璽紱之重,猶未序於君臣之儀。 古禮,朝廟退坐正寢,聽群臣之政,今皇帝拜廟還,宜御太極殿,以正南面之尊,此即周康在朝一二臣衛者也。
Things among the people shift; substance and ornament differ in their tracks; sages establish teaching according to the occasion, and kings and dukes adapt to what is fitting for the time. When a thousand men have no lord, if they do not disperse they fall into disorder; when the myriad chariots have no master, if there is no peril they perish. In the flourishing age of high Zhou, the Duke of Zhou was uncle and minister, Lü and Shao were talons and teeth; King Cheng was in mourning and disaster nearly overturned the state. Therefore, once the burial was completed there was at once the ceremony of the ducal cap; at the first encoffining he received the policy of the hemp cap and mourning robe. This was to show the realm that there was a lord and to take thought for the hardship of the altars of soil and grain. Down to the late age of contending states, Han inherited its abuses; though Wen and Jing suspended punishments, the Seven States still linked arms in war. Some took the throne after a month, some proclaimed edicts on the day of the death—these were all done with purpose and were not without concern for ritual institutions. Now on the day of the state's mourning taboo, though grief is restrained by the weight of the seal and sash, the order between ruler and minister has not yet been set. In ancient rites, after retiring from the temple audience one sat in the main chamber and heard the ministers' government; now when the emperor returns from bowing at the temple, he should take his seat in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate to set right the dignity of facing south—this is like King Kang of Zhou in court with one or two ministers guarding him.
9
其壤奠之節,周禮以玉作贄,公侯以珪,子男執璧,此瑞玉也。 奠贄既竟,又復致享,天子以璧,王后用琮。 秦燒經典,威儀散滅,叔孫通定禮,尤失前憲,奠贄不珪,致享無帛,公王同璧,鴻臚奏賀。 若此數事,未聞於古,後相沿襲,至梁行之。 夫稱觴奉壽,家國大慶,四廂雅樂,歌奏懽欣。 今君臣吞哀,萬民抑割,豈同於惟新之禮乎? 且周康賓稱奉珪,無萬壽之獻,此則前準明矣。 三宿三吒,上宗曰饗,斯蓋祭儐受福,寧謂賀酒邪! 愚以今坐正殿,止行薦璧之儀,無賀酒之禮。 謹撰謁廟還升正寢、群臣陪薦儀注如別。
As for the rite of laying the offering in the burial mound, the Rites of Zhou take jade to make the tribute-gift: dukes and marquises use the gui, viscounts and barons hold the bi—this is auspicious jade. Once the tribute-gift offering was finished, they again presented the offering of enjoyment; the Son of Heaven used the bi, the queen used the cong. Qin burned the classics; regalia and ceremony scattered and perished; when Shusun Tong fixed the rites, he especially lost the former statutes—the tribute-gift offering had no gui, the enjoyment offering had no silk, dukes and kings alike used the bi, and the court chamberlain presented congratulations. Matters such as these are not heard of in antiquity; later ages handed them down in succession, down to Liang, which practiced them. Raising the cup and offering longevity is the great celebration of state and family; in the four side halls elegant music is played and songs of joy are performed. Now ruler and ministers swallow grief and the myriad people restrain their sorrow—how can this be the same as the rites of renewal? Moreover, in King Kang's guest-rite they offered the gui in homage but there was no presentation of ten thousand years of life—here the earlier standard is clear. Three nights of lodging and three calls of warning—the upper sacrifice is called the offering; this is surely the ritual of the feast-guest receiving blessing—how can it be called congratulatory wine! I humbly hold that on this occasion, sitting in the main hall, one should perform only the rite of presenting the bi on the mat and have no congratulatory wine. I respectfully draft the protocol for returning from the temple audience, ascending the main chamber, and the ministers attending with the offering, as set forth separately.
10
詔可施行。 尋遷通直散騎常侍,兼國子博士,領羽林監,仍令於東宮講孝經、論語。 天嘉四年卒,時年六十一。 詔贈廷尉卿。
An edict approved and ordered it implemented. Soon he was moved to regular attendant of the direct and unbent scattered cavalry, concurrent erudite of the national university, and charge of the feathered forest guard; he was still ordered to lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects in the eastern palace. In Tiancheng year 4 (563) he died, aged sixty-one. An edict posthumously enfeoffed him as minister of justice.
11
文阿所撰儀禮八十餘卷,經典大義十八卷,並行於世,諸儒多傳其學。
Wen'a's compositions on ceremonial regulations, more than eighty juan, and Great Meanings of the Classics, eighteen juan, all circulated in the world; many Confucians transmitted his learning.
12
沈洙字弘道,吳興武康人也。 祖休稚,〔五〕梁餘杭令。 父山卿,梁國子博士、中散大夫。
Shen Zhu, styled Hongdao, came from Wukang in Wuxing. His grandfather Xiuzhi, [5] was Liang magistrate of Yuhang. His father Shanqing was a Liang erudite of the national university and gentleman of the scattered cavalry.
13
洙少方雅好學,不妄交遊。 治三禮、春秋左氏傳。 精識彊記,五經章句,諸子史書,問無不答。 解巾梁湘東王國左常侍,轉中軍宣城王限內參軍,板仁威臨賀王記室參軍,遷尚書祠部郎中,時年蓋二十餘。 大同中,學者多涉獵文史,不為章句,而洙獨積思經術,吳郡朱异、會稽賀琛甚嘉之。 及异、琛於士林館講制旨義,常使洙為都講。 侯景之亂,洙竄於臨安,時世祖在焉,親就習業。 及高祖入輔,除國子博士,與沈文阿同掌儀禮。
Zhu from youth was proper and elegant, fond of learning, and did not make friends lightly. He mastered the Three Rites and the Zuo Tradition to the Spring and Autumn. With keen understanding and strong memory, on the chapter-and-verse of the Five Classics and the books of the masters and histories, there was nothing he could not answer when asked. He doffed the headcloth as left regular attendant of Liang's Prince of Xiangdong's establishment, was moved to inner aide in the central army of the Prince of Xuancheng, was appointed recorder in the establishment of the Prince of Linhe of Renwei, and was promoted to director of the Masters of Writing's Bureau of Sacrifices—he was then a little over twenty. In the Datong period, many students ranged widely through literature and history and did not work on chapter-and-verse, but Zhu alone piled thought on classic learning; Zhu Yi of Wu commandery and He Chen of Kuaiji greatly praised him. When Yi and Chen lectured on the imperially directed meanings at the Forest of Scholars Hall, Zhu was regularly made chief expounder. In Hou Jing's rebellion Zhu fled to Lin'an; at that time Emperor Wen was there and personally came to study under him. When the Founder entered as regent, Zhu was made erudite of the national university and together with Shen Wen'a held charge of ceremonial regulations.
14
高祖受禪,加員外散騎常侍,歷揚州別駕從事史、大匠卿。 有司奏前寧遠將軍、建康令沈孝軌門生陳三兒牒稱主人翁靈柩在周,主人奉使關內,因欲迎喪,久而未返。 此月晦即是再周,主人弟息見在此者,為至月末除靈,內外即吉? 為待主人還情禮申竟? 以事諮左丞江德藻,德藻議:「王衛軍云:『久喪不葬,唯主人不變,其餘親各終月數而除。』 此蓋引禮文論在家內有事故未得葬者耳。 孝軌既在異域,雖已迎喪,還期無指,諸弟若遂不除,永絕婚嫁,此於人情,或為未允。 中原淪陷已後,理有事例,宜諮沈常侍詳議。」 洙議曰:「禮有變正,又有從宜。 禮小記云:『久而不葬者,唯主 (祭) 〔喪〕者不除,〔六〕其餘以麻終月數者除喪則已。』 注云:『其餘謂傍親。』 如鄭所解,眾子皆應不除,王衛軍所引,此蓋禮之正也。 〔七〕但魏氏東關之役,既失亡屍柩,葬禮無期,議以為禮無終身之喪,故制使除服。 晉氏喪亂,或死於虜庭,無由迎殯,江左故復申明其制。 李胤之祖,王華之父,並存亡不測,其子制服依時釋縗,此並變禮之宜也。 孝軌雖因奉使便欲迎喪,而戎狄難親,還期未剋。 愚謂宜依東關故事,在此國內者,並應釋除縗麻,毀靈附祭,若喪柩得還,別行改葬之禮。 自天下寇亂,西朝傾覆,流播絕域,情禮莫申,若此之徒,諒非一二,寧可喪期無數,而弗除衰服,朝庭自應為之限制,以義斷恩,通訪博識,折之禮衷。」 德藻依洙議,奏可。
When the Founder received the abdication, Zhu was additionally made supernumerary regular attendant of the scattered cavalry and served in succession as aide in the Yangzhou separate office, grand director of works, The relevant office memorialized that the former general who pacifies the distance and magistrate of Jiankang Shen Xiaogui's student Chen San'er submitted a petition stating that his master's father's coffin was in Zhou, that the master was on mission within the passes and wished to bring back the coffin, but had long failed to return. The end of this month is the second anniversary; the master's younger brother and son who are here—should they remove the spirit by month's end and the inner and outer circles observe auspicious dress? Or should they wait until the master returns and the propriety of feeling is fully carried through? The matter was referred to left vice director Jiang Dezao; Dezao argued: "Wang Weijun said: 'When mourning is long unburied, only the master does not change; the rest of the kin each complete the month-count and remove mourning. This is citing ritual text to discuss those at home who have an affair and have not yet been able to bury. Xiaogui is in a foreign land; though he has already sent to bring back the coffin, the date of return is uncertain; if the younger brothers proceed at once to remove mourning, they would forever cut off marriage—this in human feeling may perhaps not be acceptable. After the Central Plains fell, there have been cases in principle; the regular attendant Shen should be consulted for detailed deliberation." Zhu argued: Rites have the orthodox and also adaptation to what is fitting. The Record of Smaller Matters in Rites says: 'When mourning is long unburied, only the chief Collation variant: (sacrifice). The mourner does not remove mourning; [6] the rest, when the hemp month-count is completed, remove mourning and that is all.' The commentary says: 'The rest means collateral kin.' As Zheng interprets it, all the sons should not remove mourning; what Wang Weijun cited is the orthodox of the rites. [7] But in Wei, at the eastern-pass campaign, when the corpse and coffin were lost and burial had no set date, deliberation held that the rites have no mourning for a lifetime, and so regulations were made to remove the garments. In Jin, amid mourning turmoil, some died in the barbarian court with no means to bring the coffin home; south of the Yangtze they therefore again clarified the regulation. Li Yin's grandfather and Wang Hua's father were both alive or dead unknown; their sons put on mourning garments and released the hemp at the proper time—these are all cases of adapting the rites to what is fitting. Though Xiaogui, because he was on mission, wished to bring back the coffin, the barbarians are hard to approach and the date of return is not yet fixed. I humbly hold that one should follow the eastern-pass precedent: those within this state should all release the hemp garments, destroy the spirit seat, and attach the sacrifice; if the coffin can be brought back, a separate ceremony of reburial should be performed. Since the realm fell into bandit turmoil and the western court was overturned, people were cast to remote regions and feeling and propriety could not be expressed—such persons surely are not one or two; how can mourning periods be without number while they do not remove the mourning garments? The court itself should set limits, cutting affection by right, and broadly consult the learned to settle it at the center of the rites. Dezao followed Zhu's argument; the memorial was approved.
15
世祖即位,遷通直散騎常侍,侍東宮讀。 尋兼尚書左丞,領揚州大中正,遷光祿卿,侍讀如故。 廢帝嗣位,重為通直散騎常侍,兼尚書左丞。 遷戎昭將軍、輕車衡陽王長史,行府國事,帶琅邪、彭城二郡丞。 梁代舊律,測囚之法,日一上,起自晡鼓,盡于二更。 及比部郎范泉刪定律令,以舊法測立時久,非人所堪,分其刻數,日再上。 廷尉以為新制過輕,請集八座丞郎并祭酒孔奐、行事沈洙五舍人會尚書省詳議。 時高宗錄尚書,集眾議之,都官尚書周弘正曰:「未知獄所測人,有幾人款? 幾人不款? 須前責取人名及數并其罪目,然後更集。」 得廷尉監沈仲由列稱,別制已後,有壽羽兒一人坐殺壽慧,劉磊渴等八人坐偷馬仗家口渡北,依法測之,限訖不款。 劉道朔坐犯七改偷,依法測立,首尾二日而款。 陳法滿坐被使封藏、阿法受錢,未及上而款。 弘正議曰:「凡小大之獄,必應以情,正言依準五聽,驗其虛實,豈可全恣考掠,以判刑罪。 且測人時節,本非古制,近代已來,方有此法。 起自晡鼓,迄于二更,豈是常人所能堪忍? 所以重械之下,危墯之上,無人不服,誣枉者多。 朝晚二時,同等刻數,進退而求,於事為衷。 若謂小促前期,致實罪不伏,如復時節延長,則無愆妄款。 且人之所堪,既有彊弱,人之立意,固亦多途。 至如貫高榜笞刺爇,身無完者,〔八〕戴就熏針並極,困篤不移,豈關時刻長短,掠測優劣? 夫與殺不辜,寧失不經,罪疑惟輕,功疑惟重,斯則古之聖王,垂此明法。 愚謂依范泉著制,於事為允。」 舍人盛權議曰:「比部范泉新制,尚書周弘正明議,咸允虞書惟輕之旨,殷頌敷正之言。 竊尋廷尉監沈仲由等列新制以後,凡有獄十一人,其所測者十人,款者唯一。 愚謂染罪之囚,獄官宜明加辯析,窮考事理。 若罪有可疑,自宜啟審分判,幸無濫測; 若罪有實驗,乃可啟審測立; 此則枉直有分,刑宥斯理。 范泉今牒述漢律,云『死罪及除名,罪證明白,考掠已至,而抵隱不服者,處當列上』。 杜預注云『處當,證驗明白之狀,列其抵隱之意』。 竊尋舊制深峻,百中不款者一,新制寬優,十中不款者九,參會兩文,寬猛寔異,處當列上,未見釐革。 愚謂宜付典法,更詳『處當列上』之文。」 洙議曰:「夜中測立,緩急易欺,兼用晝漏,於事為允。 但漏刻賒促,今古不同,漢書律曆,何承天、祖沖之、暅之父子漏經,並自關鼓至下鼓,自晡鼓至關鼓,皆十三刻,冬夏四時不異。 若其日有長短,分在中時前後。 今用梁末改漏,下鼓之後,分其短長,夏至之日,各十七刻,冬至之日,各十二刻。 伏承命旨,刻同勒令,檢一日之刻乃同,而四時之用不等,廷尉今牒,以時刻短促, (到) 〔致〕罪人不款。 〔九〕愚意願去夜測之昧,從晝漏之明,斟酌今古之間,參會二漏之義,捨秋冬之少刻,從夏日之長晷,不問寒暑,並依今之夏至,朝夕上測,各十七刻。 比之古漏,則〔一〕上多昔四刻,〔一0〕即用今漏,則冬至多五刻。 雖冬至之時,數刻侵夜,正是少日,〔一一〕於事非疑。 庶罪人不以漏短而為捍,獄囚無以在夜 (之) 〔而〕致誣,〔一二〕求之鄙意,竊謂允合。」 眾議以為宜依范泉前制,高宗曰:「沈長史議得中,宜更博議。」 左丞宗元饒議曰:「竊尋沈議非頓異范,正是欲使四時均其刻數,兼斟酌其佳,以會優劇。 即同牒請寫還刪定曹詳改前制。」 高宗依事施行。
When Emperor Wen assumed the throne, Zhu was moved to regular attendant of the direct and unbent scattered cavalry and lectured in attendance in the eastern palace. Soon he held concurrently the post of left vice director of the Masters of Writing and charge of the Yangzhou chief rectifier, was moved to minister of the household, and his lecturing attendance remained as before. When the Deposed Emperor succeeded, Zhu again became regular attendant of the direct and unbent scattered cavalry and concurrent left vice director of the Masters of Writing. He was moved to general who displays martial might and chief clerk to the Prince of Hengyang of the Light Chariots, acting in the prince's establishment affairs, with concurrent charge as commandery aide of Langye and Pengcheng. Under Liang's old statutes, the method of pressing prisoners for confession was once a day, beginning at the twilight drum and ending at the second watch. When director of the Bureau of Review Fan Quan revised the statutes and ordinances, because the old method of pressing by time was long and not what a man could bear, he divided the time-markers and made it twice a day. The court tribunal held that the new regulation was too light and requested that the eight chief ministers, directors and vice directors, together with libationer Kong Huan and acting officer Shen Zhu and the five attendants meet in the Masters of Writing office for detailed deliberation. At that time Emperor Xuan was recorder of the Masters of Writing; he gathered the assembly to debate it. Director of Punishments Zhou Hongzheng said, "It is not known how many persons in the prison are pressed for confession—how many confess? How many did not confess? First obtain the prisoners' names, their number, and the charges against them, then convene again." Court tribunal supervisor Shen Zhongyou then listed cases since the new rules: one Shou Yu'er for killing Shou Hui, and Liu Leike and seven others for stealing horses and taking dependents north; all were interrogated under law to the time limit without confessing. Liu Daoshuo was convicted of seven thefts; under legal interrogation he confessed within two days. Chen Manman was convicted of sealing stores on commission and Afu taking bribes; he confessed before the session ended. Hongzheng argued, "Cases great and small must follow the facts, apply the Five Hearings, and test truth and falsehood—how can guilt be fixed wholly by torture in examination? Moreover the hours for interrogation under torture are not ancient; only in recent times has this method existed. From the afternoon drum to the second watch—is that something ordinary men can endure? Hence under heavy fetters and on the brink of collapse, none fails to submit, and wrongful convictions are many. Morning and evening sessions with equal clepsydra counts, weighed together, strike the right balance. If shortening the earlier period makes the truly guilty refuse to confess, extending the hours would leave no false confessions. Moreover endurance differs by strength, and men's resolve follows many paths. Guan Gao was flogged, branded, and burned until no part of his body was whole [8]; Dai Jiu was smoked with needles to the utmost yet would not yield—what has that to do with the length of the hours or the severity of interrogation? Rather than kill the innocent, better to let the guilty go unpunished; when guilt is doubtful, lean light; when merit is doubtful, lean heavy—such is the clear law the ancient sage kings handed down. I hold that following Fan Quan's regulations is acceptable." Attendant Sheng Quan argued, "Fan Quan's new regulations at the ministry of justice and Minister Zhou Hongzheng's clear argument both accord with the Yu canon to lean light and the Yin hymn to spread rectitude. I have examined Shen Zhongyou's list: since the new rules there have been eleven cases; ten were interrogated, and only one confessed. I hold that for prisoners tainted with guilt, officials should argue the case clearly and exhaust the facts. If the crime is doubtful, they should open review and divide judgment, and not interrogate at random; if the crime is clearly proved, only then may they set interrogation; then guilt and innocence are distinguished, and mercy in punishment follows reason. Fan Quan's memorial cites Han law: "For capital crimes and removal from the registers, when proof is clear and beating under examination has been applied yet the accused still conceals and will not submit, the case should be listed and sent up." Du Yu's commentary says, "Listed up means the clearly proved circumstances, listing the intent to conceal." The old rules were severe: one in a hundred did not confess; the new rules are lenient: nine in ten did not confess. The two texts differ in leniency and severity, yet "listed and sent up" is nowhere revised. I hold the matter should go to the codex office to examine further the phrase "listed and sent up." Zhu argued, "Night interrogation is easy to abuse; using the day clepsydra as well is acceptable. But clepsydra periods differ between past and present. In the Han shu on calendrics and the clepsydra classics of He Chengtian, Zu Chongzhi, and the Hui father and son, from gate drum to lower drum and from afternoon drum to gate drum are all thirteen marks, alike through the four seasons. If the day was long or short, the division fell before or after midday. Now the revised clepsydra of late Liang is used: after the lower drum the short and long are divided; on the summer solstice each period has seventeen marks, on the winter solstice twelve. I bow to receive the imperial order: the marks match the edict; checking one day's marks they are indeed equal, yet use through the four seasons is not equal. The court tribunal's memorial says that because the time marks were too short, Collation variant: (dao). The prisoners did not confess. [9] My intent is to end night interrogation and use the day clepsydra, weighing past and present and harmonizing both systems, setting aside autumn and winter's fewer marks and following summer's long daylight—regardless of season, following the present summer solstice with seventeen marks each for morning and evening interrogation. Compared with the ancient clepsydra, each session has four more marks than of old [1]; using the present clepsydra, the winter solstice has five more marks [10]. Although at the winter solstice several marks encroach on night, that is when days are shortest [11]; there is no difficulty in the matter. May the guilty not resist because the clepsydra is short, and prisoners not at night Collation variant: (zhi). And suffer false conviction; [12] in my humble view this is acceptable." The assembly held that Fan Quan's former regulations should be followed. Emperor Gaozong said, "Attendant Shen's argument hits the mean; hold a broader discussion." Left assistant minister Zong Yuanyao argued, "Attendant Shen's argument does not suddenly diverge from Fan's; he wishes to equalize mark counts through the four seasons and weigh what best meets leniency and severity. Let the same memorial be sent back to the revision office to examine and amend the former regulations in detail." Emperor Gaozong approved and put it into effect.
16
洙以太建元年卒,時年五十二。
Zhu died in year 1 of Taijian, aged fifty-two.
17
戚羇字公文,吳郡鹽官人也。 祖顯,齊給事中。 父霸,梁臨賀王府中兵參軍。
Qi Ji, styled Gongwen, was from Yanguan in Wu commandery. His grandfather Xian was Qi supervisor of attendants. His father Ba was Liang central army major in the Prince of Linhe's household.
18
羇少聰慧,遊學京都,受三禮於國子助教劉文紹,一二年中,大義略備。 年十九,梁武帝敕策孔子正言并周禮、禮記義,羇對高第。 仍除揚州祭酒從事史。
Ji was clever from youth; he studied in the capital under erudite assistant Liu Wenshao in the Three Rites and within a year or two had the great principles largely in hand. At nineteen, Emperor Wu of Liang examined him on the Correct Meaning of Confucius and the Zhou li and Li ji; Ji placed at the top. He was then made retainer of the libationer of Yangzhou.
19
就國子博士宋懷方質儀禮義,懷方北人,自魏攜儀禮、禮記疏,祕惜不傳,及將亡,謂家人曰「吾死後,戚生若赴,便以儀禮、禮記義本付之,若其不來,即宜隨屍而殯」。 其為儒者推許如此。 尋兼太學博士。
He went to imperial academy erudite Song Huaifang to question the Yi li; Huaifang was a northerner who had brought Yi li and Li ji commentaries from Wei and kept them secret. When he was dying he told his family, "After my death, if Student Qi comes, give him the Yi li and Li ji texts; if he does not come, bury them with me." Such was the esteem in which Confucians held him. Soon he was additionally made erudite of the grand academy.
20
梁簡文在東宮,召羇講論。 又嘗置宴集玄儒之士,先命道學互相質難,次令中庶子徐摛馳騁大義,間以劇談。 摛辭辯縱橫,難以答抗,諸人懾氣,皆失次序。 羇時騁義,〔一三〕摛與往復,羇精采自若,對答如流,簡文深加歎賞。 尋除員外散騎侍郎,又遷員外散騎常侍。 敬帝承制,出為江州長史,仍隨沈泰鎮南豫州。 泰之奔齊也,逼羇俱行,後自鄴下遁還。 又隨程文季北伐,呂梁軍敗,羇沒于周,久之得歸。 仍兼國子助教,除中衛始興王府錄事參軍。 太建十三年卒,時年六十三。
When Jianwen was crown prince, he summoned Ji to lecture. He also once gave a banquet for profound Confucians, first ordering Daoist scholars to debate one another, then ordering central palace attendant Xu Chi to range through great principles with sharp talk. Chi's rhetoric was fluent and hard to answer; all were overawed and lost their composure. Ji then ranged through the meanings [13]; he and Chi debated back and forth, Ji spirited and at ease, answering like flowing water; Jianwen deeply admired him. Soon he was made extraordinary attendant of the scattered cavalry, then promoted to regular extraordinary attendant. When Emperor Jing assumed the provisional regime, Ji went out as long marcher of Jiangzhou and followed Shen Tai in garrisoning Southern Yuzhou. When Tai fled to Qi he forced Ji to go with him; later Ji escaped back from Ye. He again followed Cheng Wenji on the northern campaign; when the armies were destroyed at Lüliang, Ji was captured by Zhou and only after a long time returned. He was again made erudite assistant of the imperial academy and appointed recorder of the Prince of Shixing's household in the central guard. He died in year 13 of Taijian, aged sixty-three.
21
羇於梁代撰三禮義記,值亂亡失,禮記義四十卷行於世。
Ji in Liang times compiled a Recorded Meaning of the Three Rites, lost in the turmoil; his forty-scroll Meaning of the Li ji circulated in the world.
22
鄭灼字茂昭,東陽信安人也。 祖惠,梁衡陽太守。 父季徽,通直散騎侍郎、建安令。
Zheng Zhuo, styled Maozhao, was from Xin'an in Dongyang. His grandfather Hui was Liang administrator of Hengyang. His father Jihui was regular attendant of direct communication of the scattered cavalry and magistrate of Jian'an.
23
灼幼而聰敏,勵志儒學,少受業于皇侃。 梁中大通五年,釋褐奉朝請。 累遷員外散騎侍郎、給事中、安東臨川王府記室參軍,轉平西邵陵王府記室。 簡文在東宮,雅愛經術,引灼為西省義學士。 承聖中,除通直散騎侍郎,兼國子博士。 尋為威戎將軍,兼中書通事舍人。 高祖、世祖之世,歷安東臨川、鎮北鄱陽二王府諮議參軍,累遷中散大夫,以本職兼國子博士。 未拜,太建十三年卒,時年六十八。
Zhuo was clever and keen from youth, devoted himself to Confucian learning, and studied under Huang Kan. In year 5 of Zhongtong of Liang he was first appointed court gentleman for the dynasty. He rose to extraordinary attendant of the scattered cavalry, attendant at the imperial banquets, and recorder of the Prince of Linchuan's pacify-the-east household, then recorder of the Prince of Shaoling's pacify-the-west household. When Jianwen was crown prince he loved the classics and brought Zhuo in as a meaning scholar of the western secretariat. In the Chengsheng era he was made regular attendant of direct communication and additionally erudite of the imperial academy. Soon he was made martial-resolution general and additionally attendant for palace affairs of the secretariat. Under Gaozu and Shizu he served as deliberator in the households of the princes of Linchuan and Poyang, rose to grand master of palace gentlemen, and in his former office was additionally erudite of the imperial academy. Before he could take the appointment he died in year 13 of Taijian, aged sixty-eight.
24
灼性精勤,尤明三禮。 少時嘗夢與皇侃遇於途,侃謂灼曰「鄭郎開口」,侃因唾灼口中,自後義理逾進。 灼家貧,抄義疏以日繼夜,筆毫盡,每削用之。 灼常蔬食,講授多苦心熱,若瓜時,輒偃臥以瓜鎮心,起便誦讀,其篤志如此。
Zhuo was by nature diligent and especially expert in the Three Rites. In youth he dreamed of meeting Huang Kan on the road; Kan said, "Young Master Zheng, open your mouth," and spat into Zhuo's mouth; from then on his grasp of principles advanced further. Zhuo's family was poor; he copied commentaries day into night, and when brush tips wore out he shaved them for reuse. Zhuo often ate vegetables; lecturing often brought heart heat; in melon season he would lie down with melon to calm his heart, then rise and recite at once—such was his devotion.
25
張崖、陸詡
Zhang Ya and Lu Xu
26
時有晉陵張崖、吳郡陸詡、吳興沈德威、會稽賀德基,俱以禮學自命。
At the time Zhang Ya of Jinling, Lu Xu of Wu, Shen Dewei of Wuxing, and He Deji of Kuaiji all styled themselves masters of ritual learning.
27
陸詡少習崔靈恩三禮義宗,梁世百濟國表求講禮博士,詔令詡行。 還除給事中、定陽令。 天嘉初,侍始興王伯茂讀,遷尚書祠部郎中。
Lu Xu in youth studied Cui Ling'en's lineage of meaning in the Three Rites; in Liang times Baekje requested an erudite to lecture on the rites, and an edict ordered Xu to go. On his return he was made attendant at the imperial banquets and magistrate of Dingyang. At the beginning of Tianjia he attended Prince Bomao of Shixing in study and was promoted to director of the masters of writing for the rites bureau.
28
沈德威
Shen Dewei
29
賀德基
He Deji
30
賀德基字承業,世傳禮學。 祖文發,父淹,仕梁俱為祠部郎,並有名當世。 德基少遊學于京邑,積年不歸,衣資罄乏,又恥服故弊,盛冬止衣裌襦袴。 嘗於白馬寺前逢一婦人,容服甚盛,呼德基入寺門,脫白綸巾以贈之。 仍謂德基曰:「君方為重器,不久貧寒,故以此相遺耳。」 德基問嫗姓名,不答而去。 德基於禮記稱為精明,居以傳授,累遷尚書祠部郎。 德基雖不至大官,而三世儒學,俱為祠部,時論美其不墜焉。
He Deji, styled Chengye, transmitted ritual learning through the generations. His grandfather Wenfa and father Yan both served Liang as directors of the masters of writing for the rites bureau and were famed in their age. Deji in youth studied in the capital; for years he did not return, his clothing and funds were exhausted, and he was ashamed to wear old garments—in deep winter he wore only a lined jacket and trousers. He once met a woman before White Horse Temple in splendid dress; she called Deji into the temple gate and gave him her white silk headcloth. She then said to Deji, "You are about to become a great vessel; soon you will not be poor and cold, so I give you this." Deji asked the old woman's name; she did not answer and left. Deji was called penetratingly clear in the Li ji; he lived by teaching and rose to director of the masters of writing for the rites bureau. Although Deji did not reach high office, three generations of Confucian learning all held the rites bureau, and opinion praised that the line did not fall.
31
全緩字弘立,吳郡錢塘人也。 幼受易于博士褚仲都,篤志研翫,得其精微。 梁太清初,歷王國侍郎、奉朝請,俄轉國子助教,兼司義郎,專講詩、易。 紹泰元年,除尚書水部郎。 太建中,累遷〔鎮〕南始興王府諮議參軍,〔一四〕隨府詣湘州,以疾卒,時年七十四。 緩治周易、老、莊,時人言玄者咸推之。
Quan Huan, styled Hongli, was from Qiantang in Wu commandery. In youth he studied the Changes under erudite Chu Zhongdu, devoted himself to study, and obtained its subtle points. At the beginning of Taiqing of Liang he served as gentleman of the princely household and court gentleman; soon he was made erudite assistant and additionally director of meanings, specializing in the Odes and Changes. In year 1 of Shaotai he was made director of the masters of writing for the water bureau. In the Taijian era he rose to deliberator in the pacify-south household of the Prince of Shixing [14]; he followed the establishment to Xiangzhou and died of illness, aged seventy-four. Huan mastered the Zhou yi, Lao zi, and Zhuang zi; among those who spoke of the arcane he was universally praised.
32
張譏字直言,清河武城人也。 祖僧寶,梁散騎侍郎、太子洗馬。 父仲悅,梁廬陵王府錄事參軍、尚書祠部郎中。
Zhang Ji, styled Zhiyan, was from Wucheng in Qinghe. His grandfather Sengbao was Liang attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry and groom of the heir apparent. His father Zhongyue was Liang recording adviser to the prince of Luling's household and bureau director of sacrifices in the masters of writing.
33
譏幼聰俊,有思理,年十四,通孝經、論語。 篤好玄言,受學于汝南周弘正,每有新意,為先輩推伏。 梁大同中,召補國子正言生。 梁武帝嘗於文德殿釋乾、坤文言,譏與陳郡袁憲等預焉,敕令論譏,諸儒莫敢先出,譏乃整容而進,諮審循環,辭令溫雅。 梁武帝甚異之,賜裙襦絹等,仍云「表卿稽古之力」。
Ji was clever and sharp from youth, with thoughtful discernment; at fourteen he had mastered the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects. He deeply loved xuanxue, studied under Zhou Hongzheng of Runan, and whenever he had a fresh insight the elders deferred to him. In Liang's Datong era he was summoned as a regular student of the imperial university. Emperor Wu of Liang once explained the Wenyan on Qian and Kun at Wendé Hall; Ji was there with Yuan Xian of Chen commandery and others. An edict ordered debate, but none of the scholars dared speak first. Ji composed himself and advanced; inquiry went round and round, his words warm and refined. Emperor Wu was greatly struck, granted skirts, robes, and silk, and said, "This shows your power in examining antiquity."
34
譏幼喪母,有錯綵經帕,即母之遺製,及有所識,家人具以告之,每歲時輒對帕哽噎,不能自勝。 及丁父憂,居喪過禮。 服闋,召補湘東王國左常侍,轉田曹參軍,遷士林館學士。
Ji lost his mother young. There was a patched colorful sutra cloth his mother had made; when he came to understand, the household told him. Each year at the season he would choke over the cloth, unable to master himself. When his father's mourning came due, his observance exceeded the rites. When mourning ended he was summoned as left regular attendant in the prince of Xiangdong's kingdom, transferred to field-office adviser, and made a scholar of the Forest of Gentlemen hall.
35
簡文在東宮,出士林館發孝經題,譏論議往復,甚見嗟賞,自是每有講集,必遣使召譏。 及侯景寇逆,於圍城之中,猶侍哀太子於武德後殿講老、莊。 梁臺陷,譏崎嶇避難,卒不事景。 景平,歷臨安令。
When Jianwen was in the Eastern Palace he issued a topic on the Classic of Filial Piety from the Forest of Gentlemen; Ji's back-and-forth discourse won high praise, and from then on every lecture gathering sent for him. When Hou Jing rebelled, even within the besieged city he still attended the lament-heir at Wude rear hall to lecture on Laozi and Zhuangzi. When the Liang regime fell, Ji fled by a rugged path and never served Jing. After Jing was pacified, he served in turn as magistrate of Lin'an.
36
高祖受禪,除太常丞,轉始興王府刑獄參軍。 天嘉中,遷國子助教。 是時周弘正在國學,發周易題,弘正第四弟弘直亦在講席。 譏與弘正論議,弘正乃屈,弘直危坐厲聲,助其申理。 譏乃正色謂弘直曰:「今日義集,辯正名理,雖知兄弟急難,四公不得有助。」 弘直曰:「僕助君師,何為不可?」 舉座以為笑樂。 弘正嘗謂人曰:「吾每登座,見張譏在席,使人懍然。」 高宗世,歷建安王府記室參軍,兼東宮學士,轉武陵王限內記室,學士如故。
When the Founder received the abdication he was made vice director of the court for imperial sacrifices, then criminal-prison adviser in the prince of Shixing's household. In the Tianchen era he was made assistant teacher of the imperial university. At that time Zhou Hongzheng was at the national academy and issued a topic on the Book of Changes; his fourth younger brother Hongzhi was also on the lecture seat. Ji debated with Hongzheng until Hongzheng yielded. Hongzhi sat upright and raised his voice to help state his case. Ji then said sternly to Hongzhi, "Today's gathering debates principles. Though brothers rush to each other's aid, you, fourth sir, may not help." Hongzhi said, "I assist my master's master—why not?" The whole assembly laughed. Hongzheng once said, "Whenever I mount the seat and see Zhang Ji in the hall, it makes one stand in awe." Under Emperor Gaozong he was recording secretary to the prince of Jian'an's household and eastern-palace scholar, then recording secretary within the limits for the prince of Wuling, still a scholar.
37
後主在東宮,集官僚置宴,時造玉柄麈尾新成,後主親執之,曰:「當今雖復多士如林,至於堪捉此者,獨張譏耳。」 即手授譏。 仍令於溫文殿講莊、老,高宗幸宮臨聽,賜御所服衣一襲。 後主嗣位,領南平王府諮議參軍、東宮學士。 尋遷國子博士,學士如故。 後主嘗幸鍾山開善寺召從臣坐於寺西南松林下,敕召譏豎義。 時索麈尾未至,後主敕取松枝,手以屬譏,曰「可代麈尾」。 顧謂群臣曰「此即是張譏後事」。 禎明三年入隋,終於長安,時年七十六。
When the Later Ruler was crown prince he gathered officials for a banquet. A new jade-handled fly-whisk had just been made; he held it and said, "Though scholars today are thick as a forest, only Zhang Ji can wield this." He thereupon handed it to Ji in person. He then had Ji lecture on Zhuangzi and Laozi at Wenwen Hall; Emperor Gaozong visited the palace to listen and granted one suit of his own robes. When the Later Ruler succeeded he was advising secretary to the prince of Nanping's household and eastern-palace scholar. Soon he was made erudite of the imperial university, still a scholar. The Later Ruler once visited Kaishan Temple on Zhongshan, had his followers sit in the pine grove southwest of the temple, and ordered Ji to set forth the doctrine. When the fly-whisk had not arrived, the Later Ruler ordered a pine branch taken and gave it to Ji, saying, "It can replace the fly-whisk." Turning to the ministers he said, "This is Zhang Ji's business hereafter." In Zhenming year 3 he entered Sui and died at Chang'an, aged seventy-six.
38
譏性恬靜,不求榮利,常慕閑逸,所居宅營山池,植花果,講周易、老、莊而教授焉。 吳郡陸元朗、朱孟博、一乘寺沙門法才、法雲寺沙門慧休、〔一五〕至真觀道士姚綏,皆傳其業。 譏所撰周易義三十卷,尚書義十五卷,毛詩義二十卷,孝經義八卷,論語義二十卷,老子義十一卷,莊子內篇義十二卷,外篇義二十卷,雜篇義十卷,玄部通義十二卷,又撰遊玄桂林二十四卷,後主嘗敕人就其家寫入祕閣。
Ji was tranquil by nature and sought no glory or profit, often yearning for leisure. His residence had hills and pools and flowers and fruit; there he lectured on the Changes, Laozi, and Zhuangzi. Lu Yuanlang of Wu commandery, Zhu Mengbo, the monk Facai of Yicheng Temple, the monk Huixiu of Fayun Temple, [15] and the Daoist priest Yao Sui of Zhizhen Abbey—all transmitted his learning. Ji wrote Meaning of the Zhou Changes in 30 juan, Meaning of the Documents in 15, Meaning of the Mao Odes in 20, Meaning of the Filial Classic in 8, Meaning of the Analects in 20, Meaning of Laozi in 11, Inner Chapters of Zhuangzi in 12, Outer Chapters in 20, Miscellaneous Chapters in 10, and Comprehensive Meaning of the Mystic Canon in 12; he also wrote Roaming the Mystic Cassia Grove in 24. The Later Ruler once ordered them copied from his home into the secret archive.
39
子孝則,官至始安王記室參軍。
His son Xiaozhe rose to recording secretary to the prince of Shi'an.
40
顧越字思南,〔一六〕吳郡鹽官人也。 所居新坡黃岡,世有鄉校,由是顧氏多儒學焉。
Gu Yue, styled Sinan, [16] was from Yanguan in Wu commandery. He lived at Xinpo Huangang, where for generations there had been a village school; thus the Gu clan produced many Confucian scholars.
41
時有東陽龔孟舒者,亦治毛氏詩,善談名理。 梁武世,仕至尋陽郡丞,元帝在江州,遇之甚重,躬師事焉。 承聖中,兼中書舍人。 天嘉初,除員外散騎常侍,兼國子助教、太中大夫。 太建中卒。
At the time Gong Mengshu of Dongyang also studied the Mao Odes and excelled at discussing principles of names. Under Emperor Wu of Liang he rose to assistant magistrate of Xunyang; when Emperor Yuan was at Jiangzhou he esteemed him greatly and took him as teacher in person. In the Chengsheng era he concurrently served as palace scribe. At the beginning of Tianchen he was made supernumerary attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry, concurrently assistant teacher of the imperial university and grand master for supervision of the army. He died in the Taijian era.
42
沈不害
Shen Buhai
43
沈不害字孝和,吳興武康人也。 祖總,齊尚書祠部郎。 父懿,梁邵陵王參軍。
Shen Buhai, styled Xiaohe, was from Wukang in Wuxing. His grandfather Zong was Qi director of sacrifices in the masters of writing. His father Yi was a Liang staff officer to the prince of Shaoling.
44
不害幼孤,而脩立好學。 十四,召補國子生,舉明經。 累遷梁太學博士,轉廬陵王府刑獄參軍,長沙王府諮議,帶汝南令。 天嘉初,除衡陽王府中記室參軍,兼嘉德殿學士。 自梁季喪亂,至是國學未立,不害上書曰:
Buhai was orphaned young yet cultivated himself and loved learning. At fourteen he was summoned as a student of the imperial university and nominated for mastery of the classics. He rose to Liang grand-academy doctor, then criminal-prison adviser in the prince of Luling's household, advising secretary to the prince of Changsha, and concurrently magistrate of Runan. At the beginning of Tianchen he was made middle recording secretary to the prince of Hengyang's household and scholar of the Hall of Excellent Virtue. From the disorders at the end of Liang until then the national academy had not been established; Buhai submitted a memorial saying:
45
臣聞立人建國,莫尚於尊儒,成俗化民,必崇於教學。 故東膠西序,事隆乎三代,環林璧水,業盛於兩京。 自淳源既遠,澆波已扇,物之感人無窮,人之逐欲無節,是以設訓垂範,啟導心靈,譬彼染藍,類諸琢玉,然後人倫以睦,卑高有序,忠孝之理既明,君臣之道攸固。 執禮自基,魯公所以難侮,歌樂已細,鄭伯於是前亡,干戚舞而有苗至,泮宮成而淮夷服,長想洙、泗之風,載懷淹、稷之盛,有國有家,莫不尚已。
Your servant has heard that in establishing persons and founding states nothing surpasses honoring Confucian scholars, and in completing customs and transforming the people one must exalt teaching and learning. Thus the eastern glue and western school reached their height in the Three Dynasties, and the ringed forest and jade water flourished in the Two Capitals. Since the pure source had grown distant and shallow ways had risen, things move people without end and desire knows no bounds. Therefore one sets instruction and models, opens and guides the mind, like dyeing in indigo or carving jade; only then are human relations harmonious, high and low ordered, loyalty and filial piety clear, and the way of ruler and minister firm. Taking ritual as foundation, the Duke of Lu was hard to insult; when song and music grew minute, the Earl of Zheng perished; when shield and axes were danced the Miao came; when the pan-palace was completed the Huai Yi submitted. Long to recall the wind of Zhu and Si and the flourishing of Yan and Ji—states and families all honored it.
46
梁太清季年,數鍾否剝,戎狄外侵,姦回內奰,朝聞鼓鼙,夕炤烽火。 洪儒碩學,解散甚於坑夷,五典、九丘,湮滅逾乎帷蓋。 成均自斯墜業,瞽宗於是不脩,褒成之祠弗陳祼享,釋菜之禮無稱俎豆,頌聲寂莫,遂踰一紀。 後生敦悅,不見函杖之儀,晚學鑽仰,徒深倚席之歎。
In the last years of Liang's Taiqing era misfortune struck again and again; barbarians invaded from without and wicked factions rebelled within; drums and gongs were heard in the morning, beacon fires by evening. Great Confucians and broad scholars were scattered worse than the pit-martyrs; the Five Classics and Nine Sections were lost worse than under a canopy. The accomplished mean then cast down its work; the blind-director shrine went unrepaired; the shrine of Bao Cheng offered no libation; the rite of presenting vegetables had no vessels; hymnody fell silent for more than twelve years. Later students delighted in learning but never saw the ritual of bearing the writing tablet; late scholars drilled and looked up, yet only sighed at leaning on the mat.
47
陛下繼曆升統,握鏡臨宇,道洽寰中,威加無外,濁流已清,重氛載廓,含生熙阜,品庶咸亨。 宜其弘振禮樂,建立庠序,式稽古典,紆跡儒宮,選公卿門子,皆入于學,助教博士,朝夕講肄,使擔簦負笈,鏘鏘接衽,方領矩步,濟濟成林。 如切如磋,聞詩聞禮,一年可以功倍,三冬於是足用。 故能擢秀雄州,揚庭觀國,入仕登朝,資優學以自輔,蒞官從政,有經業以治身,轖駕列庭,青紫拾地。
Your Majesty has succeeded to the throne and holds the mirror over the realm; the Way fills the seas and authority extends beyond all borders; turbid currents are clear and heavy mists dispersed; the living flourish and all ranks prosper. It is fitting to revive ritual and music grandly, establish schools, model antiquity, and dwell at the Confucian palace, selecting sons of dukes and ministers for study, with assistant teachers and erudites lecturing morning and evening, so that those who shoulder book-boxes and carry satchels press thick as a forest, square-collared and measured in step. As if cutting, as if polishing; hearing the Odes and Rites—one year doubles the work, three winters suffice for use. Thus one can raise excellence in a commandery and one's name at court; enter office and ascend court aided by superior learning; take office and govern with classic learning to order the person—carriages fill the court and blue and purple are gathered from the ground.
48
古者王世子之貴,猶與國子齒,降及漢儲,茲禮不墜,暨乎兩晉,斯事彌隆,所以見師嚴而道尊者也。 皇太子天縱生知,無待審喻,猶宜晦跡俯同,專經請業,奠爵前師,肅若舊典。 昔闕里之堂,莫萊自辟,舊宅之內,絲竹流音,前聖遺烈,深以炯戒。 況復江表無虞,海外有截,豈得不開闡大猷,恢弘至道? 寧可使玄教儒風,弗興聖世,盛德大業,遂蘊堯年? 臣末學小生,詞無足筭,輕獻瞽言,伏增悚惕。 詔答曰:「省表聞之。 自舊章弛廢,微言將絕,朕嗣膺寶業,念在緝熙,而兵革未息,軍國草創,常恐前王令典,一朝泯滅。 卿才思優洽,文理可求,弘惜大體,殷勤名教,付外詳議,依事施行。
In antiquity the crown prince's nobility still ranked with the sons of the state; down to the Han heir this ritual did not fall; in the two Jin it grew more exalted—thus the teacher is honored and the Way respected. The crown prince is heaven-bestowed with innate knowledge and needs no repeated explanation, yet he should still bow level with others, specialize in the classics and request instruction, and set forth the libation cup before the teacher, solemn as the old canon. Formerly in the hall at Que Li, Mo Lai opened his own path; within the old dwelling silk and bamboo streamed—the former sage's legacy warns sharply. Moreover the lands south of the Yangtze are secure and the seas are cut off—how can one fail to open the great plan and extend the utmost Way? Could one allow the dark teaching and Confucian wind not to rise in a sage age, or great virtue and great enterprise to lie hidden like Yao's years? Your servant, a petty late student whose words are not worth reckoning, lightly offers blind counsel and bows in dread. An edict replied, "Your memorial has been read. Since old regulations were abandoned, subtle words were about to perish. We have succeeded to the precious enterprise and seek to draw brightness close, yet arms have not ceased and army and state are still newly founded; We constantly fear the former kings' ordered canon may be extinguished in a morning. Your talent and thought are excellent, your wen and li can be sought; broadly cherish the great body and earnestly attend the teaching of names—deliver outside for detailed deliberation and implement according to affairs.
49
又表改定樂章,詔使製三朝樂歌八首,合二十八曲,行之樂府。
He also memorialized to revise ritual hymns; an edict had him compose eight three-court music songs, twenty-eight pieces in all, for the Music Office.
50
五年,除灨令。 入為尚書儀曹郎,遷國子博士,領羽林監,敕治五禮,掌策文謚議。 太建中,除仁武南康嗣王府長史,行丹陽郡事。 轉員外散騎常侍、光祿卿。 尋為戎昭將軍、明威武陵王長史,行吳興郡事。 俄入為通直散騎常侍,兼尚書左丞。 十二年卒,時年六十三。
In year 5 he was made magistrate of Gan. He entered service as bureau director of ceremonies in the masters of writing, became erudite of the imperial university, headed the feathered forest guard, was ordered to compile the five rites, and managed draft texts for posthumous titles. In the Taijian era he was chief steward to the prince of Renwu, heir of Nan and Kang, and acted in Danyang affairs. He was transferred to supernumerary attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry and minister of the household for the imperial clan. Soon he was martial-proclamation general and chief steward to the prince of Mingwu in Wuling, acting in Wuxing affairs. Shortly he entered service as attendant-in-ordinary for direct communication and left assistant in the masters of writing. In year 12 he died, aged sixty-three.
51
不害治經術,善屬文,雖博綜墳典,而家無卷軸。 每製文,操筆立成,曾無尋檢。 僕射汝南周弘正常稱之曰:「沈生可謂意聖人乎!」 著治五禮儀一百卷,文集十四卷。
Buhai mastered the classics and excelled at composition; though broadly versed in the canonical tomes, his home had no scrolls. Whenever he composed he took up the brush and finished at once, never needing to search or check. Vice director Zhou Hongzheng of Runan always said, "Master Shen may be called a sage of ideas!" He wrote Correcting the Five Rites Protocols in one hundred juan and collected writings in fourteen juan.
52
子志道,字崇基,少知名。 解褐揚州主簿,尋兼文林著士,歷安東新蔡王記室參軍。 禎明三年入隋。
His son Zhidao, styled Chongji, was known from youth. On first appointment he was registrar of Yangzhou; soon he was also a Palace Forest scholar and recording secretary to the prince of Andong in Xin. In Zhenming year 3 he entered Sui.
53
王元規
Wang Yuangui
54
王元規字正範,太原晉陽人也。 祖道寶,〔二0〕齊員外散騎常侍、晉安郡守。 父瑋,梁武陵王府中記室參軍。
Wang Yuangui, styled Zhengfan, was from Jinyang in Taiyuan. His grandfather Daobao, [20] was Qi supernumerary attendant-in-ordinary of the scattered cavalry and administrator of Jin'an commandery. His father Wei was middle recording secretary to the prince of Wuling's household.
55
元規八歲而孤,兄弟三人,隨母依舅氏往臨海郡,時年十二。 郡土豪劉瑱者,資財巨萬,以女妻之。 元規母以其兄弟幼弱,欲結彊援,元規泣請曰:「姻不失親,〔二一〕古人所重。 豈得苟安異壤,輒婚非類!」 母感其言而止。
Yuangui was orphaned at eight; he and his two brothers followed their mother to their uncle's house in Linhai commandery when he was twelve. A local magnate, Liu Zhen, had wealth in the tens of millions and offered his daughter in marriage. Yuangui's mother, because the brothers were young, wished to secure a powerful ally; Yuangui wept and pleaded, "Marriage must not lose kin—[21] ancients held it weighty. How can one for ease in a foreign land rashly marry outside one's kind!" His mother was moved and stopped.
56
元規性孝,事母甚謹,晨昏未嘗離左右。 梁時山陰縣有暴水,流漂居宅,元規唯有一小船,倉卒引其母妹并孤姪入船,〔二二〕元規自執楫棹而去,留其男女三人,閣於樹杪,及水退獲全,時人皆稱其至行。
Yuangui was filial by nature and served his mother with utmost care, never leaving her side morning or evening. In Liang times a sudden flood in Shanyin swept away their dwelling; Yuangui had only one small boat and in haste put his mother, younger sister, and orphaned nephews aboard, [22] while he himself took the oars and went off, leaving three kin lodged in the treetops; when the water receded all were saved, and people praised his utmost conduct.
57
後主在東宮,引為學士,親受禮記、左傳、喪服等義,賞賜優厚。 遷國子祭酒。 新安王伯固嘗因入宮適會元規將講,乃啟請執經,時論以為榮。 俄除尚書祠部郎。 自梁代諸儒相傳為左氏學者,皆以賈逵、服虔之義難駮杜預,凡一百八十條,元規引證通析,無復疑滯。 每國家議吉凶大禮,常參預焉。 丁母憂去職,服闋,除鄱陽王府中錄事參軍,俄轉散騎侍郎,遷南平王府限內參軍。 王為江州,元規隨府之鎮,四方學徒,不遠千里來請道者,常數十百人。 禎明三年入隋,為秦王府東閤祭酒。 年七十四,卒於廣陵。
When the Later Ruler was crown prince he was summoned as scholar and personally received instruction in the Record of Rites, Zuo Tradition, and Mourning Garments, with generous rewards. He was made director of the imperial university. Prince Xin'an Bogu once entered the palace just as Yuangui was about to lecture and petitioned to hold the classics; opinion at the time took it as an honor. Soon he was appointed master of writing in the bureau of temples. Since Liang, Zuo-tradition scholars had used Jia Kui and Fu Qian to challenge Du Yu in 180 points; Yuangui cited and analyzed them until nothing was left in doubt. Whenever the state debated great rites of fortune and misfortune, he regularly took part. On his mother's death he left office; when mourning ended he became recorder in the prince of Poyang's household, soon regular attendant of the scattered cavalry, then limited attendant in the prince of Nanping's household. When the prince went to Jiangzhou, Yuangui followed the staff; students from every quarter came a thousand li to seek instruction—often scores or hundreds at a time. In Zhenming year 3 he entered Sui and became eastern-pavilion sacrificial wine to the prince of Qin. At seventy-four he died at Guangling.
58
元規著春秋發題辭及義記十一卷,〔二三〕續經典大義十四卷,孝經義記兩卷,左傳音三卷,禮記音兩卷。
Yuangui wrote eleven scrolls of Spring and Autumn opening topics and expository records, [23] fourteen scrolls continuing classic great meanings, two on the Classic of Filial Piety, three on Zuo's sounds, and two on the Rites' sounds.
59
子大業,聰敏知名。
His son Daye was clever and well known.
60
時有吳郡陸慶,少好學,遍知五經,尤明春秋左氏傳,節操甚高。 釋褐梁武陵王國右常侍,歷征西府墨曹行參軍,除婁令。 值梁季喪亂,乃覃心釋典,經論靡不該究。 天嘉初,徵為通直散騎侍郎,不就。 永陽王為吳郡太守,聞其名,欲與相見,慶固辭以疾。 時宗人陸榮為郡五官掾,慶嘗詣焉,王乃微服往榮第,穿壁以觀之。 王謂榮曰:「觀陸慶風神凝峻,殆不可測,嚴君平、鄭子真何以尚茲。」 鄱陽、晉安王俱以記室徵,並不就。 乃築室屏居,以禪誦為事,由是傳經受業者蓋鮮焉。
At the time Lu Qing of Wu commandery had loved learning from youth, mastered the Five Classics, and was especially expert in Zuo's Commentary, with very high integrity. On first appointment he was right ordinary attendant in the prince of Wuling's Liang kingdom, served as acting aide in the campaign-west ink bureau, and was appointed magistrate of Lou. When Liang fell into turmoil he turned his mind to Buddhist sutras and mastered every sutra and treatise. Early in Tianchen he was summoned as undifferentiated attendant of the scattered cavalry but declined. Prince Yongyang, as Wu commandery administrator, heard of him and wished to meet; Qing firmly pleaded illness. His clansman Lu Rong was the commandery's five-offices aide; when Qing visited him, the prince went in disguise to Rong's house and watched through a wall. The prince told Rong, "Seeing Lu Qing's bearing—severe and lofty—he is hardly fathomable; how could Yan Junping or Zheng Zizhen be ranked above him?" The princes of Poyang and Jin'an both summoned him as recorder; he accepted neither. He then built a secluded dwelling and made chanting meditation his occupation; from then on those who transmitted the classics and took pupils were few indeed.
61
【評】
Appraisal
62
史臣曰:夫砥身勵行,必先經術,樹國崇家,率由茲道,故王政因之而至治,人倫得之而攸序。 若沈文阿之徒,各專經授業,亦一代之鴻儒焉。 文阿加復草創禮儀,蓋叔孫通之流亞矣。
The historiographer says: To hone the person and exhort conduct one must first master the classics; to establish the state and honor the family all follow this path—thus royal government through it reaches good order, and human relations through it keep their proper sequence. Men like Shen Wena, each devoted to the classics and teaching pupils, were great Confucians of their generation as well. Wena moreover helped draft rites at their inception—he was nearly in Shusun Tong's class.
63
校勘記
Collation notes
64
〔一〕斯則王教之典籍先聖所以明天道北監本、殿本作「以教之典籍,斯則先聖所以明天道」。
On "then the kingly teaching's canon scriptures whereby the former sages illuminate Heaven's Way": the Northern Supervisory and Hall editions read "the teaching's canon scriptures, then whereby the former sages illuminate Heaven's Way."
65
〔二〕 (開) 〔置〕弟子員據北監本、汲本、殿本改。
Note 2. Collation variant: (opening). On "[establish] student slots": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions.
66
〔三〕總以五經教授 (唯國學乃經) 經各置助教云據北監本、殿本刪。 按南史儒林傳序亦無此五字。
On "[3] overall to instruct with the five classics" Collation variant: (only the National University then classics). On "each classic had its own assistant instructor": deleted per the Northern Supervisory and Hall editions. The Southern History preface to the Confucian Scholars biography also lacks these five characters.
67
〔四〕尚書右丞庾持奉詔遣博士議其禮「尚書右丞」南史作「尚書左丞」。 按庾持傳,持於天嘉初遷尚書左丞。
On "[4] right vice director of the masters of writing Yu Chi received the edict dispatching erudites to deliberate the rites": the Southern History reads left vice director for right vice director. Yu Chi's biography has him moved to left vice director in early Tianchen.
68
〔五〕祖休稚「休稚」南史作「休季」。 金陵局本作「休雅」,殆稚雅形近而訛。
On "[5] ancestor Xiu Zhi": the Southern History reads Xiu Ji for Xiu Zhi. The Jinling Bureau edition reads Xiu Ya—probably zhi and ya are shape-similar corruptions.
69
〔六〕唯主 (祭) 〔喪〕者不除據禮記喪服小記原文改。
On "[6] only the host" Collation variant: (sacrifice). On "[mourning] observers do not remove": emended per the original text of Liji, "Mourning Garments," minor record.
70
〔七〕此蓋禮之正也「正」原本訛「主」,各本不訛,今改正。
On "[7] this is probably the correct point of ritual": the base text wrongly wrote host for correct; other editions are sound; now emended.
71
〔八〕身無完者「者」南、北監本及汲本並作「膚」。 按漢書張耳陳餘傳正作「身無完者」,「者」作「膚」,乃後人臆改。
On "[8] body without intact parts": zhe in the Southern and Northern Supervisory and Ji editions all read fu (skin). The Hanshu biography of Zhang Er and Chen Yu correctly reads "body without intact parts"; writing fu for zhe is a later unwarranted change.
72
〔九〕 (到) 〔致〕罪人不款據北監本、汲本、殿本及南史、元龜六一五改。
Note 9. Collation variant: (arrive). On "[bring] criminals not to kneel": emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions, the Southern History, and Yuan Gui 615.
73
〔一0〕則〔一〕上多昔四刻據南史及元龜六一五補。 按「一上」謂行測刑一次。
On "[10] then [one] on top added four quarter-mark days": supplied per the Southern History and Yuan Gui 615. "One on top" means performing graduated punishment once.
74
〔一一〕正是少日「正」原本訛「五」,各本不訛,今改正。
On "[11] this was few days": the base text wrongly wrote five for correct; other editions are sound; now emended.
75
〔一二〕獄囚無以在夜 (之) 〔而〕致誣據各本及南史改。
On "[12] prisoners have no means to be in the night" Collation variant: (of). On "[er] leading to false accusation": emended per all editions and the Southern History.
76
〔一三〕羇時騁義北監本、殿本作「羇時說朝聘義」,南史作「時羇說朝聘義」。
On "[13] while detained he expounded meanings": the Northern Supervisory and Hall read "while detained he explained court-audience meanings"; the Southern History reads "when detained he explained court-audience meanings."
77
〔一四〕太建中累遷〔鎮〕南始興王府諮議參軍按始興王叔陵傳,叔陵於太建四年遷鎮南將軍,明「南」上脫一「鎮」字,南史有,今據補。
On "[14] in Taijian repeatedly advanced to [pacifies] the south prince of Shixing's staff counsel": Shuling's biography has him made general who pacifies the south in Taijian year 4; south clearly lacks pacifies; the Southern History has it; now supplied.
78
〔一五〕法雲寺沙門慧休殿本考證云「休」南史作「拔」。
On "[15] Fayun Temple monk Huixiu": the Hall edition notes xiu in the Southern History reads ba.
79
〔一六〕顧越字思南殿本考證云「思」南史作「允」。
On "[16] Gu Yue styled Sinan": the Hall edition notes si in the Southern History reads yun.
80
〔一七〕傍通異義「異」字原本墨丁,據各本補。
On "[17] beside connecting variant meanings": the character yi (variant) was an ink dot in the base text; supplied per all editions.
81
〔一八〕除始興王諮議參軍南史作「除東中郎鄱陽王府諮議參軍」。 張森楷校勘記云:「按鄱陽王伯山傳,伯山曾為東中郎,『始興王』應依南史作『鄱陽王』。」
On "[18] appointed staff counsel to the prince of Shixing": the Southern History reads appointed staff counsel to the prince of Poyang's eastern center commandant household. Zhang Senkai's collation note says: per Prince Poyang Boshan's biography, Boshan once was eastern center commandant—"prince of Shixing" should follow the Southern History as "prince of Poyang."
82
〔一九〕時年七十八「七十八」南史作「七十七」。
On "[19] at the time age seventy-eight": seventy-eight in the Southern History reads seventy-seven.
83
〔二0〕祖道寶殿本考證云「寶」南史作「實」。
On "[20] grandfather Dao Bao": the Hall edition notes bao in the Southern History reads shi.
84
〔二一〕姻不失親按語本論語「因不失其親」,此以因作婚姻解,故改「因」為「姻」。 詳錢大昕廿二史考異。
On "[21] marriage alliance does not lose kin": the Analects reads "yin does not lose kin"; here yin is taken as marriage alliance, so yin was written as marriage yin. See Qian Daxin's Collation of the Twenty-Four Histories in detail.
85
〔二二〕倉卒引其母妹並孤姪入船殿本考證云「孤」南史作「姑」。
On "[22] hurriedly drew his mother, younger sister, and orphaned nephew into the boat": the Hall edition notes orphan in the Southern History reads paternal aunt.
86
〔二三〕元規著春秋發題辭及義記十一卷按:經典釋文敘錄言沈文阿撰春秋義略未竟,王元規續成之。 隋書經籍志有王元規續沈文阿春秋左氏傳義略十卷。 此「義記」當為「義略」之訛。
On "[23] Yuangui authored Spring and Autumn opening topics and expository records eleven scrolls": the Jingdian shiwen xulu says Shen Wena's Spring and Autumn expository outline was unfinished and Wang Yuangui completed it. The Sui Treatise on Bibliography lists Wang Yuangui's continuation of Shen Wena's Zuo Commentary expository outline in ten scrolls. Expository Records here should be the error for Expository Outline.